Engendering the History of Alta California, 1769-1848: Gender, Sexuality, and the Family Author(s): Antonia I. Castañeda Source: California History, Vol. 76, No. 2/3, Contested Eden: California before the Gold Rush (Summer - Fall, 1997), pp. 230-259 Published by: University of California Press in association with the California Historical Society

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Engendering theHistory ofAlta California, 1769-1848 and Gender, Sexuality, theFamily

Antonia I. Castafieda

The frontier is a fiminal zone ... its interstitial . . .For more than subjects, beings. two centuries the North was a for warfare. society organized Ana Maria Alonso1

From 1769, when the first entrada (incursion) of soldiers and priests arrived in Cal to to ifornia extend Spanish colonial hegemony the farthest reaches of the northern women were frontier, and girls the target of sexual violence and brutal attacks. In the San Gabriel on region, for example, soldiers horseback swooped into villages, chased, lassoed, raped, beat, and sometimes killed women.2 As had occurred in successive in cursions new na into territory since the fifteenth century, sexual aggression against tive women was acts among the first recorded of Spanish colonial domination in on Alta California. This political violence effected the bodies ofwomen made colo nial California a land of endemic warfare.

This essay examines the gendered and sexualized construction of the colonial or der relations of in to as and power Alta California from 1769 1848 this land passed to to as from Spanish Mexican Euro-American rule. Using gender and sexuality of it women categories analysis, explores how articulated their power, subjectivity, and on identity in the militarized colonial order reigning this remote outpost. In this as as study,gender denotes the social construction ofmasculinity, well of femininity? and thus the social construction of distinctions between male and female. Gender is a more mean also principal realm for the production of general effects of power and as a as ing.Thus, gender is here interpreted relational dimension of colonialism and one an aspect of imperial power matrix within which gender, sexuality, race, class, and to in recent on culture operate. This matrix is brought bear studies gender and colo

230

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CaliforniaHistorical Society,FN-3050J.

on nialism the northern frontiers of New Spain by historian Ramon Gutierrez and to anthropologist Ana Maria Alonso, who examine the ideology of honor in order theorize and interpret constructions ofmasculinity and femininity within the power relations of colonialism.3 women This chapter examines how indigenous and mestiza (Indo-mestiza and on Afro-mestiza) became subjects of colonial domination in California. It draws as are an studies that view gender and sexuality dimensions of subjectivity that both a "effect of power and technology of rule," and that analyze colonial domination in to relation the construction of subjectivities?meaning forms of personhood, power, on and social positioning. It also focuses female agency, that is, the ways inwhich women manipulated circumstances and used cultural, spiritual, religious, and legal to actions resist patriarchal domination.4 center women Recent interdisciplinary works and other subordinated (subaltern) as use as to groups subjects of history and gender and sexuality categories of analysis to examine broad historical processes. This scholarship seeks find and analyze the subalterns' voices, agency, and identities in the fissures and spaces, the interstices, the events to hidden, masked meanings of and documents.5 Using gender and sexuality structures ex analyze resistance strategies within larger and processes, these studies to plore women's power reshape and refabricate their social identity?to fashion own own own their response, their experience, and their histories.

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GENDER, SEXUALITY, AND OPPOSING IDEOLOGIES

Little is known about native systems of gender and sexuality inCalifornia at the time of the invasion.6 it is were an Spanish Nevertheless, clear that indigenous practices tithetical to a inwhich patriarchal ideology gender hierarchy, male domination, and were the exclusive mar heterosexuality organizing principles of desire, sexuality, and the riage, family. In the European order, until passage of the Bourbon Reforms in the late canon con eighteenth century, Roman Catholic ideology and law,which the as base and a ceptualized body vile, imposed regime of sexual repression that tied to canon sexuality morality7 While law regulated marriage and the sociosexual life, of the civil law the physical body, regulated body politic and controlled family law, inheritance and reinforcing property rights and strengthening the patriarchal fam In this woman was as ily. ideology, conceptualized in opposition to, and the posses sion man. Woman's as of, reproductive capacity, the vehicle for the production of heirs and the transference of was as legitimate private property, defined the single most source of her value. law women as important Spanish defined sexual beings and delineated their sexual lives through the institution of indissoluble, monogamous And canon law the marriage. although upheld principle that marriage required the consent of both was not to. parties, that principle always adhered Sexual in was to a intercourse, theory, confined marriage, sacrament intended for the of procreation children, for companionship, and for the containment of lust. Woman's to mar sexuality had be controlled through virginity before monogamous and after in order to ensure riage fidelity legitimate transference of the patrimony. By of status ex regularizing inheritance and property,marriage institutionalized the legal of women's change bodies. The family, the sociopolitical organization within which or these transactions occurred, reproduced the hierarchical, male-dominated social der. The cultural to Spanish idiom of honor?the ideology of personal subordination familial at concerns?held the larger patriarchal edifice together the fundamental unit of the family and family relationships. was a Gender key dimension of honor, which defined the value accorded to both the individual was person (personhood) and the family. Thus, ideal social conduct defined and differed to by gender according appropriate male and female qualities on on own and roles.Women's honor centered their sexuality, and their and their family's control of it.Men's honor and ideal conduct centered on their conquest and as as on domination of others, including women, well protection, which in cluded the honor of protecting (sexual reputation) females in the family.These gen an dered qualities of honor maintained the patrimony and perpetuated honored across was image of the self and family time. The result extreme sexual oppression of women a and double standard of sexual behavior. Individuals possessed individ ual honor, and families possessed collective honor.

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A page dated April 1781 from the San Carlos Borromeo "First Book ofMatrimony," in as as which Fray Junipero Serra recorded marriages of neophytes, well of Spanish soldiers, performed in themission church.The ceremony of Christian marriage, with its attendant of social and sexual relations between men and was imperatives appropriate women, part on of the complex pattern ofHispanic life that the Franciscans imposed the California Indians, thereby radically reshaping traditional native society.Courtesy California Historical Society/TitleInsurance and Trust Photo Collection, University ofSouthern California.

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Systems of gender and sexuality among indigenous peoples, in contrast, generally as not conceptualized females and males complementary, opposed, principles.8 was not a was Woman derivative of man, sexuality not repressed, and both gender were and sexual systems relatively fluid.With variations, native systems included gender parallelism, matriarchal sociopolitical organization, and matrilineal forms au of reckoning and descent. Within these diverse cultures, women's power and one or more thority could derive from elements: the culture's basic principle of in dividual autonomy that structured political relationships, including those between men or econ and women; women's important productive reproductive role in the women omy; and the authority accorded by their bearing and raising of children.9 were Further, women's power and authority integral to, and also derived from, the core ac tribe's religious and spiritual beliefs, values, and traditions, which generally women men corded and equivalent value, power, and range of practices. was to As part of the natural world, sexuality, formany indigenous people, related as was to was the sacred and, such, central their religious and cosmic order. Sexuality women men celebrated by and in song, dance, and other ritual observances to awaken ensure were the earth's fertility and that they blessed with fecundity. Accepted prac to tices extended premarital sexual activity, polygamy, polyandry, homosexuality, same-sex was at transvestitism, marriage, and ritual sexual practices. Divorce easily were tainable, and, under particular conditions, abortion and infanticide practiced. a Woman?the female principle?was pivotal force in American cosmologies and worldviews. Woman, whether in the form of Grandmother, Thought Woman, or was at center another female being, the of the originating principle that brought the people into being and sustained them. On arriving in California in 1769, Euro women not con peans confronted the reality ofAmerindian societies inwhich only own trolled their resources, sexuality, and reproductive processes, but also held reli gious, political, economic, and sometimes, military power.10 The colonial church state to were on and sought eradicate native traditions that centered and controlled women. was by In California, the Franciscan mission system the principal vehicle for re efforts to extirpate native systems of gender and sexuality and hence ofwomen's sistance to them. women men In the confessional, priests queried both and about their sexual out lives and activities and meted punishments. While prohibitions against forni cation, adultery, masturbation, sodomy, incest, bestiality, and coitus interruptus ap to plied all, abortion and infanticide?violations of the Fifth Commandment, to women were which condemned killing?applied specifically and punished at attributed all harshly.11 Hugo Reid writes that the priests Mission San Gabriel women were miscarriages to infanticide and that Gabrielino punished by "shaving on the head, flogging for fifteen subsequent days, [wearing] iron the feet for three on months, and having to appear every Sunday in church, the steps leading up the

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a child in her arms" altar,with hideous painted wooden [a monigote] representing the dead infant.12 to native in to control The imperative control and remake sexuality, particular was as much material interest as doctrinal issues. women's procreation, driven by by a Indian as both a source of la California needed growing Hispanicized population as a thus missionaries sometimes took bor and defense against foreign invasion, and measures to assure Father Olbes atMission Santa Cruz extraordinary reproduction. an to have intercourse in his because he did ordered infertile couple sexual presence not but Olbes in not believe they could have children. The couple refused, forcibly to or not itwas in order" and tried to in spected theman's penis learn "whether good and tried to bite him. spect the woman's genitalia.13 She refused, fought with him, and Olbes ordered that she be tied by the hands, and given fifty lashes, shackled, a locked up in the monjero (women's dormitory). He then had monigote made and as were a it in the commanded that she "treat the doll though it child and carry pres ence woman was beaten and her de of everyone for nine days."While the sexuality meaned, the husband, who had been intimate with another woman, was ridiculed and con humiliated. A set of cow horns was tied to his head with leather thongs, thereby a was to Mass in cow horns and fetters. verting him into cuckold, and he herded daily initiation and in the Franciscan priests also prohibited ceremonies, dances, songs to the and ethical that mission system.They sought destroy ideological, moral, systems those who re defined native life.They demonized noncomplying women, especially as in the northern bor sisted openly, witches. Indeed, Ramon Gutierrez argues that, can of the of In derlands ofNew Spain, "One interpret thewhole history persecution as ... as a over the dian women witches struggle [these] competing ways of defining as the church to constrain the body and of regulating procreation endeavored expres sion of desire within boundaries that clerics defined proper and acceptable."14

NATIVE WOMEN, POWER, AND RESISTANCE

No armas . . . vino animarlos a tubieran corazon trayaba para que para pelear. (She was . . . came to animate their will to unarmed she fight.) ?Toypurina, "Ynterrogatorio de la india gentil" (1785)

women inflicted them with Some indigenous countered the everyday violence upon authorized them to to to and to gender-centered strategies that speak, act, lead, of the church and state empower others. They fought the ideological power colonial women with and over their with powerful ideologies that vested power authority own sexuality. woman in the ofMis Toypurina, the medicine of the Japchavit rancheria, vicinity as a woman an to sion San Gabriel, used her power wise in attempt rid her people of

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men the priests and soldiers. On October 25,1785, Toypurina and threeGabrielino led an eight villages in attack against the priests and soldiers of the mission. Toypurina, ten coast who had been about years old when the villages from the and the nearby mountains had attacked the mission some thirteen years earlier, used her influence as a woman to medicine recruit six of the eight villages that joined the 1785 battle. At San Gabriel, the soldiers got wind of the attack and, lying inwait, captured Toy con purina, her three companions, and twenty other warriors. Governor Pedro Fages to missions. a victed the four leaders and sentenced them prision segura in the After at was to three-year imprisonment San Gabriel, Toypurina exiled north Mission San were to Carlos Borromeo in 1788. The twentywarriors captured with her sentenced was between twenty and twenty-five lashes plus time already served. This punishment as awoman as levied much for following the leadership of for rebelling against Span were ish domination. On sentencing them, Fages stated that their public whippings serve as a to "to warning all," for he would "admonish them about their ingratitude, underscoring their perversity, and unmasking the deceit and tricks by which they al to woman lowed themselves be dominated by the aforesaid (emphasis added).15 a Toypurina's power and influence derived from non-Western religious-political women were to ideological system of power inwhich central the ritual and spiritual source nor fife of the tribe. Neither the ofToypurina's religious-political power the to in was on threat she posed the colonialist project Alta California lost Fages, who, to as a sorceress. refusing acknowledge her political power, constructed her instead to erase to an In his account, Fages sought Toypurina's actual identity and fabricate identity consistent with colonialist gender values and ideologies. Archival records show that native women continued to resist colonial domination movements with a range of actions and activities, including religious-political that a com vested power in female deity and placed the health and well-being of the a at an munity in the hands of female visionary.16 In 1801, the height of epidemic a woman at ravaging the Chumash in the missions and the rancherias, Mission a movement. Santa Barbara launched clandestine, large-scale revitalization Drawing her authority from visions and revelations from Chupu, the Chumash earth goddess, in for a re this neophyte woman?who remains unnamed the documents?called turn to were to die if theworship of Chupu, who told her that "The pagan Indians were same would befall the Christian Indians who they baptized and that the fate not to to heads with a certain wa would give alms [her] and who refused wash their of themission. Al ter."17Her revelation "spread immediately through all the houses most went to of the to all the neophytes, the alcaldes included, the house visionary to present beads and seeds and go through the rite of renouncing Christianity." the Precisely because historical documents portray both Toypurina and Chumash 01 as we to visionary of 18 "witches and sorceresses," need understand witchcraft in world in and within gendered relations of power the Spanish/European general

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of and subordination under conditions of colo within gendered relations power in all women in colonial Mexico and Latin nialism particular. Ostensibly, America, were like their counterparts throughout the Christian world, suspected of being on women were on witches the basis of gender, but of colonized groups suspect and mixed multiple grounds.18 Indian women, African-origin women, racially or women?whether Indo-mestiza Afro-mestiza?were suspect by virtue of being or and female, by virtue of deriving from non-Christian, "diabolic," religions cultures, or enslaved who rebel and use their and by virtue of being colonized peoples might at moment. in the Christian non alleged magical power any Thus, imperialist gaze, women were Christian and their mestiza daughters sexualized, racialized, and de were often monized for the ostensibly religious crime of witchcraft, although they was as a tried in secular courts, where witchcraft treated political crime. Yet, while ecclesiastical and civil officials dismissed, discredited, exiled, or some women women times put to death nonwhite charged with witchcraft, themselves as a means used witchcraft of subverting the sociosexual order sanctioned by religion as an and enshrined in the colonial honor code ethical system.19 Ruth Behar argues women men that used sexualized magic to control and subvert the male order by own and fluids as a source of over symbolically using their bodies bodily power men. the use of menstrual wash wa Accordingly, sexual witchcraft included blood, to or tie men into submission ter,pubic hair, and ensorcelled food attract, tame, or, to or a or or lover. In the sometimes, harm kill physically abusive unfaithful husband women a actions realm of sexualized magic, developed rich symbolic language and were as as actions that violent men's beating of wives. Women's within this spiritual a domain represented form of power. ma If colonizing males thought of Indian women's bodies, both symbolically and as a means to women and used terially, territorial and political conquest, constructed as their bodies, both symbolically and materially, instruments of resistance and sub version of colonial domination. Toypurina and the Chumash visionary placed their to women bodies in the line of fire and organized and led others do likewise. Other resisted in less visible, day-to-day practices: they poisoned the priests' food, practiced own visions believed and fol fugitivism, worshipped their deities, had that others to sex lowed, performed prohibited dances and rituals, refused abide by patriarchal to ual norms, and continued participate in armed revolts and rebellions against the missions, soldiers, and ranchos. Participants cited the priests' cruelty and repression reasons at of traditional ceremonies and sexual practices among primary for the tacks on the missions, for the assassination of the friarAndres Quintana atMission Santa Cruz in 1812, and for the great Chumash levantamiento of 1824.20 Secularization of the missions after 1834 ended the systematic, day-to-day insti on vio tutional assault native peoples' sexuality. It did not, however, end the sexual women eras lence against indigenous in the ensuing ofMexican and Euro-American

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women rule. Although Albert Hurtado examines the violence toward native in the an second half of the nineteenth century and initiates important discussion of Indian nature survival, the of Amerindian women's resistance and strategies of survival in era the post-mission remains largely uncharted terrain.21 not That colonialism for all its brutal technologies and distorted narratives, could completely destroy native women's historical autonomy is something native peoples are to have always known, but scholarly researchers just beginning learn.22Native oral re traditions have preserved the histories, telling and retellingwomen's identities and across membering time, space, and generations. Through oral and visual traditions, means au and other of communicating counter-histories, native women's power, thority, and knowledge have remained part of their peoples' collective memory, his a state war torical reality, and daily struggles of "being in of for five hundred years."23 as recent Certainly ideologies of resistance and social memory, the wealth of Na center women as tive American literature reveals, pivotal figures in historical and contemporary resistance in their peoples' collective memory. Thus, Vera Rocha, the contemporary hereditary chief of the Gabrielinos, received the story of Toypurina as a and the Gabrielinos very young girl from her great-grandmother, who received it from her mother.24 Rocha, in turn, transmitted the story to her children and more to a grandchildren and, recently, the world in general in the form of public monument?a to in prayer mound dedicated Toypurina developed conjunction with Chicana artist Judith F. Baca. Such histories remain archived in tribal, family, and individual memory, as well as in other texts?some written, most not. women The effort to reconstruct the historical agency of Amerindian is insepa to reconstruct rable from the effort the autonomy of the racially and culturally mixed women were state who, with their families, recruited by the colonial to colonize Alta California five years after the initial arrival of soldiers and missionaries in 1769. The second part of this chapter examines mestiza women's agency, and the record as they left of it,within the contradictory roles they occupied both dominated and dominating native subjects.

REPRODUCING THE COLONY: GENDER, SEXUALITY, AND THE FAMILY IN ALTA CALIFORNIA

Settlersmust be men of the soil, tillers of the field, accompanied by their families . . . of character . . . to set a to the heathen. upright likely good example ?Teodoro de Croix, 1781, quoted in Southern California Quarterly 15,1931

in In Spain's New World empire, the central role of the conjugal family consolidat new was ing the conquest of territory rooted inmethods initially developed during

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wars the of the reconquest of the Iberian peninsula from theMuslims.25 First for in mulated the charters of medieval Spanish towns, the role of the family in impos was to ing Spanish hegemony transplanted the Americas in the form of social leg as or islation and colonization policies such the policy of domestic unity, unity of a residence.26 Backed by royal decrees and system of economic and political rewards was to and punishments, this policy designed solidify the development of the insti to tution of Christian marriage and the patriarchal family and reproduce Spanish Catholic civilization in the colonies. in The arrival of single soldiers and priests in California 1769 reproduced socio to sexual conditions similar those of Spain's earlier sixteenth-century conquests else were on where. By 1772, fearing that the California settlements the verge of collapse rate ar and acknowledging the slow of local Amerindian conversions, Junipero Serra gued that the survival of the colony required the presence of "Spanish," meaning women Hispanicized, and families.27 Thus, racially mixed soldier and settler fami were state to lies recruited, outfitted, subsidized, and transported by the colonial pop to ulate Alta California and reproduce Christian family life and society. Attracting to remote was no matter. families the military outpost, however, easy Serra first pro women moted intermarriage between soldiers and newly Christianized native in as a to to California way establish Catholic family life, foster alliances between the to soldiers and the Indians, and curb the soldiers' sexual attacks against native women. To promote these families, Serra recommended that soldiers who married a indigenous "daughters of the land" be rewarded with three kinds of bounty: horse, farm animals, and land.28 women In 1773, five newly converted Rumsien married Catalan and mestizo sol at at diers theMission San Carlos de Borromeo, threemarried San Luis Obispo, and three married at San Antonio de Padua. California's firstmestizo families derived

from these and similar unions at the presidios and missions. However, the inter women marriage of soldiers with native could neither meet the immediate need for to nor families populate the colony fulfill the civilizing mission assigned to sturdy Spanish families. To that end, between 1774 and 1781, colonial officials sent captains on success Fernando Rivera yMoncada and Juan Bautista de Anza three modestly to to ful expeditions recruit and bring Alta California soldier, settler, and artisan gente de razon (Hispanicized) families from the northern provinces of Sonora-Sinaloa to more were un and Guadalajara. Subsequent attempts recruit families decidedly successful, however. The Yuma rebellion of 1781,which closed the land route from sea was Sonora, effectively arrested overland migration, and travel by always perilous. During the decades of the 1780s and 1790s, colonial efforts to sentence convicts to in to California lieu of other punishment and bring settlers from Guadalajara also met with little success. a came most Although handful of families with supply ships, other new settlers were men.

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a 7)fcWz/e of Monterey Soldier, drawn in 1791 by the Spanish expeditionary a woman artistJose Cardero, is the earliest known image of Hispanic in California. Efforts to recruit singlewomen fromMexico met with little success on throughout the colonial period, and most soldierswho married the California frontier took Indian brides. CourtesyMuseo Naval, Madrid. Photograph courtesyIris Engstrand.

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to women as Governor Diego de Borica repeatedly sought recruit single marriage, men. were and thus sexual, partners for these However, viceregal authorities unable to meet or Borica's call in 1794 his requests in 1798, first for "young healthy maids" 100 {doncellas) and then simply for women.29 Instead, in 1800, with the help of the cuna church, colonial officials shipped nineteen ninas y ninos de (foundlings)?ten nine to girls and boys?to Alta California, where, according Apolinaria Lorenzana, as a were to who arrived seven-year-old, they "distributed like puppies" various fam women even ilies.30With the exception of Apolinaria Lorenzana, all of the young not tually married, though without resistance. were to The foundlings of 1800 part of the last government-sponsored effort or era new recruit promote colonizing families until the ofMexican rule, when invaders?Europeans and Euro-Americans?began arriving in California. Mexico responded by sending theHijar-Padres expedition of 1834,which arrived with forty two men families, including fifty children, plus fifty-five single and thirteen single was women.31 Instead of soldiers, this expedition comprised of teachers, artisans, farmers, and their families. By this time, "Anglos" from theUnited States had begun to intermarry with Californio "daughters of the land," descendants of California's first soldier-settler families.

Despite the scarcity of hispanas despite the church's promotion of intermarriage own between soldiers and Christianized Indian women, despite the colonists' racially rates mixed backgrounds, and despite the blurring of racial and ethnic distinctions, of intermarriage between the soldier-settler population and Amerindians in the were Monterey area, where I have completed the research, high only in the initial pe were riod.32 Between 1773 and 1778,37 percent of the soldier-settler marriages with women. Christianized Amerindian For the entire colonial period, however, only 15 were percent of all marriages inMonterey interracial. As elsewhere in the Spanish men colonial world, conquering and colonizing in California seldom formalized women their sexual relations with Amerindian after the early stages of conquest, were mates eco when there fewer alternative and intermarriage held particular nomic, political, and military dividends. To reproduce the colony inAlta California, race as as women's and ethnicity mattered much their procreative capacities. The betrothal and marriage ofMaria Antonia Isabela de Lugo toYgnacio Vicente race Ferrer Vallejo illustrate the interrelation between and contractual marriage.33 was to a escort on Lugo betrothed Vallejo, soldier serving duty atMission San Luis, contract to the day of her birth. The between Vallejo and Lugo's parents bound her at marry him when she reached menarche. On February 18,1791, the age of fourteen and a ser half, Lugo married Vallejo, by then fortyyears old and retired frommilitary vice. into a contract a was Vallejo had entered marriage with familywho, like himself, as as or classified "Spanish" rather than mestizo, mulato, coyote, pardo, any other mixed-blood Once he for an designation. married, applied official decree of legitimidad

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name. In y limpieza de sangre (legitimacy and purity of blood) for the Vallejo 1806, after fifteen years of marriage, the family received the decree, which certified that was or the Vallejo bloodline untainted by Jewish, African, any other non-Christian two blood.34 Henceforth, the Lugo-Vallejo family, ofwhose daughters married Euro a a so Americans while thirdmarried Frenchman, rested their prominence and high on cial standing, in good part, their officially certified purity of blood. Thus, though to historically, racially, and culturally related indigenous and African peoples, the razon own as gente de soldiers and families articulated their identity "Californios"35 an During theMexican era, after 18 21, expansionist North American neighbor sent a new group of single, foreign males?Europeans and Euro-Americans?to came as some as California's shores.36 Some individual wanderers, part of exploring or expeditions, merchant capitalist ventures, reconnaissance missions. Spain's earlier 21 es economic and political reforms and Mexico's independence from Spain in 18 an tablished the basis for expanding economy and related developments that affected marriage and family life in California. The rise of private property in the form of large rancho grants, liberalization of colonization and trade policies, the seculariza an tion of the missions, the development of agropastoral economy, and the increas ing demand for imported goods established economic ties between Euro-American merchants and entrepreneurs and the landowning Californio families. to The intermarriage of daughters of the Californios Euro-Americans and other to foreigners who converted Roman Catholicism and became naturalized Mexican citizens was, in many cases, the basis of these economic relationships.37 From the were early 1820s to the end ofMexican rule in 1846, intermarriages celebrated be tween the daughters of families who controlled the economic and political power in California and the Euro-Americans, who would join in the overthrow ofMexican rule. These unions, which generally gave theAnglo husbands landed wealth (some times in the form ofwomen's dowries, sometimes not) created still another group of mixed parentage. They also became the basis for the "old Spanish Californio family ancestry" claimed by Euro-American pioneers in narratives, memoirs, and histories of "Spanish California" published in the latter part of the nineteenth century, though often written in thewake of the U.S.-Mexican War and subsequent dispossession of the Californios.38

These narratives, many of which were commissioned and collected in the 1870s 1880s and by Hubert Howe Bancroft for his multivolume History ofCalifornia, be came source the primary for the interpretations of gender and gender relations, women's sexual and moral conduct, their racial characteristics, and the nature of the family that dominate subsequent histories of early California.39 Descriptions of the patriarchal Spanish-Mexican family, reproductive patterns, and family size abound in these nineteenth-century narratives of Euro-Americans and elite Californios, eras. produced within the conflicting ideologies of the prewar and postwar Becom

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One of a series of pen-and-ink drawings produced by Emanuel Wyttenbach under the some supervision ofWilliam Heath Davis, A California Wedding Party of1845 conveys of associated the rancheros. A successful the color and pageantry with marriage among great merchant, Davis himself married into a Californio family in 1847.^1S bride, the sixteen year-oldMaria Estudillo, inherited part of her father'sRancho San Leandro, which added a significantlyto the couple's estates, in pattern typical of unions between hijas del pais and Yankees since early provincial days. Courtesy California State Library.

texts ing the authoritative social and cultural histories, the described California women as were ex "remarkably fecund" and frequently commented that families women and children.40Women ceptionally large,with bearing twelve, fifteen, twenty more in California did, indeed, marry young, but the story is complex. The study of marriage and the family in late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century California is far from complete. Examining lists of colonizing expeditions, marriage investigations {diligencias), censuses marriage records, baptismal records, and population for 1790 and 1834 for Santa Barbara and Los Angeles, historian Gloria Miranda has charted differences the between and changes in the traditional, essentially military community of pre more sidio and the less economically stable, flexible community of the pueblo.41 Numerous factors, including the stage of colonization, the paucity of eligible women, turnover to the and the young age and frequent of military personnel, contributed to the low young age of firstmarriages in the presidios. They also contributed very women to the numbers of single and the continuation of arranged marriages among was and serial mar hispano population. Widowhood generally short-lived, multiple

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were common women. as as riages for By custom, well because of frontier conditions, sexes at a both attained adulthood chronically tender age, and marriage registers doc ument girls marrying between the ages of thirteen and sixteen and boys marrying seventeen. between sixteen and Across the span of the colonial period, however, the was to women average marriage age in presidial society sixteen seventeen years for men. was and twenty-seven years for And although the population of the pueblo more in stable and permanent than the presidio, the greater diversity of the popula tion and economic instability of Los Angeles delayed the age of marriage there. women in was men The average age ofmarriage for Los Angeles twenty years, while married in their early thirties. a Similarly, Katharine Meyer Lockhart concluded that steady increase inwealth, was was a particularly among thepobladores whose occupation ranching, distinctive, at positive feature that affected the demographic pattern the pueblo of San Jose.42 a at San Jose registered steady two-year increase inwomen's average age marriage a men across and small decrease for three generations. town During theMexican period, the rising social and economic complexity of an life, the marked emergence of increasingly diversified population of foreigners, as and the decline in the prestige of the military establishment the presidio brought to California closer the marriage patterns that had emerged much earlier in Spain's era older frontiers.Thus, in the afterMexican independence, marriage age increased slightly forwomen, the age gap between spouses decreased, and, with the immigra rate tion of foreigners, racial exogamy increased. Interestingly, the of intermarriage women men between Californio and Euro-American and European during the was same rate of Mexican period inMonterey 15 percent?the intermarriage women men recorded forAmerindian and mestizo during the colonial period.43 at were Despite the young age marriage, families in California considerably were smaller than commonly thought, although there regional variations. While a more Miranda found provincial average of slightly than three children per family a to across in 1790 and homogeneous pattern of three four children the forty-four year span between the 1790 and 1834 censuses, Lockhart found an average of seven some children per family in San Jose.44 Although "for Californians, having large families was considered a mark of status" and some members of affluent clans, in as as and cluding theDe laGuerras, the Ortegas, and the Vallejos, had many thirteen even was not norm nineteen children, this the in the province.45 Similarly, demo to graphic studies of colonial New Mexico and Texas have shown that, contrary common were not norm in two colonies.46 belief, large families the either of these razon Miranda and other scholars attribute small family size among married gente de infer couples to various factors, including high infantmortality rates, miscarriages, tility,marital discord, the extended absence of husbands, and personal choice. Miranda's and Lockhart s studies, and my own research in progress, reveal that age

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at are marriage and family size of the mestizo population in colonial California consistent with patterns identified for the borderlands region writ large and for 47 was true parts of colonial Mexico and Latin America This generally for other pat terns, including high incidence of female-headed households, concubinage, illegit sex. imacy, adultery, and premarital Across time, sexual patterns in California in creasingly resembled the broader nineteenth-century postcolonial Mexican and Latin American world.48

The meaning of these patterns, which challenge conventional notions ofmarriage as as and the patriarchal extended family, well standard analytic categories, has yet to be fully interpreted. Analytic and interpretive categories that explain the larger as as differences between colonials and European patterns well internal differentia at more answers are at tion remain elusive, and, this juncture, questions than the forefront of scholarly discussion. Certainly part of the problem besetting the devel opment of interpretive models remains rooted in the difficulty of reconstructing the sources or ex lives of subaltern subjects from written that often ignore distort their istence. The evidence historians have developed thus for,however, illustrates that the norm a patriarchal family?ostensibly the in colonial California?was always highly contested realm.

CONTESTING FAMILIES:

WOMEN'S POWER, RESISTANCE, AND CONTRADICTIONS

am a woman . .. I and helpless [but] theywill not close the doors ofmy own honor and birth,which swing open in natural defense and protection of itself.

?Eulalia Callis, 1786

women men Though few and who colonized Alta California in the latter third of were are the eighteenth century literate, their voices and actions inscribed in official sources remote ac and unofficial detailing the colonization of this outpost. Women's not tions, if often theirwords, appear in documents written largely by men, though own sometimes penned inwomen's hand and at other times written at their behest. These documents expose internal hierarchies, tensions, and contradictions in power relations among women and men as well as among women themselves. The follow ing discussion of mestiza resistance is framed by the acknowledgement that, in the can words of historian Florencia Mallon, "No subaltern identity be pure and trans most are on parent; subalterns both dominated and dominating subjects, depending the circumstances or location inwhich we encounter them."49 sources women norms These reveal that frequently contested Hispanic patriarchal women and acted outside the cultural constructions of femininity that required of

This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Fri, 22 Aug 2014 04:04:24 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 246 ENGENDERING HISTORY not merely chastity, if single, and fidelity, ifmarried, but also demanded submis to siveness, modesty, and timidity in order affirm their sexual purity. During the pe some women riod under study, inAlta California?from the high-born Eulalia Cal to lis the impoverished widow Maria Feliciana Arballo?consistently resisted and some defied patriarchal control of their social and sexual bodies. In cases, they openly norms were to defied the that supposed control them; in others, they strategically used the idiom of honor to defend themselves, even as their actions violated the honor codes of femininity. can re We only speculate what words and language the twenty-three-year-old, to over cently widowed Feliciana Arballo spoke convince Juan Bautista de Anza, Fa strenuous to a woman two ther Pedro Font's objections, let her, alone with young no or daughters and male guidance protection, accompany his overland expedition s from Sinaloa to Alta California in 1775-1776.50 Arballo husband had died after the to on family signed up with the expedition establish settlements San Francisco Bay, but before they had leftHorcasitas. Throughout the journey, Font publicly castigated and rebuked thewidow Arballo and remonstrated De Anza for her presence. On the a freezing night of December 17,when the weary but jubilant colonists held dance to was celebrate their safe crossing of the treacherous Colorado desert, Font, who al were ready angry because people partying instead of praying, became incensed when the young widow joined the party and began singing. "Cheered and applauded by all the crowd," he wrote, "a very bold widow sang some verses thatwere not very nice."51 ra For these poblador families, whose subsidy upon becoming colonists allowed them to tions for five years, thewages of sailors for two years, and free transportation the new to a colony, joining the expedition Alta California signified release from the grip of poverty and misery in which the depressed economy of Sinaloa-Sonora sub more his merged them.52 Arballo, however, did than defy the priest. She subverted effort to shame her and control her behavior by inverting the positions, appropriat ing the public space, and performing within it. At the other end of the social and economic spectrum, Eulalia Callis, La Gober en nadora, also refused to abide the dictum of feminine submissiveness, timidity, and matters closure in the home.53 Like Arballo, Callis made private public and "created a Pedro scandal" in February of 1785 by publicly accusing her husband, Governor to Fages, of infidelity and refusing sleep with him. Fages denied her accusations, say as a to him to his ing she fabricated his infidelity ploy force relinquish governorship to and returnwith her and their two children Mexico. In her petition for legal sepa men to ration, Callis stated thatwhen she refused the advice of her priest and other or or in another's and continued to be recogida depositada (sheltered deposited home) accuse was to San her husband publicly, she arrested and, although ill, taken Mission was a room Carlos Borromeo, where she kept incommunicado in locked and guarded her from for several months. During her incarceration, Father de Noriega excoriated

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' St* San Francisco . - " ' s, >-' \I June 27,1776 "" '" ^xf^^f-X^F'V]: > Monterey - ""-'-' > ,/^ March ^V,"M-i-vi- */*,>."** ^ "i / / 10-June17,1776

- SanGabriel '" V -/a S T ^^fc.^;ftlV<;^#^ 1 .-"?*"" *rl "';;.: "rt / January3,1776

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'"'"** 5 V; Yuma. * " j r^(S5\ Crossing /^\^v.?; >?* / k ^VsNovember 28-30,1775

* .: 7 In J K^ ^&TucsonOctober I T*v^v""^ tis / #^ 25-26,1775

\ \ J& Horcasitas ^ j 4 I / ^r September29,1775 y / i\ 5\Guaymas <( 0) , PasoDel Norte?l J /]

* id* I I r 200 / ( K I 0_100 ) , The Anza \ j-*-^ I MjieS V-^ expedition, )_ ?Culiacan_clJ 1775-1776. the pulpit and repeatedly threatened her with shackles, flogging, and excommunica tion. a woman an was Callis, wealthy from influential family, manipulating the idiom to of gender-honor and notions ofwomen's helplessness defend her actions. Historians of early California have dubbed Eulalia Callis the "notorious gober nadora," writing with tongue-in-cheek about Fages's domestic problems and alter

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woman corn on a a A Californio grinds metate in painting by Alexander Harmer, an an American artistwho in 1893married the daughter of old California family in Santa as men Barbara. On the ranchos, in the towns, typically spent theirdays on horseback or while as a traveler observed in the "most of lounging about, women, 1840s, performed the to drudgery appertaining housekeeping, and the cultivation of the gardens." Courtesy Seaver Centerfor WesternHistory Research,Natural HistoryMuseum ofLos Angeles County.

as a woman or as a nately portraying Callis fiery, tempestuous Catalan hysterical woman seem to suffering postpartum depression.54 Today, Callis's actions have been more a strategy for survival. Callis, who was pregnant four times in six years, was all too on familiar with the precariousness of life the frontier. She gave birth to Pedrito in a at to 1781, had miscarriage Arispe in 1782, traveled California while pregnant was ill in an with and after the birth ofMaria del Carmen 1784, and buried eight return to day-old daughter in 1786. Thus her demand that the family Mexico City, can her public denouncement of Fages, and her suit for ecclesiastical divorce be as an to ensure own reasonably interpreted part of overall strategy her survival and two that of her remaining children. Though from different ends of the social spectrum, and with attendant differences of and to power, Arballo Callis refused obey male authority and subverted gender

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honor requirements that they be subservient, meek, and powerless. Both made pri vate matters not public and refused their respective priest's mandate of conduct. Both Chris only subverted the gender-honor code forwomen, they also undermined the de razon women were to exem tianizing and "civilizing" mission by which gente be to plar models of Spanish-Catholic womanhood's subservience male authority. In Callis's case, her behavior further subverted the sociopolitical order that Spanish were to on a officials attempting impose racially and culturally mixed population of to colonists, whom they already judged be unruly, undisciplined, and disrespectful of authority.55 Callis's actions, which carried the weight of her family's wealth and as as as a influence in Spain well her position La Gobernadora, posed particularly to grave threat the imposition of Spanish hegemony in the newly conquered terri razon women to tory. If the scarcity of gente de and their importance survival of some structures frontier colonies liberalized aspects of gender inequality, patriarchal en nevertheless remained fundamentally unaltered and the technologies of rule forced. Thus women's strategies of resistance, how they manipulated their circum to stances, had be carefully and subtly laid. to In view of the political and military imperative populate Alta California with state Christian families, officials of the colonial church and consistently pressured women to case some marry, or, in the of widows, remarry.56Despite the pressures, women status resisted entering the institution that gave them in the community. Al were as though the foundling girls of 1800 brought explicitly marriage partners for ten at 01 California soldiers, five of the girls informed the paymaster Monterey in 18 not want to not want to that they "did receive suitors because they did be burdened one cuna never with marriage."57 Apolinaria Lorenzana, the nifia de who married, us in a as a tells her testimonio that although she had received proposal of marriage . . . was not young girl, "I refused his offer because I particularly inclined toward that state even [of matrimony] though I knew the merits of that sacred institution."58 as a Instead, Lorenzana, who became known La Beata (the pious one), entered life of as a work and service in the missions llavera, enfermera, cocinera, and maestra (keeper of the keys/matron, nurse, cook, teacher). She maintained her indepen dence, earned her livelihood by working for the Catholic Church, devoted her life to state to the "civilizing mission" the assigned mestiza colonists, and taught herself and others towrite. A was resourceful and intelligent woman, Lorenzana respected and to well-loved for her good works and selfless devotion the health and well-being of Indians and mestizos alike. Lorenzana escaped the bonds ofmatrimony and control at of her sexuality. As the llavera Mission San Diego, however, her duties included women com policing the sexuality of the young neophyte living in the mission in at morn pound by locking them the monjero nightfall and releasing them in the ing. She both resisted and enforced the control ofwomen's sexuality and the sexual norms that Spanish colonial hegemony imposed in California.

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The famedsouthern California ranchero ^^^R^W^^^^^^^^^^^BHr^l^H JuanBandini and his daughter Margarita, ^^^BflEH|^^^^^^^HP^la^Z9 who, likeher sisters,was celebratedfor her ca. In |^^^H^^H^9^^^^|HHM|H|^^B beauty, 1857. domesticlife among the I^^B I^^^B^^^^^^^^HShI Californios,women were to ^^^K^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^^H expectedhonor and respect the family ^^^l^^^^^^^^^^^l^^K^^^^B in patriarch,who, turn,took pride in ^|R^^^^^^^^^^HPiP%^^^^H providingforthe needs of wife and lilBsSH^^^^I^^^lP^a^l^^^^B the of a children,especially protection wm^Sjj^^^^^^K^^Em^^^^^^^m daughter'shonor. Courtesy California ^^^HB^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^^^H HistoricalSociety/Title Insurance andTrust ^^^^l^H^^^^^^^^^^^I^^^^^^H^ PhotoCollection, University ofSouthern ^^^^I^H^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^k California. H!!!i^HHHilHi^HHH.HHHHl^.HB

Other women?both single and married mestiza women?contested patriarchal control of in their sexuality by engaging "scandalous" and illicit sexual activity.59Dur the ing period of conquest and settlement, women's sexual "transgressions" appear, in the records at to to least, have been confined adultery and deshonra (premarital sex). As the era a to California during Mexican evolved from subsidized, military society a more more complex agropastoral, ranching, and market economy with pronounced cases were racial and social stratifications, of concubinage and prostitution added to the list of mestiza women's illicit sexuality. Sexual violence, in the form of rape and and women to correct incest, sexually related violence?beating their sexual behavior?were present throughout. and in was Female male sexuality the Spanish colonial world strictly regulated by the civil to moral code, say nothing of the code. Fornication, adultery, concubinage, were prostitution, rape, incest, sodomy, bigamy, bestiality, and scandalous behavior civil crimes for which were women were perpetrators prosecuted, and prosecuted more than men.60 since canon vigorously Moreover, civil and law vested authority over a woman's in a sexuality themale members of her family, the sexuality of mother with a such as was to au grown son, forty-year-old Josefa Bernal, subject her son's as well as to thority that of all other male relatives, whether living in the household or not. son Bernal barely escaped being beaten by her twenty-five-year-old Francisco when he in an found her adulterous relationship with Marcelo Pinto.61 It is clear that was at women's sexuality also riskwithin and without the family.An instance each a more of rape and incest appears in the colonial records, though few

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cases a case a were of rape, and of teacher accused of molesting female students, In cases recorded during theMexican period.62 this era, too, of concubinage, pros a most at titution, and significant increase in family violence, specifically directed women, appear in the records.Whether the low incidence of sexual violence toward women was to to mestiza in colonial California due its nonexistence, underreport or to most was ing, the fact that of the sexual violence directed at Amerindian women not across has yet been researched. What is clear is that the eighty years of women Spanish-Mexican rule, sexual violence and sexually related violence toward women became generalized throughout society. Some responded with equal vio lence.Most, however, filed formal criminal charges against violent spouses in court.63 recourse to Women had frequent the judicial system, and the records ofMexican tri cases women in as as bunals contain that filed civil well criminal court, where they as appear both plaintiffs and defendants. to centers One approach analysis ofwomen's resistance during theMexican period on the nineteenth-century narratives. Thus, Genaro Padilla finds that while Cali fornio men's narratives remained embedded in patriarchal constructs, Californio to so women's narratives "voiced resistance patriarchal domination that characterized . .. as cial relations and assertively figured themselves agents in the social world they were inhabited."64Women's narratives offered gendered perspectives that critical of pa triarchal constraints, affirmedwomen's presence in the public realm, and refuted the common women assumption that Californio welcomed the Euro-American conquest.

CONCLUSIONS

The construction of Amerindian and mestiza women's subjectivities in Alta Cali as fornia, this essay has demonstrated, has historically been contested terrain.Most specifically, women's sexual and social bodies, their sexuality, their procreation, and the control of it have been the province of the patriarchal family, church, and state. women Some resisted, defied, and subverted patriarchal control of their sexuality as as within the family and without. From differing positions of power, well from contradictory locations, they carved out spaces, took actions, and fashioned re was at once a au sponses within the family,which primary place of resistance, power, thority, and conflict. most re The family was, and is, the basic unit of sociopolitical organization and lations of as as was power internally well externally. It the primary place where women in eighteenth-and nineteenth-century Alta California constructed identity waves and subjectivity within the historical process of successive of conquest and were colonialism, wherein mestizas alternately part of the colonizing forces and part of the colonized In new peoples. the Spanish colonial world, and particularly in territories under conquest, the "Western" family, in its Spanish-Catholic incarnation,

This content downloaded from 128.83.63.20 on Fri, 22 Aug 2014 04:04:24 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 252 ENGENDERING HISTORY was as a are now to deployed pivotal technology of rule.We only beginning grapple meant with the complexities and contradictions ofwhat that in the construction of on was "native" women's identities and subjectivities the California homeland that then, as it is now, contested space. to Engendering the history of Alta California, moving gender and the body the center us to our ana of historical inquiry, challenges rethink conceptual, empirical, us to extant lytic, and interpretive categories.65 It challenges question and reevaluate sources our own as we summons us to and assumptions approach them, and further sources we use to text constructs expand the study nonwritten and other of history. a to This chapter forms small part of the larger feminist effort engender and rethink history.

NOTES

i. on Ana Maria Alonso, Thread ofBlood: Colonialism, Revolution, and Gender Mexico's Northern Frontier (Tucson: University ofArizona Press, 1995), 21. 2. 21 Fray Junipero Serra toAntonio Maria de Bucareli yUrsua, May 1773, inAntonine Tibesar, ed., Writings ofJunipero Serra, 4 vols. (Washington, D.C: Academy of Franciscan 1: History, 1955), 363; Antonia I. Castafieda, "Sexual Violence in the Politics and Policies of Conquest: Amerindian Women and the Spanish Conquest ofAlta California," inAdela de la Torre and Beatriz M. Pesquera, eds., Building with Our Hands: New Directions in Chicana Studies (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1993), 15-33; Antonia I. Castafieda, "Presi darias y Pobladoras: The JourneyNorth and Life in Frontier California," inRenato Rosaldo Lecture SeriesMonograph 8 (1990-91): 25-54; Richard C. Trexler, Sex and Conquest; Gendered Violence,Political Order, and theEuropean Conquest of theAmericas (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995);Albert L. Hurtado, "Sexuality inCalifornia's Franciscan Missions: Cultural Per ceptions and Sad Realities," CaliforniaHistory 71 (Fall 1992): 370-85; Albert L. Hurtado, In on dian Survival theCalifornia Frontier (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988); Antonia I. Castafieda, "Amazonas, Brujas, and Fandango Dancers: Women's Sexuality and the Politics of Representation on the Borderlands," paper presented at theAmerican Historical Association Annual Conference (January 1995);Virginia Maria Bouvier, "Women, Conquest, and the Pro duction ofHistory: Hispanic California, 1542-1840" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1995);Antonia I. Castafieda, "Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in FrontierMonterey, Alta California, 1770-1821" (Ph.D. diss., StanfordUniversity, 1990). 3. See works by Ramon A. Gutierrez: "Family Structures:The Spanish Borderlands" and "SexualMores and Behavior: The Spanish Borderlands," in Jacob Ernest Cooke, et al., eds., Encyclopedia of theNorth American Colonies, 3 vols. (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1993), 2: 672-82 and 700-710; When Jesus Came, theCornmothers Went Away: Marriage, Sex uality, and Power inNew Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1991); "Marriage and Seduction inColonial New Mexico," inAdelaida R. del Castillo, ed., on Between Borders: Essays Mexicana/Chicana History (Los Angeles: Flor y Canto Press, 1990), 447-57; and "From Honor to Love: Transformation of theMeaning of Sexuality in Colonial New Mexico," in Raymond T. Smith, ed., Kinship Ideology and Practice in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1984), 81-104.

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4- See the followingworks byDeena J.Gonzalez: Refusing theFavor: The Spanish-Mexican in "La Tules of Im Women ofSanta Fe, 1820-1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, press); "Gender age and Reality," in de laTorre and Pesquera, eds., Building with OurHands, 75-90; Relations: The Spanish Borderlands," and "Old Age and Death: The Spanish Borderlands," American and inCooke and others, eds.,Encyclopedia ofthe North Colonies, 2:406-412 780-82; and "TheWidowed Women of Santa Fe: Assessments on the Lives of an Unmarried Popu lation, 1850-1889," inArlene Scandron, ed., On Their Own: Widowhood and Aging in the American Southwest (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-64. See also thework of Asuncion Lavrin: "Lo Feminino:Women inColonial Historical Sources," inFrancisco Javier Cevallos-Candau et al., eds., Coded Encounters: Writing, Gender, and Ethnicity in Colonial Latin America (Amherst:University ofMassachusetts Press, 1994), 153-76; "In Search of the Colonial Woman inMexico: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," inAsuncion Lavrin, ed., Latin American Women: Historical Perspectives (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood como Press, 1978), 23-59; and "La vida feminina experiencia religiosa: Biografia hagiografia 2 as as en Hispanoamerica colonial," Colonial Latin American Review (1993): 27-52; well voces en Asuncion Lavrin and Edith Couturier, "Las mujeres tienen la palabra: Otras la his toria colonial deMexico," Historia Mexicana 31 (1981): 278-313. 5. Rosaura Sanchez, Telling Identities:The Californio Testimonios (Minneapolis: University as ofMinnesota Press, 1995); Gyan Prakash, "Subaltern Studies Postcolonial Criticism," American Historical Review 99 (1994): 1475-90; Florencia E. Mallon, "The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies: Perspectives from Latin American History," American His toricalReview 99 (1994): 1491-1515, "Founding Statement: Latin American Subaltern Stud 2 20 iesGroup," Boundary (Fall 1993): 110-21; Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Can the Sub altern Speak?" inCary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg, eds.,Marxism and theInterpretation ofCulture (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 271-313; Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "The Rani of Simur: An Essay in Reading the Archives," History and Theory 25 (1985): 247-72. 6. See Laura F. Klein and Lillian A. Ackerman, eds., Women and Power inNative North America (Norman: University ofOklahoma Press, 1995); Nancy Shoemaker, ed.,Negotiators on ofChange: Historical Perspectives Native American Women (New York: Routledge, 1995); Kevin Gosner and Deborah E. and Kanter, eds., Ethnohistory, special issue, Women, Power, Resistance in Colonial Mesoamerica 42 (Fall 1995); Greg Sarris,Mabel McKay: Weaving the Dream (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Greg Sarris,Keeping Slug Woman Alive: A Holistic Approach toAmerican Indian Texts (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1993); Greg Sarris, "'What I'm Talking aboutWhen I'm Talking aboutMy Baskets': Con versations with Mabel McKay," in Sidonie Smith and JuliaWatson, eds.,De/Colonizing the Subject: The Politics ofGender inWomens Autobiography (Minneapolis: University ofMin nesota Press, 1992); Carol Devens, Countering Colonization: Native American Women in the Great LakesMissions, i6jo-ipoo (Berkeley:University ofCalifornia Press, 1992); Gretchen M. Bataille and Kathleen Mullen Sands, eds.,American Indian Women: Telling Their Lives (Lin coln:University ofNebraska Press, 1984); Paula Gunn Allen, The SacredHoop: Recovering the Feminine inAmerican Indian Traditions (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992); Paula Gunn Allen, Grandmothers of theLight: A Medicine Woman's Sourcebook (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991); Paula Gunn Allen, ed., SpiderWoman's Granddaughters:Traditional Tales and ContemporaryWriting byNative American Women (New York: Fawcett Columbine, 1989); Beatrice Medicine and Patricia Albers, eds., The Hidden Half: Studies ofPlains Indian Women (Lanham, Md.: Uni

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versity Press ofAmerica, 1983); Victoria Brady, Sarah Crome, and Lyn Reese, "Resist! Sur vival of Indian Tactics Women," California History 63 (Spring 1984): 141-51; Rayna Green, Native American Women:A Contextual Bibliography (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983). 7. Antonia I. Castafieda, "Marriage: The Spanish Borderlands," inCooke and others, eds., Encyclopedia ofNorth American Colonies, 2:727-38; Gutierrez, When Jesus Came; Francois Gi Familia en Nueva in raud, "Mujeres y Espana," Carmen Ramos Escandon, ed., Presenciay en transparencia: La mujer la historia deMexico (Mexico, D.F.: Colegio de Mexico, 1987, 61-77; Asuncion Lavrin, ed., Sexuality andMarriage in Colonial Latin America (Lincoln: of see University Nebraska Press, 1989), especially the essays by Asuncion Lavrin, Serge Gruzinski, Ann Twinam, Ruth Behar, Richard Boyer, and Thomas Calvo; SylviaArrom, The Women ofMexico City, 1J90-185J (Stanford,Calif: Stanford University Press, 1985); Patricia To over Seed, Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts Marriage Choice, 1574-1821 (Stanford,Calif: Stanford University Press, 1988); 8. Klein and Ackerman, eds., Women and Power inNative North America, see especially and Klein Ackerman's introduction and essays by Victoria D. Patterson,Mary Shepardson, Sue-Ellen Jacobs, and Daniel Maltz and JoAllynArchambault; Shoemaker, ed.,Negotiators ofChange, especially Shoemaker's introduction and essays by Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and es Carol Douglas Sparks; Gosner and Kanter, eds.,Ethnohistory, special issue, especially the says by Alvis E. Dunn, Martha Few, and Irene Silverblatt. 9. Shoemaker, ed.,Negotiators ofChange, 7;Devens, Countering Colonization. 10. See Lucy Eldersveld Murphy, "Autonomy and theEconomic Roles of IndianWomen the of Fox-Wisconsin Riverway Region, 1763-1832," in Shoemaker, eds., Negotiators of Change, 72-89; Edward D. Castillo, "Introduction," inEdward D. Castillo, ed.,Native Amer on icanPerspectives theHispanic Colonization ofAlta California, Spanish Borderlands Source book 26 (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1991), xvii-xlv; Eleanor Leacock and Richard Lee, eds., Politics andHistory inBand Societies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and Editions de laMaison des Sciences de I'Homme, 1982), especially the introduction and ar ticles by Leacock and Lee; Mona Etienne and Eleanor Leacock, eds., Women and Coloniza tion:Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Praeger, 1980), especially the articles by June Nash, Irene Silverblatt, and Robert Steven Grumet. 11. See Harry Kelsey, ed., The Doctrina and Confesionario ofJuan Cortes (Altadena, Calif: Howling Coyote Press, 1979), 112-16 and 120-23; Madison S. Beeler, ed., The Ventureno Confesionario ofJose Senan, O.F.M., University of California Publication in Linguistics 47 (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 1967), 37-63. on 12. Hugo Reid, "Letters the Los Angeles County Indians," in Susana Bryant Dakin, ed.,A ScotchPaisano inOld Los Angeles:Hugo Reid's Life inCalifornia, 1832-1852Derived from His Correspondence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1939), app. B: 275. 13. Quotes in this paragraph are fromBouvier, "Women, Conquest, and the Production ofHistory," 363-69. 14. Gutierrez, "Sexual Mores and Behavior," 701. 10 15. "Ynterrogatorio sobre la sublevacion de San Gabriel, octubre de 1785,"Archivo General de laNacion, Provincias InternasTomo 1 (Californias): 120,Microfilm Collection, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, Calif. 16. Robert F. Heizer, "A Californian Messianic Movement of 1801 among the Chu mash," American Anthropologist43 (1941, reprint, 1962): 128-29. For discussion of thewarrior

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woman women's and as a source of women's tradition, councils, religion, spirituality power and and of women's cultural mediation and resistance in Native American resistance, history, see Elizabeth Salas, Soldaderas in theMexican Military (Austin: University of Texas Press, as 1990), 1-10; Clara Sue Kidwell, "IndianWomen Cultural Mediators," Ethnohistory 39 (Spring 1992): 97-107; Beatrice Medicine, "'WarriorWomen'?Sex Role Alternatives for Plains IndianWomen," inMedicine and Albers, eds., TheHidden Half 267-80. 17. Heizer, "A Californian Messianic Movement of 1801 among theChumash." on 18. Antonia I. Castaneda, "Witchcraft the Spanish-Mexican Borderlands," inWilma Mankiller, Gwendolyn Mink, Marysa Navarro, Barbara Smith, and Gloria Steinem, eds., The Readers Companion to U.S. Women'sHistory (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, in press). 19. Ruth Behar, "SexualWitchcraft, Colonialism, andWomen's Power: Views from the Mexican Inquisition," in Lavrin, ed., Sexuality andMarriage in Colonial Latin America, 178-206; Ruth Behar, "Sex and Sin,Witchcraft, and theDevil in Late Colonial Mexico," a American Ethnologist 14 (February 1987): 344-54; Ruth Behar, "The Visions of Guachichil on Witch in 1599:A Window the Subjugation ofMexico's Hunter-Gatherers," Ethnohistory see 34 (Spring 1987): 115-38; also Solange Alberro, "Herejes, brujas, y beatas:Mujeres ante el en Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisition laNueva Espana," in Escandon, ed., Presen ciay transparencia,79-94; Henry Kamen, Inquisition and Society in Spain in theSixteenth and SeventeenthCentury (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1985);Henry Kamen, "Notes on Witchcraft, Sexuality, and the Inquisition," inAngel Alcala, ed., The Spanish Inquisition and theInquisitorialMind(Boulder, Colo.: Social Science Monographs, 1987), 237-47; Maria Helena "Woman as a Source of'Evil' in Counter-Reformation in Sanchez-Ortega, Spain," Anne J.Cruz andMary Elizabeth Perry, eds., Culture and Control in Counter-Reformation Spain, Hispanic Issues 7 (Minneapolis: University ofMinnesota Press, 1992);Marc Simmons, on Witchcraft in the Southwest: Spanish and Indian Supernaturalism theRio Grande (Lincoln: University ofNebraska Press, 1980). 20. Bouvier, "Women, Conquest, and the Production of History," 363-84; Edward D. Castillo, trans,and ed., "The Assassination of Padre Andres Quintana by the Indians ofMis in 1812: sion Santa Cruz The Narrative of Lorenzo Asisara," California History 68 (Fall 1989): 117-25; Edward D. Castillo, "Introduction" and "The Native Response to the Colo nization of Alta in Native American on the California," Castillo, ed., Perspectives Hispanic Colonization ofAlta California, xvii-xlv and 423-40; Antonia I. Castaneda, "Comparative Frontiers:The Migration ofWomen toAlta California and New Zealand," inLilian Schlis sel,Vicki L. Ruiz, and JaniceMonk, eds., WesternWomen: Their Land, Their Lives (Albu querque: University ofNew Mexico Press, 1988), 283-300, especially 292-94; James Sandos, "Levantamiento! The 1824 Chumash Uprising," The Californians 5 (January-February 1987): at 8-11; BruceWalter Barton, The Tree theCenter of theWorld: A Study of theCalifornia Mis sions (Santa Barbara: Ross-Erickson Publications, 1980), 185; Sherburne F. Cook, Conflict be tween theCalifornia Indian and White Civilization (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976), 56-90. 21. on Hurtado, Indian Survival theCalifornia Frontier. 22. Sarris, "'What I'm Talking aboutWhen I'm Talking aboutMy Baskets.'" 2. 23. Gunn Allen, SpiderWoman's Grandaughters, 24. Author interviewwith JudithF. Baca, October 8,1995, San Antonio, TX; Author in terviewwith Vera Rocha, July 5,1996, Baldwin Park, CA.

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Heath the Women in 25. Dillard, Daughters of Reconquest: Castilian Town Society,1100-1300 York: (New Cambridge University Press, 1984); Heath Dillard, "Women in Reconquest Castile: the Fueros of Sepulveda and Cuenca," in Susan Mosher Stuard, ed., Women inMe dieval Society (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976), 71-94; Salome Hernan as dez, "NuevaMexicanas Refugees and Reconquest Settlers, 1680-1696," inJoan M.Jensen and Darlis A. New Mexico Women: Miller, eds., InterculturalPerspectives (Albuquerque: Uni versity ofNew Mexico Press, 1986), 41-70. 26. Maria Ots Instituciones sociales la en Jose yCapdequi, de America espanola elperiodo colo nial'(La Plata: Biblioteca Humanidades, 1934), 183-206. Serra toAntonio Maria de Bucareli 2: 27. yUrsua, Monterey, 24August 1774,Writings, Serra to 8 143; Bucareli,Monterey, January 1775,Writings, 2:203; Serra to Bucareli,Monterey, 30 June 1778,Writings, 3:199. 28. Serra to Mexico 1: Bucareli, City, 13March 1773,Writings, 325; Serra to Bucareli, Mexico 22 1: to City, April 1773,Writings, 341; Serra Bucareli, Monterey, 24 August 1775, Writings, 2:149,151, and 153. Branciforte 29. al Governador, "Sobre envio de mujeres para pobladores," Orizaba, 25 enero de 1798,Archives of California, 14: 284, Bancroft Library; Salome Hernandez, "No Settlement without Women: Three Spanish California Setdement Schemes, 1790-1800," Southern California Quarterly 72 (Fall 1990): 203-33. 30. Memorias de Dofia Apolinaria Lorenzana, "La Beata," marzo de 1878, Santa Barbara, Manuscript Collection, 1,Bancroft Library. C. Alan 31. Hutchinson, Frontier Settlement inMexican California: The Hijar-Padres and Colony Its Origins, 1769-1835 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969). 32. Entries 3,49,50,154,180,181,182,197, 290,334,387,405,528,529, and 563, Libro de Matrimonios: Mision de San to Carlos de Borromeo, vol. 1; Serra Bucareli, "Report of the andMaterial Status of the Five 2: Spiritual California Missions, 5 February 1775,"Writings, 237,241. The findings forMonterey are consistent with those forMexico. See Sherburne F. Cook andWoodrow Borah, Essays inPopulation History: Mexico and theCaribbean, 3 vols. 1: (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971-79), 248-53. For early discussion of the and see racially culturallymixed population that colonized California, JackForbes, "Hispano Mexican Pioneers of the San Francisco Bay Region: An Analysis of Racial Origins," Aztldn (Spring 1983): 175-189; Jack Forbes, "Black Pioneers: The Spanish-Speaking Afroamericans of the in Southwest," George E. Frakes and Curtis B. Solberg, eds.,Minorities inCalifornia History (New York: Random House, 1971), 20-33, firstpublished in 1966. Charles Howard "Pioneer Families in 33. Shinn, Spanish California," The CenturyMag azine (new series,v. xix), (1891): 377-89; Gloria E. Miranda, "Racial and Cultural Dimensions ofGente de Razon Status in andMexican Spanish California," SouthernCalifornia Quarterly 70 (Fall 1988): 265-78. 34. JoseMaria Estudillo, comandante de la compafiia presidial, Informacion sobre nobleza de del 20 sange Sargento Ignacio Vallejo y decreto concedido lo pedido, julio 1807,Monterey, of 16: California, Archives California, 356; and Ynformacion sobre la legitimidad y limpieza de de sangre Don Ignacio Vicente Ferrer Vallejo, padre del General Don Mariano Vallejo, 1806-1847, M. G. Vallejo Collection, Documentos para laHistoria, Bancroft Library. 35. The origin and meaning of the term "Californio" remains unstudied. The earliest reference I have found to the use of this term is in the records of accounts of animals, crops, corn and the distribution of and wheat for the years 1782,1784, and 1787 atMission San Car

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or los de Borromeo. However, it isunclear whether the term refersto neophyte Indians to the en soldier/settlerpopulation. See Copias de varios documentos la Parroquia de Monterey. Parroquia deMonterey, C-C 24: 31,34, Bancroft Library; Lisbeth Haas, Conquest andHis toricalIdentities (Berkeley:University ofCalifornia Press, 1995), 43. See also Genaro Padilla, My History,Not Yours: The Formation ofMexican American Autobiography (Madison: Univer sityof Wisconsin Press, 1993); Ramon A. Gutierrez, "Unraveling America's Hispanic Past: Internal Stratification and Class Boundaries," Aztldn 17 (1986): 79-101. 36. Douglas Monroy, Thrown among Strangers:The Making ofMexican Culture inFron tierCalifornia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); David J.Langum, Law and on Community theMexican California Frontier: Anglo-American Expatriates and theClash of Legal Traditions, 1821-1846 (Norman: University ofOklahoma Press, 1987); David J.Weber, TheMexican Frontier, 1821?1846: The American Southwest underMexico (Albuquerque: Uni versity of New Mexico Press, 1982); Leonard Pitt, The Decline of theCalifornios (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 1-47. women 37. For discussion of unions between Californio and foreigners, see Sanchez, Telling Identities;Monroy, Thrown among Strangers, 158-61; Antonia I. Castaneda, "The Political Economy ofNineteenth-Century Stereotypes ofCalifornianas," inDel Castillo, ed., Between Borders, 213-36. 38. Five of the eleven Californiana narratives from the Bancroft Collection are published inRosaura Sanchez, Beatrice Pita, and Barbara Reyes, eds., "Nineteenth Century Californio Testimonials," Critica:A Journal ofCritical Essays (University ofCalifornia, San Diego: Crit icaMonograph Series, Spring 1994). For analysis of the Euro-American narratives and the Californiano/Californiana counter-narratives, with a focus on the latter, see Genaro Padilla, "Recovering Mexican American Autobiography," and Rosaura Sanchez, "Nineteenth Century Californio Narratives: The Hubert H. Bancroft Collection," inRamon Gutierrez and Genaro Padilla, eds., Recovering theU.S. Hispanic Literary Heritage (Houston: Arte Publico Press, 1993), 153-78 and 279-92; Genaro Padilla, "Discontinuous Continuities: Remapping theTerrain of Spanish Colonial Narrative," inMaria Herrera-Sobek, ed., Re a constructing Chicana/o LiteraryHeritage: Hispanic Colonial Literature of theSouthwest (Tuc son: University ofArizona Press, 1993), 24-36; Genaro Padilla, "Yo Sola Aprendi: Mexican Women's Personal Narratives fromNineteenth-Century California," in Susan Groag Bell andMarilyn Yalom, eds., Revealing Lives: Autobiography,Biography, and Gender (New York: State University of Press ofNew York, 1990). Antonia I. and Culture: in 39. Castaneda, "Gender, Race, Spanish-Mexican Women the n Historiography of Frontier California," Frontiers:A Journal ofWomen Studies (1990): 8-20. and "Political of Nineteenth 40. Castaneda, "Gender, Race, Culture"; Castaneda, Economy Century Stereotypes";Hubert Howe Bancroft, California Pastoral, 1769?1848 (San Francisco: History Company, 1888), 305-34. "Gente de Razon Patterns." 41. Miranda, Marriage an 42. Katharine Meyer Lockhart, "A Demographic Profile of Alta California Pueblo: San Jose de Guadalupe, 1777-1850" (Ph.D. diss., University of Colorado, 1986), 114. 43. Miranda, "Hispano-Mexicano Childrearing Practices in Pre-American Santa Bar bara." or of the women Twenty-six, 15 percent, 170 Mexican who married between 1822 and in married Euro-American or see "Presidarias 1846 Monterey European men, Castaneda, y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in FrontierMonterey," 286-87, 291, fn. 1. 44. Lockhart, "ADemographic Profile of an Alta California Pueblo," 60-69.

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45- Miranda, "Hispano-Mexicano Childrearing Practices," 309. 46. Alicia V. Tjarks, "Demographic, Ethnic, and Occupational Structure ofNew Mexico, 1790," The Americas 35 (July 1978): 45-88; Alicia V. Tjarks, "Comparative Demographic Analysis ofTexas, 1777-1793," SouthwesternHistorical Quarterly yj (January 1974): 291-338. 47. Miranda,uGente de Razon Marriage Patterns";Miranda, "Hispano-Mexicano Chil an drearing Practices"; Lockhart, "A Demographic Profile of Alta California Pueblo." Two are on women chapters ofmy manuscript in progress based demographic data that trace in across themarriage and birth (baptismal) records the four presidios. 48. Castafieda, "Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in FrontierMon see terey,"266-74; Lockhart also found low rates of illegitimacy in San Jose; Lockhart, "A an com Demographic Profile of Alta California Pueblo," 112-14. For family and household position after 1848,which reveals rates of female-headed households consistent with the see nineteenth-century pattern identified for parts ofMexico and Latin America, Richard Griswold del Castillo, La Familia: Chicano Families in theUrban Southwest, 1848 to thePres ent (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984); Barbara Laslett, "Household an Structure on American Frontier: Los Angeles, California, in 1850,"AmericanJournalof* So ciology81 (January 1975): 109-28. 49. Mallon, "The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies," 1511. 50. Herbert Eugene Bolton, trans, and ed.,Anzas California Expeditions, 5 vols. (Berke ley:University of California Press, 1930), 4:138,428. 51. Ibid., 4: 428. 52. Ibid., 1: 228. 53. Ynstancia de Dofia Eulalia Callis, Muger de Don Pedro Fages, governador de Cali fornia, sobre que se le oyga en justicia, y redima de la opresion que padece, 23August 1785, Archivo General de laNacion, Provincias Internas, 120: 66-81, Collection, Bancroft Library. 1: 54. Bancroft,History ofCalifornia, 389-93; Irving Berdine Richman, California under Spain andMexico, 1535-1847 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1911), 156-58; Charles C. Chapman, A History ofCalifornia: The Spanish Period (New York: MacMillan Company, 1921), 398-400; Castafieda, "Presidarias y Pobladoras: The JourneyNorth," 41-43,54, fn. 103. 55. See Manuel Patricio Servin, "California's Hispanic Heritage: A View into the Span Los Paisanos: ishMyth," Journal ofSan Diego History 19 (1973): 1-9; Oakah L.Jones, Jr., Span on ishSettlers theNorthern Frontier ofNew Spain (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1979); Sidney B. Brinckerhoff and Odie B. Faulk, Lancersfor theKing: A Study of theFron a tierMilitary System ofNorthern New Spain, with Translation of theRoyal Regulations 0/1772 (Phoenix: Arizona Historical Foundation, 1965);Max Moorhead, "The Soldado de Cuera: Stalwart of the Spanish Borderlands," inOakah L.Jones, Jr.,ed., The Spanish Borderlands:A First Reader (Los Angeles: Lorrin L. Morrison, 1974), 87-105; Leon G. Campbell, "The First Californios: Presidial Society in Spanish California, 1760-1822," in Jones, Jr.,ed., The Span ish Borderlands, 106-18. 1: 56. Bancroft, History ofCalifornia, 603-606; Castafieda, "Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in FrontierMonterey," 168-69, 203-204. 57. Castafieda, "Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in Frontier Mon terey,"171-73; Hernandez, "No Settlement withoutWomen." "Memorias de Dona La 58. Lorenzana, Apolinaria Lorenzana, Beata," 45-46. 59. Castafieda, "Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in FrontierMon terey," 266-71.

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60. Lavrin, "In Search of the Colonial Woman," inLavrin, ed., Latin American Women, 35;Ots y Capdequi, Institutiones sociales, 250-51; Arrom, The Women ofMexico City, 65-70. a entre un 61. JoseArguello Fages, 26 noviembre de 1788, San Francisco, Trato ilicito sol dado una Archives y muger casada, of California, 4: 250. 62. Carrillo, 28 de noviembre de 1806, Santa Barbara, Causa de incesto,Archives ofCal ifornia, 16: 342-56; Antonio Maria Pico, Juez constitucional de primera nomination, 7 de de Causa criminal contra el vecino Mariano mae mayo 1845, San Jose Guadalupe. Duarte, stro de escuela tentativas de en ninas de menor Archives por estupro tchid, of California, 69: 139-42. 63. ForMonterey, see Criminal Court Records, Mexican Archives ofMonterey County, Office of the County Clerk, Salinas, Calif. 64. Padilla, My History, Not Yours, 26; Sanchez, Telling Identities; Richard Griswold del Castillo, "NeitherActivist Nor Victim: Mexican Women's Historical Discourse?The Case of San Diego, 1820-1850," California History (Fall 1995): 230-43. see: 65. For feminist theories of gender, sexuality,and history, JoanW. Scott, ed., Femi nism andHistory (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Deena J.Gonzalez, "A Resit uatedWest: Johnson's Re-gendered, Re-racialized Perspective," inClyde Milner III, td.,A New Significance:Re-envisioning theHistory of theAmerican West (New York: Oxford Uni versityPress, in press);Ann-Louise Shapiro, ed.,Feminists ReVision History (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1994); Kathleen M. Brown, "Brave New Worlds: Women's and Gender History," William andMary Quarterly 50 (April 1993): 311-328; Susan Lee Johnson, "A memory sweet to soldiers':The Significance ofGender in theHistory of theAmerican West'," WesternHistorical Quarterly 24 (November 1993): 495-518; Antonia I. Castaneda, "Women of Color and theRewriting ofWestern History: The Discourse, Politics, and De colonization of History," PacificHistorical Review 61 (November 1992): 501-533; JoanW. Scott, "Experience," and Ana Maria Alonso, "Gender, Power, and Historical Memory: Dis courses of Serrano Resistance," in Judith Butler and JoanW. Scott, eds., Feminists Theorize thePolitical (New York and London: Routledge, 1994), 22-40 and 404-425; Emma Perez, a "Sexuality and Discourse: Notes from Chicana Survivor," inCarla Trujillo, ed., Chicana Les bians: The Girls OurMothers Warned Us About (Berkeley:Third Woman Press, 1991), 159-84; Irene Silverblatt, "InterpretingWomen in States: New Feminist Ethnohistories," inMi caela di Gender at the Crossroads Feminist in the Leonardo, ed., ofKnowledge: Anthropology Postmodern Era (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1991), 140-74; JoanWallach Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category ofHistorical Analysis," American - Historical Review 91 (December 1986):! 053 75.

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