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International Journal of Korean (Vol.11, Dec.2007) 1 G

G G G The Protestant Church as a Political Training Ground in Modern * G G G Chung-shin PARK** G G Introduction

A great majority of the personages on the political scene right after the liberation in 1945 were Protestant church leaders and members. In addition to moderate to left-wing leaders such as Kim Kyusik, Yo Unhyong, Kang Yang'uk and Ch'oe Yonggon, major personalities of the right such as , Kim Ku, Cho Mansik, Yi Yunyong and Yi Siyong were also church leaders or Christians. Especially after the emergence of two separate regimes in the north and the south, in the south, Christians came to occupy some 40 percent of political leadership positions, even though they constituted less than 10 percent of the south GGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGGG * This article is a revision of my paper, which I read at the symposium on “The Impact of Christianity on Korean Culture' at the Center for Korean Studies, University of California, Los Angeles, held on Mat 7, 2004. It is based on my previous works, such as Chung-shin Park, Protestantism and in Korea (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2003; Pak Chongsin (Chung-shin Park), Han'guk kidokkyosa insik (A New Understanding of Korean Church History), (: Hye'an, 2004), Han'guk kidokkto ilgi (A Historical Reading of Korean Christianity), (Seaol: Tarakbang, 2004) and so forth. ** Professor, Department of Christian Studies, Soongsil University 2 The Protestant Church as a Political Training Ground in Modern Korea G Korean population.1 It is interesting to note that at his inauguration as the first president of the Republic of Korea on August 15, 1948, Syngman Rhee took an oath of office with his hand on the Bible, a gesture unprecedented in Korean history.2 At the opening ceremony, over which he presided as speaker before the presidential inauguration, Rhee told the audience to rise and had Assemblyman Yi Yunyong, a Christian minister, led a prayer of thanks.3 The first National Assembly and the first presidential inauguration in a land steeped in , Buddhism, and folk cults were begun with Christian ceremonies. All signs at the beginning of the Rhee's regime indicated the opening of a “Christian era,” as a prominent Korean historian says.4 This phenomenon is indeed an intriguing subject for research. For some reasons, however, the Christian background of these individuals is not mentioned at all, or only tangentially, in the literature. It would be an intriguing subject to see how these Christians came to assume leadership positions in the south.5 Some scholars have argued that the presence of the called forth a friendly response from Korean Christians and enabled cooperation between the occupation forces and the Protestant church. The stationing of American troops, they say, facilitated the advance of Protestant Christians to positions of responsibility.6 In fact, the US appointed many Christians to work in its offices. But one should not overemphasize this factor, for the American command did not particularly favor Christian elements over other political forces. According to Bruce Cumings, when the Americans arrived in Korea on September 9, 1945, they first sought support from collaborators with the Japanese, moderate nationalists, and generally well-to-do who later coalesced into the Korean Democratic Party (KDA), Hanmindang, of Kim Songsu, more than they looked for support from the Committee for the Preparation of Korean Independence (CPKI), Kon'guk chunbi wiwonhoe, of Yo Unhyong, which contained more Christians. For example, whereas five of twenty-six members of the cabinet proposed by the KDP were Christian, six out of ten members of the CPKI-proposed cabinet were Christian. The American Chung-shin PARK 3 G command named eleven Koreans, of whom four were Christian, to the Advisory Council it established on October 9, 1945. However, among these four Christian leaders, Yo Unhyong soon resigned and Cho Mansik was still in North Korea. In effect, the American command had appointed only two Christians to the eleven-member council. Most of the appointed council members from the KDP were landlords, businessmen and .7 Scholars also have pointed out that the Christian community responded amicably to the emergence of Syngman Rhee as the first president of Korea, and cooperation between the two forces soon reached the point where a coalition between the secular and the spiritual was achieved. Rhee, Christians maintained, facilitated the advance of church leaders to higher government positions.8 It is true that Rhee tried to obtain the church's support in order to make up for his lack of a home base upon his return from a long exile. His maneuvering for Christian support worked well; not only was he the best- known Korean Christian leader, but his close advisers were also Christians.9 But we should not overlook the important fact that church leaders had already assumed leadership positions in Korea by the time of his return. It would be superficial, therefore, to say that Christian leaders were appointed to higher government posts on the ground of religion. Such circumstances as the U.S. occupation and the emergence of Syngman Rhee helped Christians merely to consolidate their leadership position in . I have argued that Christians had already became a dominant political force in Korea by the time of liberation from .10 In 1944, there were 5,497 churches on the peninsula with congregation totalling 450,000.11 There was simply no other group comparable in organization and number to the Christian church immediately after the Liberation. All other groups which would subsequently play a more significant role in politics, such as those for businessmen, bureaucrats, policemen, soldiers, and even politicians, were disorganized or at best in the process of regrouping. These group were under attack for their collaboration with the Japanese 4 The Protestant Church as a Political Training Ground in Modern Korea G during the colonial period.12 Church leaders, moreover, had better , more experience in politics and administration, and nationwide organizational networks at the time. All these assets gave the Christians a formidable potential for political activity, especially during early years after Liberation. To understand the emergence of Christians as a dominant political force in the post-Liberation era more clearly, we should know more about the Protestant church community: programs, teachings, members, and so forth. From its beginning in late Confucian Korea, I have once argued, the Protestant church had been the main community which introduced such ideas as , equality, individual rights, and so forth. It was also the first community where its members learned modern political procedure, usage, practice and technique through participating in a variety of church programs and activities. Politically trained, church members had been initiators, organizers and leaders in various social political movements and nationalist activism for independence since the late nineteenth century.13 In this paper, therefore, I will discuss the Protestant church as a modern political training ground in Korea.

It is well known that early Christians first gathered in the sarangbang (guest room) church. Church members, whether they were yangban (gentlemen), sangmin (commoners) or ch'onmin (lowly people), sat down together for worship service and other church activities. This historical picture is indeed revolutionary, if one considers the Confucian Korean society where the four-class (scholar-official, peasant, artisan and merchant) system, the samjongjido (the way of three obediences) teaching and the namyoch'ilsepudongsok (boys and girls are separated at the age of seven) practice were major measures of social control. One may imagine that every Sunday, yangban and sangmin converts, men and women, old and young gathered for worship in the sarangbang church. This picture could not be real and unimaginable in Confucian Korea. However, it was real and happened in the early Christian community.14 Chung-shin PARK 5 G In a variety of gatherings of the early church, such as worship service and other church activities, the Choson Korean social values and practices came to be dissolved gradually, if not dramatically. One Korean yangban's reaction to early Christian teaching and practice was typical of the Korean experience of conversion:

“Four month ago I was ashamed to be here at the sarang, and when the congregation bowed down to pray I felf queer, and sat up straight, but after a little while I began to bow down too, and the feeling of shame was all gone...To be sure, I am a Yang Ban (yangban), but God did not make one man a Yang Ban, another a Sang Nom (sangnom, common fellow). Men have made that distinction. God made all men equal.”15

While commoners, women, and children did not have any voice and were treated unequally in the hierarchical Confucian society, things were quite different in early Protestant congregations. Nobles and commoners, men and women, old and young sat together in one place as equals to hear sermons, sing hymns, read the Bible, and discuss matters of religion as “brothers and sisters.”16 Missionaries and early church leaders emphasized the difference between Confucianism and Christianity on the issues of social status and value of life, as wee see clearly in the following:

“The (Confucian) sages of Korea taught the nation that woman is inferior to man. Christianity flatly contradicts this, and there is a clash. The sages taught that some men are better than other men, and again we have discord.”17

Furthermore, the early church even taught that Confucian society was “evel” or “heathen” and that it should be Christianized:

“The evil of this (Confucian) customs is that it denies the right of man to freedom and creates a class standard of blood and instead of merit. It shut up the cooly to that development his faculties which would fit him to fill a higher status in life. places the low man at the mercy of his superior which 6 The Protestant Church as a Political Training Ground in Modern Korea G would him in prison in the States and yet the cooly can obtain no. It cheapens human life, while custom secures the noble the of his goods, immunity from fortune and regard for his, not so luckless low man....This cheapens (sic, cheapness) of life and disregard of the sacredness of the human body is, all, not so much a result of caste as a different effect of heathenism itself.”18

Naturally, the Confucian social order based on status (or class) distinction, gender difference, and age discrimination was denounced as “evils” and should be transformed into a society where all people are equal before God. Indeed, church members called each other “brothers and sisters” regardless of their different status or class backgrounds. Early Christians came to be awakened socially and politically by such egalitarian teachings and practices. Vis-a-vis the Confucian social and political order, such a Protestant church itself was a political community where Koreans had a new social and polirical experience at the time.19 In addition to teaching and learning modern egalitarian thought and ethics, the Protestant church also taught and trained early Christians politically. Church members were encouraged to participate in a variety of church activities, such as debating or speech meetings. Through these activities not only were they awakened politically, they also learned modern democratic political procedure. For example, in 1896 students of the Paejae haktang, the first mission school in Korea, formed a student society, the Hyopsonghoe, with the guidance of So Chaep'il and Yun Ch'iho.20 This society, which had only 13 members in 1896, grew to some 200 members within a year.21 The society had a debating group that met every Saturday to discuss topics such as Korean writing in mixed script, educating wives, sisters, and daughters, freeing slaves, making roadside speeches to the public and refraining from getting married until the age of twenty.22 Through such programs, they learned the art of public debate and public address. These political techniques were not limited only to the Paejae haktang. They were practiced in almost all churches and mission schools at that time.23 In the church, early Christians were urged to lead prayers, to read aloud Chung-shin PARK 7 G from the Bible before the congregation, to conduct worship, to be member of church choir and to teach Sunday school. They were also encouraged to participate actively in Christian Endeavors (youth groups), men's and women's evangelical , deacons' meetings, elders' sessions and so forth. In these meetings the secret ballot was introduced and orderly discussion was practiced.24 Even for minor matters such as repairs to church buildings, church members formed committees composed of missionaries and “elected” Korean converts to make decisions.25 Through such activities early Christians experienced in electing their officers and being themselves elected to office such as president, chairman, general secretary, treasure and so on. Henry M. Robert's Pocket Manual of Rules of Order for Parliamentary Assemblies was translated in 1898 to meet the demand for this new political training and ptactice in the Protestant church community.26 Church members came to be concerned with matters of politics and society through such church activities. These were the beginnings of democratic procedure that had not been known in the pre- Christian period. Whether yangban, sangmin, ch'onmin, or slaves, early church members acquired new knowledge and new political training in the Christian community earlier than other Koreans. Members of the church community were trained to debate, discuss, and organize, and to lead social organizations. For example, Pak Songch'un, a butcher, who had converted to Christianity and had actively participated in church programs and activities, became a major speaker during the public meeting of the in 1898. He was an active member of the Kondan'gol Church in Seoul.27 In 1898, the editor of The Independent remarked on the values of church organizations and institutions as agencies of social reform and political training:

“(Students of mission schools) look down on those who are neither honorable nor patriotic; they realize that the strength of a nation lies in the united effort of the people of the whole nation; and above all, they understand the necessity of reforming the political and social cusoms of their 8 The Protestant Church as a Political Training Ground in Modern Korea G country.

A few days ago, we witnessed the procedure of the new Debating Society of the Paichai (Paejae) School students. The orderliness of the members, strict enforcement of the rules of parliamentary usage, the earnestness of discussing the question befor the meeting, the eagerness of taking part in the procedure by every member present and the fearless manner in which they expressed thier views were quite pleasing to the hearts of those who wish for Korea's welfare. We suggest that the members of the Council of State take a few lessons from these boys in parliamentary practices.”28

The Protestant churches and church-affiliated institutions served as reform agencies that not only provided members with new social and political knowledge and information, but also trained them new political ideas and practices. Because no other groups rendered such services, the Protestant church community was the sole organized center for social and political reform endeavors in late Confucian Korea. The Independence Club played a significant role as the largest umbrella organization for reform in a variety of areas before japan's annexation in 1910. It attempted to educate the public about foreign interference in Korean politics, and incompetence in the Korean government, a new style of education, and a radical agenda for social and political reform including he establishment of a constitutional government. It failed, because the conservative Confucian elements in government called in troops and thugs from the Peddlers Guild to suppress its mass meeting. It was founded in Seoul in 1896 by So Chaep'il, Yun Ch'iho, and others upon their return from the exile that began when they fled the country in 1884. They returned as fresh Christian converts with extensive study in the United States.29 This Club's from below became so popular that in 1898 it established local branches in eight cities--Kongju, P'yongyang, Taegu, Sonch'on, Uiju, Kanggye, Mokp'o and Pukch'ong.30 All these branches was established by in response to requests by local inhabitants. The first chapter, Kongju chihoe, was established at the request of Yi Sangjae and Chi Soggyong. Yi and Chi, leaders of the Chung-shin PARK 9 G Independence Club in Seoul, were prominent Christian sympathizers at the time, but soon converted to Protestant Christianity.31 Although we do not know much about how other local branches were established, we do have an important clue in the regional distribution of local branches. All of them were established in the northwestern region (P'yongyang, Kanggye, Sonch'on and Uiju) or those cities Pulch'ong, Taegu and Mokp'o), where Protestant Christianity was growing much faster than elsewhere. People in the northwestern region converted to Protestant Christianity earlier than did those in other regions. They acquired modern education and political training sooner as well. In Taegu, Mokp'o and Pukch'ong residents responded well to Christian missions and the religion from the West was growing rapidly.32 As a matter of fact, the P'yongyang branch was established by seventeen Christian leaders, including Kil Sonju and An Ch'angho. Kil and An addressed a gathering of some 4,000 people at the opening meeting. It is reasonable to assume that the people were mobilized through church organizations and meetings in the city.33 The pattern of the establishment of the P'yongyang branch can be applied to other branches, because Protestant christianity was also strong in Taegu, Pukch'ong and Mokp'o.34 Therefore, we can reasonably assume that all local chapters were established either by Christian leaders or by the people in the areas where Protestantism was growing rapidly. The Protestant church indeed the main community aiming to change the Confucian establishment and to provide modern education and new political training at that time. In this community, members and sympathizers for reform endeavors were politically and socially awakened and trained to be evangelicals, and social and political reformers as well. Church members were initiators, activists, participants, and sympathizers for social and political reform endeavors before the Japanese annexation of 1910.

Christian converts had received modern education and had been awakened socially and politically much earlier than other Koreans in late 10 The Protestant Church as a Political Training Ground in Modern Korea G Confucian Korea. They had been also trained to be a public figure through participating in a variety of church programs and activities. They had learned, for example, parliamentary procedures and political techniques necessary to be leaders. Even after the Japanese annexation, Christians played a leadership role for Korean nationalist politics. During the period of strong-arm rule (1910-1919), Koreans were not allowed Koreans any social and political organizations and activities, except for religious organizations and activities. Consequently, the Koreans, who desired to have their own place to gather, joined the Protestant church community in number. The Protestant church soon became the largest, if not only, organized Korean community during the so-called “Dark Age.” It came to serve as a place for solace, a political forum, a communication network, and a organizational base for social and political activists. This is the historical circumstances under which religious (church) leaders emerged to play the role of social and political leadership for the colonized countrymen, as we see clearly in the March-First Movement of 1919.35 After the March-First Movement, Korean nationalist movement became diversified and fragmented. During the second half of the Japanese colonial period, the Protestant church community retreated from militant nationalist politics. Although many Christians individually continued to lead various nationalist movements, church leaders came to concentrate on more moderate social activities such as education. They were criticized by political and militant nationalists during the colonial period.36 However, they were well-respected by the public, as one prominent church leader recalled:

“the early Korean church enlightened the country because the pastors played a major role as community leaders. The pastors were highly respected, and people consulted them about all community problems. Pastors were respected as leaders in the community.....Even people outside (the church)...began to respect the pastors.”37 Chung-shin PARK 11 G Both Christians and non-Christian Koreans respected church leaders as religious leaders, teachers, and opinion-makers in their communities. Many Christians had received modern education earlier than most of Koreans did and had been trained to be leaders through participating church programs and activities. Most of all, this paper has attempted to see the political technique and experience, that the Christians had obtained in their religious community, as one of the major reasons why they came to assume leadership position in the post-Liberation era. It is no surprise, therefore, that most of political leaders in the post- Liberation era were Christians, whether they were leftists or rightists. It is also no surprise that Syngman Rhee became the first president and many Christians came to assume 40 percent of leadership positions in the First Republic. 1952, 25 percent of the National Assemblymen elected by popular vote in South Korea were also Christians.38

Key Word : Protestantism, Reform Movement, Nationalist Movement, Political Training, Syngman Rhee

Notes :

1 Kim Yongmo, Han'gul ch'baech'ung yon'gu (A Study of the Ruling Class in Korea), (Seoul: Ilchogak, 1982), pp. 191-93 and Bae-ho Hahn and Kyut'ae Kim, “Korean Political Leaders (1952-1963): Their Social Origins and Skill.” Asian Survey, vol. 3, no. 7 (July 1963), pp. 305-23 and Table IX, “Religious Backgrounds of Leaders (1962).” 2 Kidok sinmun, August 15, 1948. 3 “Chehon kukhoe kaehoe kidomun” (Prayer offered at the opening of the First National Assembly), in Yi Yunyong, Paeksa Yi Yunyong hoegorok (Memoirs of Yi Yunyong), Seoul: Sach'o, 1984), part 3, “Materials,” pp. 267-68. 4 Yi Manyol, Han'guk Kidokkyo wa yoksauisik (Korean Christianity and historical consciousness), (Seoul: Chisik sanopsa, 1981), pp. 118-21. 5 Scholars such as Cumings, Nahm, Paige, and Chong-sik Lee have mentioned that these Korean leaders were “Christians,” have spent just one sentence or 12 The Protestant Church as a Political Training Ground in Modern Korea G one paragraph on their Christian background. Often they are mis-informed about these leaders' social and religious background. Scalapino and Lee, for example, treat Yo Unhyong as a graduate of Chinglung University in Nanking, , but according to Yo's brother, he never graduated. See Robert A. Scalapino and Chong-sik Lee, Communism in Korea: The Movement, part 1 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1972), p. 223; and Yo Unhong, Mongyang Yo Unhyong (A Biography of Yo Unhyong), (Seoul: Ch'okhaksa, 1967), pp. 10-20. Recently, however, some scholars have begun to see the importance of this subject, See, for example, Yong-ho Choe, “Christian Background in the Early Life of Kim Il-song,” Asian Survey, vol. 26, no. 10 (October 1986), pp. 1082-91) 6 Kuksa p'yonch'an wiwonhoe, Han'guk hyondaesa (Historty of contemporary Korea), (Seoul: T'amgudang, 1982), pp. 130-31. 7 Bruce Cumings, The Origins of the Korean War, vol. 1 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1981), pp. 87 and 96. 8 Ch'oe Chonggo, “Cheil konghwaguk kwa Han'guk Kaesin'gyohoe” (The first republic and the Korean Protestant church), Tongbang hakchi, no. 46-48 (1985), pp. 603-24. 9 For example, his early political advisors, such as Yi Kibung, Im Yongsin, Ho Chong and Yun Ch'iyong, were Christians. 10 See Chung-shin Park, Protestantism and Politics in Korea, chapter 7. 11 See, Chosen nenkan (1945), pp. 210-11. 12 See, for example, Gregory Henderson, Korea: The Politics of the Vortex (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 275. 13 See Chung-shin Park, Ibid, chapters 1, 4 and 5. 14 For a discussion on this subject, Ibid, pp. 55-60. And also see Chongsin Pak (Chung-shin Park), Han'guk Kidokkyosa insik, pp. 144-145. 15 S. F. Moore, trans., “An Incident in the Street of Seoul,” The Church at Home and Abroad, August, 1894, p. 120. 16 For details, see Park Chung-shin, Ibid, chapter 4. 17 See George H. Jones, “Open Korea and the Methodist Mission,” The Gospel in All Lands, September, 1898, p. 391. 18 George H. Jones, Ibid, p. 394. 19 For details, see Chung-shin Park, Protestantism and Politics in Korea, chapter 2 and 4. 20 See Sin Yongha, Tongniphyophoe yon'gu (A Study of the Independence Chung-shin PARK 13 G Club), (Seoul: Ilchogak, 1976), pp. 112-17 and Paejae chunggodung hakkyo, Paejaesa (A History of the Paejae School), (Seoul: Paejae chunggodung hakkyo, 1955), pp. 61, 84-89 and 110-11. 21 Hyopsong hoebo, February 19, 1898, “Nonsol” (Editorial). 22 For the list of topics, see Paejaesa, pp.86-88. 23 For example, the first local debating society was established in Sorae (Songch'on), Hwanghae , where the first Protestant church was founded. See Hyopsong hoebo, January 8, 1898. 24 Kim Kwonjong, “Ch'ogi Han'guk kyohoe wa sinbun kaldung” (A Study Caused by Scial status in the Early Church), Han'guk kyohoesahakchi no. 11 (October 2002), pp. 67-99, especially p. 85. According to this work, the Hongmundong Church elected two deacons by secret ballot. 25 Saemunan kyohoe ch'ilsimnyonsa kanhaeng wiwonhoe, Saemunan kyohoe ch'ilsimnyonsa (Seventy-year History of the Saemunan Church), (Seoul: Saemunan kyohoe, 1958), pp. 27-32, espaecially p. 28. 26 Yun Ch'iho translated Robert's Rules of Order under the title Uihoe t'ongsang kyuch'ik. It was greatly favored among Korean Christians, reflecting enthusiasm for acquiring modern procedures of public debate and parliamentary deliberation. See The Korean Repository, vol. 5 (April 1898), p. 157 and Yun Chiho, Yun Chihho ilgi (Yun Ch'iho's Diary), March 18, 1898. 27 Kim Kwomjong, Ibid, pp.88-89. Also see , October 29, 1898. 28 The Independent, December 3, 1896, “Editorial.” 29 On the Independence Club, see the following works: Sin Yongha, Tongniphyophoe yon'gu; two articles of Pak Yongsin (Yong-shin Park), “Tongniphyophoe chidoseryo ui sangjing gwa uisik kujo” (The Independence Club leaders: Structure of their symbols and consciousness), Tongbang hakchi, no. 20 (December 1978), pp. 147-70, and “Wirobut'o ui kaehyok eso araerobut'o ui kaehyok uro: So Chaep'il ui undong cholyak” (From reform from above to reform from below: Strategic change of So Chaep'il), Hyonsanggwa insik, vol. 20, no. 1 (Spring 1996), pp' 41-65; Vipan Chandra, , Resistance, and Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea: Enlightenment and the Independence Club (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1988); and Chung-shin Park, Protessstantism and Politics in Korea, chapter 4. And also see Pak Chongsin (Chung-shin Park), “Kuhanmal ‘Kidokkyo minjokchuui’ nonni” (A Discussion on ‘Christian ’ in Late Confucian Korea), Han'guk 14 The Protestant Church as a Political Training Ground in Modern Korea G minjokundong sayon'gu, no. 38 (Mrch 2004) pp. 227-248. 30 Tongnip sinmun (The Independent), October 12, 1898. 31 Tongnip sinmun, February 19, 1897. 32 For a discussion on the Christian movement in the northwest region in particular and in Korea in general, see my Protestantism and Politics in Korea, chapters 1 and 2. 33 Kim Inso, “Yonggye sonsaeng sojon” (A short biography of the Reverend Kil Sonju), Sinang saenghwak, vol. 1, no. 12 (January 1933), pp. 24-28, especially p. 27. 34 See Roy E. Shearer, Wildfire: Church Growth in Korea (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William E. Eerdmans, 1966), chapter 5. 35 For details, see my Protestantism and Politics in Korea, chapter 4. 36 Ibid, chapter 5. 37 Kang Sinmyong, “The Dignity of Korean Pastors,” in Korean Church Growth: Explosion, ed. Ro Bong Rin and Martin L. Nelson (Taichung, Taiwan: Word of Life Press/Asia Theological Association, 1983), pp. 301-8, particularly see pp. 304-6. 38 Kidok sinmun, June 25, 1952. Chung-shin PARK 15 G

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