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AUTHOR Reskin, Barbara F., Ed.; Hartmann, Heidi I., Ed. TITLE Women's Work, Men's Work. Sex Segregation on the Job. INSTITUTION National Academy of Sciences - National Research Council, Washington, DC. Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education.; National Academy of Sciences - National Research Council, Washington, DC. Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues. SPONS AGENCY Carnegie Corp. of New York, N.Y.; Department of Labor, Washington, D.C.; Office of Vocational and Adult Education (ED), Washington, DC. REPORT NO ISBN-0-309-03429-9 PUB DATE 86 CONTRACT 300-81-0282 NOTE 185p.; For a related document, see ED 247 445. AVAILABLE FROMNational Academy Press, 2101 Constitution Avenue, NW, Washington, DC, 20418 ($15.50). PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) -- Books (010)
EDRS PRICE MF01 Plus Postage. PC Not Available from EDRS. DESCRIPTORS Comparative Analysis; *Employed Women; *Employment Patterns; *Employment Practices; Females; Labor Market; Literature Reviews; Needs Assessment; Nontraditional Occupations; *Personnel Integration; *Personnel Policy; Policy Formation; Public Policy; Research Needs; Research Utilization; Salary Wage Differentials; Sex Bias; *Sex Differences; Sex Discrimination; Sex Fairness; Sex Role; Social Science Research; Trend Analysis IDENTIFIERS *Occupational Segregation ABSTRACT The literature on sex segregation in the workplace was reviewed to determine how it could be used in formulating policy in the area of sex fairness in the American labor market. The committee found that although women's occupational options have increased dramatically in the past decade, sex segregation is still widespread. Among those factors that appeared responsible for sex segregation in the workplace were the following: cultural beliefs; barriers to employment such as discrimination, socialization, and unequal education and training opportunities; family responsibilities; and the opportunity structure. Analysis of the existing laws and programs geared toward intervening in the workplace, in job training, and in education revealed that what is needed is not new legislation but rather more committed leadership, stricter enforcement, and enhancement of voluntary compliance with existing laws. In addition, enforcement agencies must develop much stronger programs of policy-relevant research on such issues as the sources of change in occupations in which the most dramatic improvements in sex-fair opportunities have occurred and the relative effectiveness of measures to improve enforcement and voluntary compliance. (This report includes 15 tables and the table of contents from a comparison report, "Sex Segregation in the Workplace.") (MN) Women's Work, Men's Work Sex Segregation onthe Job
Barbara E Reskin and Heidi I. Hartmann, editors
Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education National Research Council
National Academy Press Washington, D.C. 1986
U.S. DEME/if OF EDUCATION NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION "PERMISSION TO REPRODUCETHIS EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATION MATERIAL IN MICROFICHEONLY CENTER (ERIC) HAS BEE. GRANTED BY
iff points of view or opinions stated in this docu. TO THE EDUCATIONALRESOURCES mint do not nacessanly represent official NIE INFORMATION CENTER(ERIC)." positron or policy. NATIONAL ACADEMY PRESS 2101 CONSTITUTION AVENUE NW WASHINGTON, DC 20418 NOTICE: The project that is the subject of this report was approved by the Governing Board of the National Research Council, whose members are drawn from the councils of the National Academy of Sciencc s, the National Academy of Engineering, and the Institute of Medicine. The members of the committee responsible for the report were chosen for their special competences and with regard for appropriate balance. This report has been reviewed by a group other than the authors according to procedures approved by a Report Review Committee consisting of members of the National Academy of Sciences, the National Academy of Engineering, and the Institute of Medicine. The National Research Council was established by the National Academy of Sciences in 1916 to associate the broad community of science and technology with the Academy's purposes of furthering knowledge and of advising the federal government. The Council operates in accordance with general policies determined by the Academy under the authority of its congressional charter of 1863, which establishes the Academy as a private, nonprofit, self- governing membership corporation. The Council has become the principal operating agency of both the National Academy of Sciences and the National Academy of Engineering in the conduct of their services to the government, the public, and the scientific and enginening communities. It ic administered jointly by both Academies and the Institute of Medicine. The National Academy of Engineering and the Institute of Medicine were established in 1964 and 1970, respectively, under the charter of the National Academy of Sciences. This project was sponsored by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the U.S. Department of Labor, and the U.S. Department of Education. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: Women's work, men's work. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Sex discrimination in employmentUnited States. 2. WomenEmploymentUnited States.3. Equal pay for equal workUnited States.4. Sex discrimination Law and legislationUnited States. I. Reskin, Barbara F. II. Hartmann, Heidi I. III. National Research Council (U.S.) Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues. IV. National Research Council (U.S.) Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education. HD6060.5.U5W661985331.1'33'0973 85-11541 ISBN 0-309-03429-9 Copyright © 1986 by the National Academy of Sciences No part of this book may be reproduced by any mechanical, photographic, or electronic process, or in the form of a phonographic recording, nor may it be stored in a retrieval system, transmitted or otherwise copied for public or private use, without written permission from the publisher, except for the purposes of official use by the United States government. Printed in the United States of America 3 r. Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues ALICE S. ILCHMAN (Chair), President, Sarah Lawrence College CECILIA BURCIAGA, Office of the President, Stanford University CYNTHIA FUCHS EPSTEIN, Graduate Center, City University of New York, and Russell Sage Foundation, New York LAWRENCE M. KAHN, Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations, University of Illinois GENE E. KOFKE, Montclair, N.J. ROBERT KRAUT, Bell Communications Research, Morristown, N.J. JEAN BAKER MILLER, Stone Center for Developmental Services and Studies, Wellesley College ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON, Georgetown University Law Center GARY (AFIELD, Department of Political Science, University of Chicago NAOMI R. QUINN, Department of Anthropology, Duke University ISABEL V. SAWHILL, The Urban Institute, Washington, D.C. ROBERT M. SOLOW, Department of Economics, Massachusetts Inotitute of Technology LOUISE A. TILLY, Graduate Faculty, Historical Studies, New School for Social Research DONALD J. TREIMAN, Department of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles iii Contents Tables and Figures vii Preface ix Acknowledgments xi 1 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 1 Women in the Labor Market, 2 Sex Segregation in the Workplace, 5 The Consequences of Sex Segregation in Employment, 9 Conclusion, 17 2SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 18 Current Extent of Sex Segregation, 20 Recent Trends in Occupational Sex Segregation, 22 Occupational Sex Segregation Projected Through 1990, '32 Summary and Conclusion, 35 3EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 37 Cultural Beliefs About Gender and Work, 38 Barriers to Employment, 44 Socialization and Education, 56 Family Responsibilities, 68 The Opportunity Structure and Sex Segregation, 75 Conclusion, 80 v vi CONTENTS 4 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 83 Interventions Directed at the Workplace, 84 Interventions Directed at Job Training and Vocational and General Education, 99 Interventions to Accommodate Family Responsibilities, 116 Conclusion, 118 5 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 123 Summary of Findings, 124 Policy Recommendations, 130 Data and Research Recommendations, 135 REFERENCES 141 APPENDIX A: Contents, Sex Segregation in the Workplace 163 APPENDIX B: Biographical Sketches of Committee Members and Staff 165 INDEX 169 6 Tables and Figures TABLES 1-1Occupational Distribution Over Major Occupational Groups by Race and Sex, 1984. 6 1-2Decomposition of Earnings Differentials Between Men and Women Into Within-Occupation and Between-Occupation Components, for Full-Time Year-Round Workers in Selected Years, 1970-1979. 11 2-1Occupational Segregation Indices Across Major Census Categories for Sex and Race, 1940-1981. 19 2-2Employment in the 10 Largest Occupations for Men and Women, 1980. 21 2-3Sex Distribution Over Major Industrial Categories for Nonagricultural Industries, October 19134. 22 2-4Actual and Predicted Segregation Indices, 1950-1980, and Percentage Decline. 25 2-5Percentage Female in Detailed Occupational Groups by Age, Twelve-Month Annual Averages, December 1981. 27 2-6Sources of Employment Growth for Women, 1970-1980. 28 2-7Female-Dominated Occupations in Which the Percentage Male Increased One Point or More, 1970-1980. 30 2-8Twenty Occupations With the Largest Projected Absolute Growth, 1978-1990. 33 2-9 Tweray Occupations With the Largest Projected Growth Rates, 1978-1990. 34 4-1Changing Women's Employment in AT&T Operating Companies, December 31, 1972, and September 30, 1978. 92 4-2Female Apprentices, 1973-1984. 100 4-3Female Apprentices in Registered Building Trades Programs, 1975-1979. 102 4-4Percentage Female Enrollment in Vocational Education Programs by Program Area, 1972-1980. 109 vii viii TABLES AND FIGURES FIGURES 1-1Labor force participation rates of women ages 16 and over, based on annual averages for selected years between 1955 and 1980. 3 1-2Women's age-specific labor force participation rates by birth cohort. 4 8 Preface The Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issuescame into being at the initiative of the National Research Council. The impetuscame from the Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, whose members and staff believed that women's employment was in need of serious study. As the participation ofwomen in the labor force has increased, indeed making it the majority experience, the continuing wage gap and other employment disparities between the sexes and the consequences of these facts for the families of femalewage earners brought a sense of urgency to our mission. The committee, 14 members representing a broad spectrum of social science disciplines and nonacademic sectors in American society, accepted the challenge to review and assess research on women's employment and related social issues; to consider how this research could be brought to bear on the policymakingprocess by informing relevant agencies; and to recommend and stimulate needed further research. The first issue to engage our attention was job segregation bysex. Although women constitute a large and growing proportion of the labor force (43 percent in 1984), and their employment plays a vital role in oureconomy, they earn substantially less than men and typically work in a small number of occupations that predominantly employ women. The Carnegie Corporation of New York, the U.S. Department of Labor, and the U.S. Department of Education provided theresources for the committee to undertake this first phase of its work. The committee had available to it a significant amount of work in this field, in particular the report Women, Work, and Wages: Equal Pay for Jobs of Equal Value on the subject of the comparable worth of jobs from the National Research Council's Committee on Occupational Classification and Analysis. Still more work was needed ix x PREFACE to pursue the issue of job segregation. The committee commissioned a number of papersboth literature reviews and original researchthat were presented at a workshop in May 1982 on job segregation, involving several dozen scholars working in this field as well as the members of the committee. There was a lively and informed exchange on fundamental research questions, significantly strengthening the committee's competence in a number of areas pertinent to our inquiry. Many of the papers presented at the workshop and several others appear in Sex Segregation in the Workplace: Trends, Explanations, Remedies, the companion volume to this report; its table of contents appears in this volume as Appendix A. Our report, the product of these collective labors, reviews evidence showing that employment segregation by sex has grave consequences for women, men, families, and societybut particularly for women. The dramatic increase of women in the work force and the numbers of persons dependent on their wages thus makes the issue of the negative consequences of occupational sex segregation both central and compelling. For these reasons, the committee believes that this and future studies directed toward a fuller understanding of sex segregation in employment and strat- egies for its amelioration are of high economic, social, and human priority. The complexity and pervasiveness of the problem have made our report somewhat different from what some of us imagined it would be at the beginning. We have considerably extended our documentation of the extent and consequences of sex segregation cri the job. Our recommendations are modest, yet that does not mean that they are easy to implement or unimportant. They represent the essential next steps for ameliorating the waste to the economy, the financial loss to women and their families, and the demeaning of the human spirit that comes from the rigidities inherent in segregating jobs by sex. ALICE S. ILCHMAN, Chair Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues 10 Acknowledgments Several factors have made this report a difficult one to complete. First, the complexity of the subject and the variety of views by committee members about the most fruitful approaches to the topic placed burdens on both committee members and staff. Second, as the committee grew in knowledge about the subject, the members wanted to include more studies, more evidence, greater s'ope, more exhaustive explanations, and more far-reaching recommendations. Third, the pro- cess of distillation and refinement of all this material was a lengthy one. However, our splendid study directors, Barbara F. Reskin of the University of Illinois and subsequently Heidi I. Hartmann of the National Research Council, weremore than equal to the task. As the editors of our report, they consistently added clarity and edited out confusion. They gave us what we asked for, even when they knewwe would later tell them we did not want it after all. Our debt to them is boundless. Barbara Reskin served as study director during the major part of the committee's work on this report. She ably organized our work, carried out extensive research, and prepared several drafts of the report. Marie A. Matthews served as staff assistant and aided our work in myriad administrative and substantive ways. Judith Stiehm, of the University of Southern California, was a visiting scholar during the early part of our work and participated in our discussions. In completing the report the efforts of Heidi Hartmann, now study director of the committee, Lucile A. DiGirolamo, staff assistant, and Rose S. Kaufman, administrative secretary for the Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, were indispensable. Many final details were attended to by Rita Conroy and Stizanne Donovan of the committee staff Several student interns provided useful research assistance over the course of the project: Ben Warner, Oberlin College; Lori Froeling, University of Chicago Law School; Ray Nadolski, Indiana University; Rnd June Lapidus, Uni- 11 xii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS versity of Massachusetts, Amherst. We also owe a particular debt to the librarians at the National Academy of Sciences-National Academy of Engineering Library, who procured a multitude of materials for us through interlibrary loan and checked many references. A report of this length and complexity requires and benefits from careful review by those not directly involved in its writing. Patricia A. Roos, of the State University of New York, Stony Brook, offered detailed comments on several drafts of the report. Andrea Beller, University of Illinois; Suzanne Bianchi, U.S. Bureau of the Census; Donna Lenhoff, Women's Legal Defense Fund; Sharon Harlan, State Uni- versity of New York at Albany; and Margaret Marini, Vanderbilt University, all reviewed portions of the penultimate version for accuracy. James Smith, Rand Corporation, reviewed an earlier draft. Members of the commission and of the National Academy of Sciences' Report Review Committee carefully reviewed several drafts. Eugenia Grohman, associate director for reports, and Christine L. McShane, editor for the commission, greatly improved the clarity of our report. To all these dispassionate readers and reviewers we are extremely grateful. Their suggestions helped us to delineate and strengthen our arguments. We thank those organizations whose financial support made this report possible: The Carnegie Corporation of New York, the U.S. Department of Education, and the U.S. Department of Labor. In addition, the program officers from these groups deserve special recognition for their substantive suggestions, their sustained inter- est, and their patience during the course of our work: Vivien Stewart at Carnegie, Paul Geib at the Department of Education, and Ellen Sehgal at the Department of Labor. I would also like to express deep appreciation to David A. Goslin, who as executive director of the Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education encouraged the initiative that brought us into being and consistently supported our efforts. Throughout our work we have found our joint endeavor to be strenuous and gratifying. I believe the respect the members of the committee accorded to each other's differing concerns and contributions and their productive interaction were unusual. The tension of hard work was always alleviated by humor, genial col- leagueship, and, above all, our common commitment to the importance of the task. It has been for us all a personal and professional pleasure to work together. ALICE S. ILCHNIAN, Chair Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues 12 Women's Work, Men's Work Sex Segregation on the Job 13 1 The Significance of 1 Sex Segregation in the Workplace Women are a large and growing portion men. For as long as data have been available of the labor force, and paid employment is for the United States, women's average clearly of growing importance in many wom- earnings have been about 60 percent of men's en's jives. More women work outside the for full-time, year-round workers. Women home and for longer portions of their lives also often work in different kinds of jobs. than ever before. Women's employment, like The majority of women work in a small num- men's, plays a vital role in our economy. ber of occupations, particularly in occupa- Nearly 50 million women were in the labor tions in which the workers are predominantly force in 1984 and constituted 43 percent of women. Men work primarily in occupations the labor force. Of all women ages 18-64 in that are predominantly male, although the April 1984, 63 percent were in the labor number of occupations is larger. force. Nearly all women work at some point The concentration of women and men in in their lives, and the average woman today different jobs that are predominantly of a is expected to spend 12 more years working single sex has been labeled sex segregation than did women in her mother's generation. in the labor market. The overall degree of In fact, the labor force participation patterns sex segregation has been a remarkably stable of women and men appear to be converging, phenomenon; it has not changed much since as women's participation has increased and at least 1900. This stability is surprising in that of men has decreased somewhat in re- light of the enormous changes that have taken cent years. place in the structure of the economy: the Despite increasing similarities in wom- turnover in occupations as obsolete occu- en's and men's work lives, significant areas pations disappear and new ones develop the of difference remainin particular, earn- narrowing of educational differentials be- ings and occupations. Although for most tween men and women, particularly since .women as for most men, their earnings are World War II; and, most recently, the in- crucial to their own support and to the fi- creasing similarity in the work patterns of nancial support of their families, women's men and women over their lifetimes. It is earnings are substantially less than those of this stable phenomenonthe concentration 1 14 2 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK of men and women in different jobsthat icant research from a variety of perspectives, is the subject of our report. however, and to assess the major alternative In the past women have not had equal explanations that have been offered for the opportunity in the labor market, and they persistence of job segregation. have faced discrimination in hiring, pay, and In the remainder of this chapter we pro- advancement. To some extent the differ- vide further description of the situation of ences in women's and men's earnings and women in the labor market; discuss the con- in the occupations they hold reflect that past cepts of segregation in general and sex seg- discrimination; to some extent they reflect regation in the workplace; and briefly review current discrimination; and to some extent the literature on the consequences of the they reflect a host of other factors, such as latter. We find that those consequences are differences between women and men in their several and significant and we believe they preferences, attitudes, values, experience, warrant the committee's effort to better un- education, training, and so on. And it is derstand sex segregation in the workplace highly likely that all these factors are inter- and the ways in which it can be affected. related. In subsequent chapters, we look at the In this report we attempt to unravel the recent past and likely future of sex segre- various causes of sex segregation in the gation, identify its causes, and assess a va- workplace, to understand its extent, future riety of interventions that have been imple- direction, and remarkable persistence. To mented to reduce segregation. In Chapter the extent that it reflects the preferences, 2, in order to better understand what it is values, and attitudes of women themselves, that requires explanation, we review esti- it may not be an appropriate object of public mates of the current extent of segregation concern. But to the extent that it reflects and identify the changes that have occurred restrictions on women's choices that result over the past decade among certain groups from discriminatory practices in the labor of women and within certain occupations. market or various other barriers, it is a mat- We also present projections of the extent of ter of grave public concern. Women have segregation for the rest of this decade. In the right to participate in the labor market, Chapter 3 we review the evidence for the as they choose, without social or legal coer- most important explanations of labor market cion and without unfair treatment in pay or segregation, assess their relative strengths, other working conditions. Equal employ- and give our view of the most likely cause ment opportunity is an established goal of of continued segregation. In Chapter 4 we national policy: it contributes not only to the assess the evidence regarding the effective- better utilization of the country's human re- ness of federal regulations and legislation sources and to economic growth, but also to prohibiting discrimination and mandating the full participation of all members of so- affirmative action in employment, employ- ciety in the nation's political, social, and eco- ment training, vocational education, and nomic life. general education. Finally, in Chapter 5 we In this report we seek to deepen under- present a summary of our findings and make standing of the processes that give rise to recommendations for strategies to reduce sex segregation in the workplace, to assess job segregation by sex and increase equal the aspects of sex segregation that are harm- opportunity in the workplace. ful, and to offer guidance on how to amel- iorate those aspects. Our method has been WOMEN IN THE LABOR MARKET to gather and assess the available research literature on these issues. Any literature re- Women's Participation in the Labor Force view is necessarily selective, and ours is no The majority of adult women are in the exception. We have tried to identify signif- labor force, and their rate of participation 15 SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 3 has been steadily increasing throughout the Women's Bureau, 1983). Annual averages century (Waite, 1981). In contrast, men's for 1984 indicate that 53.8 percent of all labor force participation rates have been women were in the labor force, with black slowly declining. In 1950, 86.4 percent of women most likely to be in the labor force men ages 16 and over were in the labor force; (55.5 percent), white women next most like- by 1984 the percentage had dropped to 76.4 ly (53.4 percent), followed by Hispanic (U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of La- women (49.8 percent; U.S. Department of bor Statistics, 1985a). The rate of increase Labor,Bureauof LaborStatistics, for women has been substantial since the 1985b:Tabie 2). Women's increasing rates of 1950s and has not yet tapered off, as can be labor force participation are reflected in their seen in Figure 1-1. Between 1950 and 1984 growing work-life expectancies. In 1979-1980 the labor force participation rate of women a 20-year-old woman could expect to work ages 16 and over increased from 33.9 to 53.6 27.2 years, compared with 14.5 years in 1950; percent. Labor force participation rates for the comparable estimate for a 20-year-old women vary by age, marital status, and race man in 1979-1980 was 36.8 years (S. Smith, and ethnicity. And more women work at 1985).1 Of all women in the labor force, sev- some time during the year than are in the en-tenths hold full-time jobs. labor force at any one time. The 1982 Work The disparity between the labor force par- Experience Survey of the Current Popula- ticipation rates of married and unmarried tion Survey indicated that 58 percent of women has declined, as the labor force par- women ages 16 and over worked some time ticipation rates of married women have in- during 1981 (U.S. Deparment of Labor, creased rapidly. In 1984, 63.3 percent of never-married women age 16 and over were in the labor force, compared with 52.8 per- 54 White Black and Other cent of married women with husbands pres- Hispanics w 52 ent, 61.1 percent of married women with I husbands absent, and 74x3 percent of divorced 50 women. For younger married women the rates are quite high. Increased rates of em- UJ uj 48 2 0 ployment by married women with children 0cc 0 46 have contributed substantially to the growth in women's labor force participation. In 1950 44 0 cc about 12 percent of women with a child un- UJ 42 der 6 years old were in the labor force; in 1980 the ratio was 52.1 percent (Hayghe, 40 0w 1984). wcc 38 Figure 1-2 illustrates the historical change a- in the age-specific labor force participation 36 rates for women who were born between 34 I 1926 and 1960. In 1980, for the first time, 1955 19601965 1970 1975 1980b the labor force participation rate did not de- cline for women ages 25-29, a peak child- YEAR bearing group. In fact, the job-leaving rates aData for Hispanics ware not available until 1973. b1980 data are for civilian women age 20 and over. FIGUItiF 1-1Labor force participation rates of women ages 16 and over, based on annual averages for selected years between 1955 and 1980. SOURCES: U.S. De- These estimates are based on age-specific proba- partment of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (1980: bilities of movement into and out of the labor force (S. Tables 65 and 66; 1981c:Table 49). Smith, 1982:16-17). 4 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK 70 1956-60 Birth Cohort 1951-1955 Birth Cohort 1941-45 Birth Cohort 65 1936-40 Birth Cohort 1931-35 Birth Cohort 60 I 1926-30 Birth Cohort CC CrLLI 55 1946-50 Birth Cohort 0 0 u_ 50 00Cr 0.1 m 45 z (.) 40 wcc FIGURE 1-2 Women's 35 age-specific labor force par- ticipation rates by birth co- 30 hort. SOURCE: Hartmann 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 and Reskin (1983). AGE for women at all ages under 55 dropped be- of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1984b). tween 1970 and 1977 (S. Smith, 1982). Most of these families depend principally on the earnings of women. The incomes of mar- ried women living with their husbands are Women's Earnings also important for their families' economic In 1981 the median earnings of women well-being. In general, the lower a hus- who worked fulltime year-round were band's income, the more likely it is that his $12,001, or 59 percent of what men earned, wife works (Sweet, 1973). The earnings of $20,260. For workers over age 18, the earn- women who are married are especially likely ings ratio for white women and men was 60 to be important to families when the hus- percent; for black women and men, 76 per- bands' earnings are low. cent; and for Hispanic women and men, 73 In 1981, the median percentage of family percent. The ratio of black women's earnings income contributed by married women (with to those of white men was 54 percent; of husbands present) was 26.7. The percentage Hispanic women's earnings to those of white increases to 69 percent if annual family in- men, 52 percent (U.S. Department of La- come is less than $10,000; 56 percent if it is bor, Women's Bureau, 1983). between $10,000 and $14,999; and 46.6 per- Most women who work contribute sub- cent if it is between $15,000 and $19,000 stantially to or fully support themselves and (U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bu- their dependents. In 1981, about one out of reau, 1983). Minority women make larger five women workers maintained families on economic contributions to their families than their own. U.S. Department of Commerce white women. In 1980, minority women's data as of March 1984 indicate that one-sixth incomes represented one-third of their fam- of all U.S. families (about 9.9 million) were ily income, compared with one-quarter for maintained by women with no husband white women (personal communication, present; they were never married, separat- Harriet Harper, Women's Bureau, U.S. De- ed, divorced, or widowed (U.S. Department partment of Labor, 1982). And wives' earn- 17 SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 5 ings take on particular importance during patterns of segregation may also be partly periods of high unemployment. coerced and partly voluntary, brought about In sum, even though women earn sub- by a combination of social pressure, lack of stantially less than men, their earnings are knowledge of alternatives, socialization, and a significant source of support for themselves choice. and their families. Women are more likely Sex segregation in the workplace, which than ever to be in the labor force, and they takes both physical and social forms, is al- can expect to spend a substantial portion of most certainly the result of both restriction their adult lives doing paid work. For these and choice, although we have come to the reasons the consequences of sex segregation considered conclusion, based on the evi- are significant and enduring. dence we have reviewed (which is presented in the following chapters), that restriction plays the more important role. The measure SEX SEGREGATION IN of sex segregation in employment most com- THE WORKPLACE monly used in this report, and in other social The term segregation has been used to science research, measures the degree , of connote many different phenomena It has segregation against a standard of total in- often been used to describe situations in- tegration. The index of dissimilarity, often volving the physical and social separation of called the segregation index, measures the members of different socially identifiable degree to which the distributions of the groups, particularly the isolation of a mi- groups being studied (women and men here) nority group from the majority group. Its across a set of categories (occupations or jobs Latin roots are se, meaning apart, and grex, here) differ from each other.2 Such a mea- meaning flock. For example, apartheid in sure implies a goal of complete integration, South Africa todaylike past racial segre- with the proportions of women and men gation in the southern United Statesin- within every occupation identical to their volves the physical separation of the races representation in the labor force as a whole. in neighborhoods, schools, and public ac- There is no reason to believe, however, that commodations, often by law and sometimes if all barriers to the free and informed ex- by social custom. Even when the races are ercise of choice by women in the labor mar- in close proximity, as they often are in em- ket were removed, the distributions of wom- ployment situations, social norms enforce en and men across all occupations would be social distance. When segregation is the re- identical. They might be, but they might sult of this type of legal and social restriction, equally well not be. Some differences be- it usually connotes the inferiority of the nfa- tween women and men are deeply rooted nority group and can be an important means in culture and may last for decades; some, of maintaining its minority status. though perhaps not many besides the most Segregation can also be a voluntary mat- obvious, are rooted in biology and may last ter. For example, many neighborhoods in cities and regions of the country that are ethnically identified are so primarily as a 2 The index of segregation, LS., is defined as matter of choice and not compulsion, though n compulsion and limited opportunities may LS. = 4-iII xi yi have played some role in their initial estab- lishment. Many people like to live among where xi = the percentage of one group (e.g., women) in the ith category of a classification (e.g., a particular their kin or coreligionists and close to occupation), and yi = the percentage of the other group churches, stores, and schools that cater to (e.g., men) in that same category (Duncan and Duncan, their ethnic group. Others do not. Observed 1955). t'f 18 TABLE 1-1Occupational Distribution Over Major Occupational Groups by Race and Sex, 1984 Men Women Percentage Total White Black Total White Black Female Managerial and professional specialty 24.6 25.7 12.3 22.5 23.3 15.8 41.6 Executive, administrative, and managerial 13.0 13.7 6.3 8.5 8.9 5.2 33.6 Professional specialty 11.6 12.0 6.1 14.0 14.4 10.6 48.5 Technical, sales, and administrative support 19.6 20.0 15.0 45.6 46.9 36.5 64.4 Technicians and related support 2.8 2.8 1.9 3.3 3.3 3.3 48.1 Sales occupations 11.1 11.3 4.6 13.1 13.9 7.8 47.9 Administrative support, including clerical 5.7 5.4 8.5 29.1 29.8 7.Z.3 79.9 Service occupations 9.4 8.4 18.4 18.7 17.2 30.7 60.8 Private household .1 .1 .1 2.1 1.6 5.9 96.2 Protective service 2.5 2.3 4 1 .5 .4 .8 12.9 Service, except private household and protective 6.8 6.0 14.2 16.2 15.2 24.0 64.8 Precision production, craft, and repair 20.2 20.8 15.8 2.4 2.4 2.6 8.5 Operators, fabricators, and laborers 21.1 20.0 33.6 9.6 8.9 13.9 26.0 Machine operators, assemblers, and inspectors 8.0 7.6 11.4 7.1 6.5 11.0 41.1 Transportation and material moving occupations 6.9 6.6 11.2 .8 .8 1.0 8.3 Handlers, equipment cleaners, helpers, and laborers 6.2 5.8 11.0 1.6 1.6 1.8 16.6 Fanning, forestry, and fishing 5.1 5.2 4.9 1.2 1.3 .5 15.6 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 43.7 N (thousands) (59,091) (52,462) (5,124) (45,915) (39,659) (4,995) SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (1985a:Tables 21 and 23). SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 7 even longer. The appropriate policy goal is tronic equipment repairers,construction not therefore the complete elimination of workers, machinists, motor vehicle opera- segregation as measured by the index of dis- tors, and freight, stock, and material han- similarity, but rather the elimination of bar- dlers. tiers to women's full exercise of their em- There is some division of labor by sex in ployment rights. We have not estimated how most societies (Burton et al., 1977). Across much sex segregation would be reduced if all societies, moreover, there is a pattern to equality of opportunity were achieved or how this division of labor. Women generally do much would remain out of choice, but we those tasks that are compatible with child believe, on the basis of our review of the caretasks that are not dangerous, do not evidence, that the reduction would be sub- take them far from home, do not require stantial. close attention, and are readily interrupted The segregation of the sexes is a basic (J. Brown, 1970). As consistent as this pat- feature of the world of work. The strikingly tern is, it is not unmodifiable. In societies different distributions of women and men in which women must do work incompatible across occupations can be seen in the dis- with breast-feeding, for example, babies are tribution of the sexes across major occupa- started on breast milk substitutes earlier tional categories. Table 1-1 provides com- (Nerlove, 1974); where women's work re- parisons for black and white women and men quires them to travel distances, as they do across 13 broad occupational categories in to gather vegetable food in hunting/gath- 1984. When one looks at detailed occupa- ering economies, or to participate in long- tional categories, sex segregation isstill distance trading networks, they leave chil- clearer. In 1980 among 503 occupational cat- dren with substitute caretakers. The only egories, the most detailed level at which universal with no exception seems to be that census data is tabulated, workers in 187 cat- everywhere, itis primarily women who egories were at least 90 percent members mother. of one sex; 275 occupations were composed Within the limits of female-assigned child of at least 80 percent female or male workers care and sexual dimorphism in strength and (computed from U.S. Department of Com- energy, there is a great deal of variability merce, Bureau of the Census, 1983b:Table across societies as to which gender is ex- 1). Almost half of all employed women work pected to do what job, even in the West. in occupations that are at least 80 percent For example. dentists are primarily female female (Rytina, 1981), which include librar- in Denmark, Poland, and the Soviet Union, ians, health technicians, secretaries and typ- in contrast with the United States, where ists, data-entry keyers, nurses, bank tellers dentistry is 93 percent male (computed from and bookkeepers, telephone operators, sew- U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of ers and stitchers, child care workers, mid the Census, 1983b:Table 1). In the Soviet dental assistants (U.S. Department of Com- Union, both physicians and street cleaners merce, Bureau of the Census, 1983b). The are usually female (Lapidus, 1978). Beyond occupation of most women not in the labor industrial societies, there is yet more vari- force, homemaker, is one of the most seg- ability. Household servants, predominantly regated occupations. Slightly over half of all female in the West, are typically male in men work in occupations that are at least 80 India (Blumberg, 1978), and construction la- percent male. Among these 229 predomi- bor is shared by the sexes (Boserup, 1970). nantly male occupations are engineers, ar- West African women engage in highly or- chitects, natural scientists, physicians and ganized long-distance trading that is else- dentists, lawyers, nonretail sales represen- where an exclusively male occupation (Ham- tatives, mail carriers, electrical and elec- mond and Jablow, 1976); and, as do women 20 8 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK in other horticultural economies, they hoe men or all women. Industries have also been the fields. In hunting/gathering societies, found to be more segregated than would be women commonly do virtually all the gath- expected from their occupational mix, in- ering of vegetable food, which is the dom- dicating additional segregation beyond that inant source of subsistence in half the known measured by occupational segregation alone. ethnographic cases (Friedl, 1975:13). This For example, clerical workers, a large and degree of cross-societal variation in the sex diverse category that is approximately two- division of labor, and even reversal of what thirds female, are more likely to be male in is traditionally considered men's or women's some industries than in others. Because the work from society to society, suggests that sex composition of occupations differs in dif- most occupational sex typing is highly influ- ferent establishments and industries, aggre- enced by cultural constructions of gender. gate measures of occupational segregation The degree of cross-national agreement that underestimate the degree of segregation in is also observed suggests that many cultural the world of work. values are shared. Aggregate measures of occupational seg- The division of labor and sex segregation regation underestimate segregation for an- in work changes with time. Historical evi- other reason as well. Occupational cate- dence shows change in the sex typing of gories are themselves aggregat' ;s, composed many specific occupations (Davies, 1975; of smaller categories, some of which may be Tyack and Strober, 1981; Kessler-Harris, even more segregal ed. For example, wom- 1982). Since World War II several occupa- en were 59 percent of all workers in service tions in the United States have changed occupations in 191'0, but they made up 95 sharply in their sex composition; for exam- percent of all private household workers and ple, bank teller, insurance adjuster, and real 12 percent of all workers in protective ser- estate agent have all changed from male to vice occupations, both of which were sub- female. Sex segregation in employment, categories of service occupations (computed however, seems to be deeply ingrained in from U.S. Department of Commerce, Bu- cultural beliefs and well established in, the reau of the Census, 1983b:Table 1). Cal- organization of work. Occupations change culations based on even the most detailed their sex typing, but segregation remains. census occupational classification (the three- The aggregate amount of sex segregation digit level) underestimate the amount of seg- across occupations, as measured by the in- regation because each category sometimes dex of dissimilarity, has been virtually stable combines occupations with widely different since 1900 until 1970. sex ratios.4 The Dictionary of Occupational Sex segregation in the workplace takes Titles (U.S. Department of Labor, 1977) lists many forms. In addition to the most obvious form, occupational segregation, men and women in the same occupation often work in different industries or for different em- 4 The Census Bureau categorizes occupations at vary- ployers.3 Establishment and industry seg- ing levels of detail. The broadest classification includes regation are common, and they occur even 13 major categories (see Table 1-1), recently modified from 11 (see Rytina and Bianchi, 1984, and Bianchi and when occupations are integrated. For ex- Rytina, 1984, for a discussion of comparability with ample, the occupation waiter includes men earlier census years). A somewhat more detailed clas- and women, but many restaurants hire all sification, sometimes referred to as the two-digit Cen- sus Bureau categories, included 44 occupations in 1970. The classification referred to as detailed or three-digit included 441 occupations in 1970 and 503 in 1980. When we refer in the text to "detailed census occu- 3 See Blau (1977) for a thorough discussion of different pational categories" or "three-digit census occupations" types of sex segregation in employment. we mean this refined classification. 21 SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 9 over 12,000 unique job titles, which rep- and individuals all lose when workersare resent an aggregation of perhaps 1 million allocated to jobs on the basis of character- jobs done by 115 million memi n.s of the istics such as gender, race, or age rather than labor force (Miller et al., 1980). Thus, even on their ability to perform the work. Seg- the 500 detailed occupations classified in the regation necessarily restricts individuals' census or the Current Population Survey chances for self-fulfillment. When jobsare involve substantial aggregation. classified as men's work or women's work, Because measures of occupational segre- neither men nor women are free to do the gation underestimate segregation in work, jobs that might best suit them. Because it it would be very desirable to have data for has made substantial investments in devel- jobs, rather than occupations, in order to be oping its members' abilities, society as well able to assess the extent of and changes in as its individual members lose when workers segregation accurately. A job can be defined are assigned to jobs on the basis of their as a particular task within a particular work gender rather than their talents. To theex- group in a particular company or establish- tent that involuntary job segregation re- ment performed by one or more individuals stricts employment opportunities for oth- (Bridges and Berk, 1978). Examples Are erwise qualified workers, it represents the check-out clerk at the Indianapolis Speed- failure of the economy to make use of the way K-Mart store or upholsterer at the available labor supply most appropriately. Boeing plant in Renton, Washington. The misallocation of human resources in the Distinguishing between job segregation work force necessarily depresses national and occupational segregation is critical for productivity, and the loss in productivity reasons other than the tendency of occu- that job segregation entails will increa3e if pationally based measures to underestimate it persist; at current levels at the same time the true amount of segregation. Most im- that more women attain advanced education portant, the processes that contribute to oc- and their expected work life increases. To cupational segregation may differ from those the extent that declines in the sizes of ad- that produce job segregation. Theories that olescent and young adult cohorts (U.S. De- focus on workers' choices are concerned with partment of Commerce, 1981) and the num- occupational outcomes, but hiring decisions bers of high school graduates (U.S. De- occur at the establishment level and must partment of Education, 1981) reduce the be explained with data on men's and wom- traditional supply of new workers for skilled en's access to jobs. In addition, focusing on and technical jobs, labor shortages may well occupational segregation may imply differ- occur unless these jobs are open to talented ent remedies than those suggested by an individuals irrespective of their gender. emphasis on jobs. These differences and the Although gender affects what jobsare committee's ultimate concern with the total available to persons of both sexes,segre- amount of sex segregation in the workplace gation is snore harmful to women primarily dictate focusing on jobs when the data per- because the occupations held predominant- mit. Often, however, constraints imposed ly by women are less desirable on various by available data or research limit our focus dimensions than those held predominantly to occupations. by men. In particular, segregation contrib- utes to women's lower wages. Female-dom- THE CONSEQUENCES OF SEX inated occupations also provide less on-the- job training and fewer opportunities for SEGREGATION IN EMPLOYMENT mo- bility. These and other consequences ofsex- The consequences of sex segregation in segregated work careers also followwomen the workplace extend beyond the symbolic into retirement. Because wage conse- fact of its existence. Society, the economy, quences are so important, we enumerate 22 10 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK several ways in which wages are affected by differential that could be attributed to sex job segregation; we then take up other con- segregation among detailed occupations. The sequences. analysis indicated that the segregation of men and women into different occupations ac- counts for about 35-40 percent of the sex Wage Consequences difference in average earnings. The remain- Occupational sex segregation, sex segre- der is due to the fact that within each de- gation across firms, and job segregation tailed occupation men tend to earn more within firms all reduce women's earnings than women. These and other data led that relative to men's. committee to the conclusion that occupa- tional segregation has a substantial effect on women's earnings and that, in particular, the Occupational Segregation and wages of female-dominated occupations are Wage Disparity depressed relative to what they would be in In the United States, full-time, year-round the absence of segregation. wbite female workers on the average earn Although the 1980 census data have not approximately 60 percent as much as full- yet been analyzed to assess whether the ef- time, year-round white male workers, a ratio fect of occupational segregation on earnings that has been almost constant for at least the differentials has changed since 1970 (the year last 25 years. According to the report of the to which the Committee on Occupational National Research Council's Committee on Classification and Analysis's estimate per- Occupational Classification and Analysis tain), a crude assessment is possible through (Treiman and Hartmann, 1981), a substan- the use of published data from the Current tial part of this overall earnings differential Population Survey (CPS). The main defi- can be attributed to the low wages women ciency of the CPS data is that the relatively earn in predominantly female occupations. smaller sample size requires considerable For 499 detailed occupational categories in aggregation of occupational categories. From the 1970 census classification, the correla- 1970 through 1974, data on the mean earn- tion between median annual wage and salary ings of full-time, year-round workers by sex earnings (adjusted for time spent working) are presented for 24 occupational categories; and the percentage female among occupa- in 1975 the number of categories was ex- tional incumbents is .45: the higher the panded to 51. Table 1-2 compares 1970 with percentage female, the less an occupation 1979 data using the 24-category classification paid. Employment in a female-dominated and 1975 with 1979 data using the 51-cat- occupation depressed wages of workers of egory classification. Probably because of the both sexes; each additional percentage point highly aggregated classifications, only 22 female in an occupation was associated with percent of the gender difference in earnings $42 less in median annual earnings. The ex- in 1970 can be attributed to occupational pected median wage in an occupation filled segregation, compared with the figure of 35- exclusively by women was $3,946, less than 40 percent based on the 499 categories of half the $8,185 median in exclusively male the 1970 census. The comparison across years occupations (Treiman and Hartmann, 1981). suggests a slight decrease in the effect of Differences, in occupational characteristics segregation between 1970 and 1979. In 1970 (as measured by the Dictionary of Occu- the average earnings of women would have pational Titles) accounted for about 35 per- been 90 percent of those of men had women cent of the gross association with percentage earned as much as men in the same occu- female. The report also estimated the pro- pation; by 1979 this had increased to 92 per- portion of the gross male-female earnings cent. The 1975-1979 comparison based on 23 SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 11 TABLE 1-2Decomposition of Earnings Differentials Between Men and Women Into Within-Occupation and Between-Occupation Components, for Full-Time Year-Round Workers in Selected Years, 1970-1979 24-Category 51-Category Classification° Classification° 1970 1979b 1975 1979 Earnings differentials Mean earnings of men $9,918 $19,109 $14,029 $19,109 Expected mean earnings of women if they earned the male average in each occupationc 8,975 17,583 12,5.50 17,230 Mean earnings of women 5,675 10,876 7,930 10,876 Earnings differentials expressed as a percentage of male earnings Mean earnings of men 100% 100% 100% 100% Expected mean earnings of women 90 92 89 90 Mean earnings of women 57 57 57 57 Decomposition of earnings differentials Percent due to occupational segregation 22 18 24 23 Percent due to within-occupation pay differences 78 82 76 77 Each classification was based on the most disaggregated set of categories available. b The 51-category 1979 classification was aggregated to 24 categories to match the 1970 classification by taking a weighted average of the mean earnings of men or women in each of the component categories, weighted by the number of men in each component category. The number of women in the aggregated category is just thesum of the number of women in each component category. Q The means for male workers had to be estimated for three categories (secretaries and stenographers,typists, and private household workers, aggregated to two in the 24category classification) for which therewere too few incumbents for the CPS to be willing to report a mean. For 1979 and for the first two categories in 1975,means were calculated directly from the published distribution by scoring the income categories at their midpoint. in the case of secretaries and stenographers in 1979, an outlieran estimated 2000 cases with annual earnings of $60,000-$75,000--was omitted from the computation. For 1970, and for private household workers in 1975,means were estimated by assuming that the category mean to be estimated bore the same ratio to the mean earnings of the total male labor force as it did in 1979. SOURCE: Current Population Reports, Series P.60; No. 80, Table 55; No, 105, Table 52; No. 129, Table 58. 51 occupational categories yields similar re- pensive restaurants almost always employ sults although the changes are not as large, men to wait on tables, while inexpensive perhaps because of the shorter time period. restaurants and coffee shops are much more likely to hire women, is an example of be- Job Segregation and Wage Disparity tween-firm segregation. Since expensive es- tablishments pay better and provide larger Sex segregation within occupations fur- tips, male waiters earn more than female ther contributes to the earnings gap. As we waiters. An example of within-firm segre- noted above, sex segregation occurs within gation contributing to the income gap is the occupations because men and women who assignment of men to higher-paid night work. perform the same occupation may be seg- The evidence regarding the consequences regated by firm or enterprise, and because of job segregation for earnings differentials within firms men and women in the same is sparse. The small number of studies must occupation may do different jobs. That ex- be regarded as suggestive rather than de- 24 I2 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK finitive, especially since none estimates the differences because men and women filling proportion of the earnings differential within the same occupation within firms are as- occupations that can be attributed to job signed different specific jobs at different pay segregation. rates. The most direct evidence comes from the work of Bridges and Berk (1978), who Segregation Across Firm. Although no found that white.collar female-dominated economy-wide quantitative estimates of the jobs in Chicago financial firms paid less effect on earnings differences of the segre- largely because they did not compensate in- gation of men and women in the same oc- cumbents' qualifications and job character- cupation in different firms are available, ex- istics at the same rate as did male-dominated amples suggest that such segregation is an jobs. Almost three-quarters of the $2,250 important source of the wage gap. Several annual wage disparity was due to differential studies show that within specific occupations payment for qualifications and job charac- women and men tend to be employed in teristics, while differences in the me an qual- different establishments, with better-paying ifications of workers in male- and female- firms disproportionately employing men. dominated jobs accounted for a little more Blau (1977) has shown that within sex-in- than $300 of the wage gap. Similarly, Talbert tegrated occupations, such as accounting and Bose (1977) found that male retail sales clerk, men tend to earn more than women clerks were more likely to be assigned to because they tend to work in higher-paying "big-ticket" departments of stores (e.g., fur- firms. She found that more of the male-fe- niture, large appliances) and hence earned male wage differential within each occupa- more on average than female clerks. (Inter- tion was between rather than within firms. estingly, however, there was a strong in- That is, men were overrepresented in high- teraction between gender and department er-paying firms, which hired fewer women in determining earnings; department mat- across all the occupations she studied. Buck- tered more for men than for women, so that ley (1971) and McNulty (1967) found similar the earnings gap between the sexes was results for clerical jobs, as did Talbert and greater in the big-ticket departments.) Bose (1977) for retail clerks, Allison (1976) Using 1960 data, Halaby (1979b) found for beauty salon operators, and Johnson and that female managers in a large public utility Stafford (1974) and Darland et al. (1974) for firm earned on average 64 percent as much college and university faculty members. as male managers. Only 9.7 percent of the Other evidence of the importance of this earnings gap could be explained by differ- type of segregation for earnings comes from ences in levels of education, seniority, and industry data; industries provide a crude previous work experience, while 75.3 per- proxy for firm differences. Calculations by cent was explained by the difference in re- Malveaux (1982a) show that industrial sex turns to human capital for men and women. segregation accounted for 13.5-27.5 percent In analyzing the source of differential re- of the wage gap within broad (one-digit) oc- turns to human capital, Halaby found that cupational categories when industrial dis- men and women were largely segregated tribution was also controlled at the one-digit into different managerial "ranks." While level. more than 94 percent of women were in ranks V and VI (the lowest ranks), more than Segregation Within FirmsIt is not possible 85 percent of men were in rank IV or above. to estimate the overall wage effect of the When rank was entered as an explanatory segregation of men and women into different variable, the difference in distribution of men jobs within the same occupation and firm, and women across ranks alone explained 65 but some evidence suggests that this type percent of the wage gap, reducing the effect of segregation also contributes to earnings of differences in human capital levels and 25 SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 13 returns to 27.3 percent. Halaby concludes income, susceptibility to unemployment, on- that rank segregation severely restricts the-job training, occupational and status mo- women from transforming their stocks of hu- bility, prestige, stress, power, and the di- man capital into higher salaries. Between 45 vision of labor within the household. and 55 percent of the men's earnings ad- vantage among professional employees in a Retirement Income large research organization that Malkiel and Malkiel (1973) studied could be attributed Women are less likely than men to be to the greater tendency for men to be as- covered by private pension plans-40 per- signed or promoted to higher rank, even if cent of full-time women workers are covered attributes thought to be related to produc- by such plans, compared with 55 percent of tivity (post-high-school education, college similar men (D. Beller, 1981)partly be- field of study, job-related labor market ex- cause they are concentrated in low-wage perience, rate of absenteeism, and personal firms and occupations and less profitable in- productivity as measured by number of pub- dustries that are less likely to provide pen- lications) are controlled for. The remainder sion coverage (Benson, 1980). Although the of the earnings gap stemmed from sex dif- sex difference in pension coverage is also ferences in these variables. An important partly due to women's shorter average ten- mechanism in producing wage differences ure in their current jobs, it remains consid- is the propensity of firms to assign men ini- erable even after controlling for years em- tially to higher ranks (Cabral et al., 1981; ployed narrowed the coverage gap between Newman and Wilson, 1981; Harlan and O'- the sexes (D. Beller, 1981). Twenty-five per- Farrell, 1982) or to promote them more rap- cent of all women (half of those employed idly than similarly qualified women (Com- in the private sector) work in retail and ser- mittee on the Education and Employment vice industries, which have the lowest pen- of Women in Science and Engineering, sion coverage (U.S. Department of Labor, 1983). Judging from the available evidence, Labor-Management Services Administra- within-firm pay differences for workers in tion, 1980). Only 10.5 percent of women the same occupation appear mainly to reflect over 65 received money from private pen- differences in rank. sions, compared with 27.7 percent of men Progress in studying the effect of job seg- (Moss, 1983). Of course, because women regation on earnings differentials will de- earn less than men, both their social security pend on the availability of' much more de- and retirement benefits are lower (Moss, tailed data than is available from the census. 1983). Such data are nearly always limited to stud- ies of single industries or single enterprises. Susceptibility to Unemployment Despite thelimited generalizability to the labor force as a whole, studies of industries The link between occupational sex seg- and enterprises that make use of very de- regation and unemployment is not straight- tailed job classifications should be encour- forward. Until 1981 women's unemploy- aged because they illuminate the processes ment rates typically exceeded men's by 1-2 of segregation. percentage points (Lloyd and Niemi, 1979; U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Other Consequences of Sex Segregation Statistics, 1981a, 1981b). However, in late 1981 the adult male unemployment rate sur- Wages are but one aspect of the negative passed that of women by 0.1-0.5 percentage consequences for women of sex segregation points (U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau in the labor market. job segregation also of Labor Statistics, 1982a). Their different contributes to sex differences in retirement occupational distribution exposes men to a ... 26 14 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK greater risk of cyclical unemployment than (Federal Government Service Task Force, women (Barrett and Morgenstern, 1974; 1981). Thus, in the short run, reducing seg- Niemi, 1974; R. Smith, 1977; Urquhart and regation would place women in more cycl- Hewson, 1983). Women are concentrated in ically sensitive sectors or occupations, but clerical and service occupations and indus- in the long run it would probably increase tries, which are less cyclically sensitive than their labor force attachment and thereby re- the predominantly male blue-collar occu- duce both the male-female unemployment pations in manufacturing and construction. differential and the overall sex difference in Indeed, Cornfield (1981) and Blau and Kahn labor force participation. (1981a) found that women's occupational and industrial distributions contribute substan- tially to their lower layoff rates relative to On-the-Job Training those of men. Much of the beneficial effect of women's On-the-job training offers workers the op- concentration in occupations and industries portunity to acquire skills that facilitate oc- that are less vulnerable to cyclical unem- cupational mobility and wage increases ployment, however, is cancelled out by their (Mincer, 1962b). Thurow's (1975) charac- greater propensity to be labor force en- terization of the labor market as a training trants, which subjects them to high unem- market in which training slots are allotted ployment rates. Moreover, although wom- to workers recognizes the importance of ac- en's concentration in certain occupations or cess to training. But women tend to receive sectors reduces their aggregate risk of un- less training than equally experienced men, employment, women who work in female- their jobs involve shorter training periods dominated occupations are unemployed sig- (Duncan and Hoffman, 1978, 1979), and, n.:.S"antly longer than are other women (Bar- among federal employees at least, their rett and Morgenstern, 1977). In addition, training costs less per hour (Taylor, 1985). women's occupation-specific unemploy- Evidence that sex segregation accounts for ment rates continue to exceed men's within these differences is indirect and thus only many occupations (Urquhart and Hewson, suggestive. For example, since training is 1983). With the exception of the 1980 reces- usually refketed in more rapid wage gains sion, women in manufacturing and blue-col- over time, the flatter experience-wage pro- lar occupations have been more likely to be files Zellner (1975) observed for female- laid off than men during a recession (Terry, dominated occupations is consistent with the 1982). finding of less on-the-job training. Women who have recently entered male- dominated occupations are especially vul- nerable to layoffs during economic down- Occupational and Status Mobility turns (Kelley, 1982). During the recent recessions in the United States and Europe Research on sex differences in occupa- this was true for women in certain blue- tional mobility suggests that, in part because collar occupations, such as durable goods of occupational segregation, women expe- manufacturing (O'Neill and Smith, 1976; R. rience less career mobility than men. For Smith, 1977). In recent federal "reductions example, Rosenfeld and Sorensen (1979) in force," women in positions with ratings found that most of the difference in men's of GS 12 or above were laid off at a rate 2.3 and women's chances to move between par- times the average rate, presumably primar- ticular sets of occupations was due to dif- ily because they had less seniority, although ferences in their distribution over occupa- veterans' preference also protected men tional categories. Using Duncan's socioec- 27 SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 15 onomic index (SEI)5 to measure occupational ment and Productivity, 1977; Peterson-Hardt status, Wolf and Rosenfeld (1978) found that and Perlman, 1979; C. Smith, 1979; Ratner, women experienced less upward SEI mo- 1981; Haignere et al., 1981), and women in bility than men over a five-year period. typically male occupations may be assigned Leaving the male sector increased the like- to jobs that offer few promotion opportun- lihood of a prestige loss for both sexes. Nei- ities (Martin, 1980; Hochschild, 1975; Ep- ther men nor women who shifted from one stein 1970b). female-dominated job to another were likely As a result, short-term comparisons un- to experience upward SEI mobility,al- derestimate long-term differences in the though starting in a female-dominated oc- probability of upward mobility. When Sew- cupation did not reduce the mobility chances ell et al. (1980) observed occupational mo- of either sex, provided they moved to a non- bility over a longer period, the women be- female-dominated occupation.6 However, gan in occupations with higher SEI scores, 80 percent of the men and only 31 percent but 18 years later the men had surpassed of the women made such moves. Research- them, and married women with children had ers who assessed mobility in terms of wage actually lost ground. Even childless women changes found that men's earnings rose fast- gained little occupational status over the er than women's (Rosenfeld, 1980; Blau and course of their working lives, and never- Kahn, 1981b). married women gained only one-third as Because female-dominated occupations much as did men (Sewell et al., 1980). Mar- have characteristically shorter career lad- ini (1980) also found that after controlling ders, i.e., opportunities to advance in pay for education and labor force experience, and status from entry-level positions, wom- women showed very small gains in occu- en often attain their maximum level within pational status between their first and a sub- a few years. Typically female entry-level jobs, sequent job, while men's occupational status such as telephone operators or stitchers increased over time. Some of the sex dif- (Grinker et al., 1970) tend to be on shorter ference was due to the differential ability of ladders than typically male entry-level jobs men and women to benefit from their ed- (Blau, 1977; Kanter, 1977; Stevenson, 1977; ucation and employment experience. This New York State Commission on Manage- difference stems from both their different concentrations in occupations that reward these personal resources differently and the tendency of some employers to hold women s The socioeconomic index (Duncan, 1961) was con- to higher promotion standards than men (Col- structed to measure occupational prestige. It computes occupational prestige on the basis of the salaries and son and Becker, 1983). the educational attainment of incumbents of occupa- tions. England (1979), Roos (1981), and others have criticized the use of the SEI to compare the sexes be- Occupational Prestige cause it does not take into account differences in the Several studies (see Bose and Rossi, 1983; kinds of occupations women and men typically hold. Jacobs and Powell, 1983, for reviews) sug- Although Wolf and Rosenfeld (1978) found no evi- dence that men changing jobs within the "female sec- gest that workers in sex-atypical occupations tor- had more SEI mobility than similar women, men do not have the occupational prestige ac- may have an advantage in some female-dominated oc- corded sex-typical incumbents of the same cupations. For example, Grimm and Stern (1974) found occupations. For example, Jacobs and Pow- that men were overrepresented in higher-status and ell (1983) found that the more an occupation administrative jobs in teaching, nursing, academic li- brarianship, and social work, and Fox and Hesse-Biber was dominated by one sex, the greater the (1984) confirmed this finding for a larger number of discrepancy between the prestige that raters professions more recently. accorded to sex-typical and sex-atypical job- 28 16 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK holders. Given the differing amounts of Power and Work Within the Family prestige accorded to male and female in- cumbents in the same occupation, a move Job segregation and the resulting differ- that would represent upward prestige mo- ences in earnings may influence women's bility for men might mean downward mo- home lives by affecting the distribution of bility for women. According to the prestige power between marriage partners and the ratings their respondents assigned sex-typ- division of household labor. No studies have ical and sex-atypical workers,floristto tested these suppositions directly, however. plumber and typist to electrician represent McDonald's (1980) review of studies of fam- such moves (Powell and Jacobs, 1984). ily power notes that resource theory pro- vides the principle framework for such stud- ies. Most posit a material base for marital power, supplemented by ideology or psy- chological factors. Job Stress Some evidence supports a connection be- Across-the-board comparisons indicate tween wives' employment and material that women and men find their jobs equally power within the family; Rainwater (1979) satisfying (U.S. Department of Labor, Em- suggests that wives' employment influences ployment and Training Administration, family consumption patterns, away from 1979c). But sketchy evidence suggests that "male" goods such as sporting equipment some female-dominated occupations may be and toward "female goods" such as home more stressful. Secretaries, for example, had appliances. In contrast, time use studies the second-highest incidence of stress-re- based on data from the late 1960s (Meissner lated diseases among workers in 130 occu- et al., 1975; Walker and Woods, 1976; Va- pations studied by the National Institute of nek, 1980) show little if any increase in hr.- Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) in bands' contribution to household work when 1975. A 1980 study revealed that data-entry their wives are employed. More recent time clerks who operated video display terminals budget studies based on data from the mid- full time exhibited th., highest stress levels 1970s (Fleck with Rustad, 1981; Berk, 1979; of any occupational g..oup NIOSH had ever Stafford and Duncan, 1979) reveal a slight studied, including air traffic controllers (cit- convergence in the amount of time husbands ed in Working Women Education Fund, and wives spent in family roles and in total 1981). Haynes and Feinleib (1980) found that work time (both paid and family). But the coronary heart disease among participants slight increase in husband's family time is in the longitudinal Framingham Heart Study not linked to wives' employment, since hus- was about twice as common among female bands' time in family roles does not vary clerical workers who had children as among with their wives' work time. Although work- other women workers or housewives. Sup- ing wives have reduced their family time, pressed hostility, a nonsupportive boss, lit- particularly housework, substantially in re- tle job mobility, and a blue-collar husband cent years, women still do the vast majority were all associated with coronary heart dis- of housework. As Moore and Sawhill (1978), ease among clerical workers, presumably Hartmann (1981), and others have noted, because they contributed to increased stress. women have taken on a new set of activities However, knowledge of the effects of oc- without forgoing their traditional responsi- cupational segregation on workers' levels of bilities. psychological stress is very sketchy at this The household division of labor appears time. to share with job segregation a resistance to 29 SIGNIFICANCE OF SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 17 change, and the two are likely t be mutually ference in the distributions of women and reinforcing. The failure of husbands' house- men across job categories. Some of the dif- hold time to respond to their wives' paid ference observed may not be problematic work may contribute to their wives' choices for women or society, because it results from regarding paid work. Women's choices both a voluntary sorting out of people and jobs. contribute to and result from occupational To the extent that the difference is volun- segregation, and segregation reduces the re- tary, it may not be an appropriate object of sources women bring to the marital unit and public policy. thus, potentially, their power in the house- Sex segregation is only one manifestation hold. of unequal opportunity in the workplace. Women's lower earnings and such phenom- ena as sexual harassment and unequal fringe CONCLUSION benefits are others. In our view, job seg- We have reviewed evidence that shows regation is among the most significant. And that sex segregation in employment has sig- perhaps most important, to the extent that nificant consequences for women, men, sex segregation in the workplace connotes families, and societybut particularly for the inferiority of women or contributes to women. It contributes to women's low wages maintaining women as men's inferiors, it has and lesser employment-related benefits of great symbolic importance. We believe that all kinds, and some have argued that it con- sex segregation is fundamentally at adds with tributes to a household division of labor that the established goals of equal oppori;nity also seems to disadvantage women. The neg- and equality under the law in American so- ative consequences of sex segregation in em- ciety. Therefore we focus on the factors af- ployment are likely to increase, if sex seg- fecting the occupational outcomes of wom- regation does not decline as more women en. Our emphasis is on why women end up work for wages and families come to in- in a small number of less remunerative oc- creasingly rely on their earnings. Sex seg- cupations and how to alter these outcomes regation in employment, as we use it in this in order to improve women's occupational report, generally refers to any observed dif- opportunities. 1 *Z. iNA 30 Sex Segregation: 2Extent and Recent Trends The most common method of assessing be equal to the proportion female or male the extent of sex segregation compares the in the total labor force). distributions of women and men across a set In interpreting the value of the index of of occupational categories. The difference in segregation, one must bear in mind that its the distributions of the sexes across occu- magnitude is unaffected by the type of oc- pational categories can be summarized by cupational shifts workers would need to the index of segregation (see note 2, Chapter make. Shifts from a sex-typical occupation 1, for the formula), which was developed by to a closely related sex-atypical occupation Duncan and Duncan (1955). Its value rep- for example, from elementary school teacher, resents the minimum proportion of persons which is 84 percent female, to school ad- of either sex who would have to change to ministrator, which is predominantly male an occupation in which their sex is under- (U.S. Department of Labor. Bureau of La- represented in order for the occupational bor Statistics, 1981c)are considerably more distributions of the two groups to be iden- probable in the short run than shifts to oc- tical. Its value is 0 in the case of complete cupations requiring vastly different skills that integration, in which the occupational dis- are performed under different working con- tributions of men and women are identical, ditions. Given the occupational structure, and 100 when every occupation is either however, to achieve total integration both entirely female or entirely male. For ex- women and men would have to move to ample, in 1981 the index of sex segregation occupations that are atypical for their sex. computed over 11 major occupational cat- As we noted in the previous chapter, our egories was 41 among whites and 39 among use of this measure of segregation does not nonwhites (see Table 2-1), indicating that at imply that we believe complete integration least 40 percent of all women or men would of all occupations is an appropriate policy have to change to an occupational category goal. We do, however, believe that job seg- dominated by the other sex for their broad regation should be substantially reduced. distributions to be identical (and for the pro- The index of segregation is influenced by portion female or male in each category to the sizes of more and less segregated oc- 18 31 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 19 TABLE 2-1Occupational Segregation Indices Across Major Census Categories for Sex and Race, 1940-1981 1940 1950 1960 1970 1981 Occupational segregation by sex among: Whites 46 43 44 44 41 Blacks and others 58 50 52 49 39 Occupational segregation by race among: Men 43 36 35 30 24 Women 62 52 45 30 17 NOTE: Indices are calculated for occupational distributions across 11 major census categories. The data from 1940 to 1960 are classified according to the 1940 census detailed occupational classification; the 1970 dataare classified according to the 1960 census detailed occupational classification; and the 1981 dataare classified according to the 1970 census detailed occupational classification. SOURCES: For data from 1940 to 1970, Treiman and Terrell (1975b:167), Copyright ©, Russell Sage Foundation, 1975. Reprinted by permission of the publisher, Russell Sage Foundation. The indices for 1981were computed from data published in U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (1982a). cupations. If the most sex-typed occupations similar in 1940, by 1981 the drop in the race employed relatively few workers and the segregation index was substantial (from 43 most integrated occupations employed most to 24 among men and from 62 to 17 among of the work force, the index would be fairly women), while the index of sex segregation low. Alternatively, a few large, highly seg- decreased much less (from 46 to 41 among regated occupations could dominate a large whites and from 58 to 39 among blacks and number of small, integrated occupations to other races). One can also evaluate the mag- yield a large index. This feature of the index nitude of the index in the context of typical is desirable because it represents the actual levels for other industrial countries. Using occupational structure workers encounter. 14 broad occupational categories, Roos (1985) When one compares segregation levels over computed indices for 12 societies. The value time or across populations with differing oc- for the United States, 47, fell toward the cupational structures, however, differences high end of the distribution, which ranged in the values of the index will confound dif- from a low of 27 for japan to a high of 60 for ferences in the amount of segregation within Sweden. Of course, these valuesare a func- occupations with differences in the sizes of tion of the number of occupational cate- occupations. (Blau and Hendricks, 1979, and gories (which differed slightly across the Bianchi and Rytina, 1984, decompose the countries), and we present these results only total index into components representing as a gauge for assessing the magnitude of a these aspects; we discuss their findings be- single index. low.) The magnitude of the index changes as To get a feeling for how much segregation the number of occupational categories in- is associated with a particular value of the creases. Using 1981 Current Population index, it is helpful to compare different types Survey data, Jacobs (1983) calculates the in- of segregation. In Table 2-1 segregation in- dex as 40 on the basis of the 10 majorcensus dices are computed for 11 major census oc- occupational categories and as 62.7 on the cupational categories by both race and sex basis of 426 three-digit census occupations. for each decade since 1940. Although the The magnitude of the latter index is com- amounts of race and sex segregation across parable to the values shown in Table 2-4, these broad occupational categories were also based on detailed census occupations. t 32 20 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK The index of segregation can aln be cal- largest 10 occupations for women, 9 were culated for subsets of occupations, to inves- more than 70 percent and 7 were more than tigate how subsets compare with each other 80 percent female, compared with the total or to the whole. A. Beller (1984) computed civilian experienced labor force, which was the index for 1981 data for 262 occupations 42.5 percent female. Of the 10 largest oc- as well as for the subset of 59 professional cupations for men, all were at least 70 per- occupations classified at the same level of cent male and 7 were more than 80 percent detail. As we would expect, the index for male. Only one occupationmanagers, not the professional occupations was smaller than elsewhere classifiedwas common to both that for the full range of occupations (51 and lists. 62, respectively), indicating less segregation As we noted in Chapter 1, even measures across professional occupations than across of segregation based on detailed occupa- all occupations. tional categories underestimate actual levels of segregation in employment because they do not measure the segregation of the sexes CURRENT EXTENT OF SEX at the level of the establishment. As we not- SEGREGATION ed further, sex segregation cui occur within In 1980, 48 percent of all women worked occupations when the sexes have the same in occupations that were at least 80 percent occupation, but at different ranks, within an female (Rytina and Bianchi, 1984). These establishment. For example, Halaby (1979b) include many clerical occupations (bank tell- provides evidence of rank segregation among ers, bookkeepers, cashiers, data-entry delis, managerial employees in a utility firm, and receptionists, secretaries, typists, and tele- Norwood (1982) notes that among assem- phone operators) and service occupations blers and machine tool operators in the mo- (chambermaids, wait, esses, practical nurs- tor vehicle parts industry, women were dis- es, child care workers, hairdressers, and pri- proportionately concentrated in class C, the vate household workers) as well as opera- lowest-paid class. Occupations can also be tives in apparel manufacturing. Men were more segregated across establishments than even more likely to work in occupations they are in the aggregate. dominated by members of their own sex: 71 Blau's (1977) investigation of office work- percent were employed in occupations that ers in three northeastern standard metro- were at least 80 percent male, such as sci- politan statistical areas documented intra- entific, technical, and professional occupa- occupational sex segregation across firms tions (engineers, chemists, dentists, phar- (i.e., the segregation of female and male macists, and physicians), skilled crafts workers in the same occupations in different (carpenters, electricians, painters, plumbers, firms). She assessed the amount of segre- machinists, and auto and heavy equipment gation for several occupations that were rel- mechanics), operatives (meat cutters, grind- atively sex-integrated in e:tch city by com- ing machine operators, forklift operators, paring the actual index of segregation for an welders, deliverymen, and truck drivers), occupation with the expected index given and laborers (construction laborers, freight the size of the pool of qualified female and handlers, and gardeners). These proportions male workers and the percentage of women are slightly lower for black women and men in the occupation in each firm. In most oc- (Malveaux, 1982b). cupations, the difference between the ex- Based on data for 312 detailed occupa- pected and actual was considerable. Inter- tions, Table 2-2 shows employment in the estingly, it was smallest among computer 10 largest occupations for women and men, programmers, an occupation that had grown and their percentage female in 1980. Of the twentyfold during the 1960s. Blau also found 33 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 21 TABLE 2-2Employment in the 10 Largest Occupations for Men and Women,1980 Ten Largest Occupations for Men 1970-1980 Change in Detailed 1980 Occupational Number Percentage Female Percentage Title and Code of Men 1980 1970 Female 1. Managers, N.E.C. (019) 3,824,609 26.9 15.3 11.6 2. Truckdrivers, heavy (804) 1,852,443 2.3 1.5 0.8 3. Janitors and cleaners (453) 1,631,534 23.4 13.1 10.3 4. Supervisors, production (633) 1,605,489 15.0 9.9 5.1 5. Carpenters (567) 1,275,666 1.6 1.1 0.5 6. Supervisor, sales (243) 1,137,045 28.2 17.0 11.2 7. Laborers (889) 1,128,789 19.4 16.5 2.9 8. Sales representatives (259) 1,070,206 14.9 7.0 7.9 9. Farmers (473) 1,032,759 9.8 4.7 5.1 10. Auto mechanics (505) 948,358 1.3 1.4 -0.1 Ten Largest Occupations for Women 1970-1980 Change in Percentage Female Detailed 1980 Occupational Number Percentage Title and Code of Women 1980 1970 Female 1. Secretaries (313) 3,949,973 98.8 97.8 1.0 2. Teachers, elementary school (156) 1,749,547 75.4 83.9 -8.5 3. Bookkeepers (337) 1,700,843 89.7 80.9 8.8 4. Cashiers (276) 1,565,502 83.5 84.2 -0.7 5. Office clerks (379) 1,425,083 82.1 75.3 6.8 6. Managers, N.E.C. (019) 1,407,898 26.9 15.3 11.6 7. Waitresses and waiters (435) 1,325,928 88.0 90.8 - /8 8. Salesworkers (274) 1,234,929 72.7 70.4 2.3 9. Registered nurses (095) 1,232,544 95.9 97.3 -1.4 10. Nursing aides (447) 1,209,757 87.8 87.0 0.8 SOURCE: Rytina and Bianchi (1984). that firms tended to have consistent patterns amination of these relatively integrated firms of sex segregation across occupations. If a revealed that in very few did women and firm employed more men than expected in men work side by side at the same jobs. For one occupation, it was likely to do so in other example, one integrated establishmentem- occupations, 2nd such firms tended to pay ployed apartment house managers, each of workers of both sexes higher wages. whom resided in the building he or sheman- In another study of segregation at the es- aged. In another, women worked during the tablishment level, Bielby and Baron (1984) day shift, while men in the same job worked found an astonishing amount of job segre- at night. Studies of specific occupations gation. Using data for 393 firms that the (travel agents by Mennerick, 1975; retail California State Employment Service col- clerks by Talbert and Bose, 1977) or estab- lected between 1959 and 1979, they found lishments (Harlan and O'Farrell, 1982)con- that 30 firms employed workers of only one firm patterns of considerable segregation by sex. In an additional 201 firms, women and sex at the firm or job level. men shared none of the same job titles. Thus, Industries, too, differ both in theirpro- 231 of 393 firms were totally segregated (in- pensity to employ women and in their levels dices of 100). Only 16 establishments had of occupational sex segregation. The distri- segregation indices below 60, and closer ex- butions of the sexes across eight broad in- 1J; 34 22 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK dustrial categories, shown in Table 2-3, dif- trated in economically peripheral industries fer considerably. In general, women are (Kohen, 1975; Bridges, 1980), while men concentrated in personal and professional work disproportionately in the "core" sector services; finance, insurance, and real estate; of the economy (Beck et al., 1980), but there communications; and retail trade. In con- is disagreement regarding this finding and trast, they make up less than 10 percent of the definition of core and peripheral sectors. workers in logging, fisheries, horticulture, We stress that sex segregation at both the construction, metals and mining, and rail- firm and the industry level limits the em- roads (U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau ployment opportunities of women. Some of Labor Statistics, 1981c:Table 30). This is firms consistently exhibit more segregation not surprising given that industries have dif- than would be expected from the occupa- ferent propensities to employ workers in tional mix they hire, and more firms do this particular occupations that we know to be than would be expected by chance. It is hard sex-segregated. For example, financial firms to escape the conclusion that discriminatory employ many clerical workers, most of whom practices of one sort or another are probably are women, and construction firms employ occurring. Such segregation appears, from many laborers, most of whom are men. Sex the few studies available, to be quite exten- segregation across industries occurs, how- sive, and it is not measured by occupational ever, in amounts greater than would be ex- segregation alone. Clearly we need more pected from their occupational distributions data and more studies at the establishment alone (Blau, 1977; Stolzenberg, 1982). For level. The next section examines trends in example, in 1970, 49.4 percent of all assem- segregation by sex and necessarily relies on blers, who usually work in manufacturing, occupational-level data. were women. In electrical machinery man- ufacture, women constituted 74.2 percent RECENT TRENDS IN OCCUPATIONAL of assemblers; in motor vehicle manufac- SEX SEGREGATION ture, they constituted only 17.2 percent (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Summary measures indicating current Census, 1972). Several researchers have levels of segregation are primarily of interest concluded that women tend to be concen- as data points that reveal trends over time. TABLE 2-3Sex Distribution Over MajorIndustrial Categories for Nonagricultural Industries, October 1984 Women Men Number Percentage Percentage Number Percentage Industry Division (in thousands) distribution Female (in thousands) distribution Mining 123 .3 12.2 889 1.7 Construction 439 1.0 9.5 4,206 7.9 Manufacturing 6,461 15.1 32.4 13,396 25.2 Transportation and public utilities 1,434 3.4 27.2 3,838 7.2 Wholesale trade 1,605 3.8 28.5 4,032 7.6 Retail trade 8,573 20.1 51.9 7,961 15.0 Finance, insurance, and real estate 3,462 8.1 60.7 2,240 4.2 Services 12,587 29.4 59.9 8,440 15.9 Government 8,061 18.9 49.7 8,152 15.3 Total 42,745 100.0 44.6 53,154 100.0 SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (1985a:Tables B-2 and B-3). 35 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 23 After decarics iderable stability, there This procedure allowed them to use virtually has been some reduction in segregation over all occupations representing the entire 1970 the past 10-20 years. Whether the over- and 1980 labor force. Using a 20 percentage whelming impression is one of change or point spread around the proportion female stability, however, depends partly on in the labor force (taken as 40 percent), they whether one looks at the overall picture, defined male-intensive occupations as those which reflects the experiences of more than that were no more than 20 percent female 100 million workers, or at certain occupa- and female-intensive occupations as those tions or subgroups in the labor force. Among that were at least 60 percent female. The the latter, increased integration has taken proportion of men who were in male-inten- place. We begin by examining two summary sive occupations fell from 72.3 percent in measures that necessarily mask change with- 1970 to 52.9 percent in 1980, v.nd the pro- in specific occupations; we then turn to data portion of women who were in female-in- on the experience of young people; we con- tensive occupations fell from 73.6 percent clude by examining changes within selected in 1970 to 63.3 percent in 1980. The pro- occupations. portion of men employed in female-inten- The concentration of workers in occupa- sive occupations did not change, while the tions that are at least 80 percent male or proportion of women employed in male-in- female has increased slightly over the last tensive occupations actually fell, from 9.4 to three decades (Blau, 1977; Waite, 1981). The 6.1 percent, but the proportion of both men trend, however, is sensitive to the definition and women working in the sex-neutral oc- of a sex-dominated occupation and may be cupations rose substantially (Bianchi and an artifact of the growing number of occu- Rytina, unpublished data, 1984). pations that the census distinguishes. Using Indices of occupational sex segregation for as a criterion the overrepresentation of either the labor force as a whole show remarkable sex by at least 5 percentage points relative stability over most of this century'as well to its representation in the labor force, A. as a decline during the 1970s. The index of Beller (1984) observed a decline during the segregation computed for three-digit occu- 1970s in men's concentration in some tra- pational classifications for each decennial ditionally male occupations. census has fluctuated between 65 and 69 Beller's finding of a decrease in the pro- between 1900 and 1970 (Gross, 1968; Blau portion of men in male-dominated occupa- and Hendricks, 1979) and declined to about tions for the 1970s is corroborated by Rytina 60 in 1980 (A. Beller, 1984; Bianchi and and Bianchi (1984). They also found a de- Rytina, 1984). crease in the proportion of women in female- The index increased slightly between 1950 dominated occupations. The occupational and 1960 and then dropped slightly between data from the 1980 census and all earlier 1960 and 1970. According to Blau and Hen- censuses are especially difficult to compare dricks (1979), the increase during the 1950s because of sweeping changes made in the stemmed primarily from the growth ofpre- 1980 census occupational classification dominantly female clerical and professional scheme. Using data for a sample of 120,000 individuals in the experienced civilian labor force whose occupations were "double cod- 1 Attempts to determine the extent of occupational ed" with both the 1970 and the 1980 detailed segregation in the nineteenth century (Oppenheimer, occupational codes, Bianchi and Rytina (1984) 1970; Sorkin, 1973; Williams, 1979), although plagued were able to recode 1970 data into 1980 cat- by problems of the comparability of data, suggest some movement toward desegregation between 1870 and egories and then compare the sex compo- 1920, probably due to the emergence of new occupa- sition of occupations in the two census years. tions that had not yet been sex-typed. r 36 24 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK occupations, while the decline during the and 1981, from 68.3 to 61.7. To put these 1960s was due largely to increased integra- N alues in some context, Beller computed in- tion of occupations, which was the conse- dices for the same 262 occupations in 1960 quence of men's movement into tradition- and 1970 using census data. During that dec- ally female professions such as elementary ade the index declined from 68.7 to 65.9, a school teacher, librarian, nurse, and social decline of only 2.8 points.4 Between 1972 worker, rather than to an increase in wom- and 1981 the index of segregation declined en's representation in male-dominated oc- at an annual rate nearly three tit, that for cupations. Since the number of job openings the 1960s (Beller, 1984). Of the decline of generated by occupational growth and turn- 6.6 points between 1972 and 1981, 18 per- over sets limits on the amount of desegre- cent was due to changes in the sizes of more gation, Blau and Hendricks compared the and less segregated occupations; the re- observed decline in the index with the maining 82 percent represents changes in amount that would have occurred had all the sex composition of the occupations and positions that became available during the reflects increased integration of occupa- period been filled randomly with respect to tions. Using data from the 1970 and 1980 sex.2 This simulation, summarized in Table censuses for virtually all occupations, Bian- 2-4, indicates that sex segregation would have chi and Rytina (1984) obtained similar re- dropped by almost 25 percent during each sults. The indices of segregation they cal- of the two decades had the allocation of culated declined by 8.4 points (from 67.7 to workers to new jobs been sex neutral. In 59.3) between 1970 and 1980, with 76 per- light of this, the actual decline of 3 points cent of the decline due uniquely to shifts in (4.5 percent) between 1960 and 1970 is ex- sex composition within occupations. Jacobs tremely modest. (1983) used Current Population Survey data Recent research (A. Beller, 1984; Jacobs, to compare sex segregation for 1971 and 1981 1983; Bianchi and Rytina, 1984) suggests that across both broad and narrow occupational more rapid change has occurred during the categories as well as for over 10,000 occu- 1970s. The segregation indices that Beller pation-by-industry categories. Jacobs's re- computed for 262 detailed census occu- sults for 426 detailed occupations closely re- pations3 declined by 6.6 points between 1972 semble those of Beller for 262 occupations and those of Bianchi and Rytina for the com- plete set of occupations. Of particular in- terest is the decline during the 1970s of over I Blau and Hendricks (1979) operationalized sexran- 13 percent (from 80.3 to 69.6) in the seg- dom hiring to mean that new positions are filled ac- cording to th,sex ratio that prevailed in the pool of new labor force entrants and individuals released from declining occupations. Lacking data on the magnitude in both the 1974 and 1977 Current Population Surveys of replacement, they assumed no change in occupa- (CPS) (Annual Demographic Files). Beller used CPS tional sex composition due to turnover, thereby ignor- data for 1971-1974 and 1977. In addition, the 1972, ing the potential contribution to integration that sex- 1977, and 1981 indices were based on Bureau of Labor blind replacements of job turnover would produce and Statistics annual averages of monthly Current Popu- thus underestimating the amount of integration pos- lation Surveys. The Current Population Survey and the sible. They also note, however, that failing to consider Bureau of Labor Statistics annual averages yield slightly occupational entry requirements may yield an over- different results. Their comparability is discussed in A. estimate of the amount of integration that could occur Beller (1984). in filling new positions. 4111e values Beller obtained differ from those of Blau 3 In order to construct a consistent data series for and Hendricks and Bianchi and Rytina (shown in Table the period 1972-1981, Beller included only those oc- 2-4) because each used different data and occupational cupations that had at least 25 respondentsrepre- categories. Only comparisons w!thin the individual senting occupations with at least 40,000 incumbents. studies are appropriate. 37 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 25 TABLE 2-4Actual and Predicted Segregation Indices, 1950-1980, and Percentage Decline Predicted If Hiring During Previous Actual Decade Were Sex-Neutral Decadal Percentage Decadal Percentage Year Index Change Decline Index Change Decline 1950 73b 1960 746 +1 0.0 56 17 23.4 71b 1970 3 4.2 56 18 24.0 1970 67.7e 1980 59.30 8.4 12.4 47.8 19.9 29.4 'Each value reflects the amount of change that would have occurredover the previous decade, relative to the actual level of segregation at the decades beginning. Thus, had hiring been sex-neutral between 1960 and 1970, the segregation index in 1970 would have declined by 18 points from 74 to 56. +Indices are computed for 183 detailed occupational categories in all three decennialcensuses. Large residual categories such as "other operatives," which are necessary to account for the entire labor force,were eliminated. The occupations Included employed 66-70 percent of the labor force in the threecensus years. 4Indices are computed for all occupational categories in the 1980 census, with 1970census data recoded to the 1980 categories. SOURCE: 1950-1970: computed from Blau and Hendricks (1979:Table 3 and text). 197C-1980: computed from Bianchi and Rytina (1984:Table 7). regation index computed for over 10,000 de- tion. The 12.4 percent decline in the seg- tailed occupation-by-industry categories.5 regation index actually Qhserved represent- These three major studies of sex segre- ed less than half of the 29..! percent decline gation in the 1970s (A. Beller, 1984; Jacobs, that would have occurred had allnew hires 1983; Bianchi and Rytina, 1984) all agree been independent of sex (see Table 2-4). that sex segregation declined substantially during the decade, although earlier studies (e.g., Lloyd and Niemi, 1979) failed to find Changes in Sex Segregation Among a substantial decline. Most of the decline, Population Subgroups furthermore, was found to be due to the Given the large amount of stability built greater integration of occupations, not to into the occupational structure (Blau and changes in the aze of the predominantly Hendricks, 1979; Tolbert, 1982; Treiman and male or predominantly female occupations. Hartmann, 1981), the potential for change Nevertheless, change was less rapid than it in sex segregation should be greatest for new would have been had all hiring during the entrants into the labor force and among those decade been sex-neutral. Bianchi and Rytina who are young enough to train foror shift (1984) replicated for the 197Gs the exercise to sex-atypical occupations. Bureau of Labor Blau and Hendricks (1979) carried out for Statistics data for 1981 support this expec- the 1950s and 1960s, comparing actual and tation. Younger workers showed slightly less pot,,Intial declines in occupational segega- segregation across 44 two-digit occupations. The index of segregation for all workerswas 53.5, but for workers ages 20-24, it was 51.1. Women ages 20-24 were more likely than 3 The decline was greatest in the New England and women of other ages to work as engineers, Pacific and Mountain states, which showed the lowest values In 11, and smallest in the Mid-Atlantic and engineering and science technicians, other South Central states, the latter of which showed the salaried professionals, managers, aad highest level of occupational segregation of any of the administrators; and they were underrepre- regions in 1981. sented among retail salespersons, operatives 38 26 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK (especially in nondurable goods, a predom- gories, much less within detailed occupa- inantly female occupation), and in most ser- tions.For example, using census data vice occupations (see Table 2-5). The oc- through 1970, Scott and Semyonov (1983) cupational distribution of women ages 25-34 report that three major occupational cate- was closer to that for older women. Jacobs's goriesoperatives, farm managers, and (1983) results for 426 detailed occupations, managersbecame more male-dominated, while also revealing slightly less segregation while clerical occupations became more fe- among younger workers, differ in showing male-dominated; occupations that moved the greatist decline in the segregation index toward parity were professional and sales, and the least segregation among women ages and, since 1960, domestic service, crafts, 25-34; those ages 16-24 were slightly more and labor. Rytina and Bianchi (1984) report segregated. that managers have become much more in- A. Beller (1984) also found that workers tegrated since 1970; in 1980, managers were who had been in the labor force no more 31 percent female, a very substantial in- than 10 years were less segregated than the crease of 12 percentage points since 1970. remainder of the labor force in both 1971 Jacobs (1983) and A. Beller (1984) examine and 1977, and that the gap has been wid- patterns of change within detailed occupa- ening. She identified two sources of change: tions since 1970. Jacobs's analysis of the 1971 the 1971 entry cohort became less segre- and 1981 Current Population Survey data gated as it aged and the cohort entering in showed that among nonfarm occupational 1977 was less segregated than the 1971 co- categories the index of segregation declined hort had been at entry. An earlier study by most for professional occupations (by almost Beller (1982a) may explain some of this 27 percent: 16.5 points). change. She found that equal opportunity Beller (1984) concluded that the decline legislation enhanced the likelihood of get- observed in the index of sex segregation dur- ting into a sex-atypical occupation more for ing the 1970s was due, in addition to in- new entrants into the labor market than for creased integration of some occupations, to any other group. declines in the sizes of two heavily female According to jacAs (1983), the segrega- occupationsprivate household maids and tion index declined by about the same servants and sewers and stitchers; each ac- amount among whites and blacks, but other counted for more than a one-point decline groups (primarily Hispanics and Asian in the segregation index. Three other oc- Americans) showed the most decline. Their cupations dominated by one sex (telephone sex segregation index dropped from 75.6 to operator, private household child care work- 64.6 between 1971 and 1981. Beller (1984), er, and delivery and route worker) also con- who distinguished only whites and non- tributed to the dropping index because they whites, observed larger declines among the declined in size. A smaller proportion of the latter, although the index for professional female labor force worked as retail sales occupations dropped more for whites than clerks, typists, and cooks, while women en- nonwhites, indicating that much of the in- tered three rapidly growing male occupa- crease in integration by sex for nonwhites tions: accountant, bank officer and financial occurred at the lower end of the occupa- manager, arid janitor. Beller also showed tional distribution. that the observed decline in the index masked some changes in the occupational structure that actually contributed to greater segre- Changes in Sex Segregation Among gation. Several female-dominated occupa- Occupational Subgroups tions have grown rapidly (i.e., registered Of course, the decline in segregation was nurse and office manager), and some have far from uniform across occupational cate- simultaneously become more female (com- 39 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 27 TABLE 2-5Percentage Female in Detailed Occupational Groups by Age, Twelve-Month Annual Averages, December 1981 Occupation All Workers Ages 20-24 Ages 25-34 Total 43 (100,397) 47 (14,122) 42 (28,180) Professional, technical, and kindred workers 45 (16,419) 53 (1,687) 47 (5,906) Engineers 4 (1,537) 13 (132) 6 (447) Physicians, dentists, and related practitioners 14 (828) 52 (23) 21 (240) Other health professions 86 (2,297) 83 (336) 84 (911) Teachers, except college and university 70 (3,197) 78 (226) 71 (1,176) Engineering and science technicians 18 (1,141) 23 (226) 18 (427) Other salaried professionals 36 (6,668) 47 (713) 39 (2,482) Other professional and self-employed workers 27 (751) 40 (32) 27 (223) Managers and administrators, except farm 27 (11,540) 42 (754) 29 (3,051) Manufacturing, salaried 15 (1,566) 36 (58) 20 (374) Other industries, salaried 30 (8,011) 44 (,640) 32 (2,292) Retail, self-employed 35 (870) 29 (24) 31 (154) Other independently self-employed 16 (1,093) 15 (32) 15 (231) Sales 45 (6,425) 51 (854) 39 (1,626) Retail 63 (3,262) 57 (583) 56 (667) Other 26 (3,162) 39 (271) 27 (958) Clerical 80 (18,564) 82 (3,352) 80 (5,212) Bookkeepers 91 (1,961) 89 (251) 92 (515) Office machine operators 73 (966) 74 (231) 73 (349) Stenographers, typists, secretaries 98 (5,022) 98 (928) 99 (1,463) Other clerical 70 (10,615) 74 (1,942) 70 (2,885) Craft and kindred workers 6 (12,662) 6 (1,656) 6 (3,879) Carpenters 1 (1,122) 3 (177) 2 (395) Other construction crafts 1 (2,593) 2 (376) 2 (808) Foremen, not elsewhere classified 11 (1,816) 15 (115) 11 (471) Machinists and job setters 4 (668) 4 (97) 5 (199) Other metal 4 (626) 4 (65) 6 (180) Mechanics, auto 0.6 (1,249) 0.4 (243) 0.7 (408) Other mechanic 3 (2,159) 3 (266) 3 (692) Other craft 17 (2,430) 20 (317) 17 (726) Operatives, except transport 40 (10,540) 33 (1,841) 35 (3,002) Mine workers 2 (357) 2 (90) 2 (134) Motor vehicle equipment 19 (452) 17 (52) 19 (148) Other durable goods 36 (4,153) 30 (736) 33 (1,233) Nondurable goods 58 (3,339) 52 (543) 52 (928) All other 30 (2,240) 22 (419) 26 (560) Transport equipment operatives 9 (3,476) 6 (480) 9 (1,029) Drivers, delivery 10 (2,966) 7 (382) 10 (862) All others 5 (511) 5 (98) 4 (166) Nonfarm laborers 11 (4,583) 10 (1,037) 12 (1,035) Construction 2 (797) 1 (203) 3 (203) Manufacturing 15 (986) 13 (230) 13 (254) All other 13 (2,800) 12 (605) 15 (577) Private household workers 96 (1,047) 93 (87) 97 (152) Service workers, except private household 59 (12,391) 59 (2,054) 60 (2,776) Cleaning 39 (2,489) 30 (320) 37 (441) Food 66 (4,682) 62 (926) 68 (840) Health 89 (1,995) 86 (385) 86 (561) Personal 76 (1,766) 78 (252) 81 (476) Protective 10 (1,459) 13 (171) 10 (459) Farmers, farm manager 11 (1,485) 7 (81) 11 (252) Farm laborers, foremen 25 (1,264) 15 (239) 25 (261) Paid labor 16 (1,010) 14 (211) 16 (223) Unpaid family members 65 (254) 29 (28) 84 (38) NOTE: Numbers in parentheses are numbers of workers: they represent actual sample sizes and include both men and women. SOURCE: Unpublished data, U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (1981). 40 28 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK TABLE 2-6Sources of Employment Growth for Women, 1970-1980 Panel A Occupations in Which the Percentage Female Increased 20 Points or More, 1970-1980 Number of Percentage Percentage New Female Female Female Occupation Jobs 1970 1980 Executive, administrative, and managerial occupations Management-related occupations, N.E.C. 12,006 20.1 53.5 Professional and specialty occupations Inhalation therapists 24,963 28.6 56.5 Foreign language teachers 2,432 34.2 59.4 Recreation workers 6,308 45.4 67.6 Public relations specialists 37,199 26.6 48.8 Technicians and related support occupations Broadcast equipment operators 24,040 22.1 44.0 Sales occupations Advertising and related sales occupations 33,526 20.5 41.6 Sales occupations, other business services 126,439 8.4 37.4 Administrative support occupations, including clerical Computer operators 192,037 33.9 59.1 Production coordinators 85,479 20.2 44.4 Samplers 449 20.4 44.8 Insurance adjusters, examiners, and investigators 70,483 29.6 60.0 Protective service occupations 12,238 22.2 42.3 Service occupations, except protective and household Bartenders 95,480 21.2 44.3 Food counter, fountain, and related occupations 88,063 56.8 81.1 Guiles 13,676 32.9 57.2 Farming, forestry, and fishing occupations Animal caretakers, except farm 26,781 30.7 59.0 Graders and sorters, agricultural products 3,246 52.0 78.6 Precision production, craft, and repair occupations Engravers, metal 4,074 15.7 38.1 Machine operators, assemblers, and inspectors Typesetters and compositors 24,779 16.8 55.7 Miscellaneous printing machine operators 17,903 23.8 52.9 Total, experienced civilian labor force 16 years and over 13,957,618 38.0 42.6 peter and peripheral equipment operator 80-90 percent male but failed to grow in and miscellaneous clerical worker). Accord- those that were 90-100 percent male. ing to Rytina and Bianchi (1984), women's Among all male-dominated occupations, participation increased most between 1970 women's representation increased more and 1980 in those occupations that were be- rapidly between 1972 and 1981 than during tween 20 and 60 percent female in 1970. the 1960s (A. Beller, 1984). Prior to 1970, Some of these occupations became more fe- their representation increased in only one- male-intensive (those more than 40 percent fourth of the occupations in which men were female), while others became more inte- overrepresented by at least 5 percentage grated (those less than 40 percent female). points. However, between 1972 and 1981, Women's participation also increased to a their representation increased in more than lesser degree in some occupations that were half of those occupations a.. well as in most 41 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 29 TABLE 2-6Sources of Employment Growth for Women, 1970-1980 (continued) Panel B Ten Detailed Occupations Providing Largest Number of New Jobs for Women, 1970-1980 Number of Percentage Percentage New Female Female Female Occupation Jobs 1970 1980 Secretaries 1,145,033 97.8 98.8 Managers and administrators, N.E.C., salaried 900,308 15.6 26.9 General office clerks 800,124 75.3 82.1 Cashiers 756,132 84.2 83.5 Registered nurses 491,031 97.3 95.9 Teachers, elementary school 482,892 83.9 75.4 Assemblers 418.955 45.7 49.5 Child care workers, except private household 405,284 92.5 93.2 Nursing aides 382,383 87.0 87.8 Machine operators, not specified 332,929 35.6 33.5 SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census (1984a). male white-collar occupations. According to growth in their proportion female had only Beller, in manag rial and administrative oc- a slight majority female in 1970 but became cupations, the increases in the proportion heavily female-dominated by 1980: food female were large. More than 90 percent of counter, fountain, and related occupations, these occupations became more female by and graders and sorters of agricultural prod- 1981, although only 10 percent became more ucts. female during the 1960s. As noted above, Table 2-7 shows the 26 female-dominated Rytina and Bianchi (1984) corroborate the occupations in which the representation of increased representation of women in man- men increased 1 percentage point or more. agement. Male craft, operative, and laborer In several occupations where few men have occupations remained highly segregated ventured, slo'Q change is occurring, includ- (Beller, 1984); women's representation did ing registered nurses, prekindergarten and not increase significantly in these occupa- kindergartenteachers,cooks in private tions through 1981. households, and textile and sewing machine Women's increased representation in a operators. More dramatic shifts have oc- wider range of occupations is displayed in curred in the categories of chief communi- Panel A of Table 2-6, which presents the cations operators, and hand engraving and proportions of women workers in all detailed printing occupations. occupations in which women's representa- The movement of men into female-dom- tion increased by 20 percentage points or inated occupations and women into male- more between 1970 and 1980. Fifteen of the dominated occupations has contributed to 21 occupations listed in Panel A shifted from the decline in sex segregation during the predominantly (over 60 percent) male to well- 1970s. As noted above, the decline was integrated occupations (less than 60 percent slowed by the growing numbers of women of either gender). Among these are man- in large, heavily female-dominated occu- agers, public relations specialists, broadcast pations. All the occupations listed in Panel equipment operators, protective service oc- A of Table 2-6 accounted for only 6.5 per- cupations, bartenders, animal caretakers, and cent of the growth in female employment typesetters and compositors. Two of the 21 between 1970 and 1980. Panel B of Table occupations that experienced substantial 2-6 lists the 10 occupations that provided t 1, 42 30 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK TABLE 2-7Female-Dominated occupations in Which the Percentage Male Increased One Point or More, 1970-1980 PercentagePercentage PercentagePercentage Occupation Male 1970 Male 1980 Occupation Male 1970 Male 1980 Professional specialty occu- Cooks, private household 5.7 13.5 pations Private household clean- Registered nurses 2.7 4.1 ers and servants 4.1 5.4 Dieticians 8.0 10.1 Service occupations, except Speech therapists 7.4 10.9 protective and house- Teachers, prekindergar- hold ten and kingergarten 2.1 3.6 Waiters and waitresses 9.2 12.0 Dancers 8.7 25.4 Kitchen workers, food Administrative support oc- preparation 8.2 21.8 cupations Maids and housemen 5.7 24.2 Chief communications Hairdressers and cosme- operators 18.2 65.6 tologists 10.0 12.2 Stenographers 6.3 9.1 Public transportation Interviewers 18.6 22.6 attendants 18.7 21.9 Order clerks 22.6 32.6 Precision production, craft, File clerks and repair occupations Billing, posting, and 18.6 20.0 Electrical and electronic calculating machine equipment assemblers " 94.2 operators 9.9 13.0 Textile sewing machine Mail preparing and operators 3.1 5.9 paper handling Solderers and brazers 18.3 22.0 machine operators 21.8 37.5 Hand engraving and Telephone operators 6.0 9.0 printing operations 18.4 68.3 Data entry keyers 6.3 7.6 Total, experienced civilian Private household occupa- labor force, 16 years tions and over 62.0 57.4 Launderers and ironers 4.6 23.8 SOURCE: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census (1984a). the largest number of new jobs for women clerks, keypunch operators, receptionists, during the same period, accounting for ap- legal secretaries, typists, and teacher's aides proximately 44 percent of the net increase (U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of La- in female employment. Seven of these oc- bor Statistics, 1981c; U.S. Department of cupations are heavily female-dominated (over Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1973b, 75 percent female). The occupational cate- 1984a). gory "secretaries," which is 98.8 percent fe- While the general tendency for white male, alone created more new jobs than all women was to move out of female-domi- occupations in Panel A combined. Some fe- nated occupations, black women were less male-dominated occupations have become likely than white women to have done the more so; bookkeepers were 77.7 percent fe- same. Nevertheless their occupational sta- male in 1950 and 93 percent female 30 years tus improved substantially as they moved to later. Other clerical occupations that have white-collar jobs from lower-paid service and become even more female-intensive since laborer jobs. Many black women moved from 1970 include billing clerks, cashiers, file lower-paying female-dominated occupa- 43 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 31 lions, particularly private household worker grated occupations become resegregated, and to a smaller degree laborer (A. Beller, with members of one sex replaced by mem- 1984), to clerical and other service occu- bers of the other.6 Bank tellers and secre- pations that were also female-dominated. In taries exemplify originally male jobs in which 1940, 70 percent of black women workers women replaced men (Davies, 1975, 1982). were private household workers; by 1981, Men have been hypothesized to leave for- just 6 percent worked in this occupational merly male occupations when large num- category, and fewer than 2 percent between bers of women are hired because of the ac- the ages of 18 and 34 held such jobs (Mal- companying prestige loss (Touhey, 1974) or veaux, 1982b). Between 1973 and 1981, the declining real wages (Nieva and Gutek, 1981; proportion of black women in clerical oc- Strober, 1984). As with secretaries and bank cupations increased from under 25 percent tellers, the shift from men to women may to almost 30 percent (U.S. Department of occur as the occupation is being restructured Labor, Women's Bureau, 1983; U.S. De- to provide, for example, less advancement partment of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statis- to higher-level management, and becoming tics, 1982b); in 1940 only 1 percent had held less attractive to men. clerical jobs (Treiman and Terrell, 1975b). Evidence regarding the prevalence of re- Occupations in which black women are to- segregation is limited. Strober and her col- day overrepresented include postal clerk, leagues (Strober and Lanford, 1981; Tyack cashier, telephone operator, and duplicating and Strober, 1981) have traced the changing machine operator. In contrast, black women sex composition of the teaching profession, are underrepresented among receptionists, but do not attribute it to tipping. Panel A bank tellers,and secretaries. Malveaux of Table 2-6 includes a few occupations that (1982b) notes that the clerical jobs in which shifted from being predominantly male to black women are overrepresented have a predominantly female. Insurance adjusters, behind-the-scenes character. While these examiners, and investigators, for example, changes among black women do not con- were 29.6 percent female in 1970 and 60.0 tribute to a reduction in the total amount of percent female in 1980. Animal caretakers, sex segregation, they represent an improve- except farm, changed from 30.7 percent fe- ment in their position in the labor market male in 1970 to 59.0 percent female in 1980. and help to explain the sharp drop in the Shaeffer and Axel (1978) point out that ma- index of occupational race segregation among chine operators in banks and technical em- women shown in Table 2-1. Between 1977 ployees in insurance companies are both be- and 1981, Hispanic women increased their coming predominantly female, and Nieva representation in female-dominated white- and Gutek (1981) have suggested that com- collar (primarily clerical) occupations, while puter programming may follow the pattern their representation in female-dominated of bank tellers. When the occupation blue-collar jobs declined (Malveaux, 1982b). emerged 20 years ago, it was male-domi- nated; in 1970, computer and peripheral ma- chine operators were 29.1 percent female. Is Resegregation Occurring? Ten years later, women's representation had The relative stability of the aggregate lev- el of sex segregation over time, coupled with several examples of large sex shifts in oc- cupations, has led some observers to spec- '5 The process is similar to residential "succession," in which segregated neighborhoods that are becoming ulate that integration ofoccupations is a tem- integrated are eventually abandoned by the original porary, unstable phenomenon. Perhaps, residents to new residents of a different race or eth- after reaching some "tipping point," inte- nicity. 44 32 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK increased to 59.8 percent (although the du- to a smaller number of newly segregated ties have also changed), and Beller and Han jobs. Feldberg and Glenn (1980) note sev- (1984) conclude that the projected growth eral examples, in addition to the AT&T case, of this occupation will contribute to in- which suggest that women are hired ex- creased segregation. Greenbaum (1976, pressly as a transitional labor force in some 1979) has argued, however, that that occu- instances associated with the introduction of pation was only briefly integrated, and, rath- electronic data processing. er than tipping, it has split into two sex- Whether some of the newly integrated segregated specialties: the computer oper- occupations will remain integrated or ator and some computer programming jobs whether substantial resegregation will occur are female-dominated, while higher-level cannot, of course, be predicted with any programming and systems analyst jobs are certainty. The next section presents scenar- male-dominated. ios of a variety of changes and their possible Affirmative action needs to be thorough effect on the aggregate index of segregation. to counteract a potential tendency to reseg- regation. O'Farrell and Harlan (1982) point out that press, vs to hire women may result OCCUPATIONAL SEX SEGREGATION in their concentration in and ultimately re- placement of men in formerly male-domi- PROJECTED THROUGH 1990 nated entry-level jobs. Unless these jobs are The index of occupational segregation by on ladders that lead to positions that men sex declined by approximately 10 percent continue to occupy, resegregation is likely. during the 1970s, but in 1981 it was still Resegregation can go in either direction. In about 60. Can the changes that occurred one case, Kelley (1982) found that affirma- during the 1970s be expected to continue, tive- action hiring in a manufacturing plant and, if so, at what rate? Are changes in the between 1972 and 1976 in general meant occupational structure likely to retard or ac- that white men supplanted white women in celerate further desegregation? As Table 2- job classifications previously dominated by 8 shows, the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) women. (Carey, 1981) projects substantial growth in Some empirical evidence exists regarding many heavily and historically female occu- a related issue: whether employers hire pational categories, such as professional and women in occupations that are declining in practical nurses, nurse's aides, secretaries, size or importance, usually because of tech- bookkeepers, typists, and waitresses and nological change. In at least half of the 53 waiters. These occupations are included in nontraditional occupations in which women the 20 occupations in which employment had made substantial gains between 1960 growth, in absolute numbers, is expected to and 1970, their progress was due to the slow be greatest until 1990. If the proportions of or negative growth of male employment these occupations that are female remain (Reubens and Reubens, 1979). It has been approximately constant, their growth will alleged, for example, that AT&T wom- represent a demand for an additional 3.3 en for formerly male positions they planned million female workers. ThreJ of the occu- to eliminate. As central office work was sim- pations of largest predicted growth are cur- plified by computers in that organization, rently predominantly male but have expe- women were moved into these jobs and en- rienced recent growth in the paeicipation countered little male resistance. Two stud- of women: janitors and sextons, accountants ies of AT&T (Hacker, 1979; Northrup and and auditors, and guards and doorkeepers. Larson, 1979) concluded that without care- Several other predominantly male occupa- ful planning, technological change could lead tions that have not experienced substantial 45 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 33 TABLE 2-8Twenty Occupations With the Largest Projected Absolute Growth, 1978-1990 Growth in Percentage Employment Percentage Female 1978-1990 (in Growth Occupation 19804 thousands) 1978-1990 Janitors and sextons 17.3 671.2 26.0 Nurses aides and orderlies 87.5 594.0 54.6 Sales clerks 71.1 590.7 21.3 Cashiers 86.6 545.5 36.4 Waiters/waitresses 89.1 531.9 34.6 General clerks, office 80.1 529.8 23.4 Professional nurses 96.5 515.8 50.3 Food preparation and service workers, fast food restaurants 66.9 491.9 68.3 Secretaries 99.1 487.8 21.0 Truck drivers 2.2 437.6 26.2 Kitchen helpers 66.9 300.6 i9.0 Elementary school teachers 83.7 272.8 21.4 Typists 96.9 262.1 26.4 Accountants and auditors 36.2 254.2 32.7 Helpers, trades NA 232.5 25.0 Blue-collar workers, supervisors 10.8 222.1 17.4 Bookkeepers, hand 90.5 219.7 23.7 Licensed practical nurses 97.3 215.6 43.9 Guards and doorkeepers 12.4 209.9 35.5 Automotive mechanics .6 205.3 24.3 NA = not available. 'Approximate, due to the use of different occupational classifications in sources. SOURCES: Carey (1981:48) and U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (1981c:Table 23). growth in their proportion female (truck the service and health sectors to grow; some drivers, automotive mechanics, and helpers of those occupations are fairly well inte- in the trades) are also expected to grow dur- grated, while others are not. Some observ- ing the 1980s. ers suggest that as the United States econ- Although the occupations projected to omy continues to restructure itself toward grow the most in absolute terms are nearly services of various kinds, sex-neutral occu- all predominantly male or female, several of pations can be expected to grow in impor- the occupations that are expected to grow tance. Others believe the growth of occu- at the most rapid rate, shown in Table 2-9, pations associated with high technology may are somewhat more integrated, particularly be overestimated by the Bureau of Labor those that reflect advances in technology, Statistics. And recently its projections of such as computer programmers and com- substantial growth in the female-intensive puter systems analysts. Several others as- clerical occupations have been questioned sociated with new technology, such as data for underestimating the extent to which cler- processing machine repairers and office ma- ical work may be affected by automation. chine and cash register servicers, are now While there are several reasons for hypoth- more than 90 percent male, but they may esizing continued reduction in sex segre- provide likely opportunities for women. gation associated with this predicted occu- Many of the other rapidly growing occu- pational growth, available data do not yet pations reflect the continued tendency for support them. 46 34 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK TABLE 2-9Twenty Occupations With the Largest Projected Growth Rates, 1978-19S0 Growth in Percentage Employment Percentage Female 1978-1990 (in Growth Occupation 1980° thousands) 1978-1990 Data processing machine mechanics 7.4 93 147.6 Paralegal personnel NA 38 132.4 Computer systems analysts 25.1 199 107.8 Computer operators 63.2 148 87.9 Office machine and cash register services 5.6 40 80.8 Computer programmers 28.4 150 73.6 Aero-astronautic engineers 1.2 41 70.4 Food preparation and service workers, fast food restaurants 66.9 492 68.8 Employment interviewers 48.7 35 66.6 Tax preparers NA 18 64.5 Corrections officials and jailers 5.7 57 60.3 Architects 5.0 40 60.2 Dental hygienists NA 31 57.9 Physical therapists 67.3 18 57.6 Dental assistants 97.9 70 57.5 Peripheral electronic data processing equipment operators 63.2 26 57.3 Child care attendants 86.7 20 56.3 Veterinarians NA 17 56.1 Travel agents and accommodations appraisers NA 25 55.6 Nurses' aides and orderlies 84.3 594 54.6 NA = not available. °Approximate, due to the use of different occupational classifications in sources. SOURCES: Carey (1981:Table 2); Rytina (1982:Table 1). At issue in projecting the extent of oc- or declining ones, the proportion of men in cupational sex segregation are questions of an occupation is a function of the initial pro- the number of new jobs created and the portion of men and the growth rate of the relative rates of growth in sex-neutral as op- occupation. The logistic model is employed posed to sex-segregated occupations, as well for greater accuracy at the extremes, i.e., as the rate of change of the sex composition for occupations with very high degrees of within these occupations. sex segregation. The results based on the Using the Bureau of Labor Statistics oc- linear model project a decline in the index cupational employment projections for 1990, of sex segregation of 1.7 points, from 61.7 Beller and Han (1984) pioject the index of in 1981 to 60.0 in 1990, if it is assumed that sex segregation under various assumptions. the change in sex composition over time is The first set of projections, for the labor force the same for all occupations; and a decline as a whole, assumes first that the occupa- of 1.3 points, to 60.4, assuming that the sex tional desegregation of the 1970s will con- composition of each occupation is a function tinue throughout the 1980s at a linear rate; of time. Using the logistic model for indi- the model is then permitted to take a logistic vidual occupations, Beller and Han project form. The rationale for the assumption of a decline in the segregation index from 61.7 linearity is that since it is easier for women in 1981 to 56.1 in 1990. Standardized to the to enter growing occupations than stagnant 1981 occupational distribution (rather than 47 SEX SEGREGATION: EXTENT AND RECENT TRENDS 35 that projected for 1990 by the BLS), the drop is double what it was from 1971 to 1977. in the index is slightly greater, indicating figures they consider to be an upper bound. that the direction of the projected change Beller and Han argue that the rate of oc- in occupational distribution is toward more cupational desegregation during the 1970s sex segregation, although the magnitude is is too great zo be maintained during the 1980s small. In other words, the logistically pro- because the female labor force is unlikely to jected decline in the sex segregation index grow rapidly enough; all their projections is likely to be partially offset by changes in imply higher female labor force participation the sizes of occupations. rates and higher growth in the female share To project the index of sex segregation of the labor force than the BLS projects. under varying assumptions, Beller and Han Hence, they do not believe that the lower examlue occupational segregation by work levels of occupational segregation they pro- experience cohort for four different scenar- ject for 1990 are likely to occur. Despite ios. Their most conservative projection as- these limitations, their results are instruc- sumes that there will be no further changes tive in that they set upper limits on the in the sex composition within each occu- amount of desegregation likely to occur dur- pation as it ages, although as the labor force ing the 1980s. They point out that the di- ages, less segregated cohorts replace older, rection of public policy can affect the amount more segregated ones. On the basis of these of future change. assumptions only a slight decline in the in- dex of sex segregation is projected: from 64.2 in 1977 to 62.1 in 1990. The latter figure is SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION slightly above the actual 1981 index, reflect- ing the trend toward a more sex-segregated The amount of occupational segregation occupational distribution projected by the by sex continues to be substantial. In 1981, BLS. Beller and Han argue that the decline the index of occupational segregation by sex of 2.1 points in the index of sex segregation was 62, indicating that more than 60 percent can be taken as a lower bound; they expect of all women or men would have to move a decline by 1990 of at least that much. On to occupations dominated by the opposite the basis of the assumption that the rate of sex for segregation across occupations to be change in the sex composition of occupations entirely eliminated. Additional segregation for the entering cohort will be the same be- occurs across industries and firms. Men and tween 1977 and 1990 as it was between 1971 women are disproportionally distributed and 1977 (a period of considerable change) across firms and industries even when the they project an index of 57.3 in 1990. This occupational mix they employ is taken into decline of 6.9 percentage points comes clos- account. For example, even in integrated est to the logistic projection. In what they occupations, like payroll accounting clerk or term their most optimistic scenario, they assembler, some firms and industries tend assume that affirmative action, attitudes, and to hire more women and others more men. other factors will continue to change at the In one study (Bielby and Baron, 1984), 231 same rate as during the 1970s, so that all of 391 California firms were totally sex-seg- cohorts experience declining sex segrega- regated; men and women worked in none tion between 1977 and 1990. The index de- of the same job categories. clines 11.7 points to 50.0 on the basis of this The current situation is of greatest inter- assumption, if the rate of change between est in the context of recent trends. Decen- 1977 and 1990 is half that between 1971 and nial census data since 1940 show a small 1977; it declines nearly 20 points to 42.2 if decline in the total amount of occupational the rate of change between 1977 and 1990 sex segregation among whites and a larger 48 36 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK decline among other races. These two trends the 1970s, including bookkeepers, billing have produced a convergence in levels of clerks, cashiers, and keypunch operators. occupational sex segregation between whites Although relatively substantial change oc- and nonwhites. Since World War II occu- curred in the index of occupational sex seg- pational segregation by race has declined regation in the 1970s, the most likely pro- much more rapidly than by sex. One com- jections for 1990 suggest that the rate of ponent of this improvement has been black change throughout the 1980s wits be much women's movement out of service occupa- slower. The index fell by approximately 10 tions into clerical occupations. But within a percent in the 1970s, from 68.3 in 1972 to sex-segregated occupational structure, race 61.7 in 1981, according to Beller (1984), and segregation persists. For example, black from 67.7 in 1970 to 59.3 in 1980, according women are now overrepresented among to Bianchi and Rytina (1984). In contrast, postal clerks and telephone operators rela- various likely projections of the job segre- tive to their proportion in the labor force. gation index range from 56.0 to 60.0 in 1990. The sex segregation index dropped more Only slight further declines are anticipated, during the 1970s than during previous dec- primarily because occupations that are pre- ades, and the decline was most pronounced dominantly male or female are expected to among younger workers. During the past grow more than those that are relatively in- decade men became slightly more likely to tegrated. And, of course, we do not have work in a few heavily female occupations, information that would permit us to estimate such as office machine operator or telephone probable changes in job segregation at the operator, and women's representation has establishment level. increased in several predominantly male oc- The next two chapters provide a basis for cupations, including attorney, bank official, assessing the likelihood of additional change. computer programmer, baker, bus driver, Chapter 3 examines the evidence for several and bartender. Their numbers remain small explanations that have been offered for sex in some of the occupations that women en- segregation in employment and consequent- tered or increased their representation in ly offers some guidance for developing pol- during the 1970s (for example, coal miner, icies for reducing segregation. Chapter 4 re- engineer), but their participation rate has views a variety of attempts to reduce increased markedly. Women's representa- segregation in employment, education, and tion also increased among several predom- training, assesses their effectiveness, and inantly female occupations that grew during provides further policy guidance. 49 2 Explaining Sex Segregation J in the Workplace In the committee's judgment, the causes barriers to employment, tracing how some of job segregation are multiple, interlocking, beliefs became embodied in laws and judi- and deep-seatedyet, as we show in Chap- cial decisions that permitted or demanded ter 4, they are also amenable to policy in- that employers treat the sexes differently, tervention. In this chapter we discuss the and how they continue to provide ration- factors we feel to be the most important in alizations for both intentional and uninten- accounting for the extreme degree of sex tional labor market discrimination against segregation of work observed in the United women (and, less frequently, men). Third, States. Intertwined with the social processes we investigate the roles that women's own that contribute to job segregation are widely choices and preferences play in their work shared cultural assumptions about the sexes careers and examine the effects of sociali- and their appropriate activities. For exam- zation and training. Assumptions about what ple, the belief of many people, including kinds of work are appropriate for each gen- many women, that women should place the der, communicated through various social- care of their families first in their lives affects ization and training processes, contribute to the way women are treated on the job when the development of sex - typed occupational they do work. And such beliefs also interact preferences in individuals. Evidence sug- with reality: many women today do indeed gests, however, that such sex-typed pref- bear the greater share of the day-to-day work erences are neither fixed for life nor fully involved in family care. Similarly, it is often deterministic of the sex type of workers' jobs. assumed that physical differences between Fourth, we examine the role that family re- the sexes make them suited or unsuited for sponsibilities, actual or anticipated, play in certain types of work, and there are average shaping both women's choices and their op- sex differences in size and stature that may portunities. Finally, we examine the thesis be significant in some occupations. that the occupational opportunity structure In this chapter we first examine the cul- plays a major role in perpetuating the con- tural beliefs that govern common attitudes centration of the sexes in different jobs. By about gender and work. We next examine the occupational opportunity structure we 37 50 38 WOMEN'S WORK. MEN'S WORK mean the distribution of occupations that are women's role in the home, those related to available to members of each sex (and often male-female relationships, and those related certain racial and ethnic groups within each to innate differences between the sexes.' sex), a distribution that is seen to be limited by institutionalized and informal barriers that Women's Role in the Home restrict workers' opportunities. Regarding the relative importance of these The first category consists of those as- various factors, it is our judgment that wom- sumptions that hold that women's "natural" en's free occupational choices made in an place is in the home. This group of assump- open market explain only very incompletely tions underlies many specific attitudes about their concentration in a small number of fe- women and work held by employers, male male-dominated occupations. While work- workers, lawmakers, parents, husbands, and ers' choices undoubtedly contribute to the women themselves. It seeks to legitimate observed occupational distributions of the women's exclusion from the public sphere sexes, their labor market outcomes depend and hence the workplace and implies that a heavily on the occupational opportunity woman who is committed to her job is un- structure, on various barriers, including em- womanly. This axiom is neither universal ployers' and coworkers' preferences, and on nor timeless. It is an expression of cultural institutionalized personnel procedures. In beliefs elaborated especially over the last tle- chapter we look at the evidence in more two centuries and perhaps most fully de- detail. veloped and widely disseminated, through the popular media, in the contemporary United States. The assumption that wom- CULTURAL BELIEFS ABOUT GENDER en's place is in the home follows from the AND WORK premise that men support women, so women Beliefs about differences between the do not need to do wage work to earn a living. sexes, many of them taken as axiomatic, play By implication, if women are employed, it an important role in the organization of so- must be for extras or diversion from do- cial life. These assumptions are often so much mestic life, so their concentration in low- a part of our world view that we do not paying, dead-end jobs is of little importance. consciously think about them. As one an- The corollary to this set of assumptions, that thropologist put it, they are "referentially men do not belong in the home during work- transparent" to us (Hutchins, 1980). It is ing hours, also accounts for the almost totally their transparency that gives them their force: segregated occupation of housewife and may because they are invisible, the underlying help to explain the resilience of the tradi- assumptions go unquestioned, and the be- tional sexual division of domestic work among liefs they entail seem natural to us. Even couples in which both partners are em- when we do question and revise certain of ployed full time. these beliefsfor instance, when we realize Historically as well as today, the notion that they are prejudicial to womenthe im- that women's place is in the home has not plicit assumptions that engendered them re- reflected the actual behavior of large sectors main intact and can serve as the foundation of the population; hence it has been in fun- for future, perhaps somewhat altered, sex damental conflict with the reality of many stereotypes. The cultural axioms that have women's lives. Women have worked to sup- been used to exclude women from the work- place, to restrict them to certain occupa- tions, or to condition their wage labor fall I This section on cultural beliefs relies heavily on into three broad categories: those related to di Leonardo (1982). 51 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 39 port themselves and their families; they have as an extension of women's domestic roles, worked because their labor was needed. a rationale that has been used to justify pay- Women have replaced men gone to war. ing workers in these jobs low wages (Kessler- They have done heavy labor on family farms Harris, 1982). when necessary. They have sought wage Thus, despite the strong contradiction be- work when there was no means of support tween the notion of women's place and real- for them on the farm. They have taken in ity, the former continues to provide the boarders and devised other ways to earn foundation for beliefs about the conditions money at home. Women who are urban and under which women should and should not minority, recent immigrants, and poor in do wage work. Most important for thepres- general have done menial work for low wages, ent endeavor are beliefs as to which occu- without the primacy of women's domestic pations are appropriate for them. role being invoked. And highly educated women, earning better salaries, have also worked as nurses, teachers, social workers, Male-Female Relationships office workers, and businesswomen since late A second category of beliefs includes those in the last century. As women from all parts about gender differences that are relevant of the social and economic spectrum have in male-female relationships. For example, increased their labor force participation, the an ancient and pervasive belief in Western contradiction between the underlying belief thought is that women lack reason andare about women's place and reality has become governed by emotion (N. Davis, 1975; Jor- more visible. danova, 1980). This line of thought offersa We can now see ways in which the belief logical basis for assuming "natural" male system has been modified with changing cir- dominance and underlies social values that cumstances and ways in which reality has men should not be subordinate to women. been reconciled to the belief system (di Leo- Whenever the two sexes interact outside the nardo, 1982). For example, those who insist family, women are viewed as subordinate, that women should not work claim the in- and when they enter the workplace, they compatibility of paid employment with are expected to fill subordinate occupational women's domestic roles, in that paid work roles. Caplow (1954) elaborates this point, interferes with proper child care. Those who arguing that attitudes governing interper- wish to justify women's employment outside sonal relationships in our culture sanction the home, by contrast, try to show that it is only a few working relationships between compatible with, even complements, their men and women and prohibit all others. He home roles. The latter justification permits contends that according to these values, "in- or even promotes jobs for women that min- timate groups, except those based on family imize interference with child care through or sexual ties, should be composed of either flexible scheduling (e.g., school teaching or sex but not both" (p. 238). Intimate work part-time work), low demands on incum- groups in which men and women have un- bents (e.g., retail sales), or work that can be equal roles are sometimes allowed. These done at home (e.g., data processing, typing, norms of sexual segregation and male dom- sewing). Certain occupations (e.g., teaching inance have frequently guided employers' home economics) that are believed to en- hiring decisions. Women are rarely hired in hance women's ability to carry out domestic positions of authority (Wolf and Fligstein, duties la., r in their lives may be considered 1979a, 1979b). Some employers explain that more acceptable than others. Other occu- they defer to workers' preferences. Male pations (e.g., musing, social work) have been managers surveyed one and two decades ago acceptable because they have been defined indicated that they felt both women andmen 52 40 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK would be uncomfortable working under a used to justify excluding women from cer- woman supervisor (Grinder, 1961; Bass et tain occupations or work settings that are al., 1971). They also thought that women in thought to heighten men's vulnerability to supervisory roles have difficulty dealing with female sexuality. Examples include ship- men in subordinate positions. board duty or jobs that involve travel with In several recent studies, it is clear that coworkers. Women have been denied cer- attitudes about female supervisors have tain jobs because their presence may suggest changed. Two-thirds of the respondents in the appearance of impropriety. MacKinnon a 1980 Roper survey said it made no differ- (1979) cites the example of the South Car- ence to them whether they worked for a man olina Senate, which refused to hire women or a woman, and only 28 percent preferred as pages in order to foster public confidence a male supervisor (Barron and Yankelovich, in the Senate by protecting its members from 1980:Table 5). A survey of 1,402 university appearing in a possibly damaging way. Not employees revealed a preference for male only men but women themselves may be bosses and professionals providing personal depicted as the victims of their unwitting services (accountants, dentists, lawyers, sexual provocation. Reformers around the physicians, realtors, and veterinarians), but turn of the century argued that permitting it was weaker among women, the more ed- the sexes to work side by side would lead ucated, and those who had had positive ex- women to stray, either because their pres- periences with female bosses or professionals ence tempts men or because corrupt men (Ferber et al., 1979). A study of women in will exploit innocent and vulnerable women several traditionally male jobs in public util- who have left the protection of their homes. ities found that most subordinates of both This concern reflects the belief in women's sexes held positive attitudes toward women sexuality as an autonomousforce over which managers (U.S. Department of Labor, Em- neither they nor the men with whom they ployment and Training Administration, work have control. And it also reveals, once 1978). Of particular interest is the admission again, the assumption that women's primary by several men that they had been initially place is in the home: for the consequence concerned but that their apprehensions dis- of women's employment alongside men appeared when they found that their su- feared by reformers was that these women, pervisors performed effectively. More once having strayed sexually, would be for- generally, this study revealed that attitudes ever disqualified from their domestic roles changed quite rapidly with experience with as wife and mother. Kessler-Harris quotes female bosses, even when those bosses held Robert McClelland, Secretary of the Inte- jobs that traditional values label "very mas- rior, in the middle of the last century: 'There culine" (p. 10). The effects of education and is such an obvious impropriety in the mixing experience suggest that we may expect con- of the sexes within the walls of a public office tinued change in employee attitudes toward that I am determined to arrest the practice" women supervisors. For women's occupa- (1982:100-101). Such reasoning ultimately tional opportunities to increase, however, led several states to pass laws making it il- the behavior of those making employment legal for women to hold a variety of occu- decisions must also change. pations, including bartender, messenger, Sexual relations, as well as power rela- meter reader, and elevator operator, but it tions, are also relevant in the workplace, and did not prevent women from entering offices fears of sexual relations particularly m ay con- in large numbers (J. Smith, 1974; Kessler- tribute to occupational segregation. The folk Harris, 1982). theory that women unwittingly tempt men More recently, the stereotype of woman and that men, vulnerable to their provoca- as sexual temptress has been invoked to ac- tion, may be prompted to seduction has been count for women's sexual harassment: sim- 53 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 41 ply by entering the workplace, women seen as uniquely fitting them for clerical work subject men to their sexuality and invite ha- (Grinder, 1961; Davies, 1975; Kessler-Har- rassment. Sexual harassment is pervasive in ris, 1982) as well as other jobs involving bor- male-dominated occupations that women ing,repetitive tasks. One employer's have recently entered (Enarson, 1980; Mar- explanation, offered in the 1960s, for pre- tin, 1980; Walshok, 1981a; West ley, 1982). ferring women illustrates both points: We Gruber and Bjorn (1982) suggest that men feel that jobs requiring manual dexterity call may use it to gain the upper hand in situ- for women. Also this work is particularly ations in which men and women have similar tedious and painstakingdefinitely a wom- jobs and earn equal wages, especially in un- en's job" (G. Smith, 1964:24). Construction skilled jobs in which male coworkers cannot firms cite women's alleged weakness and in- punish entering women by denying them tolerance of harsh working conditions as rea- work-related information. The important sons for denying them jobs (U.S. Department point here is that the unquestioned as- of Labor, Employment Standards Admin- sumptions about the sexuality of both men istration, 1981; Westley, 1982). The social and women underlie the limiting of women's expectations that women should uphold occupational choices. moral standards and care about the needy, perhaps because of their innate nurturance, Innate Differener..; Between the Sexes limit their occupational opportunities. As Epstein (1981) noted, women have been en- A third category of beliefs that shape couraged to perform good works in service- women's occupational outcomes are those oriented occupations such as social work and that assume innate differences between the nursing, which, coincidentally, have often sexes. We have already seen that women had poor career potential. And women have are regarded as innately less rational and been believed to be "too good" for politics. more emotional, a view that has been used They are also thought to be too sentimental to justify excluding them from positions of and timid to enforce the law or serve in authority. In addition, women have var- combat (Epstein, 1981). Women's alleged iously been thought to lack aggressiveness, emotionality may disqualify them in many strength, endurance, and a capacity for ab- employers' minds for higher-level positions, stract thought and to possess greater dex- especially those in law, medicine, or science terity, tolerance for tedium, and natural that require rationality and tough-minded- morality than men. A body of research re- ness (for a brief review, see Miller and Gar- viewed in Lueptow (1980) indicates that the rison, 1982). public continues to hold many of these ster- eotypes about female and male "personali- Sex Stereotypes and Occupational ties." Some of these differences further justify women's greater responsibility for family Segregation care. For example, women's supposed nat- Many of these beliefs about women's in- ural sense of morality suits them for raising nate traits and their natural social roles per- children and bringing a civilizing influence sist, despite women's increasing participation to family life. in a large number of formerly male occu- Other stereotypes contribute directly to pations, even among students training for occupational segregation by asserting sex professions (Quadagno, 1976; Beattie and differences in what are alleged to be occu- Diehl, 1979). A single woman worker who pationally relevant traits. Women's dexter- violates the stereotype can be explainedas ity is offered to explain their employment exceptional; when the behavior of many as clericals and sometimes as operatives; their women clearly belies a particular stereo- supposed passivity and compliance have been type, a different one may emerge to main- 54 42 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK tain the gender homogeneity with which cision making about an individual on the members of an occupation have become basis of characteristics believed to be typical comfortable. For example, women lawyers of the group to which he or she belongs. were dismissed in the 1960s as "too soft" for The wide acceptance of assumptions of sex the courtroom. When they showed them- differences in characteristics related to pro- selves to be competent in court, they were ductivity provides the basis for statistical dis- restereotyped by male lawyers as tough and crimination by employers (e.g., Bass et al., unfeminineand hence implicitly unsuited 1971). According to this model, employers to their proper role as wife and mother (Ep- do not hire anyone who is a member of a stein, 1981). group thought to have lower productivity; Stereotypes about appropriate and inap- statistical discrimination serves for them as propriate occupations for women and men a cheap screening device. Statistical dis- encourage sex-typical occupational choices crimination often rests on unquestioned as- by affecting workers' aspirations, self-image, sumptions about women's domestic roles. identity, and commitment. The stereotyped For example, employers may refuse to hire views that masculine men would not pursue a woman in the childbearing years for certain certain occupations, nor feminine women jobsespecially those that require on-the- others, for instance, is deterrent enough for job trainingbecause they assume that many most people. Their misgivings are realistic: young women will leave the labor force to the femininity or masculinity of individuals have children, irrespective of any individual who are not so deterred isquestioned applicant's childbearing or labor market in- (Bourne and Wikler, 1978), and they may tentions. In a study of book publishing, Ca- experience disapproval, especially from plette (1981) discovered that women were males (Nilson, 1976; Jacobs and Powell, automatically excluded from the primary 1983). The prospects of sexual harassment route to upward mobility, the college trav- or of being prejudged as incompetent at one's eler job, on the assumption that extensive work may rico dise.ourage those who might traveling would conflict with their domestic otherwise opt for sex-atypical occupations. responsibilities. According to this explana- Another way that assumed sex differences tion of discrimination, employers practice affect the jobs women and men fill is that statistical discrimination against women employers' beliefs that members of one sex solely on economic grounds and presumably do not want to do certain kinds of work in- would ignore gender if they came to rec- fluence their personnel decisions. For ex- ognize that their cheap screening device was ample, individuals who made hiring decisions too costly it terms of misapplied human re- for entry-level semiskilled jobs in several sources. Employers might, for example, be- firms in one city commented to the re- come convinced that young men were equally searcher, "Women wouldn't like this," and likely to quit their jobs or take time off to "Men wouldn't like to see women (cowork- share childbearing responsibilities or that ers) this way." Another employer who hired many qualified women will not quit because primarily women said, "The work is clean of family responsibilities. and women like that" (Harkess, 1980). Statistical discrimination contributes to sex segregation in two ways. First, employers' beliefs that the sexes differ on work-related Statistical Discrimination traits may bias them to favor one or the other Economists (Arrow, 1972; Phelps, 1972) sex for particular occupations. Second, if they have termed one form of employers' re- expect that women are more likely than men luctance to hire certain persons "statistical to drop out of the labor force, they will hire discrimination," a concept that refers to de- women only for jobs that require little or no 55 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 43 on-the-job training (e.g., retail sales) or in- penheimer contended that sex labelingre- volve skills whose training costs workers flected employers' beliefs that certain themselves assume (e.g., typing, hairdress- occupations required attributes that were ing). Using data for 290 California establish- characteristic of one sex or the otheror, for ments, Bielby and Baron (1986) examined women, represented an extension of do- whether employers seemed to reserve some mestic nonwage work. To job seekers, oc- jobs for men and others for women in a man- cupations take on the characteristics of ner consistent with their perceptions of sex current incumbents; custom then tends to differences in skills, turnover, costs, and work make the sex labels stick. orientations. They found that employers as- The related concept of sex typing implies signed jobs involving nonrepetitive tasks, both that an occupation employs a dispro- spatial skills, eye-hand-foot coordination, and portionate number of workers of one sex and physical strength to men and those requiring the normative expectation that this isas it finger dexterity to women. The concept of should be (Merton, in Epstein, 1970a:152). statistical discrimination also encompasses Manifest in language and the mass media, employers' favoring members of a group sex labels and the associated norms are whose performance they believe they can learned through childhood and adultso- predict more reliably. Even if the sexes were cialization by current and future workers and equally productive and performed equally employers. An obvious example of sex typ- well on some valid employment test, if the ing in the mass media is classified adver- test predicted women's performance less re- tisements stipulating a particular sex or liably, employers would make fewer errors segregated by sex, now not permissibleun- by hiring men (Aigner and Cain, 1977; Os- der Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. terman, 1978). For this type of statistical Some sex-specific occupational titles (e.g., discrimination to help explain sex segrega- "lineman," "stewardess") are stillcommon, tion, employers must believe that women's although most were eliminated in the new- performance is less reliably predicted than est revision of the Dictionary of Occupa- that of men, and so exclude them from some tional Titles (U.S. Department of Labor, occupations.2 1977) and other government publications. Job descriptions often use sex-specificpro- Sex Labeling and Sex Typing nouns. Television, movies, magazines, and billboards consistently depict occupational In an influential 1968 study, Oppenhei- incumbents in stereotyped ways (Marini and mer argued that the individual decisions of Brinton, 1984). As we show below, these workers and employers are reinforced by a labels influence the occupations to which historical process through which most oc- people aspire, for which they prepare, and cupations have come to be labeled as wom- ultimately in which they seek employment. en's work or men's work, and hence reserved Influenced also are gatekeepersparents, for members of the appropriate sex. Op- educators, employers, friends, and neigh- borswho guide or control decisionsre- garding training and hiring. The widespread 2 One study offers evidence that this is the case. acceptance of these cultural labels may affect Although Osterman (1979) rejected less reliable pre- even those who reject them. Applicants who dictions of women's absenteeism as a basis for wage ignore the labels are likely to encounter pro- differentials, Kahn (1981) showed that he used the wrong indicator of predictability. Using the appropriate one, spective employers who accept them im- Kahn found that female absenteeism was predicted less plicitly. Nondiscriminating employersmay reliably, a finding that could support statistical discrim- at least initially have trouble finding appli- ination in wages. cants for sex-atypical jobs. Even if labels 56 44 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK deter neither employer nor prospective em- different patterns of sex segregation that ployee, their acceptance by other employ- persisted for some time. ees or by a prospective employee's family The effects on sex segregation of economic may deter her or him from taking and keep- factors, cultural beliefs, and the law are cu- ing a sex-atypical job (Walshok, 1981a). mulative and reciprocal, but, as we have seen, this reciprocity can contribute posi- tively to change. Bumpass (1982) found that Contingent Stereotypes the mothers of young children who worked Despite the prevalence and force of sex br*ween 1970 and 1975 were substantially stereotyping of occupations, it is clear that less likely to agree that young children suffer these stereotypes do change over time, often if their mothers work than they had been in in response to changing economic condi- 1970. American cultural values about the tions. As noted above, secretaries were once sexes have changed since World War II (Ma- typically male and women thought to be un- son et al., 1976; Cherlin and Walters, 1981; suitable, yet the preponderance of women Thornton et al., 1983), at least partly in re- in clerical jobs was later rationalized by their sponse to the women's movement. During supposed feminine virtues. Economic and this period women have entered occupa- technological factors often vary over time tions that were formerly closed to them. New and space, and stereotypes of the same jobs laws and administrative regulations, such as often differ according to how these factors the interpretation of Title VII of the 1964 vary. Studies of the age and sex character- Civil Rights Act to proscribe sexual harass- istics of workers in the textile industries of ment as discriminatory, help to weaken the Japan and the southern United States (Sax- link between traditional cultural stereotypes onhouse and Wright, 1982) and France (Tilly, and employment practices. As these changes 1979, 1982) in the first quarter of this cen- become apparent and are supported by tury illustrate this point. In Japan, agricul- changes in social valuesespecially those ture was a family enterprise in which girls embodied in statutes outlawing discrimi- and young women were the least valuable nationthey transmit to future workers and workers, so their families permitted them employers the message that society gives to work temporarily in the textile industry, women "permission" to pursue a broader as young women did in New England in an range of jobs. Women's movement into oc- earlier period (Dublin, 1979). Single young cupations from which they once were ex- women filled textile jobs, even in occupa- cluded will also contribute to exposing the tions that were held elsewhere by men. In discrepancy between reality and many of our contrast, in the American South entire fam- cultural assumptions about the sexes. With ilies who lacked land tenure and access to growing awareness that these beliefs are du- well-developed labor markets worked in the bious and the traits to which they apply al- textile industry, where jobs were assigned terable, women's occupational aspirations on the basis of sex and age. Only adult men and opportunities should expand accord- had access to the most skilled jobs. The sit- ingly. uation in France was similar: mills hired en- tire impoverished rural families, but only BARRIERS TO EMPLOYMENT boys and men could move up the job iadder to better-paying, more skilled jobs. These A variety of barriers make it difficult for varied employment practices, a product of women to hold certain jobs or exclude them structured economic opportunity interact- altogether, thus contributing to their pre- ing with male and parental power and house- ponderance in traditionally female occupa- hold patterns of labor allocation, produced tions. Evidence suggests that employers 57 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 45 sometimes deny women certain jobs be- tional aspirations. For example, Justice cause of their sex, by discriminating inten- Bradley's opinion in Bradwellv. Illinois (83 tionally, by doing so unintentionally, or by U.S., 16 Wall., 130, 141-42, 1872), in which deferring to the discriminatory preferences the U.S. Supreme Court rejecteda chal- of employees or customers. Studies of em- lenge to an Illinois law prohibiting women's ployment practices before the passage of the admission to the bar, reflects the contem- Civil Rights Act reveal extensive sex seg- porary view of women: regation and the payment of lower wages to women; often these practices were explicitly The natural and proper timidity and delicacy codified in rules (Newman, 1976). Until re- which belongs to the female sex unfits it formany cently, many state laws prohibited employ- of the occupations of civil life. The constitution ers fromhiring womenforcertain of the family organization, which is founded in the divine ordinance, as well as in the nature of occupations or prescribed the conditions un- things, indicates the domestic sphereas that which der which they could work. Some occupa- properly belongs to the domain and functions of tions (positions on combat ships in the U.S. womanhood. Navy and on combat planes in the U.S. Air Force, for example) are still closed to women The first protective labor lawwas enacted by law. Practices that have the effect of re- in 1874. Although a large literature debates stricting women's access to some jobs, such the motivations of the workingmen and as certain kinds of seniority systems or vet- women, reformers (many of them feminists), erans' preference, are often institutionalized and union leaders who supported protective in formal personnel procedures. Others re- labor legislation for women (Freeman, 1971; side in informal aspects of the organization Hartmann, 1976; Steinberg, 1982), their of work. Although it is impossible to assess long-run effect unquestionably was tore- the relative importance of these barriers in strict women's occupational opportunities preventing women from entering and pro- (Baer, 1978). They prohibitedwomen from gressing intraditionally male-dominated doing tasks required by many occupations jobs, it is essential to examine how they op- such as lifting more than a maximum weight, erate in order to propose and assess reme- working more than a certain number of hours, dies. or working at night. Some states specifically prohibited women from holding certainoc- Legal Barriers cupations, including some that supposedly could corrupt women morally (e.g., bar- Legal barriers that limit women's free oc- tending) and others (mining, smelting,me- cupational choice are of two types: those ter reading, pin setting in bowling alleys, imposed by law or public regulation and those crossing watchmen, jitney driving, freight instituted by employers that the law en- handling or trucking) for which the rationale courages, permits, or does not effectively is less clear (Clauss, 1982). The legacy of prevent.3 As Clauss (1982) points out, prior such laws cannot be overemphasized. Rail- to the late 1800s tradition and prejudice were roads, for example, used the California hour usually sufficient to keep women in the few and weight-lifting restrictions to justify not occupations deemed appropriate for them, hiring women as telegraphers (Clauss, 1982). but when necessary the authority of the law An Illinois company used an 8-hour law for was invoked to contain women's nontradi- women to justify paying women operatives for only 8 hours when theywere working 81/2 hours. Not until the 1964 Civil Rights 3 This section draws heavily on Clauss (1982) and Act was passed and litigation occurredwere Roos and Reskin (1984). these laws invalidated. Those that remain 58 46 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK on the books are unenforceable. But even of all government agencies and 57 percent in the 1960s and 1970s, manufacturers sur- of municipal agencies preferred veterans veyed by the California State EmployMent when selecting police officers (Eisenberg et Service often cited weight-lifting restric- al., cited in Martin, 1980:47). Veterans' pref- tions to justify not hiring women (Bielby and erence rules also apply to layoffs and con- Baron, 1984). tributed to the higher layoff rates that female In Griggs v. Duke Power Company, 401 federal government employees in grades U.S. 424 (1971) the Supreme Court inter- above GS 12 (in which women are under- preted Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act represented) experienced in the federal per- to prohibit non-job-related requirements that sonnel cuts of 1981 (Federal Government disproportionately exclude members of pro- Service Task Force, 1981). The policy of giv- tected groups. This ruling opened some oc- ing veterans an advantage was formally cupations to women. For example,it incorporated into criteria for the Compre- invalidated requirements of height and hensive Employment and Training Act physical agility that largely barred women (CETA) trainees in 1978, contributing to from being officers in the San Francisco Po- women's underrepresentationincertain lice Department (Gates, 1976). Yet many programs relative to their proportion in the police departments still maintain such re- eligible population (Wolf, 1984 quirements, preventing women from be- The policy by some employers of exclud- coming police officers (Martin, 1980:47). ing women in their childbearing years from The prohibition against using sex as an jobs that might expose them to substances employment criterion under Title VII is not that are potentially toxic to fetuses has de- absolute. Employers may refuse to hire ap- monstrable segregative consequences. Fed- plicants of one sex if they can show that sex eral officials have estimated that such policies is a bona fide occupational qualification close at least 100,000 jobs to women.4 These (BFOQ) reasonably necessary to their nor- jobs are concentrated in industries that have mal operation (Section 703[e]). Although the historically excluded women (Clauss, 1982), occupations in which sex is a bona fide qual- and some observers (Bell, 1979; Wright, ification typically cited are wet nurse and 1979) have pointed out that employers use sperm donor, employers have succeeded in this policy to exclude women from better- using the BFOQ provision to justify exclud- paying male jobs, while ignoring hazards in ing women from such jobs as prison chap- predominantly female occupations.5 In two lains or guards (Long v. California State Title VII challenges, the courts recently ruled Personnel Board, 41 Cal. App. 3d 1000, 116 that employers may not penalize women Cal. Rptr. 562, 1974; Dothard v. Rawlinson, employees under the guise of protecting 433 U.S. 321, 1977) because their sexuality them from reproductive hazards (Wright v. might provoke the passions of violent male Olin Corporation, 697 F.2d 1192 [4th Cir. inmates and as international oil executives 1982]; Zuniga v. Klebert County Hospital, because that job involves dealing with al- 692 F.2d 986 [5th Cir. 1982]). Until 1978 legedly sex-prejudiced Latin Americans (Fernandez v. Wynn Oil, 20 FEP 1162 [C.D. Cal.], 1979). 4 This estimate does not include the number of mil- Laws and regulations stipulating that pref- itary jobs closed to women because of policies that do erence be given to veteranslegal under not permit women to occupy jobs that are related to combat (Roos and Reskin, 1984). the Supreme Court's decision in Personnel 5 Such hazards include the exposure of operating Administrators of Massachusetts v. Feeny, room nurses to waste anesthetic gases, of beauticians 99 S.C. 2282 (1979)reduce women's ac- to hydrocarbon hair spray propellants, and of clerical cess to certain jobs. For example, 65 percent workers to photoduplicating fluid. 59 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 47 employers could exclude pregnant women nate, however. If white employees have a from certain jobs, even when it meant that taste for distance from blacks, they will work they lost accumulated seniority. Then, in in an integrated workplace only if they are response to extensive lobbying by women's paid a premium for doing so. Employers will groups following the Supreme Court's de- then lower the wage of blacks in order to cision in General Electric v. Gilbert, 429 compensate for the higher wage that they U.S. 125 (1976), which held that discrimi- must pay whites when blacks are hired. nation against the condition of pregnancy in Likewise, if customers have discriminatory employment benefits such as disability in- tastes, prices will have to be lowered in or- surance is not illegal sex discrimination, der to prevent the loss of those customers Congress amended Title VII to prohibit dis- to firms employing only whites. Again, the crimination against pregnant women. employer will hire blacks only ata lower Title VII, provisions of Title IX of the wage in order to compensate for the loss in Educational Amendment Act, and other laws revenue from the lower sale price. Very few provide recourse for women who are dis- efforts have been made to test empirically criminated against in various conditions of any of Becker's hypotheses (Cain, 1984). employment. Yet, private litigation, which However, customer discrimination has been is expensive and lengthy, is seldom a viable suggested by Allison (1976) with respect to option for many women, and enforcement the higher wages earned by male than fe- agencies and legal rights organizations must male beauticians, and Epstein (1981) found limit the number of cases they pursue that many law firms attributed their reluct- through the courts. Satisfactory redress of ance to hire female attorneys to an antici- many of these cases, even of relatively overt pated loss of clients who they believedpre- discrimination, is not therefore easily at- fer males.6 tained. Indulging discriminatory tastes couldpro- duce segregation across occupationsor es- Discriminatory Acts and Behavior tablishments (Blau, 1984b). Assuming that employers differ in their taste for discrimi- Most economic theories of labor market nation or in their willingness to pay to in- discrimination were constructed to explain dulge that taste, the victims of discrimina- wage discrimination rather than restrictions tion, blacks or women, would be totally on access to jobs. Nevertheless, we review absent from some establishments andcon- them briefly, concentrating on their impli- centrated in othersat lower wages (Berg- cations for segregation in labor markets (for mann, 1971, 1974). If employers were more more extensive discussions, see Treiman and adverse to hiring women for some jobs than Hartmann, 1981; Blau, 1984a, 1984b). Gary others (or if male workers in differentoc- Becker's (1957) theory of race discrimination cupations expresse: different amounts of op- presumes a "taste" for distance from blacks, position), then occupational segregation on the part of employers, employees, or cus- woult4 result. tomers. If employers discriminate, they pay 'Limit,. standing the reasons for discrimi- for that taste by bidding up the wage for natory tastes might explain why employers' white workers above what would be nec- aversion to hiring women varies across oc- essary if they hired blacks. A discriminating cupations and why they prefer women for employer would hire blacks only if they were willing to work at a wage low enough to compensate the employer for the "distaste." 6 11,,,y also cited other reasons, ranging from prob- Economic considerations could motivate lems in providing separate rest rooms to their own even unprejudiced employers to discrimi- wives' opposition (Epstein, 1981). 60 48 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK some. Hiring decisions in prestigious profes- that arrangement. While many economists sional and managerial occupations often in- have argued that the inefficient use of labor volve subjective appraisals of whether an resources on the part of discriminating em- applicant will "fit in," since the potential ployers will diminish employer profits (Ar- consequences of an error are greater given row, 1972; Becker, 1957; Bergmann, 1971), the higher levels of uncertainty and indi- others have pointed to the circumstances vidual control over the work process in those under which segregation actually increases occupations (Kanter, 1977). For some oc- profitability. In neoclassical economic the- cupations, employers prefer female work- ory, if an employer holds some monopsony ers. A 1961 survey by the National Office power (either because the employer hires a Management Association (Grinder, 1961) of large portion of the available workers in a 1,900 commercial and service organizations particular area or because employees in a found that 28 percent indicated that sex ap- firm have low levels of mobility) :Ind if the peal was a qualification for some office jobs. supply of labor is more elastic for women Since most men live intimately with women and blacks, then segregating those groups and men often work closely with women in from white men and paying them a lower lower-status jobs, clearly any taste for avoid- wage will increase profitability (Madden, ing associating with women is situation-spe- 1975; Robinson, 1936). The extent to which cific. these conditions persist in the labor market Theories that focus on patriarchy (Hart- is a matter of some dispute, however (Cain, mann, 1976; Strober, 1984) contend that 1984), and one preliminary study that looks men's desire to keep women socially and at the relationship between the propensity economically dependent contributes to sex to hire women and profitability concludes segregation and other limitations of equal that discrimination does impose a cost, employment opportunity for women. This though relatively small, on employers (Stol- would explain men balking at working with zenberg, 1982). women as equals, while accepting female A class analysis of discrimination posits coworkers in subordinate jobs. Bergmann that employers segregate workers into groups and Darity (1981) have argued that a few that are then paid differentially in order to prejudiced workers can disrupt the work- prevent the development of a cohesive place; they suggest that employers may de- working class. Since a unified work force is fer to a few prejudiced employees in order seen as holding more power to bargain over to maintain harmony on the job. An alter- wages, segregation lowers the wage of all native explanation for exclusionary behavior subgroups of labor (though some more than rests on the social perception of status. If others), thus enhancing employer profit- the evaluation of some group as lower in ability. This hypothesis has been tested with social status is in general currency, then es- respect to race but not to sex (Reich, 1981). tablishments or occupations that fail to hon- Until the late 1960s or early 1970s sex or it by including more than a token number discrimination by unions contributed to oc- of members of the lower-status group taint cupational segregation in several ways. Some themselves (Touhey, 1974) and jeopardize unions openly excluded women by policy or the claim for deference they can make on maintained sex-segregated bargaining units; others. Thus, a law firm with more than one others pursued practices that effectively kept or two blacks or women risks being labeled women out (Simmons et al., 1975; Kessler- a "black" or "women's" 'firm and a concom- Harris, 1975; Hartmann, 1976).7 Nepotism itant loss of prestige. Another explanation of the segregation of women and blacks into low-paying occupa- 7 Union behavior has been seen as largely protec- tions rests on the potential profitability of tionist, but Hartmann (1976) argues that patriarchal 61 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 49 and sexism in the distribution of appren- Until quite recently, law firms openly dis- ticeships ensured women's virtual exclusion criminated in hiring and job assignment. from the crafts; opportunities to learn a trade Epstein (1981) recounts incidents of women typically went to members' male relatives lawyers being offered jobs as legalsecre- (Simmons et al., 1975). Collective bargain- taries, and Rossiter (1982) tells ofwomen ing agreements between unions and man- scientists with advanced degrees employed agement were often openly discriminatory. as chemical librarians and scientific secre- For example, they frequently identified jobs taries. Female physicians (Walsh, 1977) were as "male" or "female" and specified sex-seg- commonly denied jobs for which theywere regated promotion and transfer ladders and qualified. Prior to 1964, employerswere of- separate lines of layoff and rehiring priorities ten candid regarding the preferred sex and for the sexes. On occasion women andmen race of their employees (see, for example, were even assigned to different locals, but Grinder, 1961). A survey published by the this practice was ultimately found to bea Harvard Law Record in 1963 indicated that violation of Title VII (Simmons et al., 1975). in evaluating applicants law firms rated being Because Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights female more negatively than all other char- Acts and other laws and regulations prohibit acteristics, including being at the bottom of many forms of sex discrimination in em- one's class (Epstein, 1981). Nonprofessional ployment, obtaining evidence of discrimi- occupations have been subject to less in- nation is now often difficult. Employers are vestigation, but the firing of women from unlikely to admit discriminatory hiring prac- craft jobs at the end of World War II to tices that they might have admitted in the provide jobs for returning male veterans is past. Survey data, case studies, and exper- well documented (Milkman, 1980). Acom- iments suggest, however, that discrimina- ment by a female worker in a large industrial tion has been an important factor in excluding plant illustrates what is believed bymany women from a variety of occupations. (Newman and Wilson, 1981) to be extensive Throughout most of this century women have discrimination in job assignments (O'Far- faced open discrimination in employmentor rell, 1980:35): wages in many occupations. For example, one-third of the business and service organ- I do the same work on the bench lathes as the izations that responded to a 1961 survey by men who do work on the big lathes.... We do the National Office Management Associa- the same thing to the pieces.... We have the tion admitted a double standard of pay for same equipment and the same training. All the women welders went to welding school [run by female and male office employees, and two- the company] the same as the men. We passed thirds were admittedly reluctant to appoint the same tests to be certified as welders.... women to supervisory jobs (Grinder, 1961). The only difference is that whenwe got through training, they sent all the women to be welders at a rate 14, while all the men went to a rate of 18. The women work on smaller pieces than the considerations have also been a factor. If the unions' men, but we have to have the same skill and do only goal was simply to limit competition, sex need not the same welding work.... In fact, our work have been the significant factor. Why were youngmen used to be part of the men's welding job, but the but not young women encouraged to enter trades? Why men didn't like it. ... So [management] broke were male workers organized by unions, but not female that part of the job off and putwomen on it, at workers? Hartmann argues that men had self-interest a lower rate. in maintaining women's subordinate position in the labor market so that women would continue to beeco- nomically dependent on men and perform household Employment practices in the Bell Tele- services. Many statements by union leaders during the phone System prior to the 1973 consent de- nineteenth and early twentieth centuries indicate their cree illustrate the importance of occupational strong support for keeping women at home. assignment: all formal recruiting wassex- 62 50 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK specific, and it was impossible for applicants turing firms in a southern city filled vacan- to pursue jobs that the company had decided cies (Harkess, 1980) suggests that most of were sex-inappropriate (Laws, 1976). the employers explicitly considered gender Cassell and Doctors (1972) used personnel in deciding whether to hire applicants for records and interviews with managers and entry-level semiskilled positions, although employees to examine the job grades for they too explained that women would not 2,300 workers in three manufacturing firms. want certain jobs. Recent field studies of the They found that two of the firms discrimi- construction industry in which hiring quotas nated in assigning job grades to women when are in effect (U.S. Department of Labor, they were hired and that this assignment Employment Standards Administration, tended to affect both grade and wage pro- 1981; Westley, 1982) confirmed contractors' gression as long as the women remained with resistance to hiring women, even though the firm.8 They also found that firms were they admitted that women were competent less likely to promote women to higher and indeed more dependable than men. grades. Company representatives claimed Some cited objections by other employees that women did not want promotions be- as motivating their refusal to hire women. cause it would entail more responsibility and A growing body of experimental research, mean leaving their friends. Generally none some on employers or persons in training of the workers, male or female, was well for managerial positions, also shows that em- informed about promotion opportunities (in ployers favor men over equally or sometimes one of the companies, openings were posted more qualified women (Fidell, 1970; Lewin for only two days), making it difficult for and Duchan, 1971; Levinson, 1975; Du- anyone to pursue them independently with- beck, 1979). Although, talon singly, the out official encouragement. A recent study generalizability of some of these studies is of 3,500 employees at three large fiduciary questionable, as a group they confirm the institutions revealed similar results (Cabral findings of surveys and statistical studies, et aL , 1981). The researchers found that men case studies, and the accounts of women tended to be placed in higher job categories workers. than women with comparable education and The unexpectedly large number of com- were more likely to be promoted compared plaints of sex discrimination in hiring, job with women in similar entry positions, when assignment, and promotion decisions that seniority and previous experience were con- have been filed with federal antidiscrimi- trolled. Malkiel and Malkiel (1973) found nation regulatory agencies since the passage that female professionals in a large organi- of Title VII and other legislation provides zation were assigned to lower-level jobs than evidence that women workers believe that similarly qualified men. Halaby (1979a) ar- they have been discriminated against. The rived at similar conclusions for managerial number of charges filed with the Equal Em- employees in a California public utility: while ployment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) differences in experience and education increased from 2,053 in 1966 to almost 55,000 translated into promotion to higher ranks for in 1983 (Equal Employment Opportunity men, women remained concentrated in lower Commission, 1984) or about one complaint managerial ranks in which returns to in- for every 900 women in the labor force. creases in human capital were restricted. A recent study of how several manufac- Institutionalized Barriers in the Workplace 8 The data for the third firm were not adequate to Some of the barriers that exclude women draw conclusions about discrimination. from certain male occupations are embed- 63 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 51 ded in the formal structure of establish- eisions (Kanter, 1977). For example, none ments: their personnel practices, job of the employers Harkess (1980) surveyed descriptions, mobility ladders, and the or- used classified advertisements. Even if they ganization of tasks. These institutionalized did not actively discriminate in hiring, their barriers may have had their origin in prej- reliance on employee referrals and walk-ins udice or may be the by-products of admin- was likely to discourage applications from istrative rules and procedures that were people unlike those already working there. established for other reasons (such as sen- The people to whom employees passon job iority systems). However, once they are in- possibilities are part of their personal net- corporated in an organization's structure they works. Not only are such networkssex-seg- persist regardless of the lack of any discrim- regated as a rule, but women are less likely inatory intent, unless they are altered.9 Most than men to find their jobs through such individuals looking for work approach an informal methods (Leon and Rones, 1980; employer within a broad and vaguely de- Granovetter, 1981; Roos and Reskin, 1984). fined category (Blau and Jusenius, 1976). Even if asked, workers might hesitate to Employers play an active role in the labor recommend persons of the "wrong"sex or market; they decide whether to hire appli- race, in the belief that they are less likely cants as well as for what job. The set of to satisfy their employer (Harkess, 1980). occupations to which any worker has access Antinepotism rules provide one example is generally quite small. Once workers get of an employment policy that, whilesex- jobs, the job ladders that comprise theirem- neutral in theory, in practice works against ployers' internal labor markets (Doeringer women more often than men. By precluding and Piore, 1971) govern the occupations open spouses from working in the same depart- to them. Of course, management decides ment or company, they have tended to ex- who among alternative candidates should be clude wives who have similar background promoted to fill vacancies and how quickly and training as their husbands butmay be (see, for an example, Harlan and O'Farrell, slightly behind in their careers. Although 1982). As a result, sex differences in the such rules are no longer the impediment allocation of workers to entry-level jobs they were for female academics prior to the greatly narrow the number of jobs available 1970s (Simon et al., 1966; Dolan and Davis, to women workers and perpetuate sex seg- 1960), many large companies continue to regation throughout all jobs in an establish- have policies against employing spouses.'° ment (Blau and Jusenius, 1976). Most large employers have internal labor markets with highly structured recruiting practices. Depending on the characteristics 10 Recent evidence regarding nepotism rules comes they seek in workers, employersuse em- from the popular media and is unsystematic. It does ployment services, advertise directly to par- indicate, however, that nepotism rules persist in some ticular labor pools, or use employee referrals. firms. A 1978 New York Times article (May 8) on nep- The common practice of relying on informal otism referred to a policy that was only two years old referrals reflects employers' assumptions that at the University of New Orleans. A similar article that appeared in the Louisville Courier Journal (May 14, a homogeneous work force will facilitate on- 1978) mentioned a recent unsuccessful suit challenging the-job training (Stevenson, 1977) andre- the nepotism rule at Libbey-Owens-Ford. In fall 1982 duce the uncertainty inherent in hiring de- Newsweek (October 11, 1982:94) quoted a statement by Edward Hennessy, chairman of the board at Allied Corporation: "We have a policy at this company that we don't hire wives," which he later amended in a letter 9 This section draws heavily on Roos and Reskin to the editor (November 29, 1982:6) to say that Allied's (1984). policy is not to hire the spouses of corporate officers 64 52 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK Most institutional barriers to promotion problem (e.g., Quarks v. Philip Morris, within firms reside in rules about seniority, 279 F Supp. 505, 516, E.D. Va., 1968) by job bidding, eligibility for promotion, and invalidating departmentwide seniority sys- so forth that govern the operation of their tems in firms in which departments were internal labor markets. Because these prac- segregated (in this case, by race). However, tices are often codified (in collective bar- a subsequent decision (Teamsters v. United gaining agreements or civil service rules, for States et al., 45 LW 4514, 1977) denied rem- example), they are more visible than the edies unless employees could show that the barriers to being hired that women face. disparate impact of a bona fide seniority sys- Best documented, perhaps, are the segre- tem was the result of intentional discrimi- gative effects of seniority systems that link nation. In a recent decision (Firefighters workers' promotion prospects to their length Local Union No. 1784 v. Stotts, 104 S. Ct. of employment, particularly when they are 2576 [1984]) the Supreme Court held that not plantwidc (Kelley, 1982; Roos and Re- the city of Memphis could apply its bona skin, 1984). In large firms, seniority to de- fide seniority system rather than lay off more termine eligibility for promotion is often senior white workers while retaining mi- accrued only within a department or job nority workers with less seniority to pre- group, and having substantial seniority in serve the minority percentage of the work one group does not help one attain pro- force. The Court, in striking down a lower motion opportunities in a new group. In ef- court's injunction against the city's use of its fect, one loses seniority by transferring. Since seniority system, reasoned that the minor- many entry-level positions and their asso- ities who were protected from layoff were ciated job ladders are sex-segregated, nar- not the actual victims of previous discrimi- rowly constituted seniority units hamper nation by the city. Redressing problems of women's opportunity to transfer to jobs held seniority can be difficult, since altering sen- by men that may have greater promotional iority systems, which generally have the force opportunities. Even women with consid- of tradition behind them, can generate op- erable experience are effectively limited in position from those whose effective seniority their access to male-dominated jobs in other is reduced by the remedy. For example, units (Kelley, 1982). When legal action opens Northrup and Larson (1979) found that the such jobs to women, many have been re- seniority overrides required in the AT&T- luctant to sacrifice their seniority and risk EEOC consent decree engendered male future layoffs by transferring to male jobs hostility. (O'Farrell, 1982). Seniority is consequential Practices of job posting (O'Farrell, 1980) even when jobs are secure, since it often have also impaired women's access to sex- determines shift, overtime, and vacation as- atypical jobs in their plants. Job posting is signments (Steinberg and Cook, 1981). seldom plantwide, so women do not learn Plantwide seniority systems that provide of openings in other divisions (Shaeffer and bumping rights in case of layoffs (in which Lynton, 1979; O'Farrell, 1980). A survey of more senior employees "bump" less senior corporations revealed that improved job ones, moving into their jobs, while the jun- posting facilitated women's movement into ior employees are laid off) may facilitate sex-atypical blue-collar jobs in nonunionized women's movement into sex-atypical em- firms in which seniority was not binding ployment. Some courts have addressed this (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979). Information about openings is not sufficient, however. Many establishments have rules about who nor to permit married couples to work in the same can apply for a transfer or a promotion, and department or supervise each other. in some firms bidding rights do not extend 65 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 53 across all units. In one such company that enced decisions about machine designor O'Farrell (1980) studied, regulations against equipment, the decisions may nonetheless cross-plant bidding served to keep women be exclusionary in effect. Women's lack of segregated in predominantly female jobs in familiarity with tools and techniquesmay the smaller of two plants. also restrict their interest in or access toa A body of research on the New York State variety of blue-collar occupations, butre- Civil Service system documents the segre- medial programs have also been effective in gative effect of formal promotion systems bringing women's skill level to a par with within structured job sequences (New York that of male job entrants (Walshok, 1981b). State Commission on Management and Pro- ductivity in the Public Sector, 1977; Peter- son-Hardt and Perlman, 1979; C. Smith, Informal Barriers in the Workplace 1979; Ratner, 1981; Haignere et al., 1981). Job ladders were typically sex-segregated Exclusion also occurs subtly through a va- with women concentrated in the lowest-level riety of processes that steer people away jobs within ladders. The "female" ladders from work that has been culturally defined were both shorter and more difficult to climb as inappropriate for their sex. Here we ex- because of more., Yingent educational and amine how informal processes in the work- experience requirements (Peterson-Hardt place contribute to sex segregation either and Perlman, 1979). Given the stipulated because an uncomfortable work climate leads limits on the number of candidates who could women to withdraw from customarily male compete for a vacancy and women's under- occupations or because it interferes with their representation in the eligible pools, wom- ability to learn and perform their job. en's chances for promotion were necessarily Occupations that have been defined as lower than those of men (Haignere et al., male often provide an inhospitable context 1981; Ratner, 1981). Using supervisors' rec- for women." Women who enter them in ommendations to identify candidates for violation of their sex labels are regardedas promotion can also undermine the promo- deviant and may face suspicion regarding tion opportunities of women in supportive their motives, hostility, or other sanctions roles. Although supervisors may be reluc- (Aga, 1984). Men who are unaccustomed to tant to recommend able assistants of either working with women simply may beuncer- sex for promotion (Kanter, 1977; Shaeffer tain about how to behave. When work groups and Lynton, 1979), women suffer more be- are integrated, gender becomes salient for cause they are more apt to hold such jobs. the male occupants, who may subject the Design aspects of the work or the tools women to remarks calculated to put them used can influence women's performance and in their place by emphasizing their deviant hence their retention in historically male gender status (Kanter, 1977). Thesemay take blue-collar jobs. Although women can learn the form of profanity, off-color jokes, anec- to use unfamiliar tools, most machinery has dotes about their own sexual prowess, gossip been designed to accommodate men, so small about the women's personal lives, andun- women may not be able to operate existing warranted intimacy toward them (Kanter, machinery as efficiently or as safely as men 1977; Martin, 1980). Kanter's analysis sug- (Walshok, 1981a). AT&T's experience is il- lustrative: women in outdoor jobs had high- er accident rates than men until lighter- II Of course, the same has been true among men of weight and more mobile equipment was in- different racial groups, and Kessler-Harris (1982) de- scribes how prejudice by white female coworkers kept troduced. Although it is unlikely that the black women out of certain occupations and relegated intent to exclude women consciously influ- them to others. 66 54 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK gests that male coworkers also assign women ticipation has increased do not involve one of a small set of stereotyped nonprofes- working uosely with others, e.g., bus driv- sional personalities (mom, kid sister), which ers, real estate agents, dispatchers, mail car- tend to prevent the women from partici- riers,office machine repairers (Remick, pating in the group as full members. Women 1982). may respond to male hostilitywhether di- At the extreme, women in male-domi- rect or maskedwith aloofness or defen- nated jobs face overt harassment (Nieva and siveness, which in turn makes interaction Gutek, 1981; Walshok, 1981a). Sexual ha- more difficult. Reskin (1978) has shown how rassment is now recognized to be pervasive role stereotyping limits the integration of (Farley, 1978; MacKinnon, 1979; U.S. Sys- women into the scientific community and tems Protection Board, 1981) and has been impairs their performance. documented in construction (U.S. Depart- These processes are especially likely in ment of Labor, Employment Standards occupations that have a strong subculture, Administration, 1981; Westley, 1982), craft such as the police force (Martin, 1980) or jobs (Walshok 1981a), the automobile in- occupations in which workers spend many dustry (Gruber and Bjorn, 1982), and for- hours together during slack periods. Fire- estry (Enarson, 1980). There is, however, fighters represent such a group, as do crews no evidence that women entering occupa- that travel together (oil crews, merchant ma- tions defined as male are more likely to be rines) or construction workers who may sit sexually harassed than those who work in around the job site waiting out bad weather. traditionally female jobs. To the extent that the work group resembles Some women find superficial acceptance a social group, newcomers of a different sex in predominantly male occupations but are (or race) may be viewed as intruders. Such excluded in subtle ways that impair their occupations, too, may require a high degree ability to do their jobs. Often their exclusion of interdependence. The amount of inter- is not deliberate; men may be unaware of dependence in the work process can affect or indifferent to the process, and women women's chance of success in sex-atypical reluctant to speak up (Epstein, 1970a). Since jobs (Epstein, 1970a). When women are an male domination of top positions is a struc- unwelcome minority, whether they work tural phenomenon, however, the same pro- autonomously or depend on others to ac- cesses that tend to strengthen the fraternity complish their job makes a big difference in of men reinforce the exclusion of women. their performance. Several women pioneers In the past many professional associations in blue-collar occupations indicated that male and unions barred women from membership coworkers' refusal to help them in the same (Epstein, 1970b; Simmons et al., 1975). Even way they would assist similar male workers today, some elite professional clubs in which hampered their ability to do their jobs (Wal- important contacts are nurtured do not ac- shok, 1981a; U.S. Department of Labor, cept women as members, and women at- Employment and Training Administration, tending meetings there must literally use 1978). Hostility sometimes takes the form of the back stairs (Schafran, 1981). More prob- men sabotaging women's performance (Wal- lematic because it is a daily affair is women's shok, 1981a). In contrast, when work is or- exclusion from informal networks. Kanter ganized so that women can work alone or (1976:415) points out that "organizations ... with female partners, their retention in jobs comprise a network of power relations out- dominated by men increases (Shaeffer and side of the authority vested in formal posi- Lynton, 1979; Walshok, 1981a). It is prob- tions. ..." Although some have observed ably not coincidental that several male-dom- that women lack access to these networks inated occupations in which women's par- (Campbell, 1973; Welch and Lewis, 1980; 67 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 55 McPherson and Smith-Lovin, 1982), the ac- advance, one must have active support from tual processes through which access is lim- an individual who is established in one's field ited are difficult to pinpoint, because of the (Hochschild, 1975; Shapiro etal., 1978; subtle ways that discrimination occurs in Speizer, 1981). Sponsorship is common in network systems and the difficulty of quan- the upper echelons of almost all professions tifying the kinds of resources being distrib- (Epstein, 1970a; White, 1970; Zuckerman, uted (Miller et al., 1981). 1977) as well as in some blue-collar occu- Women's exclusion from informal net- pations (Walshok, 1981a). Sponsors provide works in which information is shared and introductions through which an individual alliances develop has implications for their becomes established in the profession (Ep- learning and performing their jobs and their stein, 1970a; Lorber, 1981), socialize their chances for advancement (for an example, protégés to the values and behavior that are see U.S. Department of Labor, Employ- appropriate to the work culture (Caplow, ment and Training Administration, 1978). 1954), and often provide vital instruction in Women are particularly apt to be excluded the technical aspects of the job. As outsiders, from activities that occur outside work hours women may need male endorsement to be (Kanter, 1977; Epstein, K.81), and, unsure taken seriously (Walsh, 1977) and thus may of their reception, they mty he reluctant to rely more than men on having a sponsor for intrude (Martin, 1980). Martin (1978), for advancement (Ortiz and Covel, 1978; Speiz- example, describes women police officers' er, 1981). Because men hold a dispropor- exclusion from off-hours activities in which tionate number of positions of influence and opportunities for desirable work assign- few women in male-dominated fields hold ments were discussed. In some occupations high enough status to be effective as spon- in which practitioners are self-employed (for sors, most available potential sponsors are example, physicians), collegial networks are men. But men may hesitate to take In fe- indispensable for getting business. Yet male protégés because they question their women seem to be stuck in sex-segregated commitment, fear adverse reactions from networks (Kaufman, 1977; Epstein, 1981) wives and colleagues, or are unaware of their that put them at a professional disadvantage. promise (Epstein, 1970a). Successful occupational performance is not The evidence regarding the access of men always sufficient to gain admission to infor- and women to sponsors is scanty (Speizer, mal networks. In a case study of female school 1981), but what there is suggests that both administrators, Ortiz and Covel (1978) found professional and blue-collar womenexpe- that even women who used formal networks rience difficulty in finding sponsors (Roe, effectively were barred from informal net- 1966; Epstein, 1970a; Walshok, 1981a). For works. Determining the consequences of example, most female truck drivers who said women's exclusion from networks is diffi- they had sponsors named their husbandsor cult, but some findings are suggestive of del- boyfriends (Lembright and Riemer, 1982). eterious effects. Kaufman's (1977) study of Only a few studies compared women and sex differences in faculty use of networks men. Women physicians were less likely than found that female faculty participated in less men to have had a sponsor in setting up beneficial networks: they included fewer practice (Lorber, 1981). Martin (1980) ob- colleagues of higher rank and were judged served the expected sex difference in spon- to be less important than men judged their sorship among patrol officers, but her sample networks. Miller et al. (1981) found that be- was small and unsystematic. Strober's (1982) longing to a network enhanced the access of survey of graduates of Stanford University's social service personnel to resources. School of Business revealed that womenwere It is frequently argued that in order to slightly more likely to have a mentor in their 68 56 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK current job, but the sexes did not differ ac- positions (e.g., library work in law; Epstein, cording to type of mentoring. Research on 1970b) or in jobs that deal with lower-status sex differences in the effectiveness of spon- clients or customers may contribute to their sorship is also limited. For Strober's busi- invisibility and the underevaluation of their ness graduates, having a mentor was not work. Women sell cheaper goods (or serve correlated with salary and was negatively cheaper meals) than men do and their cus- related to job satisfaction for both sexes. A tomers are often other women (Talbert and study of elementary school teachers con- Bose, 1977). Ironically, when women hold cluded that sponsorship was necessary for male jobs, it is their gender and not their advancement into male-dominated school performance that is highly visible (Kanter, administration but was more beneficial to 1977). Kanter has outlined other ways in men than women (Poll, 1978). Lorber (1981) which women's minority status interferes compared the impact of sponsorship on the with their performance and hence their eval- careers of female and male physicians in ac- uation, and evidence for femalf law students ademic, institutional, and clinical settings. supports he liesis (Spangler et al., 1978). She found that women benefited from spon- Any propensity to ignore or undervalue sorship in their postgraduate training but women's contributions not only reduces their were less often sponsored for leadership po- personal chances for career advancement but sitions. In contrast, 1,250 senior executives also may justify not hiring additional wom- (of whom fewer than 1 percent were female) en. reportedly had mentors but denied that their mentors were important for their own suc- Conclusion cess (Roche, 1979). The journeyman-apprenticeship relation- In sum, women are excluded from many ship can resemble the mentor-protégé re- occupations because of the effects of past lationship, except that apprentices may be practices, remaining legal barriers, discrim- assigned to journeymen who are indifferent ination by employers and sometimes by or hostile (Walshok, 1981a). For this reason, unions and coworkers, institutionalized per- women are particularly vulnerable in ap- sonnel practices, and informal barriers in the prenticeship programs that lack classroom workplace that make many jobs uncomfort- instruction, in which their training depends able for them or impair their performance. entirely on a single journeyman. One source These barriers demonstrably contribute to of journeymen's hostility may be their per- the persistence of sex segregation in the ception that standards were reduced for fe- workplace. Next we consider how and to male apprentices. Walshok (1981b) reports what extent workers' occupational choices, that a competency-based testing program at socialization, education, and training also General Motors alleviated this problem by help to maintain a segregated work force. reassuring the journeymen while providing the apprentices with feedback on expecta- SOCIALIZATION AND EDUCATION tions and their performance. Doing a good job does not necessarily Many approach sex segregation in the mean getting credit, and what counts in a workplace with the assumption that it results career is getting credit for doing good work from women's and men's choices. If women (Hochschild, 1975). In some male-dominat- choose to work with other women and men ed work settings, women succeed only if with other men, the consequences of seg- their work is visible and can be assessed by regation, even though often negative for an objective standard such as quantity of women, might not be seen as an appropriate sales. Wome,i's concentration in less visible matter for policy intervention. In consid- 69 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 57 ering why women might choose different sexes display considerable movement within occupations than men choose, several rea- the labor force. For example, about 6 per- sons have been noted (Treiman and Hart- cent of the young men in the National Lon- mann, 1981). Sex-specific socialization can gitudinal Survey changed jobs every month influence women's and men's occupational (Hall and Kasten, 1976), and a considerable choices in a variety of ways. First, sex-spe- number changed occupations (Spilerman, cific socialization may lead women to prefer 1977), even broadly defined occupational occupations that are generally viewed as ap- categories (Rosenfeld and Sorenson, 1979). propriate for them. Second, women's pre- Second, there are a large number of unla- market education and training may restrict beled occupations, and occasionally men and the jobs for which they qualify. Third, wom- women perform the same occupation in dif- en's beliefs that certain jobs are unavailable ferent parts of the country, so that sex-role may deter them from trying to pursue them. socialization could never provide a complete Fourth, women's choices may reflect their explanation of occupational choice. Third, ignorance of available options. A fifth sig- the effect of workers' perceptions of avail- nificant factor,that women's anticipated able occupational options and the extent to fiunily obligations may affect their choice of which women may settle for sex-typical oc- occupations, is discussed in the next section. cupations only after being discouraged from One view of occupational choice focuses pursuing sex-atypical occupations are often on the differential socialization of the sexes underestimated by those who regard choice to different personality characteristics, skills, as the major determining actor in one's work and preferences. In brief, it holds that sex- life. Finally, it should be kept in mind that role socialization contributes to sex segre- sex-role socialization also contributes to sex gation by creating in each sex preferences segregation by influencing the preferences for occupations that have been defined as and behavior of people who make decisions appropriate to that sex, at the same time about training or hiring workers or who oc- leaving them disinclined, ignorant of, or cupy positions that can affect women's pros- pessimistic regarding their chances to pur- pects for success in sex-atypical jobs. As we sue most other occupations. Some also point noted above, employers' and other gate- to the role of socialization in limiting the keepers' normative expectations regarding kinds of occupationally relevant training that the sex-typing of jobs as well as attitudes women acquire. In recent years, sex-role about the sexes contribute to sex segrega- socialization theory has become widely re- tion. garded as incomplete and is in the process of being reconceptualized. Socialization is Sex-Role Socialization now more commonly regarded as an ongoing process, rather than something that occurs Sex-role socialization refers to the lifelong in early childhood with results that remain process through which expectations about fixed for life. Resocialization can and does how each gender should behave are trans- occur, and adults also experience socializa- mitted through the family, the educational tion in various contexts. system, and the mass media. 12 While strong- In the following discussion of how social- ly influenced by cultural standards, these ization shapes preferences, several caveats expectations vary by race, ethnicity, and about occupational choice and sex-role so- class. Sex-role socialization can generate sex- cialization should be kept in mind. First, the notion of a chosen career may be mis- leading for many workers, at least early in 12 This discussion relies heavily on Marini and Brin- their work histories. Young workers of both ton (1984). 70 58 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK typical occupational outcomes directly by This is especially true with respect to math- creating sex-typed occupational aspirations ematics (Fennema and Sherman, 1977; Fox or indirectly by developing in males and et al., 1979; Marini and Brinton, 1984, pro- females tastes and characteristics that are vide a detailed review). The sex-typicality compatible with occupations that have been of their parents' occupations influences the labeled appropriate for their sex. Sociali- typicality of the occupation to which chil- zation occurs in two ways. Socialization dren aspire, with the same-sex parent ex- agents can convey the impression that dif- ercising a stronger effect (Hofferth, 1980a). ferent attributes and behaviors are appro- Children of employed mothers hold less tra- priate for females and males. They can also ditional sex-role attitudes (Huston; 1983), expose boys and girls to different experi- and, among daughters, their mother's em- ences that produce different adult attri- ployment is important to their career choice butes. Both occur in most families. Children (Beardslee and O'Dowd, 1962; Hartley, 1966; observe that adult men and women typically White, 1967; Almquist and Angrist, 1971; do different work inside and outside the home D. Bielby, 1978b). The research is incon- and that their interests and personal-social clusive, however, on whether these daugh- characteristics differ; they then infer what ters are more likely to enter typically male are expected behaviors for adult women and occupations (D. Bielby, 1978a; Brito and Ju- men. In addition, parents treat their male senius, 1978; but see also Almquist and and female children differently in ways that Angrist, 1970; Tangri, 1972; Klemmack and may produce sex differences in certain char- Edwards, 1973; Almquist, 1974). acteristics (Huston, 1983). This has been Researchers have documented the exis- demonstrated in recent research on activi- tence of sex-typing in the occupational as- ties and interests. Experimental studies that pirations of children and young people. At observe adults' reactions to the same be- relatively young ages, boys and girls are havior when only the adults' belief of the aware that adult sex roles differ and express child's gender was varied have shown that interests in and prefer activities that the cul- the latter influenced their judgments about ture defines as appropriate to their sex and behavior toward the child (e.g., Meyer (Blakemore et al., 1979; Carter and Patter- and Sobiezek, 1972; Gurwitz and Dodge, son, 1979; Edelbrock and Sugawara, 1978; 1975; Condry and Condry, 1976). In exper- Faulkender, 1980; Schau et al., 1980). Pre- imental studies adults made sex-typed toy school and elementary schoolchildren know choices for children and encouraged phys- the more obvious sex-typed adult occupa- ical play for male children and interpersonal tions (Tibbetts, 1975; Garrett et al., 1977; play activity and dependent, affectionate be- Nerno,owicz, 1979; see Ruble and Ruble, havior for females. Because parents typically 1980, for a full review), and their knowledge limit their daughters' freedom more than of these stereotypes increases through ad- that of their sons, girls are exposed to fewer olescence (Stein, 1971). sources of socialization outside the family In keeping with this knowledge, pre- and may experience greater pressure to con- school children express sex-typed occupa- form to parental values (Newson and New- tional preferences and expectations,al- son, 1976; Huston, 1983). though some (e.g., ballerina, cowboy) are Regarding parental behavior that may be not realistic possibilities. By mid- to late more closely linked to children's occupa- adolescence occupational aspirations are al- tional attainment, parents harbor higher ex- most as sex-typed as the workplace itself. pectations for their sons' than their daugh- The index of segregation computed for the ters' adult achievements (Maccoby and occupations that 14- to 22-year-olds wanted Jacklin, 1974; Hoffman, 1977; Marini, 1978). to hold at age 35 was 61, only 8 percent less 71 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 59 than the index measuring the actual level of to and Jusenius, 1978:70). For both races, segregation for the same occupational cat- one component of the change was the de- egories (Marini and Brinton, 1984). The clining proportion who expected to be teach- young women aspired to fewer occupations, ers. Douglas (1980) also reported that during but the young men's aspirations were sub- approximately the same period the propor- stantially more sex-typed. These patterns are tion of women entering college who ex- quite stable from ages 14 to 22 (Gottfredson, pected to become elementary or secondary 1978; Hofferth, 1980a; Marini and Brinton, school teachers dropped from 35 to 10 per- 1984), although some evidence from the cent. Interest among college women in 1960s indicates that some women's occu- professional careers in fields defined as male pational choices became more sex-stereo- has increased sharply. For example, in 1968 typed during college (J. Davis, 1965; Astin only 3.3 percent of women surveyed by the and Panos, 1969; Hind and Wirth, 1969). American Council on Education planned to Along with a general liberalization of sex- become businesswomen, compared with 20.4 role attitudes and increasing support for percent in 1978 (Hornig, 1980). (During this women's equality of opportunity spurred on period the proportion of men expecting to by the women's movement (Mason et al., go into business increased from 17.5 to 23.3 1976; Spitze and Huber, 1980; Cher lin and percent.) Walters, 1981; Thornton et al., 1983), the Sex-role socialization also may lead to sex extent of sex-typing of young women's oc- differences in skills and knowledge that may cupational aspirations has declined (Garri- affect occupational access. After the onset of son, 1979; Herzog, 1982).13 In 1968 only one adolescence, males tend to do better at in eight of the young women questioned in mathematical reasoning and spatial skills, and the National Longitudinal Survey expected women at verbal skills (Terman and Tyler, to be employed in professional, technical, 1954; Dwyer, 1973; Maccoby and Jacklin, or managerial occupations when they were 1974; Sherman and Fennema, 1977; Brush, 35; by 1979 this proportion had increased to 1979; Richmond, 1980; Liben, 1978; Thom- two in five (National Commission for Em- as and Jamison, 1975), but these differences ployment Policy, 1980:60). Lueptow (1981) are very small relative to within-gender dif- also observed a marked drop in women's ferences (Huston, 1983). preferences for several traditionally female Limited evidence shows sex differences occupations, although males showed no in some personality characteristics that may commensurate increase in their preference be relevant for some occupations. There is for occupations defined as female. Among some evidence that boys are more physically black female college students who expected active, aggressive, competitive, and domi- to be employed at age 35, between 1968 and nant in their peer groups than girls; and that 1973 the proportion who thought they would girls are more anxious, timid, and compliant work in sec-atypical occupations jumped from with adults (Maccoby and Jacklin, 1974; 14 to 21 percent; for whites the gain was Block, 1976; and Frieze et al., 1978, present only 2 percentage points, to 25 percent (Bri- relevant reviews). The evidence as to whether males and females differ in the value they placeon " A concomitant change is the decline in the number dimensions of work is mixed. Boys aremore ofyoungwomen who aspire to be exclusively home- likely to value financial rewards, status, and makers. In the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of young women, only one-fourth expected to devote freedom from supervision; girls aremore themselves exclusively to homemaking at age 35, com- likely to value working with people, helping pared with more than 60 percent of the respondents others, using their abilities, and beingcre- in 1968. ative (Witty and Lehman, 1930; Singer and 72 60 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK Steffire, 1954; O'Hara, 1962; Lueptow, 1980; pirations (reviewed in Miller and Garrison, Herzog, 1982). These differences may not 1982), the extent to which sex-role sociali- hold for black high school students (Brief zation produces pre-employment sex differ- and Aldag, 1975). Nieva and Gutek (1981) ences is not established. We have seen that cite several studies that failed to find sex young women and men do differ on several differences in orientation toward specific ex- attitudes and on a few abilities and person- trinsic and intrinsic rewards to working. They ality traits (Marini and Brinton, 1984) and suggest that other investigators' failure to that young people's expressed occupational control for workers' occupation may account preferences are definitely sex-typed,al- for some of the sex differences observed though females' preferences have become among employed persons. Miller and Gar- less so over the past several years. The evi- rison (1982) also found consensus among dence reviewed indicates that parents treat women and men on the importance of var- children differently, depending on their ious working conditions, although they ob- gender, and below we review evidence that served differences in some of the criteria teachers also do so. It seems likely, then, women and men use for judging work. It is that socialization contributes to the ob- not clear whether these differences in atti- served differences in abilities and values. tudes and orientation have declined in keep- With respect to occupational aspirations, ing with changing occupational aspirations. however, our understanding of their for- Several recent studies (Brenner and mation is still quite limited (Laws, 1976; Tomkiewicz, 1979; Lueptow, 1980; Peng et Miller and Garrison, 1982). al., 1981; Tittle, 1981; Herzog, 1982) found Considerable evidence suggests that vis- no change, but national surveys of college ible occupational sex segregation contrib- freshmen show considerable convergence in utes to the formation of sex-typed occu- several occupationally related attitudes pational preferences in young people. First, (Chronicle of Higher Education, January 28, knowledge of the sex-segregated nature of 1980; February 17, 1982). the workplace may lead young people, from The evidence taken together suggests that an early age, to prepare themselves for ca- many young women and men enter the work reers in which they believe they would be force with attributes and aspirations con- welcome. Second, sex segregation may af- sistent with the segregation of the sexes in fect preemployment aspirations and skills by different jobs. Recent changes, however, restricting the ability of parents and other suggest a trend toward convergence in at- adults to serve as models for nontraditional titudes and aspirations. Moreover, the ques- occupations. Limited empirical evidence tion of causation is complex. We can illu- (reviewed in Marini and Brinton, 1984) sug- minate it by attempting to answer several gests that same-sex role models may influ- questions. First, does socialization produce ence college students' educational and ca- observed pre-employment sex differences in reer choices (Fox, 1974; Goldstein, 1979). occupational aspirations, attitudes, and ex- For example, Douvan (1976) offers anec- pectations? Second, to what extent do pre- dotal evidence of the value to successful employment sex differences contribute to women of having a prominent same-sex role occupational segregation? Third, can and model, and Basow and Howe (1979) report should we try to reduce occupational seg- that college seniors' career choices were af- regation by intervening in socialization prac- fected to a significantly greater degree by tices? same-sex than by opposite-sex role models. Although several researchers have ob- Third, growing up in a world in which ed- served a link between individuals' sex role ucational materials and the mass media show orientations and women's employment as- men and women performing different roles 73 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 61 may influence girls' and boys' expectations dition, almost one-third of the female high about the jobs they should fill. Television school students in a national sample (but programs and commercials, projecting cul- only one-tenth of the males) thought that tural ideals, depict women in fewer occu- their gender would to some degree prevent pational roles than men (De Fleur, 1964; them from getting the kind of work they Women on Words and Images, 1975), and would like (Bachman et al., 1980). Taken most of them are female occupations (Kan- together these studies provide rather strong iuga et al., 1974; Tuchman et al., 1978; Eng- evidence that the existence of segregation land and Gardner, 1983). The impact of tele- contributes to the development of sex-typed vision viewing on occupational aspirations occupational preferences. has not been demonstrated, although ele- Our second question is whether preem- mentary schoolchildren's identification with ployment sex differences in aspirations, at- traditional sex roles is correlated with the titudes, and expectations lead to sex-typical amount of television they watch (Frueh and occupational choices. Again we must distin- McGhee, 1975). guish values and traits from occupational Both direct and indirect evidence points preferences. Regarding the former, we quote to the influence of young people's percep- from Marini and Brinton's (1984:208) review tions of occupational opportunities on their of sex typing in occupational socialization: preemployment aspirations. Marini and Greenberger (1978) found that the sex com- Although it is possible that sex differences, par- ticularly in physical characteristics, may form the position of occupations influenced the de- basis for some occupational sorting by sex, the gree to which white girlsbut not boys relevance of most stereotypically ascribed sex dif- expected to realize their aspirations. Heil- ferences in personality and ability, including man (1979) found that high school students' physical differences, to occupational performance occupational interests were a function of their remains unknown. ... It seems likely that the perceptions of occupations as viable career extent to which one sex is better suited to perform choices, given their sex compositions. Re- sex-typed jobs has been greatly exaggerated. Be- search on the disparity between young peo- cause sex differences in personality traits and ple's aspirations and the occupations they abilities are both smaller than they are stereo- expect to pursue is particularly instructive, typically ascribed to be and of questionable rel- because the latter are more likely to reflect evance to the performance of most jobs, their role in... the effect of constraintsincluding the sex [producing) sex segregation...is likely to be minimal. labeling of the preferred occupations or mar- ket discrimination based on sex (Marini and Additional research is clearly necessary to Brinton, 1984). Girls, in particular, expect determine to what extent links exist be- to be in more sex-typed occupations than tween sex-typed characteristics and values the ones they prefer (Marini and Brinton, and sex-typical occupational outcomes. We 1984). That young people's expectations are also need to know more about the actual more sex-typed than their aspirations pre- skill requirements of jobs and their effect on sumably reflects their perceptions of their sex segregation, since differences in aspi- actual options. Direct evidence for this pre- rations may lead to differences in the skills sumption is provided by a study of the rea- men and women acquire. sons for discrepancies between high school The evidence regarding the association girls' expectations and aspirations. More than between people's preemployment occupa- half of those whose expectations differed from tional aspirations and the occupations in their aspirations explained that the occu- which they end up is mixed. Marini and pations to which they aspired were "inap- Brinton (1984) identify five studies, all done propriate for females" (Burlin, 1976). In ad- before 1971, that examined the congruence 74 62 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK between high school aspirations and sub- preliminary conclusions can be stated. We sequent occupational attainment. The esti- have learned that the effects of preemploy- mates ranged from 15 to 25 percent agree- ment socialization are far from immutable. ment for respondents reinterviewed 10 years Socialization is a lifelong process that con- after high school (Kohout and Rothney, 1964; tinues after one enters the labor force. Ac- Kuvlesky and Realer, 1967) to between 50 counts of the experiences of women who and 80 percent among a group sampled six entered heavily male occupations subse- months after high school graduation (Porter, quent to their first work experience (Wal- 1954; Schmidt and Rothney, 1955). Ob- shok, 1981a) reveal the women's resocial- viously these findings are sensitive to the ization. It is not clear, however, whether number and fineness of the occupational cat- interventions in childhood socialization egories the researchers used. We have un- would alter perceptions or attitudes, but covered no evidence linking the strength of some studies suggest that they can. Exper- children's sex-role socialization and the sex imental research indicates that children who typicality of their occupational outcomes. were exposed to media presentations show- One study (Spitze and Waite, 1980) found ing men and women performing nontradi- that although young women's career com- tional work tended to express views that were mitments were associated with the sex typ- less sex-typed about adult occupations than icality of their first post-college jobs, their children who saw neutral or traditional sex- sex-role attitudes had no effect. Still, per- role portrayals (Atkin, 1975; Flerx et al., haps because of the general lack of longi- 1976; Davidson et al., 1979). Children who tudinal data, there is surprisingly little re- for a semester watched a television series search on the connection between aspirations ("Freestyle") designed to show men and and outcomes. It is not impossible that ap- women performing nontraditional activities propriate studies would show a link between and occupations displayed less stereotyped the sex-typing of one's aspirations and pref- beliefs and attitudes about adults' occupa- erences (or traditional attitudes and values tional and domestic roles nine months later. on sex-roles generally) and the sex-typing of Evaluations of programs designed to in- one's occupational outcomes. It would be crease college women's participation in sci- more to the point to discover whether hav- ence (discussed in the following chapter) in- ing traditional attitudes or preferences tends dicate that attempts to resocialize women to to be correlated with being in female-dom- different career interests can be successful. inated occupationsingeneral, and not It is important to recognize that high school whether aspiring to a specific occupation curriculaincluding vocational education leads to entering that specific occupation. constitute interventions that usually en- To conclude, the differential socialization courage occupational preparation consistent of the sexes probably contributes to occu- with sex-typed cultural values. In the next pational segregation to some degree, both section, we trace the implications of edu- through the formation of sex-typed prefer- cation and training for sex-segregated oc- ences in workers and the formation of pref- cupational choices. erences for workers of a particular gender among employers. Prospective studies of the Education same individuals over time are b2dly needed for a clearer understanding of the way in People's labor market outcomes are af- which socialization contributes to segrega- fected by the amount and kind of education tion through influencing preferences com- they acquire as well as through more subtle pared with its effect through influencing processes within the educational system. On awareness of opportunities. At this time some average, black women and men attain about 75 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 63 the same amount of schooling, while His- children's occupational aspirations have not panic and white men have a slight edge over been determined, although Kimmel (1970) Hispanic and white women. However, men and Wirtenberg (cited in National Commis- are overrepresented at the lower and higher sion on Employment Policy, 1980) found at levels of education. Level of education is least short-run effects of children's books on linked to the kinds of jobs women and men stereotyped attitudes toward minorities. An obtain. For example, of women in the labor intriguing study (reported in Bem and Bem, force in 1981, those who were high school 1973) revealed that females showed no in- dropouts were much more likely than grad- terest in jobs labeled "draftsman" but ex- uates to work as operatives, laborers, private pressed interest in jobs labeled "draftswom- household workers, and other service work- an." Similarly, males were not attracted to ers. Of women in professional and technical telephone operator jobs when the accom- occupations, 60 percent had completed four panying text used the female pronoun but or more years of college (U.S. Department were interested when male pronouns were of Labor, Women's Bureau, 1983:116). Al- employed. Nilsen (1977) observed a direct though historically men have been more correlation between children's exposure to likely to attend college and attain higher a sex-stereotyped reading program and their educational levels than women, recent data propensity to classify activities as belonging show that the enrollment rates of men and to male and female domains. However, we women have converged (Heyns and Bird, still know very little about the effects of books 1982). and other teaching materials on children's Given the different historical experience occupational choices. of women and men with public education Differential treatment of girls and boys by and the wide acceptance of beliefs about sex teachers seems to reinforce sex stereotypical differences in both character traits and abil- attitudes and behaviors (see Brenner, 1981). ities, persistent sex differences in educa- Many teachers are aware of concerns re- tional processes within the schools are not garding sex stereotyping, but they also per- surprising. We discuss here two kinds of ceive boys and girls as radically different and differences that are relevant for sex segre- believe that they want to be treated differ- gation: (1) sex-stereotyped educational ma- ently (Guttentag and Bray, cited in Evenson terials and (2) teachers' and counselors' sex and O'Neill, 1978). According to Guttentag stereotypes and differential treatment of the and Bray's findings, teachers see their role sexes. as meeting rather than shaping their stu- Sex bias in educational materials and those dents needs. Teachers' education texts used for career counseling has been well themselves continue to present stereotyped documented. (See Marini and Brinton, 1984, portrayals of females (Sadker and Sadker, for a detailed review.) As a rule, textbooks cited in Brenner, 1981). stereotype occupations as male or female Marini and Brinton's (1984) review of the (Vetter et al., cited in Evenson and O'Neill literature confirms sex bias in high school 1978). To illustrate, in 134 elementary school career counseling that is consistent with sex- readers examined in one study, women were typical occupational choices. High school portrayed in only 26 occupations (all but one counselors have tended to hold traditional of which were stereotypically female), com- attitudes about the appropriate occupations pared with almost 150 occupations for men for female and male students, to discourage (Women on Words and Images, 1975). Sim- nontraditional aspirations, and to be igno- ilar stereotyping has been found in foreign rant of issues related to women's employ- language and mathematics texts. The effects ment (Thomas and Stewart, 1971; Bingham of sex-stereotyped educational materials on and House, 1973; Medvene and Collins, 76 64 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK 1976; Karpicke, 1980). In sum, the literature terials and for teachers' and counselors' at- reveals considerable bias by counselors re- titudes and behavior, the impact, if any, of garding the appropriateness of various oc- same-sex role models has not been estab- cupational aspirations for women, and in- lished. variably recommends that school counselors The tracking of students into different cur- be trained to provide women students with ricula or specific subjects and away from oth- less biased counseling. Although the impact ers is common in many high schools, al- of counseling on students' aspirations has not though it is often so subtle that students are been generally demonstrated (Marini and unaware that itis occurring (Marini and Brinton, 1984), a recent study by the Amer- Brinton, 1984). Teachers and counselors may ican Institutes for Research (Harrison et al., recommend that female students avoid cer- 1979) revealed the effect of counselors on tain college preparatory courses, with the student curricular choices: 25 percent of the effect of restricting their subsequent occu- female students and 14 percent of the male pational options (Marini and Brinton, 1984). students taking courses unusual for their sex This process has been documented most ful- had been advised against enrolling in them. ly with respect to math and science. Girls Of those who entered traditional areas, 14 have been underrepresented in mathemat- percent of the girls and 8 percent of the boys ics and science classes in secondary school, said that they had been dissuaded by coun- although recently they have begun to enroll selors from enrolling in nontraditional areas. in these classes in greater proportions (Na- Others found that counselors were more tional Commission for Employment Policy, likely to discourage than encourage women 1980). Women undergraduate mathematics from enrolling in math and science courses majors were more likely than men to report (Levine, 1976; Casserly, 1979). that their teachers had discouraged their Because it is highly segregated by sex, the pursuing math careers, although female public school system offers students few role mathematicians also often referred to a models for sex-atypical occupations. Ele- teacher's encouragement as important to mentary schoolchildren are three times more their career decision (Luchins and Luchins, likely to be taught by women than by men 1980). Researchers (Marini and Brinton, (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of 1984; Fennema, 1983) have concluded that the Census, 1983b), which may account in sex differences in mathematics and scierce part for girls' preferences for teaching ca- training stem not from differences in ability reers. In view of the lack of valid evidence or (for mathematics) in liking for the subject, regarding the stability of individuals' occu- but from the labeling of these subjects as pational preferences and the large numbers male and perceptions of their utility (Wise of factors that intervene between early school et al., 1979; Armstrong, in National Com- experiences and adult career choices, how- mission for Employment Policy, 1980; for a ever, it is difficult to draw conclusions about contrasting view see Benbow and Stanley, any segregative effect. Secondary school 1983). For whatever reason, young women teachers are somewhat more likely to be take fewer mathematics courses beyond al- male, and men teach math, science, and gebra in high school and college. The im- social science courses disproportionately. plications for women's subsequent oppor- They are even more likely to outnumber tunities have been examined in several women in the various administrative roles studies. In some schools math and science visible to studentsprincipal, assistant courses are prerequisites for some sex-atyp- principal, and school superintendent (How- ical vocational courses (e.g., electronics ard, cited in Brenner, 1981). However, as League of Women's Voters Education Fund, is true for sex stereotyping in teaching ma- 1982). Moreover, students who fail to take 77 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 65 high school mathematics tend to a lid re- 1970s the proportion of women baccalau- medial mathematics courses later (Brenner, reates who took their degrees in educ, tion 1981). Lack of high school preparation also decreased by half, while those in business seriously restricts the majors for which col- and health professions increased substan- lege students qualify (Sells, 1973). For ex- tially. Women's enrollments in law, medi- ample, of a random sample of freshmen at cine, business administration, and engi- the University of California at Berkeley, al- neering all increased sharply over the past most 60 percent of the men but only 8 per- decade (U.S. Department of Education, cent of the women had enough high school 1981). As a result, the proportion of law de- math to take the course that was required grees awarded to women between 1970 and to major in every field except the humani- 1980 increased from 8 to over 40 percent; ties,social sciences,librarianship, social the comparable gains for medical degrees welfare, and education (Sells, 1973). Failing and masters of business administration are to take college mathematics ultimately af- from 10 to 33 percent and from 3 to 21 per- fected women's employment options. Sells cent, respectively. In the last decade women (1979) found that only 16 percent of com- earned an increasing share of degrees in such panies planning to recruit employees at the quantitatively based disciplines as biologi- University of Maryland in 1978 would con- cal, physical, and computer sciences, at every sider job candidates without a calculus back- degree level (Berryman, 1983). In engi- ground." neering, over 13 percent of bachelor's de- Sex differences in college majors also con- grees awarded in 1983 were to women, com- tribute to job segregation, inasmuch as some pared with less than 1 percent a decade college education is directly occupationally earlier (Vetter and Babco, 1984; U.S. De- relevant. Until recently women were heav- partment of Education, 1981). These changes ily concentrated in education, the humani- probably reflect efforts to improve sex eq- ties, arts, and behavioral sciences; and men uity in education as well as women's re- in business, engineering, physical and cer- sponsiveness to improved opportunities in tain socialsciences, and preprofessional these male-dominated professional occupa- training (Polachek, 1978; National Center tions. for Education Statistics, 1981). But recent data show decreasing sex differentiation Vocational Education across college majors (Heyns and Bird, 1982; Beller, 1984). Between 1971 and 1979 the Unlike most general education in the pub- index of segregation computed for college lic schools, vocational education early re- majors for a national sample of college stu- ceived federal money and federal policy di- dents declined from 46 to 36 (National Cen- rection. Consequently it has been a particular ter for Education Statistics, 1981), parallel- target of change (see the following chapter ing declines in sex segregation in professional for a full discussion of sex equity efforts). occupations among members of young co- Vocational education programs have been horts of workers (Beller, 1984). During the sex-segregated since their inception in the late 1800s. In recent years, between 20 and 44 percent of high school senior women were enrolled in vocational courses (Grasso, 1980; 14 Math courses or a business major are not, however, Harnischfeger and Wiley, 1980; Hofferth, always necessary to perform the jobs that require them. 1980b). Males and females have been dif- Some corporations have increased employment oppor- tunities for women by eliminating educational require- ferentially distributed across vocational ments that did not prove to be necessary for job per- courses, with females predominantly in formance (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979). health, home economics, and office and 78 66 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK business programs, and males in technical retail sales has attracted students of both preparation, the trades, and agriculture sexes in any numbers. (Harnischfeger and Wiley, 1980). In fact, as It is not clear to what extent sex differ- recently as 1979, almost half the vocational ences across vocational education courses programs in 10,584 public schools and col- reflect tracking by the schools, students' leges were still exclusively of one sex (Ma- choices, and parent and peer influences eroff, 1982).15 (Brenner, 1981). Kane and Frazee (1978) Whether training should be available to found that mothers are particularly influ- women and what kinds have long been sub- ential in the type of vocational program ject to debate (Kessler-Harris, 1982). Im- women take, and young women in tradi- plicitly assuming that women's domestic role tional vocational education training were is paramount, advocates argued that training more likely than those in nontraditional pro- women would make them better homemak- grams to cite their mother as a very impor- ers. This rationale ultimately led to state tant influence in program choice. Senior high laws requiring domestic science (home eco- school personnel reportedly influenced nomics) courses for girls in publicly funded women's decisions to select their training programs. The 1917 Smith-Hughes Act, less than half as often as parents. Young which initiated federal funding for vocation- women may be especially loath to deviate al education, made sex - segregated vocation- from sex-role norms during adolescence al education a matter of national policy by when most vocational education takes place, subsidizing training for female secondary and the same peer pressures that deter them students in domestic science but not in com- from taking math and science may dissuade mercial office skills. World War I opened them from enrolling in shop or technical some publicly financed industrial training courses (Gaskell, 1985). The attitudes of male courses to female students, but by 1920 these classmates deterred some adolescent girls had largely disappeared, and the sex-seg- from taking classes judged to be inappro- regated nature of vocational education was priate for them, according to a study by En- firmly established (Kessler-Harris, 1982). twisle and Greenberger (1972). In their study Occupational training eventually became of adult women who entered postsecondary available to 11!gh school girls, but primarily vocational training, Kane and Frazee (1979) for occupations already perceived as female. found that women who had already been in Hence, 'female students predominated in the labor force were more likely to consider health and clerical programs, and males in mixed and nontraditional occupation s,16 ap- the trades, agriculture, and technical pro- parently in response totheir firsthand grams (Harnischfeger and Wiley, 1980). Only knowledge of the disadvantages of predom- inantly female jobs. In contrast, women who had been out of the labor force and who were insecure about reentering sought training for sex-typical occupations. 15 A substantial proportion of all vocational education For whatever reason, vocational educa- enrollments in secondary schools is in nonoccupation- ally specific programs; that is, programs that do not tion programs are substantially sex-segre- attempt to prepare students for specific jobs (Colladay and Wulfsberg, 1981). Home economics is a prime ex- ample: in 1978 only 11 percent of the enrollments in home economics and homemaking classes were clas- 16 The researchers classified programs in which 0-25 sified as employment-related, according to the U.S. percent of the national enrollments are women as-non- Office of Education. Of all secondary vocational en- traditional," those with 25-75 percent women as "mixed," rollments in 1978, 43 percent were in these courses and those with more than 75 percent women as "tra- (Brenner, 1981:Table 5). ditional." 79 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 67 gated, and the evidence, although some- cific vocational programs and were available what weak, suggests that enrollment in such for placement or had terminated their train- programs does affect one's subsequent em- ing to take full-time jobs in the fields for ployment.17 Type of vocational curriculum which they were trained (Golladay and is apparently linked to later occupation Wulfsberg, 1981). Thus, VEDS;',..ata exclude (Brenner, 1981; Golladay and Wulfsberg, students who dropped Gut of the programs 1981). A recent cross-sectional analysis of as well as those students enrolled in pro- 1,539 workers ages 20-34 indicates that vo- grams not considered vocationally specific, cational courses are linked with being em- e.g., home economics and industrial arts. ployed in related occupations (Mertens and The National Longitudinal Survey data are Gardner, 1981). The evidence does not per- of higher quality but omit some variables mit conclusions about causality, however. necessary to assess the effects of vocational On one hand, students' occupational knowl- education on labor market outcomes (Bren- edge and preferences may dictate their ner, 1981). These data show that young choice of vocational courses; on the other women who had enrolled in commercial pro- hand, the vocational curricula open to them grams were more likely than those in other may in turn influence both their aspirations vocational courses to hold sex-typical jobs and their knowledge of available jobs (Mott four years later. In contrast, young women and Moore, 1976; Kohen and Breinich, 1975), who had taken other than white-collar cler- and hence affect the kinds of jobs they con- ical vocational courses were less likely than sider when they enter the labor market. Per- female students in general, or those in col- sons in postsecondary vocational training are lege preparatory or other vocational courses, considerably more likely than those in sec- to hold sex-typed jobs (Grasso, 1980). Hof- ondary school programs to enroll in em- ferth (1980b) observed the same pattern aft- ployment-related programs (Brenner, 1981), er 10 years. so type of postsecondary vocational educa- Moreover, for both sexes, graduating from tion is especially likely to be linked to sub- a trade or industrial program was associated sequent occupation. with subsequent participation in and com- Assessment of the actual impact of voca- pletion of an apprenticeship (Mertens and tional training on the sex typicality of stu- Gardner, 1981). Apprenticeship is the pri- dents' subsequent jobs is hampered by data mary avenue into many skilled blue-collar limitations. The federal Vocational Educa- occupations, and women have been almost tion Data System (VEDS), for example, in- totally excluded. In 1978 they constituted cludes job placement data only for students only 2.6 percent of the more than 250,000 who either completed occupationally spe- registered apprentices and were thus un- derrepresented even relative to their pres- ence (5.6 percent) in craft jobs (Tillman and 17 Three major longitudinal studies by Grasso and Deaux, 1981). Several barriers contribute to Shea (1079), Hofferth (1980b), and Harnischfeger and women's underrepresentation in appren- Wiley (1980) investigated whether vocational education improves the labor market outcomes of participants. ticeship programs. They are less likely to These studies suggest that male participants fared no learn about programs, to qualify, and to be better than young men who had not been in vocational selected (Waite and Hudis, 1981). An upper courses, net of other factors (see also Grasso, 1980). age limit of 24-27 years in many trades pre- With respect to female students, Grasso and Shea found sents a significant obstacle to women who that those who were in vocational education courses have children during their twenties. More- were more likely to finish high school and earned higher wages than those in general education courses. The over, many women who have spent several former were enrolled primarily in clerical programs that years in traditionally female jobs (Kane and presumably led to clerical employment. Miller,1981; Waite and Hudis,1981; 80 68 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK O'Farrell, 1982) do not consider skilled blue- the Department of Labor illustrate this point. collar work until divorce or other economic Before they had contact with a referral agen- pressures prompt them to seek better-pay- cy, the women were unaware of career op- ing work. Large application and union in- portunities in construction (U.S. Depart- duction fees may be beyond the budgets of ment of Labor, Employment Standards the very women motivated by economic need Administration, 1981). to consider male occupations. It seems probable that occupational knowledge affects occupational outcomes. Parnes and Kohen (1975) have shown that Conclusion this is the case for young black and white In sum, women's labor market opportun- men, although knowledge of what workers ities are affected by the vocational educa- in 10 occupations did was associated with tion, general education, and other social- only fairly small increases on the Duncan ization and training influences to which they SEI score associated with their subsequent are exposed. The link to employment is most jobs. A similar study for young women (Mott plausible for vocational education, which and Moore, 1976) showed no effect of oc- teaches job-specific skills needed in the la- cupational knowledge on the prestige of their bor market, but some connection is un- subsequent jobs. The 10 occupations on doubtedly present for the other types of ex- which the young women were questioned, periences reviewed above as well. While we however, were typically held by women, so have focused on the effect of socialization we can draw no conclusions from this study processes on aspirations and learned per- about the effect of knowledge of a broad sonality traits, the differential treatment and range of occupations on women's occupa- exposure of boys and girls in general edu- tional choices or outcomes. cation, and the sex segregation of occupa- Providing students with information about tionally specific programs in vocational ed- sex-atypical occupations is probably not suf- ucation, a general outcome of the socialization ficient, however, to yield significant changes and education process is to restrict infor- in their aspirations, in view of the impor- mation about job options that are most typ- tance of cultural norms and peer group and ical of the opposite sex. For example, Gann family pressures. For example, Verheyden- Watson testified before the Committee on Hilliard (National Commission for Employ- Education and Labor of the House of Rep- ment Policy, 1980) described a study in which resentatives(U.S.Congress,House, a counselor provided a small group of girls 1982:343-344) that with information regarding jobs not custom- arily held by women over an extended pe- Most vocational students, particularly young riod. Although their awareness of the range women, opt for programs that are familiar to them. of jobs open to women was enhanced, these They do not know about ... courses in areas consistent with their capabilities .. which can subjects were not more likely to aspire to lead to excellent employment opportunities. They nontraditional occupations. Nevertheless, choose to enroll in such courses as consumer and improved information is certainly a neces- homemaking, industrial sewing and cosmetology sary, if not sufficient, step in ensuring equal because they conceive of them as women's pro- opportunity in the labor market. grams and because they know what people in these jobs do. They do not know what machinists do, they do not know what industrial electricians FAMILY RESPONSIBILITIES do, so they go into cosmetology programs. We noted at the outset of this chapter that Interviews with female construction work- deep-seated cultural beliefs about appro- ers in a study of the industry sponsored by priate activities for men and women un- 81 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 69 doubtedly have a strong influence on both ceptable to the husbands of married women workers themselves and employers in their in the labor force, this attitude may con- attitudes about appropriate work for men tributeto occupational sex segregation. and women. One of the most long-standing Women may be constrained by their hus- of these beliefs is that women belong at home bands' attitudes, not only about the number raising children and caring for their families. of hours they work but also about how much And we noted that, in fact, women more money it is appropriate for them to earn. than men undertake the duties associated Thirty percent of magazine readerssur- with child, family, and home careboth be- veyed in 1978 responded that they thought cause they do so within marriage and be- they would turn down a job that paid more cause, if single, they are much more likely than their husbands earned (Bird, 1979). Ax- than men to have children living with them. elson (1970) found that 25.7 percent of white These family care activities are done by men and 38.8 percent of black men agree women whether or not they also work for or strongly agree that a husband should feel wages. Despite the increasing participation inadequate if his wife earns more than he of mothers of even very young children in does, and 10.9 percent of white men and the labor force in recent years, a substantial 24.2 percent of black men agree or strongly proportion of mothers do withdraw from the agree that a wife should refuse a salary larger labor market to care for young 'children. It than that of her husband.18 These findings is not unreasonable to suppose that women's suggest that husbands attitudes may con- family responsibilities do affect their labor strain wives' labor market choices. market behavior, and several theorists have Women may be constrained by additional argued that women choose to enter and work aspects of familial responsibility. Many ca- in occupations that accommodate their ac- reers require a willingness to relocate as new tual or anticipated family responsibilities and opportunities arise. Bird (1979) found that that such choices, in the aggregate, contrib- corporate officers find relocating difficult be- ute to job segregation by sex. cause of family responsibilities and that the There are other ways, too, that women husband's career may take precedence. In may be influenced by their families in their a study of the careers of academic men and work lives. Husbands, and possibly fathers, women, Marvell et al. (1979) cite evidence may have definite ideas about the appro- that 49 percent of married women, com- priate type, hours, and location of work for pared mall 4 percent of married men, viewed the women in their families. For example, their spouses' jobs as a major deterrent to Well (1961) reports that 69.3 percent of the considering positions in other geographic husbands of women who work part time ob- areas. It is likely, then, that the requirement ject to full-time employment for women. of mobility in certain careers restricts wom- While the pervasiveness of this attitude has en more so than it does men and contributes probably undergone some change since 1961, to occupational segregation by sex. Ironi- 29.2 percent of married women who were cally, husband's careers may not onlycon- employed in 1983 wcrked part time (U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, 1983); and women who work part time are 18 These findingi raise the intnguing question of between 3.8 and 4.4 times less likely to be whether low wages contribute to)ob segregation (rather employed in male occupations (Beller, than the other way around), if wives seek low-paying 1982b). Since there is a correlation between jobs because they fear their husbands' objections. Re- part-time work and the likelihood of being cent data reveal, however, that in 12 percent of all couples wives earn more than their husbands (U.S. employed in a sex-segregated occupation, to Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, the degree that part-time work is more ac- 1983c). 82 70 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK strain wives' choices but may also directly necessity for considering all the permuta- benefit from their wives' contributions. Ben- tions of work-family interactions, for men as ham (1975) concludes that a woman's college well as women. education does more to raise the income of her husband than it does to increase the income she can earn herself And given the Human Capital Theory household division of labor, it is likely that jobs that seem to require spouses to serve Mincer and Polachek (1974, 1978) and Po- in a support role, such as those in the upper lachek (1976, 1978, 1979, 1981a, 1981b) have ranks of corporate, political, or academic life, argued that women's actual or expected fam- are more easily filled by men than women ily obligations dictate the choice of predom- (Bird, 1979; Kanter, 1977). In a survey of inantly female occupations. This argument married male college graduates (Mortimer, is derived from human capital theory and is 1976) only 14 percent replied that their wives based on the assumption that people make had no involvement in their careers, and 19 choices to invest in training or to pursue percent said their wives had participated di- certain occupations with an eye toward max- rectly in job tasks. Fully 91 percent of min- imizing their /ifetime earnings. Women's ex- isters' wives said they were involved in pectations that they will interrupt their labor church-related work, but only 18 percent force participation to have children are thought they would be equally involved if thought to affect their decisions about ed- their husbands were not ministers (Taylor ucation, training, and occupational choice in and Hartley, 1975). several ways. First, because women who do The significance of all aspects of families not plan continuous employment expect less including pregnancy, childbirth, caring for return from any job-related investment in children, housework, and husbands' atti- education or training, they might select fe- tudesis undoubtedly large for many as- male-dominated occupations, which are be- pects of womens' work lives, but, as we have lieved to require less investment in training. seen, the theory and the evidence concern- Second, women who anticipate a short pe- ing their implications for job segregation by riod of employment might try to maximize sex is much more limited. We want to cau- their starting salaries by selecting female- tion, too, against the common tendency in dominated occupations, which hypotheti- social science research to assume that family cally start at higher wage levels but yield responsibilities are important only to wom- lower long-run returns to experience than en's work lives and not to those of men. As predominantly male occupations (which hy- Feldberg and Glenn (1979) have pointed out, pothetically pay less to start because they all too often women at work are studied as provide on-the-job training and advance- though family was all that mattered for their ment opportunityZellner, 1975). Third, behavior (overlooking the influence of such women who anticipate intermittent em- factors as working conditions, wages, and ployment might choose occupations requir- promotion opportunities) and men at hone ing skills that do not depreciate rapidly with or in their communities are studied as though disuse or that io not penalize the deprecia- work was all that mattered (while connec- tion. tions of family and community concerns to Another possibility is that the household work-related issues are ignored). While the rather than the individual is the maximizing available research focuses on the effects of unit that allocates the time of its members women's family responsibilities on their according to their talents to realize the great- workplace behavior, we want to stress the est economic benefit (Becker, 1974; Moore 83 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 71 and Sawhill, 1976).19 Regardless of their so- and occupations with low wage growth cialization, women's poorer earning pros- (Welch, cited in Marini and Brinton, 1984) pects relative to their husbandseither be- have women in such occupations chosen cause they plan discontinuous employment, them, or have they simply accepted what have. less education or experience, or be- was offered? In general, is constraint a more cause of sex discrimination in the labor mar- accurate description of women's behavior ketwould lead them to specialize in do- than preference or choice? Wenow turn to mestic work while their husbands specialize the research results. in market work. Wives would retain re- The human capital account of segregation sponsibility for child care and domestic work has generated considerable research but even when employed full time, because their conflicting findings. Mincer and Polachek primary orientation would be toward the (1974, 1978) attributed the observed rela- family. They might then prefer jobs that do tionship between women's work experi- not require overtime, unanticipated work ence, home time, and wages to the depre- effort, travel, or geographic mobility or that ciation of their skills while out of the labor permit flexibility and time off in domestic force.21 More recently, Polachek (1981b) cit- emergencies, all hypothetically character- ed the link between women's marital status istics of some predominantly female occu- and occupation as indirect evidence. He not- pations.20 ed Andrea Beller's (1981) finding that being Unfortunately, we have few data either singleincreased women's probability of about women's preferences or the degree to working in a male-dominated occupation and which female-dominated occupations .night interpreted the different distributions of accommodate them, but, before turning to ever-married and never-married women in the available empirical literature that at- professional, technical, and administrative tempts to test several variants of the human jobs in several industrialized nations in Roos's capital thesis, let us note several theoretical (1983) study as consistent with his thesis. objections. First, even if women do seek 1Jeller's own interpretation of these findings, jobs that require less training, there is no however, is that single women had only a reason to expect them to cluster particularly slightly greater probability (1 percent) of in female-dominated jobs, since many male- being employed in a nontraditional occu- dominated jobs also require little skill or pation (Beller, 1982b). Roos (1983) contends training (Blau and jusenius, 1976). Second, that the marital status differencesare both it is difficult to establish the direction of causation between labor force intermittency 21 The human capital approach has been criticized for failing to take into account the ways in which the attributes of jobs (rather than family responsibilities) 19 The idea that the family is a utility maximizing affect women's behavior. Low wages (and discrimina- unit has been criticized by feminist theorists (Folbre, tion) can affect the experience women (or men) choose 1982; McCrate, 1984). As Folbre points out, the po- to accumulate. And women, as well as men, may quit tential for conflict of interest within the family is cir- because of undesirable job features, such as lack of cumvented by the human capital approach. Much of opportunities for promotion. On the effect of earnings feminist scholarship on the family has been devoted to on experimce see Kahn (1980) and the exchange be- reconceptualizing it from the separate vantage points tween Sandell and Shapiro (1978) and Mincer and Po- of women and men rather than treating it as an undif- lachek (1978). For evidence of women's quitting,see ferentiated unit (Hartmann, 1981; Rapp et al., 1979). Blau and Kahn (19816) and Viscusi (1980); recent stud- 1° the sexes do differ in the average distance they ies generally indicate that controlling for pay, occu- travel to work and their willingness to accept a job in pation,industry, and personal productivity char- another area (Niemi, 1974; Madden, 1978, 1981). acteristics, men are as likely to quit as women. 84 72 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK minimal and inconsistent with the human cupations, but the sizes of the effect for more capital explanation, and England (1982) found and less male occupations differed slightly that single, childless white women were no or not at all. Polachek (1979) has demon- more likely than other white women to be strated that time out of the labor force is employed in sex-atypical occupations. positively correlated with wage loss, but not A more direct test examines the relation- the crucial point that women's human capital ship between discontinuous participation and depreciates less in predominantly female oc- employment in a female-dominated occu- cupations. In sum, Polachek's thesis has lit- pation. Polachek (1981a) showed that years tle support. There is no clear evidence that out of the labor force increased women's female occupations penalize intermittence probability of working in female-dominated less than male occupations, nor is there much major occupational categories. In a simula- evidence that women who spend more time tion he also showed that if all women work- at home or expect to do so are apt to choose ers were employed continuously, their rep- such occupations (England, 1984). resentation would increase in broad census Mincer and Ofek (1982) have refined the categories for professional, managerial, and human capital approach to women's labor technical occupations and decrease in the market behavior to encompass the premise operative and clerical categories. But Cor- that workers recover skills that depreciated m.= et al. (1984) pointed out that even during a period out of the labor force more ruder the assumption of continuous em- rapidly than they accumulate them from ployment in Polachek's simulation, the in- scratch. This implies that wage losses fol- dex of segregation would decline by only two lowing a career interruption should be fol- points. lowed by a period of rapid wage growth. Contrary to the human capital prediction, Corcoran et al. (1984) confirmed this for em- women's actual employment continuity does ployed wives and female heads of house- not appear to be related to holding a female- holds whose labor market behavior was ob- typed occupation. England's (1982) analysis served over a 13-year period. These women of 3,754 mature women ages 30-44 in the displayed both the hypothesized wage loss National Longitudinal Survey found that the after being out of the labor fume and the percentage of time they had been employed hypothesized period of rapid :Cecovery upon since completing school did not vary with reentry, so that their net loss of wages was the sex composition of their first or most small. As Corcoran et al. point out, this re- recent occupation. Nor was the sex com- bound effect has important implications for position of their first occupation correlated the human capital explanation of segrega- with the proportion of (presurvey) years tion. If depreciation is quickly repaired, it women eventually spent in the labor force is not economically rational for intermittent (England, 1982). Moreover, the rates at workers either to choose minimal invest- which the earnings of women in predomi- ments or to postpone investing in job train- nantly female occupations appreciated with ing until they have returned to the labor experience did not differ from those for force on a permanent basis. And even if fe- women in less segregated occupations. Eng- male-dominated occupations penalized land (1984) replicated these findings in a women less than male-dominated occupa- similar analysis of workers surveyed in the tions for dropping out, the long-run penal- University of Michigan's Panel Study of In- ties are too small to support the inference come Dynamics. If the human capital ex- that it is economically rational for women to planation is correct, the negative effect of choose such occupations, given their lower time out of the labor force on earnings should wages and lesser return to experience. In have been greater in male-dominated oc- fact, England (1984) found that women in 85 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 73 male-dominated occupations have higher children under age six were in the labor lifetime earnings than women in female- force compared with two-thirds of those with dominated ones, suggesting that it is not school-age children (U.S. Department of economically rational to choose predomi- Labor, Women's Bureau, 1982b). The belief nantly female occupations to maximke life- that young children whose mothers work time earnings. suffer has contributed to the deterrent effect The ability of the human capital approach of having young children on women'sem- to explain sex segregation ultimately de- ployment, although the proportion of work- pends on determining what women believe ing mothers who believe that theirem- is true and how they make labor market ployment will harm their children has decisions. Unfortunately, we know very lit- declined markedly during the past decade tle about the beliefs women hold withre- (Bumpass, 1982). Recent reviews of research spect to their own investments in human (Kamerman and Hayes, 1982; Hayes and Ka- capital or the extent to which their occu- merman, 1983) indicate that the children of pational choices conform to the model of working mothers suffer no discernible ill ef- economic rationality. In general, when be- fects from their mothers' employment (to havior is subject to such strong structural the contrary, the added income demons- and cultural constraints as women's work is, trably improves the lives of some children), there is less reason to expect a theory that that both wage-working and at-home moth- assumes economic optimization to hold. ers behave similarly toward their children While further research on women's own (in such areas as school visits, for example), views of the trade-offs between investments and that the children of both wage-working in training, wage gains, and time spent with and at-home mothers also spend their time children might illuminate some of the as- similarly (in play, homework, sports, tele- sumptions of this approach, the lack of em- vision viewing, etc.). pirical confirmation suggests that if women Evidence also suggests, however, that the choose female-dominated occupations, they lack of adequate, affordable, and convenient probably do not do so because they think child care prevents some women frompar- such occupations will maximize their life- ticipating in the labor force and limits others time earnings. Though the empirical evi- to jobs that they believe will accommodate dence is limited, women may choose to limit their child care responsibilities. Estimates their work commitment because of familial indicate that one in every five to sixnonem- arrangements. It is even more likely that ployed women is not in the labor force be- such a choice is subject to considerablecon- cause she cannot find satisfactory child care straint, as we examine below with regard to (Shortlidge,1977; Presser and Baldwin, child care. 1980). National Longitudinal Survey data from 1971 for mothers with children under Child Care and Occupational Segregation age six suggest that these figures may be even higher for black women: 26 percent of The custom of assigning primary respon- black mothers surveyed reportedlywere sibility for child care to women has histor- constrained from employment by the lack of ically restricted their participation in the adequate day care compared with only 5 work force and in education and training percent of the white mothers, and 47 per- programs. To a lesser degree it continues to cent of the nonemployed black and 13 per- do so. This can be seen in the differential cent of white mothers said that they would labor force participation rates of women by look for jobs immediately if free daycare the presence and age off air children. For were available (U.S. Department of Labor, example, in March 1982 ,calf the women with Manpower Administration, 1975). 86 -,...... 74 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK The absence of flexible child care alter- study that identified the lack of adequate natives may also restrict some women to jobs child care as one of two primary reasons why with certain hours, those that do not require women WIN registrants were less likely than overtime or weekend work, and those that men to be assigned to either training or a permit time off for children's illne,:ses. The job. U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (1981b) Employed women vary widely in the type reviews several studies indicating that the of child care they both use (U.S. Depart- unavailability of adequate child care pre- ment of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, vents women from increasing their hours of 1982) and prefer (Presser and Baldwin, 1980). employment. The 1977 Current Population Many women prefer family-based care to Survey on child care indicated that 16 per- group care (U.S. Department of Labor, cent of employed women would work more Manpower Administration, 1975), although hours if they could locate suitable child care working women surveyed by Paskoff pre- (Presser and Baldwin, 1980). Limiting their ferred day care at the workplace (cited in work hours can in turn reduce women's U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bu- prospects for promotion, restrict them to reau, 1982b). Moreover, as Presser and jobs for which they are overqualified, or make Baldwin (1980) have shown, it is often the it impossible for them to take courses that most disadvantaged womenyoung, un- would improve their job options. Survey data married, minority, and low-income moth- confirm the problem child care presents for erswho are least likely to locate satisfac- many employed women (Astin, 1969; Na- tory arrangements that they can afford. Full- tional Commission on Working Women, time blue-collar and service workers are less 1979). One in 12 of the employed women than half as likely as mothers in white-collar surveyed in the 1977 special Current Pop- occupations to use group child care and more ulation Survey on child care cared for their likely to depend on their children's fathers children while they were at work (U.S. De- (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of partment of Commerce, Bureau of the Cen- the Census, 1982), probably through ar- sus, 1982:6). One in eight women in blue- ranging for parents to work different shifts collar and service occupations did so, many (Presser, 1980). And finally, some parents of whom managed by working in their own do not find any arrangements. Sandra Hof- homes (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bu- ferth (1979) estimated that 32,000 pre- reau of the Census, 1982:26). It seems likely schoolers were caring for themselves in 1975. that most of these women were restricted The 1977 Current Population Survey (U.S. to low-paying, predominantly female occu- Department of Commerce, Bureau of the pations like direct mail or telephone sales. Census, 1982:42) revealed self-care for .3 The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights percent of the children under five whose (1981b) details the ways in which the lack mothers worked full-time and .5 percent of of child care restricts women's ability and, the children of mothers employed part-time. in the case of the Work Incentive Program Unfortunately, none of the available stud- (WIN), their legal right to take advantage of ies tells us how many employed women important federal job training programs. Al- might be able to work in less sex-typed oc- though they discovered no estimates as to cupations if they were not constrained by the number ofwomen who are denied access their need for child care, but the constraints to programs because they lack child care, on employment opportunities that inade- the commission reports that since 1972 fed- quate child care presents for some women eral regulations have required that child care are indisputable. It is also important not to be available before a women is referred for lose sight of the fact that some employers employment or training and describes a 1977 may make hiring decisions based on their 87 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 75 beliefs about individual women's need for child care and the probable rcliability of that THE OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE AND care. Employers may sometimes be reluc- SEX SEGREGATION tant to hire or promote mothers, even those We have reviewed evidence indicating that who have secured adequate child care, for many factors on both the demand and the certain jobs because they question whether supply sides affect labor market outcomes their child care is adequate. We also noted for men and women. We have separately above that male workers may attempt to examined the influence of deeply ingrained reinforce women's sense of responsibility for cultural beliefs, of barriers to employment, housework and child care through their own of education and socialization, and of family behavior on the job and at home. Such be- responsibilities on the extent and persis- havior would also contribute to job segre- tence of the sex segregation of jobs. Such an gation. approach runs the risk of losing sight of the interrelationship between opportunities and Conclusion decisions that occurs within the labor mar- ket. Workers' occupational decisions are of- In sum, although the research evidence ten influenced by what they find in the labor does not enable us to say that women's great- market. The labor market presents workers er responsibility for child care, housework, with an occupational opportunity structure and family care necessarily contributes to that is affected not so much by the actions sex segregation in the workplace, it almost of any one employer but is rather thecu- certainly plays an important role in limiting mulated effect of the actions of many. Over their employment opportunities in general. time, of course,opportunity structures Some women (and men) may of course freely change, at least partly as employers respond choose to place family responsibilities first to changes in workers' behavior. In this sec- in their lives and employment and work ca- tion we examine evidence regarding the role reers second or lower. Whenever women's of the occupational opportunity structure in choices and opportunities are constrained, shaping workers' preferences, knowledge, however, as they most certainly are by fam- and occupational outcomes, and thereby ilial responsibilities and the lack of alter- contributing to the perpetuation of sex seg- native social arrangements for family care, regation. we must be concerned. For some women, Lloyd Reynolds (1951), in a major con- familial responsibilities are clearly not cho- tribution to the analysis of labor markets, sen but are a burden thrust on them. For noted that the vacancies to which people others, especially those for whom economic have access when they enter the labor mar- need is greatest, family responsibilities con- ket strongly affect the occupations in which tribute all the more to their need for equal they end up. Reynolds characterized the job opportunity and equitable pay in the work- mobility process as involving a job search place. Yet others may feel compelled to bear (often based on tips from friends and rela- the greater share of home and family care tives) that typically culminates in a worker because their owu earning ability is limited taking the first acceptable job offered.22 Be- compared with their husbands or other male cause jobs are filled rapidly, workers are providers. Finally, for most if not all women, seldom in the position to chooseamong al- the powerful cultural beliefs regarding wom- en's "natural" responsibility for children, men, and homes enter the workplace un- 22 See Kahn (1978), Sandell (1980), and Gera and bidden, conditioning many aspects of their Hasan (1982) for further discussion of the job search employment. process. 88 76 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK ternatives. Reynolds concluded that changes occupational category a year later (Rosen- in demand induce the adaptation of the labor feld, 1979). Jacobs (1983) found that 55 per- supply: opportunity must precede move- cent of women ages 30-44 in 1967 worked ment. Sociologists, too (White, 1970; So- in a different three-digit occupation 10 years rensen, 1975, 1977; Spilerman, 1977; Konda later. Spilerman (1977) revealed similar re- and Stewman, 1980), have stressed the im- sults for male construction workers, truck portance of opportunities in determining drivers, and mail carriers: between 33 and workers' occupational outcomes. In this 43 percent of workers in their twenties scheme, workers' personal characteristics are changed occupations during a five-year pe- important primarily as a basis for rationing riod, as did between 13 and 27 percent of vacancies in better jobs among the supply those in their thirties. Such mobility sug- of potential applicants, an idea further de- gests that career decisions made prior to veloped by Thurow (1975). When gender is entering the labor force are important for used systematically by employers as the ba- only a minority of workers. It is rather that sis for selecting workers for certain occu- their labor market careers are likely to be pations, sex segregation results. shaped by the opportunities they find. This emphasis on opportunities is con- Unfortunately, most systematic research sistent with research on labor market be- on the effect ofjob openings on occupational havior. Workers frequently do not make ca- attainment has been Imited to men (Rosen- reer plans until they have left school and feld, 1982), so evidence of the effect of op- entered the labor market. For example, more portunities on women's labor market be- than half the workers that Lipset and his havior is largely indirect. The evidence is of colleagues (Bendix et al., 1954) surveyed had three types. The first shows women's re- no specific job plans while in school, and sponsiveness to labor market conditions and members of a national sample of college stu- the actual availability of jobsregardless of dents who did have career plans changed prior sex labeling. The second shows that them often (Davis, 1965). Once in the labor the opportunity structure is highly differ- market, many young workers move from job entiated by sex. The third demonstrates flex- to job seeking work that suits them through ibility in workers' preferences and aspi- trial and error (Folk, 1968; Hall and Kasten, rations. 1976; Sorensen, 1977; Rosenfeld, 1979), be- Substantial evidence suggests that wom- fore settling into semipermanent posi- en's response to labor market conditions and tions.23 Examining mobility data from the job availability is strong. Cain (1966), Min- 1970 census, Rosenfeld and Sorensen (1979) cer (1962a), and others have demonstrated found that young (ages 20-31) and, to a small- that the unprecedented influx ofwomen into er degree, older (ages 32-41) workers of both the labor force since World War II was a sexes frequently changed occupations. Dur- response to increases in wage rates offered. ing the previous five years, 35 percent of Oppenheimer (1970) has argued that be- young men and 29 percent of young women cause many of the new jobs created since moved from one to another of the 11 broad the mid-1940s were in occupations consid- occupational categories, and 22 percent of ered to be "women's work," the rise in fe- older workers did so. More than one in nine male labor force p-rticipation can be under- people over age 18 who were employed in stood as a response to job opportunities that January 1977 worked in a different detailed had not previously existed for women. Moreover, once in the labor force, the de- cisions of women to move from one job to 23 Rosenfeld (1984) reviews these and other theories another are as strongly influenced as those of labor market mobility for young male workers. of men by the wage rate in the current job 89 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 77 and by the long-run earning prospects of- (Working Women, 1981). A similar growth fered by a job change (Blau and Kahn, 1981b). occurred in applications by women for jobs Furthermore, women are responsive to in shipbuilding yards, when the Maritime particular occupational openings. When oc- Administration began requiring the ship- cupations have become open, women have building contractors to establish goals and responded by moving into themregard- timetables for the increased employment of less of tin--ior sex label. For example, women. The shipbuilding contractors found within a a x period, the proportion of that as more women were.hired, morewom- clerical wol.c, s who were women increased en applied. Unquestionably, the key reason from less than 5 percent in 1880 to over 30 for the increase of women in this case was percent in 1900; 20 years later, women made goals and timetables (Federal Register 42, up half of all clerical workers (Rotella, 1981). No. 158:41379-80), but while equal em- During World War II, when employers wel- ployment opportunity policies played a role comed applications from women, their num- in many of these examples, their effect is bers in such jobs as welding that were for- hard to document. A more systematic effort merly almost exclusively male increased is left for the next chapter.25 tremendously.24 Black women's rapid move- This is not to say that large pools of women ment out of domestic service and into cler- are available for all male-dominated occu- ical occupations (Malveaux,1982b) that pations. Employers sometimes claim that opened to them during the 1960s and 1970s they cannot comply with federally mandated provides another example of women's re- affirmative action requirements because the sponsiveness to the availability of occupa- pool of eligible women is too small (U.S. tions. During the 1970s, sharp increases oc- Department of Labor, Employment Stan- curred in the proportions of women obtaining dards Administration, 1981). But shortages professional degrees in fields such as law and are probably most common in occupations medicine, which have been dominated by that require preemployment training. Of men. The rapid increase in the number of course, women may lack enthusiasm for oc- women mining coal (Hall, 1981; Clauss, 1982) cupations in which they believe they will indicates that nonprofessional and physically encounter hostility or other difficulties or arduous occupations also attract women when those in which their femininity might be they believe they have a chance at jobs. In questioned (Strober, 1984). As Wolf (1981) 1972, no women applied for mining jobs at Peabody Coal Company in Kentucky, the nation's largest coal producer; by 1078, after it had become known that women were being 25 Several researchers have attempted to assess the hired, 1,131 women applied for mining jobs impact of equal employment opportunity laws on the labor market outcomes of minorities or women (Ash- enfelter and Heckman, 1976; Goldstein and Smith, 1976; Heckman and Wolpin, 1976; Beller, 1978, 1979, 1980, 1982a, 1982b; Flanagan, 1976; Butler and Heckman, 24 Milkman (1980:103) quotes a 1943 billboard: 1977; Brown, 1982; Osterman, 1982; Leonard, "What Job is mine on the Victory Liner 1984a,b,c). We discuss their conclusions in the next If you've sewed on buttons, or made but- chapter. Here it is sufficient to mention the difficulty tonholes, on a machine, involved in demonstrating the impact of the passage of you can learn to do spot welding on airplane parts. equal employment laws and regulations on the actual If you've used an electric mixer in your availability of opportunities. The dramatic effect of the kitchen, passage and enforcement of the 1965 Voting Rights Act you can learn to run a drill press. on voting by blacks (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, If you've followed recipes exactly in mak- 1981a) provides some evidence of the impact on peo- ing cakes, ple's behavior of legal changes that open up opportun- you can learn to load shell. ities. **)'l 9 0 78 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK notes, young women, for whom norms about of mobility by men and women between sex- appropriate female behavior are salient, may typical and sex-atypical occupations, as mea- be especially reluctant to take jobs labeled sured at the level of detailed census occu- male. After their middle twenties, however, pations, and the continuing influence of women are less likely to be deterred by the structural factors on their preferences and possibility that they may appear unfeminine aspirations. In one recent study of women and more likely to he influenced by the fact ages 30-44 in the National Longitudinal Sur- that predominantly male jobs are better paid. vey who changed jobs between 1967 and That women have generally responded to 1977, Jacobs (1983) found the sex type of opportunities as they became available does their jobs at these two points uncorrelated not mean that they are not also constrained (sex type was trichotomized into less than in their behavior and does not belie the basic 30 percent female, 30-69.9 percent female, sex-differentiated structure of opportuni- and over 70 percent female). When he rep- ties. For example, as noted above, family licated his analysis with 1980 and 1981 Cur- obligations may constrain women's re- rent Population Survey data for job changers sponses to particular types of openings. of both sexes and across the full range of Moreover, despite the opening of new oc- adult ages, Jacobs observed only small cor- cupations to women, some areas are still relations between the sex type of jobs at the explicitly closed to women and many others two points (r = .10 for the women, .15 for are implicitly so, as the evidence of barriers the men). Rosenfeld's (1984) analyses of a in the workplace reviewed above demon- sample of workers who changed jobs during strates. In particular, opportunities at the 1972 revealed that about 15 percent of wom- establishment level are apparently extreme- en who worked in jobs that were over half ly sex-segregated. As Bielby and Baron (1984) female moved to jobs that were dominated found for a sample of California firms, nearly by men, and about 40 percent of women in 60 percent were totally segregated, i.e., were jobs in which men were the majority moved either all male or all female or had a job to similar jobs, with the remaining 40 per- structure in which each job category was cent moving to jobs that were at least 50 occupied by a single sex. Within establish- percent female. It is important to note, how- ments, particularly large establishments, ever, that the sex type of these job shifts is rules govern 17orkers' opportunities. Rules generally measured for the occupational ag- governing seniority, job bidding rights, gregates in which the jobs fall. For example, transfer, leaves, and so on have often con- a shift from food server in a cafeteria to cross- tributed to restricting women's career ad- ing guard might be measured as a shift from vancement and concentrating them in fe- female-typed work to sex-neutral work, be- male-dominated jobs. Throughout the cause food servers are in an occupational economy, the index of segregation remains category that is predominantly female while over 60women often work with women crossing guards are in an integrated occu- and men with men, and women's occupa- pational category (made up of female cross- tions are lower paid. An individual could not ing guards and male traffic enforcement of- fail to notice the sex-typing of jobs and the ficers). Nevertheless the actual move is from differential opportunities apparently avail- one female-typed job to another, Because able to women and men. And he or she sex segregation is pervasive at the level of might conclude, rightly or wrongly, that their jobs within firms, many of the moves noted choices are severely constrained. in these studies may be more sex-typical Finally, flexibility in workers' preferences than is apparent. Despite these data prob- and behavior (and in the labor market as lems, however, these recent studies, con- well) is demonstrated by both a fair amount firmed by other researchers (P.g., Corcoran 91 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 79 et al., 1984), suggest that a moderate amount preferences change as their perception of of mobility occurs across sex-typed occu- opportunities changes and that the occu- pations. pational opportunity structure is an impor- Evidence also shows that structural fac- tant determinant of their preferences. tors continue to influence workers' behavior These findings suggest a fluidity in the and attitudes after they enter the labor mar- labor market, in workers, and in their oc- ket. Theorists of labor market segmentation cupational preferences. Apparently, work- argue that workers' motivation and behavior ers can and do circulate in and out of sex- are governed both by their position in labor atypical occupations. Our discussion of in- market segments and, within organizations, formal barriers above suggested some rea- on job ladders (Stevenson, 1978; Harrison sons why workers might leave sex-atypical and Sum, 1979). For example, the turnover occupations, but further systematic longi- rates of both sexes are affected by the type tudinal research is clearly needed toun- of job they hold, so controlling for the latter derstand the circulation of workers across accounts almost completely for sex differ- sex-typed occupations. These frequent job ences in turnover (U.S. Department of La- changes belie the claim that segregation re- bor, Women's Bureau, 1975; Lloyd and Nie- flects the relatively stable choices of women mi, 1979; Haber et al.,1983). Recent and men stemming from their childhood sex- evidence indicates similar effects of job char- role socialization but support the thesis that acteristics on the psychological functioning workers' job outcomes reflect the available of both women and men (Miller et al., 1979; opportunities. The amount of movement be- Krause et al., 1982; Kohn et al., 1983). Peo- tween sex-typical and sex-atypical occupa- ple's jobs socialize them to certain attitudes tions and the responsiveness of women toward work. It follows that exposure to var- workers to new opportunities makes the ious work opportunities and experiences af- continued high degree of sex segregation in fects workers' occupational preferences. For the economy even more remarkable. Clear- example, longitudinal analysis of mature ly, theories of occupational sex segregation employed women revealed that their atti- and of discrimination will have to take into tudes toward work became more favorable account the movement of workers of both in response to their employment experi- sexes in and out of sex-atypical occupations. ences (Ferree, 1980). The opportunity struc- Further research will be needed to ascertain ture can also be expected to have an effect to what extent these occupational changes on workers' occupational aspirations. To il- actually involve movement across sex-typed lustrate, about half the women in tradition- jobs. In any case, however, the mobility is ally male skilled craft jobs whom Walshok a significant aspect of :he labor market for (1981a) studied had some childhood access women and men. to nontraditional work skills, but, according Two additional aspects of the occupational to Walshok, because they also realized that opportunity structure merit discussion. First, these fields offered no opportunities for the occupational opportunity structure af- women, they did not seek craft jobs until fects workers' decisions by affecting their opportunities opened up. For example, a knowledge of job opportunities as well as plumber described her experience: "I've al- their preferences. As we noted above in dis- ways liked tools ...(but) it never occurred cussing institutionalizedbarriersinthe to me that I would ever be a plumber until workplace, many employers use referrals somebody handed me a wrench and said from other workers as an important recruit- 'Hop to it.' I just happened to run into that ment technique. Thus potential applicants particular opportunity.. (p. 169). It seems hear about available jobs from friends and likely, then, that women's aspirations and other informal networks that tend to be sex- s, 92 80 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK segregated. Women are more likely to hear affect the occupations to which women and about available jobs from other women, and, men feel suited. The occupational aspira- because of the sex-segregated occupational tions of boys and girls continue to differ as structure, these women are likely to be in do some occupationally related skills and women's jobs. Second, it is important to re- values, although these differences have de- member that while the occupational oppor- clined in the recent past. These differences tunity structure results in part from em- are consistent with what we know of the ployers' actions, taken together, workers also content of sex-role socialization: parents, participate in its development. Employers teachers, and counselors treat girls and boys determine whom to hire and in what posi- differently and hold different goals for them. tion, but workers sometimes play an active Tracking still occurs within the public school role, for example when whites or men object system, as does sex stereotyping in chil- to minorities or women (Bergmann and dren's books, including textbooks, and the Darrity, 1981), or when applicants accept or mass media. Although the link is not estab- refuse jobs that are offered. As Strober (1984) lished unequivocally, it seems likely that so- notes, if white men refuse a job at the wage et- zation contributes to sex differences in offered, employers may try to hire women aspirations, preferences, skills, and values or minority men. If some women or minority and therefore probably contributes to oc- men accept it, their acceptance will signal cupational segregation, but we are unsure to yet others that this job is now available about the size of any contribution and the to them. value of focusing on sex-role socialization as a locus of change. Our literature review sug- gests that the impact of preemployment sex CONCLUSION differences in abilities and values on occu- From our examination of the evidence for pational outcomes is probably small, except several alternative and interrelated expla- in those occupations that require skills that nations of sex segregation, our primary con- are usually acquired prior to employment. clusion is that women's occupational choices Further research to clarify the role of oc- and preferences play a limited role in ex- cupational aspirations in producing sex-typed plaining occutrtional segregation by sex. occupational outcomes is clearly indicated. Both explanations for occupational seg- The sizable amount of mobility that occurs regation that focus on women's own choices across occupations, and mere specifically sex-role socialization and human capital the- across sex-typical and sex-atypical occupa- oryrecognize that cultural values about tions, is inconsistent with the view that out- men and women condition their socializa- comes reflect fixed occupational prefer- tion and their subsequent educational ences. Rather we have seen that preferences choices. Sex-role socialization is thought to are likely to change over a lifetime, partic- contribute to labor market segregation by ularly in response to new opportunities. The encouraging girls to be primarily responsi- shifts that have been observed in women's ble for domestic work and boys for bread- occupational aspirations in recent years are winning and by identifying sex-approptiate consistent with expanding job opportunities occupations. Each gender is not only so- for women in a broader range of occupations. cialized to perform sex-specific primary adult That young women often expect to pursue roles, but each is also taught the skills, val- more traditional occupations than those to ues, and occupational aspirations compati- which they aspic,: reinforces our argument ble with them. The socialization process also that the perceived opportunity structure is encourages the development of different sex- of central importance in determining both linked personality traits that may ultimately preferences and outcomes. The educational 93 EXPLAINING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 81 system also contributes to segregation by pations from which women workers can tracking students in sex-typical vocational choose. This approach recognizes the active courses. The failure of schools to present a role employers play in the labor market as wide range of occupational possibilities to well as the existence of other barriers that students regardless of their sex necessarily reduce women's options. A variety of bar- narrows the job possibilities that they are riers prevent women from exercising free likely to pursue later. occupational choice. Some barriers were Advocates of the human capital theory of codified into laws, and others were permit- sex segregation, a second major explanation ted by the courts. Most such laws are now that attributes sex segregation to women's invalid, but their legacy lingers in bothem- choices, have constructed an internally plau- ployment practices and the current segre- sible account of how segregation couid result gated occupational structure. It is important from the economically rational decisions by to recall that cultural beliefs about women's women who plan to raise families to limit proper roles influence decisions by employ- their investments in training and pursue cer- ers and male coworkers. Their behavior as tain occupations. Women do fail to acquire well as institutionalized personnel practices the training necessary for many jobs, but it also create barriers in the labor market. On is not clear how much this reflects their own these grounds we conclude that sex segre- choices, lack of encouragement, or the ex- gation cannot be ascribed primarily to wom- istence of obstacles to their doing so. At- en's choice of female-dominated occupa- tempts to assess the theory by examining tions. patterns of sex segregation by marital status As we have shown, women's exclusion have yielded conflicting results. The results from many occupations has unquestionably of studies based on panel data that provide contributed to segregation. An examination the most direct tests have been inconsistent of the operation of labor markets and of the with the theory's predictions. Women who importance of the occupational structure re- spend more time out of the labor force are viewed indicates that the labor market out- no more apt to choose female-dominated oc- comes of both men and women commonly cupations than those who plan continuous depend on the opportunities that are known employment, and female occupations do not and open to them. These opportunities have penalize intermittent labor force participa- been largely determined by employers and tion less than male-dominated ones. Fur- other decision makers in influential posi- thermore, any depreciation in women's oc- tions. Employers have in many instances cupational skills that does occur when they structured their workplace and personnel leave the labor force seems to be quickly policies in ways that have established and repaired, so that long-run income losses are reinforced job segregation, but employers too small to motivate women to postpone also respond to changes in women's and investing in training or to select low-paying men's attitudes as well as to government occupations that require little training. The initiatives. Consequently the opportunities connections between familial responsibili- available to wcmen expand at the same time ties and work deserve additional research that public and private awareness of chang- attention, however, because it seems likely ing attitudes grows. As opportunities have that family care obligations do influence peo- expanded in the past, women have rapidly ple's labor market behavior. responded. This seems to be the best ex- The limited effect of socialization and re- planation for some rather dramatic changes lated factors that can be demonstrated di- over the past decade in women's represen- rects our attention to the role offorces within tation in a variety of occupations, which we the labor market that limit the set of occu- examined in Chapter 2. 94 82 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK These conclusions have implications for the labor market. Eliminating the latter fac- different types of intervention. If it were tors should contribute to changes in wom- possible and desirable to do so, reducing sex en's occupational aspirations, as well as an differences in personal traits produced by increase in their opportunities, and thus both socialization without changing the labor directly and indirectly modify l'umen's dis- market would probably reduce segregation tribution across occupations. In the next only slightly. Moreover, early sex-role so- chapter our examination of the effectiveness cialization is probably less amenable to pol- of a variety of interventions further dem- icy intervention than are some factors that onstrates the close relationship between op- come into play later, such as tracking in portunities and workers' behavior and illus- schools and barriers women encounter in trates important sources of further change. 95 Reducing Sex Segregation 4in the Workplace In Chapter 2 we noted that over the past we review in this chapter suggests that laws decade women have increased their repre- and regulations, legal action, and private sentation in some occupations and industries programs have facilitated women's progress that historically had been predominantly or in several fields. Of course, not all deliberate exclusively male. This chapter presents evi- efforts to reduce sex segregation have pro- dence that at least a portion of this increase duced measurable effects. Interventions by resulted from direct interventions in train- government may be ineffective if they are ing and labor market processes, in the form misdirected or when enforcement is weak of either prohibitions against sex discrimi- and evasion easy. By examining the effec- nation or programs designed to enhance tiveness of various programs whose goals in- women's occupational opportunities. The cluded promoting sex equity, we identify best examples of the former are Title VII of strategies that are likely to be effective in the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which prohibits the future as well as barriers to the effec- sex discrimination in several conditions of tiveness of some existing programs. employment, and Executive Order 11246 Most of the interventions to reduce sex (11375), which requires nondiscrimination segregation have been directed at the work- and positive action by federal contractors. place and applied specifically to hiring prac- Positive actions include the affirmative ac- tices, on-the-job training, and promotion tion programs instituted by some profes- opportunities. Others, such as the 1976 Vo- sional schools and special programs for cational Education Amendments and the women by some private employers. 1978 reauthorization of the Comprehensive Although the threat of enforcement action Employment and Training Act (CETA), by government agencies can be a powerful mandated sex equity in job training. Laws incentive for employers to change their or programs established to eliminate sex in- practices, incentives need not come from equity in education, such as Title IX of the government or the courts. They may also 1972 Educational Amendments, may also emanate from female employees, women's have implications for sex segregation in the organizations, or changing public opinion workplace. about permissible behavior. Time evidence Drawing conclusions about the effective- 83 96 84 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK ness of any particular intervention is diffi- illegal, and employers, unions, and educa- cult. Even sophisticated research methods tors were also subject to direct pressure from cannot isolate the extent to which changes women's groups to provide equal opportun- in women's occupational status can be at- ities and compensatory training. Both the tributed to a particular intervention as op- women's movement and the threat of federal posed to other changes that occurred during sanctions encouraged women to press em- the period in which the intervention was ployers for better jobs and made the in- instituted. Of course, the lack of an im- creasing numbers of women interested in provement in women's occupational status "male" jobs visible to employers whose nor- does not necessarily mean that an interven- mal hiring practices may have missed them. tion was ineffective. The implementation The difficulty of isolating the effects of might have prevented a decline that oth- alternative explanations for change limits the erwise would have occurred. Assessing the conclusions we can draw about enforcement effectiveness of a law presents an additional effects. Our review of the evidence, how- difficulty. Under one theory of law enforce- ever, has convinced us that enforcement of ment, a law propels "voluntary" actions that existing antidiscrimination laws has contrib- would not occur in its absence: enforcing a uted to reducing sex segregation. To support law in one instance deters others from vi- conclusions about the impact of interven- olating it. As a result, the indirect result of tions, we draw on a variety of evidence, a single law enforcement action on other including time series data; statistical studies; employers cannot be adequately isolated case studies of specific establishments, oc- from other effects. Standard social science cupations, and training or educational pro- methods such as cross-sectional and time- grams in which litigation occurred or policy series regression analyses of aggregate-level changed, and surveys. Where we can, we data are considered inadequate to discover also review what is known of the enforce- the impact of changes in law enforcement ment practices for laws and regulations. We practice on compliance behavior. begin by considering intervention within the We emphasize particularly the difficulty workplacefederal laws and regulations of attributing any difference in a group's ern aimed at eliminating sex discrimination and ployment status to enforcement rather than efforts by employers to promote sex equity. other forces operating during the same pe- Next, we examine remedies involving job riod. The civil rights and women's liberation training and vocational and general educa- movements of the 1960s and 1970s high- tion. Finally, we consider interventions that lighted job discrimination and reshaped so- enhance access to jobs for people with family cial values about how minorities and women responsibilitieschild care and work sched- should be treated. The women's movement uling. Throughout this chapter we empha- influenced attitudes about the kinds of oc- size federal laws and federal programs; our cupations women should be able to pursue. resources did not permit the examination of Women in customarily male occupations numerous state and local initiatives. were featured in news stories, advertise- ments, and to some extent in popular tele- vision programs. The aspirations of individual INTERVENTIONS DIRECTED AT THE women expanded. The women's movement WORKPLACE unquestionably contributed also to the pas- sage of laws and regulations, the issuance of Laws, Regulations, and Enforcement guidelines with respect to sex, and the car- Efforts rying out of enforcement activities. During the same period, sex discrimination in em- During the 1960s and early 1970s, several ployment became both morally suspect and federal laws and regulations were enacted 97 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 85 prohibiting sex discrimination in employ- other training programs. As amended in ment. Most important in setting out the 1972, it covers the federal government, state principle of equal employment opportunity and local governments, and most firms with is Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The at least 15 employees; in October 1981 the act forbids employers from discriminating in Pregnancy Discrimination Act included several conditions of employment on the ba- within the scope of Title VII discrimination sis of race, color, sex, national origin, or based on pregnancy. The Civil Rights Act religion. The second important instrument also created the Equal Employment Op- for reducing employment discrimination portunity Commission (EEOC) to admin- based on gender is Executive Order 11246 ister the employment provisions of the law. (1965; amended by Executive Order 11375 In 1969 the EEOC issued guidelines on sex in 1967). As amended, Executive Order discrimination that barred, among other dis- 11246 prohibits federal contractors from em- criminatory acts, hiring based on stereo- ployment discrimination on account of race, typed characterization of the sexes, classi- color, religion, sex, or national origin (cer- fying jobs as "men's" and "women's," and tain contractors are, however, exempted). advertising under male and female headings Under subsequent regulatory revisions, con- (U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bu- tractors must also pledge to take affirmative reau, 1978). action to ensure nondiscriminatory treat- The EEOC monitors employers through ment cf minorities and women, including annual reports required of those with at least recruitment and training, employment, and WO workers. Although the reports do not upgrading. In view of the large number of provide detailed occupational breakdowns, workei.; employed by covered contractors- substantial race and gender disparities in the 31 million (Women Employed, 1982)the large categories reported have been used by order's potential impact is great. In the next the EEOC to target employers for investi- sections we describe these laws and regu- gation of systemic discrimination (U.S. De- lations in more detail, assess their imple- partment of Labor, Women's Bureau, 1982a). mentation, and review evidence regarding Initially, the EEOC had limited enforce- their effectiveness in expanding women's job ment powers: its functions were to investi- opportunities. gate charges of discrimination and to at- tempt to resolve them through conciliation, Title VII and the Equal Employment but the EEOC could not bring suit ifcon- Opportunity Commission ciliation failed until 1972, when the Civil Rights Act was amended by the Equal Em- According to Title VII of the 1964 Civil ployment Opportunity Act. Rights Act, employers can neither refuse to Some observers have questioned whether hire nor discharge any person on the basis the agency carried out its functions of in- of color, race, sex, national origin, or reli- vestigation and conciliation effectively in the gion. Neither may they discriminate on these early years (U.S. Commission on Civil bases with respect to compensation, terms, Rights, 1975; U.S. Comptroller General, conditions, or privileges of employment, nor 1976). Two General Accounting Office stud- limit, segregate, or classify employees or ap- ies (U.S. Comptroller General, 1976) indi- plicants in any way that deprives them of cate little follow-up after conciliation agree- employment opportunities or otherwise ad- ments and suggest that agreements did not versely affects their employment status. The always improve women's employment sta- law applies also to labor organizations and tus. forbids discrimination by employers, labor In gaining the right to sue for complain- organizations, and joint labor-management ants in court in 1972, the agency obtained committees that control apprenticeship and enforcement power. Most charges are, of 9 8 t- 86 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK course, settled without going to court 1983, and the no-cause rate increased from through the agency's administrative pro- 29 percent in 1980 to 41 percent in 1983. cesses. By the early 1970s almost 50,000 new During the same period, however, the num- charges of discrimination were being filed ber of cases closed annually increased about annually, on average, and a large backlog 25 percent and the remaining small backlog had accumulated. By 1977, 130,000 charges shrank further (Burbridge, 1984). In fiscal were awaiting action by the EEOC. Be- 1981 the EEOC filed 368 lawsuits (which tween 1965 and 1975 the courts were not included charges of discrimination based on very likely to grant class relief and did so race, religion, or national origin as well as half as often in sex cases as in race cases sex). Between 1981 and 1983, the number (Dunlap, cited in Greenberger, 1978). When of cases filed in court fell dramatically. Only the EEOC went to court, however, settle- 110 cases were filed in 1982 and 136 in 1983. ments outnumbered cases dismissed with- The number of systemic cases filed also fell, out appeal by a three to one ratio (U.S. from 25 in 1981 to 10 in 1983; in 1982 none Comptroller General, 1976). It is important was filed (Burbridge, 1984). to note that litigation in Title VII class action Conclusions about the agency's effective- cases is very complicated and often takes ness must be drawn cautiously. When the several years. EEOC pursued systemic cases involving A variety of performance measures have large employers, the visibility of such cases been used to assess the effectiveness of the presumably had a deterrent effect, and, in EEOC: predeliberation settlementrate, fact, a survey of major employers revealed conciliation success rate, case resolution rate, that managerial awareness of enforcement processing time, etc., but few time-series efforts at other companies was positively re- data are available to assess activity levels or lated to having effective programs to en- effectiveness over time. Some evidence sug- hance women employees' opportunities at gests improved performance after the EEOC their own companies (Shaeffer and Lynton, was reorganized in 1977 with new case pro- 1979; Wallace, 1979). cessing procedures and increased budget and The major contributions of the EEOC in authorized staff (more than 3,500 positions advancing women's occupational opportun- at the peak between 1979 and 1981; Bur- ities may have been in establishing such bridge, 1984). Approximately 70,000 charges principles as disparate impact, pregnancy were being filed each year. The agency im- discrimination, and a narrow definition of plemented a procedure to expedite new bona fide occupational qualification in the charges and to reduce the backlog ("rapid courts and in shaping the remedies and per- charge processing"), first in model offices in sonnel changes to be undertaken by dis- three cities and then, after determining its criminating firms (O'Farrell and Harlan, effectiveness, nationwide. Rapid charge 1984). Consent decrees tended to take a processing enabled the agency to emphasize comprehensive approach to developing in- cases of systemic discrimination. Expedited tervention strategies that included improv- procedures for rapid settlement also led to ing women's access to 4ex-atypical jobs, job more settlements and fewer complaints dis- upgrading,allocating resourcestotrain missed for r.0 cause (Women Employed, women for male-dominated jobs, and de- 1980). By July 1981 the backlog had fallen veloping monitoring procedures (O'Farrell to about 15 percent of its size in 1977. After and Harlan, 1934). Case studies (described 1981, however, the budget fell in real terms, below) illustrate the implementation of these authorized positions decreased somewhat, strategies. Most extensively studied are the and more important, the settlement rate fell events at American Telephone and Tele- from 43 percent in 1980 to 28 percent in graph, Inc. Other important cases litigated 99 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 87 by the EEOC under Title VII led the courts when budget cuts sustained were 5.5per- to overrule state protective laws specific to cent (Burbridge, 1984). In one instance, the women (usually maximum hours or weight EEOC withdrew, at the request of the U.S. laws) and company policies against hiring Department of Justice, an amicus brief it women with preschool children. In a chal- had filed in support of a New Orleans Police lenge to Pan American Airlines' refusal to Department quota-based consent decree hire male flight attendants, the court ruled providing a remedy for past discrimination that customer preferences are irrelevant un- when it was challenged in federal court. In less a business's essential purpose is to sat- spring 1985 the Department of Justice filed isfy them. suit against the District of Columbia Fire Successful individual and class action suits Department challenging its affirmative ac- brought under Title VII also led organiza- tion plan because it uses sex and race quotas tions to make their operating procedures (Saperstein, 1985). Other Justice Depart- more equitable. Between 1964 and 1981 fed- ment suits against state and local govern- eral district courts decided more than 5,000 ments have followed. cases, of which about one-third were class These policy shifts point toward an em- actions (Leonard, 1984a). Certainly many phasis on getting redress for "identifiable times this number were settled through con- victims" of discrimination, deemphasizing ciliation or in the state courts. Thus, con- class actions and quotas. These shiftsare ciliation and litigation under Title VII have consistent with statements of senior officials led to changes in the practices of individual of the Justice Department and reflect the employers as well as to an increasingly broad recent broad and significant change in civil interpretation of the statute that restricted rights policy (Peterson, 1985a; Williams, employers' rights to consider sex in em- 1985b; Knight-Ridder, 1985). ployment decisions. Whether the EEOC's impact will contin- ue over the next few years is an open ques- Executive Order 11246 and the Office of tion. In a recent Urban Institute report, Federal Contract Compliance Programs Burbridge (1984) concludes, from changes Executive Order 11246 (11375) extended in the types of cases filed and other infor- the prohibition of discrimination basedon mation, that the EEOC has shifted its en- sex, race, color, national origin, or religion forcement effort toward the investigation and to federal contractors. The executive order settlement of individual charges and away differs from Title VII in three important ways. from systemic or class action cases that affect First, noncomplying contractors can have larger numbers of workers at lower cost with their federal contracts terminated, and vi- larger deterrent effects. Early in 1985, the olator: can be debarred from futurecon- EEOC announced at a press conference that tracts. Second, contractors are required to it was shifting its enforcement policy from take affirmative actions to ensure nondis- systemic to individual cases (Evans and criminatory treatment in recruitment, train- Fields, 1985). The EEOC also seems to be ing, and upgrading of minorities (under Or- moving away from earlic. policies that es- der Number 4, 1970) and women (under tablished a broad interpretation of Title VII. Revised Order Number 4, 1971). Third, in- It has declined to pursue a broad policy on dividuals do not have the right to initiate comparable worth, for example (U.S. Con- private legal actions in court. gress, House, 1984; Williams, 1985c), has Originally 13 federal contracting agencies reduced the number of filings of amicus were responsible for ensuring that their con- briefs, and has cut back the number of at- tractors did not discriminate before con- torneys in appellate litigation by 20 percent tracts were signed, for monitoring corn- 1 0 0 88 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK pliance, and for investigating discrimination uity Action League, which brought a large complaints. The Office of Federal Contract number of complaints in 1970-1971, by July Compliance in the U.S. Department of La- 1972 the U.S Department of Health, Edu- bor coordinated their activities, but a mech- cation, and Welfare had temporarily with- anism to implement these regulations did held funds from 11 universities that failed not exist until December 1971, when Re- to comply with the order (Simmons et al., vised Order Number 4 extended the affirm- 1975). The U.S. Department of Justice has ative action requirement to women (Wal- authority to bring suit directly against Ex- lace, 1979). In 1978 all federal contract ecutive Order 11246 violators, bypassing compliance activities were consolidated OFCCP enforcement procedures, but has within the Office of Federal Contract Com- seldom used it. pliance Programs (OFCCP) in the Depart- The primary tools to enforce the executive ment of Labor. In the same year special order have been compliance reviews and OFCCP regulations directed at sex discrim- voluntary conciliation, but for many years ination by construction contractors became compliance reviews were infrequent. Be- effective. In June 1970 the OFCCP issued tween 1970 and 1972 fewer than one con- guidelines that forbade advertising under sex- tractor in five were reviewed (Goldstein and labeled classifications, using sex-based sen- Smith, 1976).1 In addition, some compliance iority lists, denying jobs to qualified appli- agencies approved affirmative action plans cants because of state protective laws, dis- that did not meet the guidelines (Ahart, tinguishing marital status among one sex but 1976). In each of fiscal years 1981 and 1982 not the other, setting different retirement the consolidated OFCCP in the Department ages for the sexes, and penalizing women of Labor completed over 3,000 reviews and with children (U.S. Department of Labor, investigated over 2,000 complaints, but over Women's Bureau, 1978). 2,000 complaints remained backlogged at the In the first few years after the executive end of fiscal 1982 (OFCCP, Quarterly Re- order was amended to include sex discrim- view and Analysis Reports for 1981, 1982). ination, this provision was essentially ig- A standard of six revie.vs per month en- nored. Sex was not included in the first rules couraged compliance officers to focus on issued to implement the order, and guide- small contractors (Ahart, 1976). Some ana- lines regarding sex discrimination were not lysts have surmised that the effects of the available until Revised Order Number 4 was executive order may have declined as con- issued (Simmons et al., 1975). Federal con- tractors learned how to show good-faith ef- tracting agencies appear to have been re- forts without significantly changing their luctant to invoke available sanctions for either personnel policies (Brown, 1982). However, sex-based or race-based discrimination. Un- a 1976 Bureau of National Affairs survey in- til 1971 no federal contractor in violation of dicates that the overwhelming majority of the order was debarred from future con firms subject to OFCC regulations had af- tracts, and only about two contractors were debarred per year over the next seven years (Brown, 1982). Only 27 contractors have ever ' Different federal contracting agencies varied in their been debarred, and over half of these were propensity to review contractors. The National Aero- in the last three years of the Carter admin- nautics and Space Administration, the Environmental istration. At least through 1978 no federal Protection Agency, and the U.S. Department of Com- merce reviewed at least half, whereas the U.S. De- contracts were terminated or contractors de- partment of Agriculture and the U.S. Department of barred because of discrimination by sex the Treasury reviewed about 2 percent of their con- (Greenberger, 1978). However, as a result tractors (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, in Brown, of a nationwide effort by the Women's Eq- 1982, note 10). 1 0 1 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 89 firmative action plans and one-third of them and 58 percent female 20 years later (Work- evaluated managers in terms of EEO per- ing Women, 1981). formance (Freeman, 1981). While we cannot Budget and authorized positions for the conclude from these data that the establish- OFCCP increased markedly during the two ments were making effective efforts to im- years following the 1978 consolidation. In prove job options for women and minorities, real terms the budget fell after 1981, as did they show that employers were aware of their positions; both have since remained rela- responsibilities and were taking at least the tively stable. The estimated 1985 budget is minimal steps required. approximately $50 million, with 1,000 au- The system in which individual federal thorized positions (compared to $160 million contracting agencies were responsible for and 3,100 positions fcr the EEOC). Since enforcement contributed to the initial low 1980, the number of complaint investiga- use of sanctions (Ahart, 1976). When the tions and compliance reviews completed an- compliance program was consolidated into nually has increased steadily, but the num- a single office in 1978, it targeted banking, ber of administrative complaints filed and insurance, and mining for special attention. debarments has fallen. No debarments oc- Subsequent gains in women's representa- curred in 1982 or 1983, compared with five tion in largely male occupations in these in- in 1980. Back pay awards have also de- dustries demonstrate the agency's potential. creased dramatically, from $9,300,000 in To illustrate, the proportion of female un- 1980 to $600,000 in 1983. The U.S. Com- derground miners increased from 1 in 10,000 mission on Civil Rights reported that the in 1978 to 1 in 12 in 1980 (Betty Jean Hall, proportion of investigations and reviews that Director, Coal Employment Project, Sept. resulted in findings of discrimination or con- 4, 1981; Byrne, 1983). Data for the banking ciliation when fault was found had fallen, industry indicate that the small gains women and the proportion of cases closed witnout had been making among financial managers a full investigation had risen. As Burbridge rose sharply after the special enforcement (1984) points out, the pattern is similar to effort, almost doubling from 17.4 percent in that of the EEOC. Less thorough attention 1970 to 33.6 percent by 1980. This increase, is given to an increased number of cases. however, may partially reflect job title in- The agency has decreased its use of itsmore flation as well as the rapid expansion in small stringent enforcement tools. bank branches, which helped to create low- Policy shifts are also illustrated by a series er -level managerial positions for women.2 In of proposed changes in regulations that would insurance, women's representation in- reduce federal contractors' affirmativeac- creased the most among adjusters, an oc- tion obligations and exempt certain previ- cupation that was 9 percent female in 1961 ously covered contractors from the regula- tions. A set of changes proposed in 1983 would limit back pay awards to identifiable victims of discrimination and limit the re- troactivity of the awards to two years. The 2 Beller (1984) considers whether the increase during the 1970s in the number of women in managerial oc- OFCCP did not consult with the EEOC as cupations represents the upgrading of job titles. She required by law until substantial time had cites Current Population Survey data that show almost elapsed, and, although it has not yet posted no improvements in the ratios of female to male median the final rules, the OFCCP may already be weekly earnings for full-time wage and salaried workers implementing these changes (Burbridge, in managerial occupations between 1973 and 1978 (.582 and .586, respectively), an indicator that is consistent 1984). These policy shifts at OFCCP, like withalthough it does not demonstratejob title in- those at the EEOC, are consistent with stat- flation. ed objectives of the current administration 102 90 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK (Knight-Ridder, 1985; Saperstein, 1985; Administration, 1981), concluded that goals Williams, 1985a). More recently, in the fall and timetables have created a small in- of 1985, a fundamental change in the ,--c- crea,ed demand for women construction ecutive order was proposed by the justice workers and are essential to achieving equal Department; it would virtually eliminate the access for women in the construction in- use of goals and timetables. dustry. Each examined OFCCP compliance review files and interviewed OFCCP and Bureau of Apprenticeship and Training of- Construction Contractors ficials, women construction workers and ap- The OFCCP monitors construction con- plicants, women's training program pro- tractors in a separate program. In 1978 the viders, contractors, union business agents, OFCCP published regulations requiring and joint apprenticeship and training coun- construction contractors to carry out equal cil coordinators. According to both studies, employment and affirmativ(ztion pro- most of the o)ntractors and unions favored grams for women and min, :Iles. Contrac- eliminating the goals and timetables, yet they tors were required to ensure that work sites admitted that without them women would were free of harassment, assign at least two not be hired. women to each project, notify recruitment Observers agree that conscientious en- sources for women in writing of job oppor- forcement provided construction jobs for tunities, notify the OFCCP if the union re- women but that enforcement was not uni- ferral process impedes affirmative action ef- form and that staff lacked procedures for forts, and actively recruit women for uncovering discrimination. The OFCCP in- apprenticeship and other training. As a re- house study cited its lack of an enforcement sult of a lawsuit by women's groups, Ad- strategy and haphazard compliance activi- vocates for Women v. Marshall, the OFCCP ties as tending to dissipate its efforts (U.S. initially set employment goals for construc- Department of Labor, Employment Stan- tion contractors of 3.1 percent women for dards Administration, 1981). None of the the first year, 5 percent for the second year, agency staff whom Westley (1982) inter- and 6.9 percent for the third year. The 6.9 viewed had ever found a company not in percent goal still stands. compliance, and the majority of contractors Between 1978 and 1980 the proportion cf interviewed reportedly felt no pressure from women construction workers increased from OFCCP to adhere to the contract compl;- 1.5 to 2 percent. In 1980 women construc- ance provisions in their federal contracts. Of tion workers were twice as likely to be la- 2,994 reports on file at the OFCCP for Oc- borers as craftworkers-2. 6 and 1.3 percent, tober 1980, only one-fifth even indicated the respectively (U.S. Department of Labor, number of hours female construction work- Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1981c:Table 27). ers were employed, and of these only 5 per- But it may be too soon to expect much prog- cent met the 6.9 percent goal (U.S. De- ress in construction, particularly in view of partment of Labor, Employment Standards the lengthy apprenticeship programs through Administration,1981). According to the which workers often obtain craft jobs. OFCCP's own study, compliance reviews Two recent studies of OFCCP efforts to resulted in increased employment of wom- increase women's participation in the con- en, but the gains were sometimes short-lived. struction trades, one by an investigator at a In view of the generally weak enforcement training organization for women (Westley, efforts it is not surprising that few contrac- 1982) and one done in-house (U.S. Depart- tors achieved the 6.9 percent goal (Federal ment of Labor, Employment Standards Register, 1981:46[134]). 103 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 91 argued that the enforcement agencies did Federal Employees not t Ake the prohibition against sex discrim- Executive orders also prohibit discrimi- ination seriously in the early years (Green- nation again 5t federal employees, and in 1972 berger, 1978). For example, in early pub- the Equal Employment Opportunity Act lished guidelines the EEOC explicitly brought federal employees under the pro- permitted sex-labeled classified advertise- tection of Title VII. Although it is not pos- ment columns (Eastwood, 1978). Fina!!y, sible to determine whether these regulations detecting violators may be difficult under directlyaflected women's opportunities, the best conditions. Nevertheless, these ac- women have increased their representation counts of EEOC and OFCCP enforcement in higher-level federal government jobs dur- practices suggest that when Title VII and ing the period in which the directives have Executive Order 11246 (11375) were en- been in force. In 1974 women were only forced, significant numbers of jobs were 18.9 percent of the full-time work force in opened to women. grades GS 9-12 and 14.8 percent in grades We turn next to an examination of evi- 13-15; in 1980 women constituted 26.9 per- dence from case studies of enforcement ac- cent and 8.2 percent, respectively; by 1983 tions directed toward particular estab- women constituted 30.4 percent and 10.3 lishments and findings from statistical studies percent,respectively (U.S.Comptroller that have attempted to examine the more General, 1984:33). A detailed investigation general imr ^t of the laws and regulations. of women attorneys (Epstein, 1981) found that their recent advancement into govern- ment law positions resulted from concerted The Effectiveness of Enforcement efforts by government agencies to recruit minorities and women. Epstein reported that Evidence From Case Studies the percentage of women lawyers in the Of- fice of the U.S. Attorney General went from The consequences of the EEOC inter- 3.7 in 1970 to 17.3 in 1979. By 1980, 31.5 vention at American Telephone and Tele- percent of the newly hired lawyers in the graph (AT&T), the country's largest com- Justice Department were women. It seems pany in 1970, provide compelling evidence probable that affirmative action require- for the effectiveness of a single enforcement ments were a factor, both through influenc- action on women's job opportunities. In 1970, ing agency behavior and, by publicizing new in 92.4 percent of all jobs at AT&T at least opportunities or creating the impression that 90 percent of all workers were of one sex. jobs existed, through encouraging women The following year the EEOC petitioned the to train and apply for such jobs. Federal Communications Commission to deny AT&T a rate increase. Ultimately AT&T agreed to provide salary adjustments and Conclusion back pay to employees who had been injured From the outset, enforcement of both Ti- by discriminatory employment practices. tle VII and Executive Order 11246 was un- they also agreed to modify hiring, promo- even and often inadequate. For several years tion, and training policies and to develop an enforcement agencies lacked real enforce- affirmative action plan with targeted goals ment powers. They were also hampered by for women and minorities for jobs from which insufficient budgets, lack of personnel, and they had been excluded. As a result, female administrative difficulties (Greenberger, employment in several male-dominated oc- 1978; Brown, 1982). In addition, some have cupations increased markedly between 1973 104 TABLE 4-1Changing Women's Employment in AT&T Operating Companies, December 31, 1972, and September 30, 1978 Job Total Workers Women Black Women Class Description 1972 1978 % Change 1972 1978 % Change 1972 1978 % Change Middle management and 1 above 15,180 17,711 12.2 338 1,374 306.5 5 81 1,520.0 2 Second-level management 43,138 52,415 21.5 4,830 11,078 129.4 183 1,151 529.0 3 Entry-level management 95,949 116,458 21.4 29,543 40,976 38.7 2,285 6,338 177.4 4 Administrative 32,716 32,468 -0.7 27,380 24,774 9.5 2,737 4,600 68.1 5 Salesworkers, nonmanagement 5,813 8,455 45.5 1,539 3,720 141.7 156 801 413.5 6 Skilled craft (outside) 65,107 70,884 8.9 38 1,928 4,973.7 1 319 31,800.0 7 Skilled craft (inside) 76,542 74,584 -2.6 2,619 8,830 237.2 238 1,459 513.0 8 General service (skilled)' 11,347 703 -93.8 540 176 -67.4 114 51 -55.3 9 Semiskilled craft (outside) 66,104 63,767 -3.6 206 3,386 1,543.7 24 642 2,575.0 10 Semiskilled craft (inside) 18,011 21,907 21.6 3,554 7,779 118.9 496 1,815 265.9 11 Clerical, skilled 82,392 104,065 26.3 77,633 91,206 17.5 11,005 19,916 81.0 12 Clerical, semiskilled 74,689 87,030 16.5 73,409 79,453 8.2 13,988 22,976 64.3 13 Clerical, entry level 45,140 34,890 -22.8 42,929 30,400 -29.2 11,100 8,963 -19.3 14 Telephone operators 148,622 104,1;f4 -29.9 146,562 96,348 -34.3 34,770 24,347 -30.0 Service workers, 15 entry level 12,365 10,296 -16.7 4,641 4,254 -8.3 1,649 1,429 -7.7 Total 793,715 799,785 0.8 415,761 405,682 -2.4 78,651 94,888 20.6 Percentage of total 52.4 50.7 9.9 11.9 'Later dropped from the classification. SOURCE: Wal late (1982:19). REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 93 and 1979. The proportions of women who progress in on plant in which seniority were officials and managers or worked in changes were delayed because of collective sales, crafts, and service all increased by at bargaining agreements. In that plant most least 5 percentage points; while men's rep- of the women whose bids for craft jobs were resentation in predominantly female admin- unsuccessful lost because they lacked suf- istrative,clerical, and operitor jobs in- ficient seniority. The effects of the consent creased from 3 to 6 percentage points decree can be seen clearly in women's in- (Northrup and Larson, 1979). Women's in- creased representation in certain jobs. In creased representation across a finer break- the less than four years between 1976 and down of occupations is shown in Table 4-1. the end of 1979, the numbers of women in A 1974 consent decree signed by nine ma- production and maintenance positions in two jor steel companies3 and the United Steel- steel mills increased almost threefold from workers of America illustrates changes in 763 to 1,938, while their number in craft employment practices that facilitate wom- jobs increased from 27 (0.4 percent of all en's integration into traditionally male pro- craft wor!cers) to 197 (2.2 percent; 4.7 per- duction and maintenance jobs. In order to cent in the plant whose program had been meet the hiring goals for minorities and is existence longer). One company hired women in craft jobs that the agreement called more than 1,500 women for production jobs for,one firm began a preapprenticeship between 1977 and 1979, and in the other training school for certain craft apprentice- women were 32 percent of the new hires in ships that was open both to cum:A female 1979. Moreover, the aluminum industry and minority employees and to CETA par- voluntarily accepted the steel industry's ticipants (Ullman and Deaux, 1981). One consent decree virtually verbatim in their plant also arranged for a nonprofit agency own collective bargaining agreement (Brown, experienced in recruiting and training mi- 1982). norities for construction apprenticeships to Other large firms that have entered into recruit Lnd screen prospects for craft ap- consent decrees with the EEOC include prenticeships. Consistent with findings for United Airlines (1976), Merrill Lynch (1976), other crafts and industries (Briggs, 1981; General Electric (1978), and General Mo- Kane and Miller, 1981), these special out- tors (1983). These are the largest firms in reach and pretraining programs were highly their industries, and smaller firms may fol- effective in attracting women to craft jobs. low the industry leader in their labor prac- The consent decree also required firms to tices (Wallace, 1979). restructure their seniority systems from de- A review of case studies of firms subject partmentwide to plantwide systems so that to litigation and consent decrees that the women in typically female jobs would be committee commissioned (O'Farrell and competitive bidders for male-dominated jobs Harlan, 1984) concluded that the federal in other departments (and could make such presence significantly motivates companies moves without losing seniority; Ullman and to facilitate women's movement into non- Deaux, 1981). The need for this kind of mod- traditional jobs. In general an increase in ification is demonstrated by women's lack of the numbers of women in traditionally male jobs corresponded to pressure by federal agencies, either through direct actions against large companies or through the in- 3 One company withdrew from the consent decree direct effect of companies complying rather negotiations, claiming that it had not discriminated in hiri.g and placement, but it subsequently signed two than risking federal action (as occurred in conciliation agreements with the EEOC after four years the aluminum industry). Many companies of negotiation (Ullman and Deaux, 1981). reported that federal enforcement activities 106 94 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK had a major effect on their organizations' female earnings differential and the proba- employment practices. Awareness of federal bility of being employed in a male-domi- laws and the financial costs of violating them nated occupation before and after EEO laws were cited repeatedly as primary factors in were implemented. These studies reveal that stimulating change enforcement of Title VII (as indicated by A Conference Board survey of about 250 number of investigations and ratio of charges large corporations (Shaeffer and Lynton, to settlements) increased female earnings 1979) confirmed the importance of manage- slightly between 1967 and 1974 and nar- ment commitment for increasing women's rowed the sex differential in the probability employment opportunities. Top manage- of working in a predominantly male occu- ment awareness of federal laws and regu- pation. While subject to some procedural lations related to equal employment policy criticisms (see, for example, Brown, 1982), was perceived as an important determinant Beller's results hold across various mea- of the success of the company's efforts. Few surement techniques. of the firms said that an actual complaint, Recently Leonard (1984a) attempted to investigation, or lawsuit had spurred their determine whether Title VII litigation af- efforts, but they often mentioned awareness fected the employment status of blacks with- of large back-pay awards in class-action suits in manufacturing industries. Using 1966 and against other employers, and they deemed 1978 EEOC data, he found a significant im- the risk of a Title VII class action suit a very provement in the representation of black real ore. males and an even stronger effect for black females, both of which could be attributed to litigation. Evidence From Statistical Studies Individually these statistical studies of the Several researchers have attempted to as- effectiveness of Title VII for minorities and sess statistically the effectiveness of antidis- women have various limitations, but on bal- crimination regulations. Researchers seek- ance they suggest more rapid improvement ing to probe the impact of the EEOC's in employment status for blacks and some- enforcement of Title VII typically use time times women than would have occurred in series data to compare the relative employ- the absence of enforcement. ment status of women and/or minorities be- Most studies of the impact of Executive fore and after Title VII was implemented. Order 11246 (11375) and its enforcement by Using this method, Freeman (1973, 1977) the OFCC compare the proportions of mi- found that the earnings of blacks relative to norities or women or both employed by fed- those of same-sex whites increased more eral contractors and noncontractors at a sin- rapidly vile:. 1964, when Title WI was passed. gle point in time, or rates of change in these Later work (Vroman, 1975; Ginsburg and proportions between federal contractors and Vroman, 1976) partially replicates Free- noncontractors. Differences may be attrib- man's findings, but critics (Butler and Heck- uted to the executive order, if other relevant man, 1977) point out that Freeman's con- variables (size of firm, type of industry, re- clusions could be the result of selection bias; gion, condition of the local labor market, and the lowest-paid blacks may have dropped so on) are controlled statistically. Unfortu- out of the labor force in increasing propor- nately, it is not always possible to control tions during these years. for all relevant variables, and even if it were, Beller (1979, 1980, 1982a, 1982b) has es- interpretation of cross-sectional compari- timated the impacts of Title VII on sex and sons can be difficult. For example, if en- race differences in employment outcomes forcing antidiscrimination orders leads con- using cross-sectional as well as longitudinal tractorsto hire protected workers from designs. Several studies examine the male- noncontractors, the cross-sectional compar- 1107 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 95 ison will overestimate any effect that exists point to a positive "but hardly revolutionary or show a positive effect even if there is no effect (probably no more than 10 percent in net gain in employment status of the rele- the long run') of OFCC activities" on rel- vant groups. (This would also occur if en- ative employment of black men in contractor forcement sorts firms into contractor and firms and very little effect for black women. noncontractor groups according to their de- The small effects found in these early years sire to discriminate.) Some biases will work are understandable because effective imple- in the other direction. If enforcement of the mentation (including the development of executive order leads noncontractors to re- concepts such as the available labor pool and frain from discriminating, then cross-sec- a system of accountability within the OFCC) tional comparisons will indicate little or no began about 1971. Later studies tend to show effect when the opposite is actually true. larger effects. Three studies analyzing data for the late Beller (1982b) estimated that between 1960s and early 1970s and focusing primarily 1967 and 1971 affirmative action required on racial discrimination (Ashenfelter and by the OFCC reduced barriers to white Heckman, 1976; Goldstein and Smith, 1976; women's entry into male-dominated occu- Heckman and Wolpin, 1976) illustrate the pations. By 1974 black women began to gain basic approach.4 Using EEOC data for race relative to black men, but by then almost and sex distributions across nine broad oc- half of white women's gains had eroded. cupational categories,5 they found modest Beller suggested that poor economic con- effects ofOFCC activities on total black male ditions caused newly hired white women to employment, very small effects on black fe- be laid off, although it is not clear why black male employment, and no effects on the pro- women were not similarly affected. Else- portion of blacks in skilled occupations. where Beller (1980) showed that increases On one hand, because these data do not in the unemployment rate in the early 1970s tap changes within the broad occupational substantially hampered the effectiveness of categories, they probably understate the im- Title VII with respect to equalizing the earn- pact of the executive order. On the other ings of men and women. hand, if women and minorities whom con- A study based on more recent data pro- tractors employ arc concentrated in the least- vides evidence that the federal contract skilled, most poorly paid jobs within occu- compliance program is generally effective in pational categories, which is probably the improving employment opportunities for case, effects would be overstated. In re- minorities and women. When, he examined viewing these studies, Brown (1982) notes almost 70,000 establishments in 1974 and that problems with the data and with the 1980, Leonard (1984b) found that the em- use of noncontractors as the control group ployment shares of women and minorities can give rise to potential biases in both di- grew more rapidly among contractors than rections, but that none of the studies seems noncontractors. The effect was largest for uniquely persuasive. He concludes that they black men and smallest for white women. He also found that compliance reviews con- tributed significantly to black and other mi- 4 During most of this period, compliance efforts were nority representation in the sampled estab- directed primarily at racial discrimination, and the eval- lishments, above and beyond contractor uation studies accordingly focus on changes in black- status alone, but their effect for white wom- white differences. en was negative. As Leonard notes, the en- 3 EEO-1 data are drawn from the reports that all trance into the labor force during this period federal contractors and certain other employers must submit annually to the EEOC. They provide occupa- of massive numbers of white women who tional distributions across nine broad occupational took jobs with both contractors and noncon- groupings by race and sex. tractors could have obscured any effect the , 11108 96 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK contract compliance regulations had. With- ulations, coupled with the ease studies, sug- out evidence supporting this interpretation, gest that they have made a difference. The however, the available data suggest that the effects that can be demonstrated statistically contract compliance program has been most in the early years are not large; this is not effective for blacks of both sexes and least surprising because it took some time for im- effective for white women. Contrary to the plementation to become effective. Studies findings of earlier studies, Leonard, in an- based on data since the early 1970s show other study using the same data (1984c), stronger effects, a finding in accord with found that minority men made particular strengthened regulations and their more ef- gains in skilled white-collar occupations. fective implementation in the 1970s. In gen- One other cross-sectional study (Oster- eral, however, positive effects occurred most man, 1982) deserves mention both because often for black men, somewhat less so for it measures OFCCP effect in a slightly dif- black women, and were least evident for ferent way and because it focuses on women. white women. Osterman assumes that quit rates measure But some studies did show positive en- job contentment and thus might contain in- forcement effects for women, and the case formation about the effectiveness of affirm- studies demonstrate that women's entry into ative action. Using 1978-1979 data from the new occupations that were targeted for en- Panel Study of Income Dynamics, he found forcement effort was significant. As Beller that several indicators of OFCCP activity and Han (1984) have shown, occupational statistically reduced women's (but not men's) sex segregation declined during the 1970s. propensity to quit, when personal and job The existence and enforcement of antidis- characteristics were controlled. He con- crimination regulations almost certainly cluded that affirmative action enforcement contributed to this decline, both directly and makes women more willing to stay with their by fostering attitude changes among both jobs, perhaps through higher wages or im- employers and workers about what kinds of proved aspects of the job. If OFCCP activity work should be available to women. Evi- were simply correlated with something at- dence that enforcement works demonstrates tractive about an industry, then men's quit that behavior and beliefs are not immutable. rates should also have responded to OFCCP Since 1981, however, enforcement efforts activity. That they did not reduces the like- have declined. The effects of this reduced lihood that the effect for women is spurious. level of effort on future employment op- Finally, using a sociologically realistic portunities of women and mincrities remain model that took into account changes in pop- to be seen. The committee is concerned that ular attitudes toward blacks' and women's the reduced effort will make further positive rights to work, unemployment rates, and change less likely. The reduced effort, or aggregate educational levels, Burstein (1983) even the perception of it, could affect the found that total federal enforcement ex- behavior of employers and others in many penditures and the percentage of final ap- ways, ranging from subtle to overt changes pellate court decisions favoring women and in policy and practice. minorities were associated with strong gains in the incomes of black women relative to Efforts by Employers to Reduce Sex white men and slightly smaller gains for black Segregation men and white women. During the 1970s many companies set out to increase female employees' job oppor- Conclusion tunities, and toward the end of the decade The statistical studies of the effects ofTitle social scientists investigated the impact of VII and the federal antidiscrimination reg- some of these efforts. These studies provide 109 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 97 information about the effectiveness of a va- lined the operation of an effective internal riety of mechanisms for enhancing women's administrative structure for setting and im- employment opportunities. Ullman and plementing EEO policy. It must include Deaux (1981) investigated the aftermath of centralized accounting and control but also a 1974 steel industry consent decree, and provide for line responsibility. Because line O'Farrell and Harlan (1982) studied the ex- managers must implement policy that they perience of blue-collar women in a large may personally oppose, their involvement electrical products firm. To increase wom- is critical (U.S. Department of Labor, Em- en's job options, some companies used gen- ployment and Training Administration, eral EEO strategies; others implemented 1978). It has been suggested that their re- specific mechanisms that emphasized re- sistance can be minimized by recognizing cruiting and prepar$ng women for sex-atyp- and compensating line managers for their ical jobs. We discuss these two types of strat- extra efforts (McLane, 1980). Involving line egies below. managers in setting standards and screening The efforts of some companies stemmed also reduces the risk that they will feel that directly from consent decrees or other ac- unqualified women are being foisted on them tions that followed from efforts by federal (Schaeffer and Lynton, 1979). Obviously, enforcement agencies and private parties. adequate resources are essential. O'Farrell Others established EEO programs volun- and Harlan (1984) and O'Farrell (1981) also tarily. Women's job options did not improve stress the need to involve unions, claiming "naturally." Committed top managers had that consent agreements that do not involve to pursue this goal just as they would any unions have sometimes impeded women's other organizational goalby analyzing the progress. The steel industry agreement was problem, devising strategies, and taking one of the few major consent agreements in concrete steps to ensure their implemen- the 1970s to which the union was a party. tation. According to a Conference Board sur- Corporations that responded to the Confer- vey of 265 large corporations, the most im, ence Board survey reported more disap- portant factors for increasing women's pointing attempts to integrate women into opportunities were top-level commitment to blue- than white-collar jobs, and a much equal opportunity, implementation and dis- higher proportion of the "failures" involved semination of an equal employment policy unionized employees. Although by no means that included goals and timetables, analysis conclusive, this result suggests that union of how the company used women and the cooperation can facilitate integrating women modification of personnel practices as nec- into blue-collar, formerly all-male jobs. essary, the monitoring of organizational per- Specific mechanisms that have been used formance, and the identification of and re- successfully to attract and qualify women for sponse to particular problems (Shaeffer and jobs. that had been predominantly or totally Lynton, 1979). Other studies confirm these male include using outside agencies as well results. On the basis of their study of 10 as modifying internal personnel practices. public utilities, Meyer and Lee (U.S. De- To inform women of opportunities, employ- partment of Labor, Employment and Train- ers must use aggressive recruitment tactics ing Administration, 1978) noted the impor- such as job fairs (O'Farrell and Harlan, 1984), tance of both high-level commitment to advertise jobs broadly, and post them EEOwhich apparently was fostered by throughout the pant. Job posting has been awareness of the legal consequences of non- required in some consent decrees; posting complianceand publicizing the company's sex-atypical jobs in areas where women work EEO efforts. may convince them that these jobs are open On the basis of their review of several case to them (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979). Post- studies, O'Farrell and Harlan (1984) out- ing is not effective, however, when seniority °1 110 98 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK governs job allocation and women's seniority jobs. Some firms devised their own pro- is not transferable to another department. grams to train women who were already em- In fact, some companies reported that bad ployed in typically female jobs for new work. feelings were generated when notices pro- The presence of a few women in skilled jobs vided inadequate information, jobs were al- showed others that it was worth the initially ready filled by the time interested female unpleasant work (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979). employees responded, or unsuccessful can- Employers also found that women were more didates were not told why they were passed willing to transfer to an atypical job if they over (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979). had the right to return to their former job When the pool of interested female em- (O'Farrell and Harlan, 1984). ployees proved inadequate, some compa- Because conventional seniority and job- nies recruited women through skilled trades bidding systems often prevent women from training programs (Kane and Miller, 1981; bidding for jobs that have been dominated Ullman and Deaux, 1981). Another effective by men (Roos and Reskin, 1984), modifi- strategy was to list employees who might be cations have been necessary to bring about candidates for sex-atypical jobs. Others en- change in many instances, such as the steel couraged supervisors to identify women in- industry consent decree described above. terested in shifting to a predominantly male The AT&T-EEOC consent decree included job (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979). Some com- a seniority override that allowed women and panies included women who had not ex- minorities to pass more senior white men. pressed any interest in male-dominated jobs, Used over 35,000 times at the nonmana- in recognition that women's perceptions gerial level during the six years of the con- about appropriate work roles were chang- sent decree (O'Farrell and Harlan, 1982), ing. Some firms assisted female employees the override provision contributed to AT&T's with career planning, described opportun- reaching at least 90 percent of its hiring tar- ities in nontraditional blue- or white-collar gets after the first year. jobs, or gave women a chance to observe Devising mechanisms to enhance wom- women already employed in predominantly en's chances for success on blue-collar jobs male occupations. Many companies broad- in which they are pioneers is particularly ened the pool of female candidates by elim- difficult (U.S. Department of Labor, Em- inating unnecessary job requirements. Using ployment and Training Administration, female recruiters and innovative recruit- 1978). Women who moved into blue-collar ment practices was also effective (Shaeffer heavily male jobs typically encountered more and Lynton, 1979). opposition from both coworkers and super- Several firms found recruiting women to visors than women who moved into mana- blue-collar jobs a greater challenge than re- gerial jobs. Prior training with the tools, cruiting them to nontraditional white-collar skills, and vocabulary necessary to do the jobs. Some reportedly found it very difficult job raised their level of competence when to recruit women for totally unskilled heavy they began the work and reassured male physical labor jobs, even when these were coworkers. This is particularly important be- entry-level jobs leading to better positions, cause some male employees who initially because many women believed that they supported hiring women changed their were likely to have that job permanently (a minds when some of the first women did perception that is often realistic for typically not measure up. Since only one or two female occupations). Companies were more women often enter a male work group, each successful in moving women directly into woman's performance is taken as typical of semiskilled jobs that led to highly skilled what all women are likely to do. Equally jobs or into training programs for skilled craft important was careful screening. Part of the 111 REDUCH1G SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 99 differential success rates for moving women marketsespecially seniority systems and into white- and blue-collar jobs was linked job requirementshad to be modified. Sim- to the more careful screening for the former. ply placing women in atypical blue-collar The more thorough the screening, the more jobs was not enough: careful screening of likely women were to succeed (U.S. De- pioneers was clearly critical, and pretraining partment of Labor, Employment and Train- often made the difference between co- ing Administration, 1978; Shaeffer and worker acceptance or rejection and ulti- Lynton, 1979). mately success or failure. Management Management has successfully intervened minimized or remedied on-the-job prob- in response to coworker opposition or ha- lems such as coworker hostility when they rassment. Some companies sensitized shop monitored men's reactions to integration by stewards and supervisors and trained them women. Generally companies were much in dealing with these problems. Extending more successful at increasing women's rep- probationary periods was effective in some resentation in predominantly male white- blue-collar jobs. Women who moved into collar jobs than in blue-collar jobs. Women managerial jobs were less likely to experi- did not invariably need special training, but ence harassment, but they still encountered companies that ensured that women ob- resistance to theacceptance (Harlan and tained the same training and support that Weiss, 1981). One study found that women men did showed the most success. Most im- managers encountered sex bias regardless of portant for overall success was commitment their numbers (Harlan and Weiss, 1981). to equal employment opportunities for Thus, increasing the number of women in women, manifested in specific policies, goals, nontraditional roles may provide support and and timetables and coupled with a moni- minimize isolation but may not necessarily toring system and sufficient resources. Since reduce the risk of sex bias. Although some managerial commitment is linked to aware- stress the importance of mentors, company- ness of federal regulations and of federal en- assigned mentors were not effective in one forcement efforts, these findings provide study (U.S. Department of Labor, Employ- additional grounds for the importance of ment and Training Administration, 1978; maintaining federal EEO programs. McLane, 1980). Communications from top management to the coworkers of new women INTERVENTIONS DIRECTED AT JOB managers that clarified their status as equals TRAINING AND VOCATIONAL AND rather than as upgraded secretaries some- GENERAL EDUCATION times helped (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979). Management intervention or group discus- Changing the behavior and practices of sions to identify problems and arrive at so- employers as described above leads pri- lutions salvaged some initial failures. marily to changes in the demand side of the In sum, companies that increased wom- labor market. In effect, employers increase en's representation in jobs previously held their demand for previously excluded or re- predominantly by men used a wide range stricted groups by removing barriers to their of mechanisms that were outside their nor- hiring and advancement. Such changes also mal personnel procedures. Nearly all prog- induce supply-side changes, since workers ress in hard-to-fill blue-collar jobs resulted will respond to available opportunities. But from nontraditional recruitment and train- change can also be initiated on the supply ing programs, often with the assistance of side.If, for example, women train to be private agencies. Both job analysis and new computer programmers and there is a crit- recruiting techniques increased the pool of ical need for computer programmers, em- applicants. Often aspects of internal labor ployers will probably hire them even if they 112 100 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK would prefer men. Moreover, the avail- women had begun apprenticeships in ether ability of women with the appropriate skills fields, and women were apprenticed in 30 for a predominantly male job suggests that occupations in which they had not been rep- the job is perhaps not so intrinsically male resented in 1970 (U.S. Department of La- after all. Because many of the better-paid bor, Women's Bureau, 1975; Briggs, 1981). traditionally male-dominated jobs require At the national level, in 1974 the Manpower considerable acquisition of skills, many or- Administration with the assistance of the ganizations have emphasized improving Women's Bureau in the Department of La- training and education opportunities for bor initiated a pilot outreach project with women and girls. Here we review the results three contractors to apprentice women in of some of these efforts, particularly those nontraditional occupations. At the same time that are related to federal laws and regula- the language was changed in all other out- tions. reach contracts to include women as well as minorities and to require efforts to place them in apprenticeable nontraditional oc- Apprenticeship Programs cupations (U.S. Department of Labor, Apprenticeship programsa primary Women's Bureau, 1975). Given the small route of entry into skilled tradeshave al- scale of these early efforts, it is not surprising ways been extremely segregated, with a small that the increase in the representation of number of women concentrated in a few of women was small through 1978 (see Table the several hundred apprenticeship pro- 4-2). grams registered with the U.S. Department In 1978 two federal agencies issued rul- of Labor. As early as 1964 sex discrimination ings mandating efforts to increase women's in apprenticeship was outlawed, and Ex- representation. The first,the OFCCP's ecutive Order 11246, as amended, prohibits Equal Employment Opportunity in Con- discrimination in programs supported by struction regulations (discussed above), re- federal contractors. Prohibiting discrimi- quired most federal contractors to orcyvide nation has not been very effective in bring- ing women into apprenticeship programs, TABLE 4-2Female Apprentices, 1973- however, because of many remaining formal 1984 and informal barriers to their participation, Apprentices such as upper age limits and lack of famil- Percentage iarity with the programs (Kane et al., 1977).6 Year Total Women Female Scattered early efforts were made to in- 1973 283,774 1,986 .7 crease women's participation in some all- 1974 291,049 2,619 .9 male programs. For example, between 1970 1975 266,477 3,198 1.2 and 1973 the State of Wisconsin conducted 1976 254,968 4,334 1.7 1977 262,586 5,777 2.2 a women-in-apprenticeship project. At the 1978 290,224 8,997 3.1 beginning of that period most female ap- 1979 323,866 13,343 4.1 prentices were in cosmetology; only 13 1980 320,073 15,363 4.8 women were apprenticed in fields that were 1981 315,887 18,006 5.7 not traditionally female. By the end, 67 1982 286,698 17,202 6.0 1983 253,187 16,710 6.6 1984 232,583 15,583 6.7 SOURCES: For 1973-1978: U.S. Department of La- 6 Wolf (1981) and Roos and Reskin (1984) discuss how bor, Employment and Training Administration (1979a). the organization and selection standards in apprentice- For 1979.1984: unpublished data from the Bureau of ship programs have the effect of reducing women's Apprenticeship and Training, U.S. Department of La- participation ir. apprenticeship. bor. 113 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 101 on-the-job training opportunities for women ber of apprentices. These figures mask wide or to participate in area training programs variation across states (Kane and Miller, that included women and minorities. Fed- 1981), which is not surprising since most eral contractors also had to publicize ap- monitoring occurs at the state level. Ap- prenticeship openings to women and prenticeship remained virtually closed to minority group members. One month later women in some northeastern cities as re- the Department of Labor issued regulations cently as 1981 (U.S. Department of Labor, requiring apprenticeship programs regis- Employment and Training Administration, tered with the Department of Labor's Bu- 1982). Even during the recent recession, the reau of Apprenticeship and Training (BAT) share of apprenticeships held by women to take affirmative action to recruit women. continued to increase; from its 4.1 percent For nonconstruction apprenticeships, the level in 1979 it reached 6 percent in 1982 ruling set a goal of 50 percent of the pro- and 6.7 percent at the close of fiscal 1984 portion of women in local labor markets, (unpublished data from the Bureau of Ap- which was about a 20 percent goal for most prenticeship and Training, U.S. Depart- parts of the country (U.S. Department of ment of Labor). Labor, Women's Bureau, 1980a). The im- The available data suggest that goals and mediate goals, how ver, required 11.5 per- timetables have produced remarkable re- cent of apprentices to be female by April sults when they were fully implemented 1979 and 12.5 percent a year later (Kane and (Kane and Miller, 1981). In the year after Miller, 1981). the new regulations were issued, every state The sharp rise in the number of women but one showed an increase in the number in registered apprenticeship programs be- of women apprentices. A detailed study in tween 1978 and 1979 shown in Table 4-2 Wisconsin (Briggs, 1981) further demon- suggests that the goal had some effect. Al- strates the importance of the Department of though women's share of apprenticeships in- Labor goal. Excluding barbers (which had creased only from 3.1 to 4.1 percent, 4,346 become predominantly female in Wisconsin more women were apprentices in June 1979 over the decade), women's representation than at the start of the year, a 48 percent among new apprentices in traditionally male increase. fields varied between 0.7 and 2.1 percent Proportionally, women's representation between 1970 and 1977. In 1978, the year increased most in the graphic arts trades, the regulations became effective, women and slightly smaller increases occurred in were 2.6 percent of the new starts; the fol- personal service trades and construction lowing year they were 3.1 percent (Briggs, trades (U.S. Department of Labor, Em- 1981). ployment and Training Administration, Little evaluation of enforcement of the 1982). The change in construction is espe- apprenticeship goals has been carried out. cially noteworthy because it presumably As noted above, one study of construction stems primarily from the OFCCP regula- industry programs (Westley, 1982) suggest- tions. Table 4-3 shows consistent gains in ed that noncompliance was the norm. Of the the percentage female in 12 building trade two regulatory agencies, the Bureau of Ap- programs between 1975 and 1979. In 1975 prenticeship and Training (BAT) has no in all but one of the building trades, fewer sanctioning power except deregistration, than 1 percent of the apprentices were which it rarely exercises, and the OFCCP women. Four years later, the total number has no oversight responsibility for unions, of women had increased tenfold, and in two so unions have little incentive to actively tradespainters and operating .mgineers recruit women for their apprenticeship pro- women approached 10 percent of the num- grams. A stipulation that limits the regula- 11 4 102 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK TABLE 4-3Female Apprentices in Registered Building Trades Programs, 1975-1979 1975 1979 Total Female Percentage Total Female Percentage Trade Apprentices Apprentices Female Apprentices Apprentices Female Boilermakers 2,660 10 .4 4,063 82 2.0 Bricklayers 7,832 5 .1 8,462 188 2.2 Carpenters 36,594 159 .4 43,832 1,973 4.5 Cement masons 3,034 10 .3 3,118 212 6.8 Electricians 32,640 129 .4 34,584 1,257 3.6 Glaziers 1,390 2 .1 1,160 13 1.1 Lathers 1,268 1 .1 1,483 18 1.2 Operating engineers 6,187 20 .3 6,051 553 9.1 Painters 6,650 87 1.3 6,760 604 8.9 Plumbers 18,405 23 .1 17,554 299 1.7 Roofers 4,070 4 .1 5,745 91 1.6 Sheet metal workers 11,647 48 .4 11.154 293 2.6 SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration (1975, 1979b). tions to programs with at least five ap- by the courts to be illegal under Title VI1,7 prentices has permitted programs to evade continue to keep women out of apprentice- the ruling by training only four apprentices ship programs. Women's lack of mechanical at a time or calling their apprentices "help- skills and vocational training in secondary ers." Locally administered plans in some cit- school also hampered them, according to ies may be a more effective mechanism for Kane and her colleagues. women because they often screen and orient Female apprentices in traditionally male women whom they recommend for appren- programs reported serious difficulties in get- ticeships (U.S. Deparment of Labor, Em- ting trained by journeymen (Kane et al., ployment Standards Administration, 1981). 1977; Walshok, 1981b). A study at General The Division of Program Analysis of the Motors (Walshok, 1981b) showed that jour- OFCCP concluded from an extensive eval- neymen's impressions of female apprentices uation of women in construction that the affected their willingness to help the women relative success of these "hometown" plans improve their performance. As a result, GM demonstrates the necessity of some author- established a successful pilot program in ity to encourage cooperation among all the which supervisors and journeymen identi- institutions involved in apprenticeship training. Two studies of women in apprenticeship programs provide scme guidelines regard- 7 See Kane et al. (1977) for a full discussion of this issue. Among the relevant cases are: Petiway v. Amer- ing what kinds of mechanisms increase wom- ican Cast Iron Pipe Co., CA5 (1974) 7 FEP Cases 1115; en's participation and success in appren- Stevenson v. International Paper Co., Mobile, Ala- ticeship programs. Kane et al. (1977) pointed bama, CA5 (1975) 10 FEP Cases 1386; U.S. v. Steam- out that while plant postings have not suc- fitters Local 638, DC NY (1973) 6 FEP Cases 319; ceeded in attracting women, company ef- Judson and Judson's v. Apprenticeship and Training Council of the State of Oregon, Ore Ct App (1972) 4 forts to contact and recruit female produc- FEP Cases 747; EEOC No. 71-1418 (March 17, 1971) tion workers were more successful. They 3 FEP Cases 580; EEOC No. 72-0265 (August 6, 1971) also stressed that age limits, although ruled 4 FEP Cases 68. 115 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 103 fled skills and concepts that apprentices had ment (Berryman and Chow, 1981). May 1980 to master, then provided testing and feed- regulations stipulated that prime sponsors8 back on their acquisition. Crucially impor- should take affirmative steps to recruit and tant was the involvement of plant manage- train women for occupations with skill short- ment and journeymen in the program's ages that were at least 75 percent male and design. Preliminary evaluation indicated that men for traditionally female occupations the performance of apprentices improved (Federal Register 1979:44[65j:20026-27). To and journeymen were reassured that incom- achieve these ends, CETA regulations per- petent apprentices were not moving through mitted various support services (health care, the program. child care, and transportation) that would In sum, Department of Labor regulations facilitate women's participation (U.S. De- requiring equal employment opportunity in partment of Labor, Women's Bureau, 1980c). apprenticeship seem to have contributed to Given its size, CETA had considerable po- women's small gains in customarily male ap- tential to train workers for sex-atypical jobs.9 prenticeship programs. Most observers con- But both WIN and CETA contained pro- tend that more active enforcement by BAT visions that reduced the likelihood that they and greater involvement by the OFCCP would prepare many women for customarily would yield additional progress. It seems male occupations. WIN's explicit priority for clear that genuine affirmative efforts re- male family heads resulted in women's sub- quired by the regulations are necessary to stantial underrepresentation both in the attract enough women to apprenticeships in program and among those who eventually what are currently among the most sex-seg- found jobs (U.S. Department of Labor, regated of occupations. Women's Bureau, 1975; Barrett, 1979). Eli- gibility standards and preferences for house- Federal Job Training Programs hold heads and veterans in CETA programs implicitly favored men (Barrett, 1979; Ja- Two federal job training programs had the cobus, 1980). As a result, during the 1970s potential to prepare women and men for sex- veterans comprised 7 percent of the un- atypical occupations. The first, the Work In- employed, but between one-third and one- centive Program (WIN), which was estab- half of CETA public service employment lished by Title II of the 1967 Social Security participants (Harlan, 1980). For these rea- Amendments, was designed to provide job sons and others, women were underrepre- opportunities and training for persons re- sented in CETA programs relative to their ceiving Aid to Families With Dependent eligibility (Harlan, 1980; Wolf, 1981; Waite Children (AFDC). All adult AFDC recipi- ents under age 65 are required to register for WIN except those with children under six and women whose husbands have reg- a A prime sponsor was the unit of government that istered. A larger program was the 1973 Com- was the recipient of the federal CETA grant to provide comprehensive employment and training services. Bas- prehensive Employment Training Act ic programming responsibility lay with prime sponsors (CETA), amended in 1978, which was es- (U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, 1980c; tablished to improve the employment op- Guttman, 1983). tionsof economicallydisadvantaged 9 In 1978 CETA served over 3 million people with Americans through job training and public a $10 billion budget (U.S. Department of Labor, Em- service employment. Regulations issued in ployment and Training Administration, unpublished data, 1979, cited in Harlan, 1980). In fiscal 1979 CETA 1979 required all programs to help eliminate spent $9.4 billion training over 4 million people (Zor- sex stereotyping in training and employ- nitsky and McNally, 1980). 116 104 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK and Berryman, 1984). The Job Corps pro- seldom administered CETA in a way that gram within CETA initially included no pro- fulfilled its mandate to train workers for non- visions for women, and even after provisions traditional jobs. Analyses of the Continuous were made, women were underrepresented Longitudinal Manpower Survey data on relative to their proportion among unem- CETA participants over a three-year period ployed youth (Barrett, 1979). show sex differences in program assign- CETA expired in 1981 and was replaced ments, with women concentrated in the by the Job Training Partnership Act, effec- shorter-duration, lower-paying, and often tive in 1983, which included no public ser- part-time "adult work experience" assign- vice employment and emphasized private ments and in classroom training rather than sector leadership. Little evaluation of pro- public service employment and on-the-job grams sponsored under this act is yet avail- training (Wolf, 1981). These differences are able. relevant because most classroom training was for typically female jobs (Waite and Berry- The Work Incentive Program man, 1984), although the majority of women According to an Urban Institute study in on-the-job training were also in predom- inantly female occupations (Berryman et al., (Underwood, 1979), the WIN program re- 1981). CETA's emphasis on quick placement quired 1.5 million people to enter the labor precluded training women for predomi- force but could provide services for only one- nantly male blue-collar trades. In addition, fifth of them, jobs for less than one-tenth, the emphasis on training as many people as and training or public service employment possible discouraged sponsors from using for only 7 percent. Statistical analyses show funds for the support services that the leg- no evidence that WIN has contributed to islation permitted (Wolf, 1981; U.S. Com- reducing sex segregation among partici- mission on Civil Rights, 1981b). pants. In fiscal 1980, 75 percent of WIN An evaluation of six Massachusetts CETA registrants and 69 percent of those who found programs (Zornitsky and McNally, 1980) il- jobs through WIN were women. The job lustrates how CETA outcomes differ for the assignments of WIN partibipants mirrored sexes. Upon leaving the programs, 60 per- the sex composition of the labor force. Fewer cent of the women obtained work in clerical than 7 percent of the women who partici- and service jobs, compared with 22 percent pated were assigned to jobs in the machine of the men. In contrast, 61 percent of the trades,construction, and transportation, men and 21 percent of the women found compared with 40 percent of men. In con- positions as craftsmen, operators, or labor. trast, two-thirds of the women were placed ers. Presumably as a result, the women in clerical, sales, and service occupations, earned 88 percent of what the men did. compared with one-fifth of the male partic- The level of sex segregation within CETA ipants (Underwood, 1980). As recently as declined slightly between 1976 and 1978 1980, over 68 percent of female participants (Wolf, 1981). Increasing proportions of adult were concentrated in these three occupa- women were employed in traditionally male tional categories, and there is no evidence CETA jobs, and decreasing proportions held of declining occupational segregation in WIN traditionally female jobs. This pattern was (Underwood, 1980). slightly stronger for young women, though young men showed very little change. It is The Comprehensive Employment and not clear whether these changes reflected Training Act CETA sponsors' efforts to eliminate sex Evaluations of CETA's impact on wom stereotyping or changes in participants' pref- en's job options suggest that prime sponsors erences (Berryman and Chow, 1981). The 117 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 105 percentage of women desiring mixed or cus- technical jobs since 1976. Working closely tomarily male occupations increased over this with Boston-area technical employers, WTI period, and CETA programs only partly suc- placed over 90 percent of the graduates of ceeded in meeting these preferences. De- its six-month electronics course and two- pending on the year, between 33 and 60 thirds of all its graduates. Providing place- percent of the women who requested place- ment services in nontraditional training pro- ment in mixed or male-dominated occupa- grams is of paramount importance. Navari's tions were not assigned to them, and only survey (cited in Walshok, 1981a:280-281) of 40-56 percent of the men who requested over 100 women workers indicated that pro- traditionally female jobs were assigned to a grams such as CETA and WIN were less predominantly female occupation. For both successful than they could have been in part sexes, the probability of receiving a re- because they did not provide access to per- quested nontraditional job declined be- manent jobs. tween 1976 and 1978 (Berryman et al., 1981). Shuchat's (1981) survey of 166 community Moreover, more than half the women sur- colleges and private organizations revealed veyed in the Continuous Longitudinal Man- that mechanisms to identify job openings power Survey who had previously worked were associated with successful programs to in a job that was not traditionally held by prepare women for nontraditional blue-col- women were placed in a typically female job lar and technical occupations. These often in CETA. Only one-quarter of the women emerged from developing and maintaining whose prior jobs were female-typed were ties with local employers. assigned to a mixed or male occupation Many of the programs that provided train- (Waite and Berryman, 1984). Unfortu- ing for women for jobs that were usually nately,no programwide evaluations are predominantly male were model programs available of the effects of regulations to im- supported by federal funds that are no longer plement the 1978 amendment that required available. The success of some of them sug- programs to try to eliminate sex stereotyp- gests that job training programs for adult ing. Nor do we know much about whether women, when they provide for placement, nontraditional training within CETA was as- can open male-dominated occupations to sociated with sex-atypical employment in women. Large-scale federal programs ap- post-CETA jobs. pear to have been less successful at achiev- The across-the-board evaluations of CETA ing this outcome. It is important to consider obscure the success of many small programs why most training programs were quite seg- that CETA funds helped to support (Shuchat regated, despite the regulations. Most were with Guinier and Douglas, 1981). Some ex- administered by the same organizations that amples are a Denver program that placed had carried out earlier federal training pol- almost 900 women in 70 different trade oc- icies (e.g., the U.S. Employment Service, cupations over a nine-year period (Carruth- vocational schools, previous Manpower ers, 1980) and a Washington, D.C., program Administration programsHarlan, 1979), that trained and placed about 400 women in which had neither the experience nor the technical jobs in electrical, mechanical, and community support to create programs that automotive trades between 1977 and 1980 would recruit workers for or place them in (Gilbert, 1980). In both programs retention sex-atypical jobs. Within the local commu- rates ranged from 70 to 80 percent. The nities in which CETA was administered, the Women's Technical Institute (WTI) of Bos- same social forces and cultural beliefs ex- ton has informed and counseled approxi- isted that have impeded occupational de- mately 10,000 women about nontraditional segregation in educational institutions and technical jobs and trained almost 500 for the labor market. .., 118 106 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK The evaluations we have reviewed sup- rectly prepares up to 62 percent of the labor port two conclusions regarding the effec- force for entry-level jobs and up to 75 per- tiveness of federally funded training pro- cent of women for the jobs they presently grams. First,regulationsrequiring hold (Kane and Frazee, 1978). Thus, voca- nondiscrimination and affirmative action are tional education has substantial potential to not likely to be sufficient to achieve deseg- perpetuate or to reduce sex segregation in regation within job training programs with- the labor force. out both federal assistance in developing op- In Chapter 3 we showed that throughout erating mechanisms and strong enforcement this century vocational education has been to ensure their implementation. Second strongly segregated by sex. Moreover, the small programs specifically geared toward data, although they have certain weakness- training women for jobs that men have dom- es, suggest that vocational curricula are inated have been effective; their superior linked to people's subsequent jobs. It is like- effectiveness in realizing the federal goals of ly that if more women were trained for oc- reducing occupational sex stereotyping sug- cupations that men currently dominate, their gests that in the short-run most progress in representation in such occupations would training women for sex-atypical occupations increase. In this section we examine the im- may have to come from specially structured pact of laws passed in the 1960s and 1970s innovative programs. that prohibit sex discrimination and man- A recent evaluation of implementation by date sex equity in public vocational educa- the states of the Job Training Partnership tion. Act suggests that enforcement of equal em- ployment opportunity principles may be in- Laws, Regulations, and Enforcement effective. Eighty percent of the states lack Efforts any regulations concerning equal opportu- nity for their programs, and the Department The first law that addressed discrimina- of Labor has also not issued regulation:. nor tion in vocational education, Title VI of the has it taken any action against the states. 1964 Civil Rights Act, prohibited discrimi- The Labor Department's EEO enforcement nation based on race, color, or national or- staff has been reduced by more than two- igin. In 1972, Title IX of the Education thirds. Consequently, machinery for the Amendments extended the prohibition to prevention of sex (and other) discrimination include sex discrimination. However, the is lacking in the largest federally funded job authorized enforcement agency, then the training program (Illinois Unemployment Office of Education in the DepartMent of and Job Training Research Project, 1985). Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) failed to enforce either law until ordered by the court to do so following a 1973 suit (Ad- Vocational Education ams v. Califano). Among other things, HEW The only education curriculum to receive was directed to carry out compliance re- federal funds, vocational education draws al- views of state vocational education programs most half of all federal money allocated to and issue guidelines indicating how the two secondary education (Brenner, 1981). Since laws applied to vocational education (Bren- the 1970s, vocational education has been in- ner,1981). Three years later Congress cluded in prohibitions against sex discrim- amended the Vocational Education Act ination, most specifically in the 1976 amend- (Public Law 94-482) explicitly to promote ments to the Vocational Education Act, which sex equity. The 1976 amendments required mandate sex equity. It has been estimated states to develop and implement policies and that vocational education directly or indi- procedures to eliminate sex discrimination 119 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 107 and stereotyping in federally funded voca- they discovered in the required compliance tional education programs and provided fe,l- reviews, and some had not used all the fed- eral funds to promote equal access of the eral funds that were allocated because they sexes to vocational education.1° In recog- required state matching funds (National nition of the fact that high school girls were Coinmission for Employment Policy, 1980; often subtly discouraged or even overtly ex- Brenner, 1981). Brenner cites the example cluded from taking shop and technical cours- of Ohio, which spent only $2,000 of the es, the amendments also called for the states $42,000 allocated for model projects in 1978. to promote equal access of the sexes to all A study of 15 states revealed thet only in- vocational education programs. Each state frequently did the states' 1980 annual plans was required to employ a full-time sex eq- required by the vocational education uity coordinator, to allocate at least $50,000 amendments contain specific methods for for that position, and to assess and meet the carrying out stated intentions to promote sex needs of special groups such as displaced equity (National Advisory Council on Vo- homemakers, single heads of households, cational Education and the National Advi- and people moving into nontraditional jobs. sory Council on Women's Educational Pro- Regulations for implementing the amend- grams, 1980). For example, only four states ments were not issued until October 1977, required local agencies to recruit women and not until 1979 did the Office for Civil and men for sex-atypical programs in order Rights of the Department of Education to receive federal vocational education funds (newly separated from the old HEW) issue (Brenner, 1981). A case study of the suc- guidelines that outlined state responsibili- cessful New York State program, in contrast, ties for monitoring local programs and pro- indicated that the office was established as vide them with technical assistance to im- soon as the amendments were passed, it was plement the law. Thus, it may be rather soon adequately staffed and funded, and the di- to expect substantial progress. Moreover, rector reported directly to the State Direc- the historically highly segregated nature of tor of Vocational Education (National Com- vocational education, as well as the fact that mission for Employment Policy, 1980). when most vocational educators and admin- An in-depth evaluation of the extent to istrators established their careers sex seg- which state and local school districts in five regation in vocational education was seen as states (Idaho, Iowa, Massachusetts, Penn- natural and desirable, would retard the speed sylvania, and Wisconsin) have implemented with which changes would occur. the sex equity provisions of the Vocational The states have varied widely in their Education Act (VEA) (League of Women progress in implementing the regulations. Voters Education Fund, 1982) revealed that On the basis of interviews with vocational compliance at the local level was passive at education personnel in 49 states and the Dis- best. The districts they examined had done trict of t.::olumbia, Harrison (1980) charac- little to recruit students to or to ensure their terized state responses as largely "passive," retention in programs atypical to their sex Only one-third of the states reported that or to aid them in finding jobs. They found they were attempting to correct problems slow but growing support for sex equity in vocational education, largely at the state lev- el through the efforts of the sex equity co- ordinators. Prior to the VEA, these states 10 Steiger et al. (1979) provide a comprehensive re- had made few if any efforts toward sex equity view of the legislative history and goals of the 1976 Education Amendments (Public Law 94.482) of wind! inpublic vocational education, whereas Title II contained the provisions for sex equity in vo- within a few years after regulations and cational education. guidelines were issued, all had taken con- 120 108 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK crete steps and some had allotted over out reviews required by Title IX than those $150,000 toward sex equity. The report required by the Vocational Education Act. points out that recent federal and state budg- In sum, state and local efforts to imple- et cuts retard or eliminate the changes in ment the provisions of the 1976 amend- some states, however. ments as well as the provisions regarding The permissive rather than mandatory vocational education in Title IX have been form of some of the guidelines and the leni- uneven. Within states that took the regu- ent federal compliance procedures and in- lations seriously, however, changes have adequate enforcement mechanisms, which occurred. have had little if any impact at the local level, all make it unlikely that change will occur Changes in the Sex-Typing of Vocational more rapidly or more uniformly. Ultimately, Education of course, change must occur within local schools. At the local level, between 20 and It appearsalthough causal links have not 38 percent of the educational agencies in been establishedthat when schools en- one study took positive steps, including: couraged students to take sex-atypical sponsoring relevantresearch; educating courses, more students did so. Indeed, sig- students, employers, and community or- nificant although modest changes have oc- ganizations about inequities; encouraging curred during the 1970s in female students' student participationin sex-atypical pro- distribution across vocational programs. Two grams; providing guidance, counseling, or national studies (Steiger et al., 1979; Na- job placement services for students in nor- tional Advisory Council on Vocational Ed- traditional programs; and offering day care ucation and the National Advisory Council for the children of vocational students (Har- on Women's Educational Programs, 1980) rison, 1980). As one teacher observed, 'There and the five-state study cited above (League needs to be a conscious decision and com- of Women Voters Education Fund, 1982) mitment to the ideas of sex equity from the have been carried out to assess changes in superintendent of the school district on women's distribution across vocational pro- down." Yet most of the local administrators grams since the implementation of the 1976 who were interviewed thought that the reg- amendments. ulations were unnecessary, and some also Four points must be borne in mind in said that they would not do anything to pro- examining their results. First, the quality of mote sex equity unless required to by fed- some of the data, particularly those from the eral or state laws. federal Vocational Education Data System School districts have had more time to (VEDS), is questionable (Brenner, 1981). For implement the Title IX requirements for sex example, the VEDS data do not provide un- equity in vocational education. Of 100 local duplicated tabulations of student enroll- educational agencies surveyed by the Amer- ments, nor do they distinguish students who ican Institutes for Research (Harrison, 1980), took a few vocational courses from those who 81 percent reportedly had conducted or pursued a vocational program. Second, in planned to conduct the self-evaluations re- both the national and the state data, gains garding vocational education required by in some states and localities are offset by the Title IX. Slightly over 70 percent had re- absence of change in others. Third, as we viewed recruitment materials, 63 percent noted earlier, the regulations implementing had examined admissions practices, and half the laws are quite recent, so it may be too had reviewed curriculum materials. Thus, soon to observe much change. Fourth, we the districts were more likely to have carried cannot expect to see immediate conse- 121 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION M THE WORKPLACE 109 quences of changes in vocational education tion in technical fields and agriculture be- in the labor market. The proportions of tween 1976 and 1978, but entered trade and women enrolled in nontraditional vocational industrial fields in only small numbers. Much education programs are expected to increase less marked has been men's movement into faster than women's representation in re- occupationally linked home economicspro- lated occupations because of the time re- grams. quired to complete training and find jobs Federally collected data show thata higher (National Commission for Employment Pol- proportion of women are enrolling in courses icy, 1980), and barriers in the workplace may geared to paid employment. Between 1971 prevent some women from pursuing non- and 1978 the proportion of all femalevo- traditional occupations for which they cational students enrolled in non-employ- trained. With these qualifications in mind, ment-related home economics programs we turn to the data. dropped by 12 percent (U.S. Congress, In general, women continue to dominate House, 1982). Enrollment data from 15 states the programs that have been overwhelm- that account for 55 percent of the national ingly female since their inception and men enrollment in high school and adultvoca- those that were originally reserved for men. tional education programs showedan overall Although women's concentration in busi- rise in vocational education enrollments of ness and office, occupational home econom- 4.4 percent between 1972 and 1978, buta ics, and health programs declined between 60 percent increase in the number of women 1972 and 1976, the -eereentages leveled off enrolled (National Advisory Councilon over the next two years. Table 4-4 shows Women's Educational Programs, 1982). Na- trends across comparable data sets for 1972, tionally, between 1972 and 1978 theper- 1976, and 1978. Of the traditionally wale centage of women students in traditionally fields, women increased their representa- female courses fell from 90.4 to 83.4, while TABLE 4-4Percentage Female Enrollment in Vocational Education Programs by Program Area, 1972-1980 Program 1972 1976 1978 1980 Employment-related 41.1 36.6 45.7 Agriculture 5.3 11.3 17.3 17 Distribution 45.2 40.8 51.5 52 Health 84.6 78.7 78.0 75 Occupational home economics 86.0 84.7 82.4 76 Office 76.3 75.1 75.6 72 Technical 9.7 11.3 17.6 20 Trades and industry 11.6 12.7 15.4 18 Consumer and homemaking 92.1 83.2 80.2 71 Special programs 44.7 33.8 32.5 Guidance 48.8 46.5 Remedial 42.3 44.1 45.0 Industrial arts b 11.4 17.2 Others not elsewhere classified 21.2 33.3 Total 55.3 51.2 50.4 As of January 1985, 1978 was the latest year for which national summary data for vocational educationwere available in detail. bNot provided in summary data for these categories in 1972. SOURCE: National Commission for Employment Policy (1981:66). A 1 122 110 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK the percentage in mixed and nontraditional and the job market; obtaining full support classes increased from 52.8 to 56.8 percent from the host organization, especially in and from 5.4 to 11.1 percent, respectively community college settings, to maximize the (National Advisory Council on Vocational program's visibility and legitimacy; provid- Education and National Advisory Council on ing support services to participants, espe- Women's Educational Programs, 1980). The cially women who have children, using ratio of female to male enrollment in agri- existing services when possible; carefully culture increased by almost 14 percent be- planning and evaluating; and recruiting a tween 1972 and 1979 and that for technical competent staff who are dedicated to sex programs grew by 7.8 percent, while the equity, know the local labor market, and can proportion of young men in home economics serve as role models for participants. rose by 13 percent. Women's enrollment in nontraditional programs increased signifi- Students in Sex-Atypical Programs cantly faster at the postsecondary and adult education levels than in high schools. The experience of students in sex-atypical The data from 15 states point to some programs is not always without difficulties determinants of these changes. Women's and the outcomes of participating in such enrollment in nontraditional programs grew programs are somewhat unclear. We know fastest in states in which detailed plans in- more about the experiences and outcomes volving specific goals and timetables were of women in traditionally male programs than formulated. The closer the states scrutinized we do about those of men in traditionally schools, the more action they took to achieve female programs. sex equity (National Advisory Council on Women in both secondary and postsec- Vocational Education and National Advisory ondary sex-atypical programs felt that male Council on Women's Educational Programs, students had trouble adjusting to female 1980). Also, female role models in courses classmates, and believed that their teachers with a male or a "mixed" image and male expected more of them than of male students role models in courses with a female image (Kane et al., 1976; Kane and Frazee, 1978). may encourage both sexesto consider They also felt that males were better pre- broader career options (Rieder, 1977). One pared, having had more technical subjects effective project in North Carolina (A. Smith, in high school. More than half the women 1976) trained teachers in summer institutes in sex-atypical postsecondary programs felt and made consultants available who helped that their own high school education had not teachers implement innovative plans. The prepared them for such training, although results were dramatic: 1,000 women en- those who had taken several math and sci- rolled in agricultural courses in the state and ence courses felt better prepared, (In con- 700 in trade and industrial courses, and 1,300 trast, only 25 percent of women in sex-typical men enrolled in home economics courses. programs felt unprepared; Kane et al., 1976.) The Vocational Education Equity Study The proportion of women who expressed (desc ibed in National Advisory Council on problems depended on the number of Vocational Education and the National Ad- women in a class. In classes with six or more visory Council on Women's Educational women, 56 percent experienced problems, Programs, 1980) used case studies to identify compared with 78 percent of women in promising approaches for achieving sex eq- classes with fewer than four women. It ap- uity in vocational education. Effective strat- pears that the experiences of women being egies include establishing liaisons with trained in predominantly male areas are sim- employers; thoroughly orienting partici- ilar to those of women who take jobs in which pants as to what to expect in the program they are in the minority. 123 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 111 Unfortunately, we do not know very aiuch male-dominated occupations stand to gain about the labor market outcomes of women relative to those who do not. Although the who enrolled in customarily male vocational immediate employment impact of vocational courses. Two early studies (Wilms, 1974; education may be small as measured to date, Lewis and Kaltreider, 1976) reported that there are other important reasons to reduce only one-fifth to one-third of the women en- sex segregation in vocational education. First, rolled in nontraditional courses found jobs sex-segregated public school curricula closely related to their training. However, particularly courses designed to prepare stu- these ratios are still higher than the- prob- dents for employmentreinforce cultural abilities of working in male-dominated oc- assumptions of the propriety of women and cupations among the general population of men doing different work. Sex-integrated working women. Data for 1972 through 1976 classes implicity challenge these assump- show that both female and male students in tions and thus prepare young men and sex-typical vocational curricula were more women for working side by side on the same likely to plan to enter the occupation for jobs. Second, integrating vocationalcourses which they were training or to seek more can raise the awareness of sex stereotyping vocational training than were students in sex- of school counselors, vocational educators, atypical programs (Harrison et al., 1979). parents, and employers and provide a model Women enrolled in traditionally male pro- for sex equity. Third, sex-atypical vocational grams were less likely than men to select a education may enhance women's access to traditionally male occupation as their first male-dominated jobs by teaching themnec- choice (from a list of occupations provided essary mechanical skills and exposing them them). With respect to wages, Grasso and to occupations of which they are often un- Shea (1979) found that women in sex-typical aware, as well as by putting them into pools jobs, particularly those in clerical programs, from which employers often recruit for blue- outearned those in sex-atypical jobs at the collar jobs (Roos and Reskin, 1984). Most point when earnings were measured. En- important, for access to highly paid skilled rollment in a vocational track that prepared craft jobs, taking vocational education courses students for typically male blue-collar jobs contributes to the successful completion of did not yield higher wages for the women apprenticeships (Mertens and Gardner, studied, who were in a high school in the 1981). We expect that the importance,par- late 1960s. The negative wage effect of sex- ticularly for women, of participating insex- atypical vocational education could mean atypical education will become increasingly these women faced more slowly accelerating clear as programs improve and sufficient (but ultimately steeper) wage curves. Alter- numbers of women have participated to natively, they might have experienced wage demonstrate measurable effects. discrimination in heavily male occupations. We do not know whether the wage effect of taking male-oriented courses improved for Conclusion female high school graduates in the 1970s, Sex segregation across the major voca- when more women were doing so. tional program areas has declined signifi- Despite these mixed findings, there are cantly, almost certainly at least partly as a good reasons to expect that sex-atypical pro- result of the implementation of the Voca- grams do benefit women and contribute to tional Education Act and Title IX of the 1972 reducing sex segregation in the workplace. Education Amendments. We can drawsev- We know that over a lifetime, male.domi- eral conclusions about the effectiveness of nated occupations pay better than female federal legislation in providing a moresex- ones, and consequently women who enter equitable environment in the schools. First, 124 112 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK the differential success of various states in ing and sex discrimination in federally sup- implementing the 1976 Vocational Educa- ported education. These laws may contribute tion Amendments suggests that a legislative to reducing sex segregation in employment mandate coupled with federal money is not by modifying women's occupational social- enough. Active monitoring of schools, par- ization and by specifically preparing them ticularly the administration of pre- and in- for jobs typically held by males. Most im- service courses for teachers and counselors, portant of these laws is Title IX of the 1972 seems to be important. The data supportthe Educational Amendments. Title IX was the conclusion reached in the study mandated first law specifically designed to protect stu- by the 1976 Vocational Education Act and dents from sex discrimination. It covers ad- executed by the American Institutes for Re- missions, financial aid, and access to and search (Steiger et al., 1979): vocational ed- treatment in curricular and extracurricular ucators cannot assume that opening programs sponsored by educational insti- traditionally male programs to female stu- tutions and agencies. Thus, courses of study, dents will neutralize family and peer group counseling, and extracurricular activities are pressures; rather, affirmative programswill all included. It also prohibits discrimination be necessary to attract women to these pro- in the treatment of workers in educational grams. Second, for training to beeffective, programs that receive federal funds. programs must also have placement provi- Federal agencies that provide financial as- sions. Third, state programs that were most sistance to educational institutions are re- successful in attracting females to less tra- sponsible for enforcing Title IX and may ter- ditional specialties established a broad base minate funding if the recipients fail to of support for them by setting up orientation comply. Originally HEW had primary en- programs and providing connections with forcement responsibility. In 1977 the Office potential employers (Evenson and O'Neill, for Civil Rights (OCR), first in HEW and 1978). after 1980 in the Department of Education, assumed that responsibility. OCR investi- gates complaints and carries out compliance General Education reviews. When violations are detected, the In Chapter 3 we concluded that sex ster- agency seeks voluntary compliance. If ne- eotyping in teaching materials, the behavior gotiations are unsuccessful, OCR may ini- of teachers and counselors, and tracking lead tiate proceedings to terminate financial as- to sex differences in education and training, sistance or refer the case to the Department which in turn tend to perpetuate sex seg- of Justice for prosecution. In Grove City regation by limiting women's knowledge of, College v. Bell (104 S. Ct. 1211 [1984]), the interest in, and preparation for occupations Supreme Court narrowed the scope of Title that have been labeled male. In addition, IX to only those specific programs that re- sex differences in high schoolmathematics ceived federal funds whereas OCR had been training, type of vocational training, college applying an institutionwide definition of the major, professional training, and postgrad- impact of federal funding. The Justice De- uate study all have implications for students' partment's position in the Grove City case subsequent occupational opportunities. provides another illustration of the signa. cant shift in civil rights policies between the current and previous administrations (Pe- Laws, Regulations, and Enforcement terson, 1985a). Whereas previously the OCR Efforts had applied Title IX broadly, the Justice During the 1970s, Congress passed sev- Department in 1983 entered the Grove City eral laws designed to reduce sex stereotyp- case on the side of limiting the applicability 125 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 113 of Title IX, changing the government's po- were closed without an investigation. When sition by submitting a second brief. The De- HEW did obtain commitments from school partment of Education immediately an- officials to eliminate illegal practices, OCR nounced plans to drop many pending cases did not monitor whether they actually did against colleges and universities. Since the so. The large number of school districts Grove City decision, a congressional reso- against which no complaints had been filed lution supporting the broader interpretation were not adequately monitored. It is diffi- has been passed and legislation to mandate cult to determine how much enforcement a broader interpretation, called the Civil has improved subsequently, but the OCR Rights Restoration Act of 1985, is pending. director commented that HEW's enforce- The administration opposes the proposed ment efforts had been neither widespread legislation; debate has been intense, and how nor energetic (U.S. Commission on Civil the issue will be resolved is not clear. Rights, 1980). In the Women's Educational Equity Act In December 1977 in Adams v. Califano, (WEA) of 1974 and 1978, and in subsequent the Court directed HEW and the Depart- reauthorizations in 1981 and 1984, Congress ment of Labor to institute enforcement pro- authorized funding for model programs to ceedings. Approximately 20,000 school eliminate sex stereotyping and promote districts and institutions of higher education educational equity for women and girls. The receive federal assistance, but the OCR WEA provides grants, contracts, and tech- completed only 5 compliance reviews in 1978 nical assistance for developing materials and and 24 in 1979 (U.S. Commission on Civil model programs to achieve educational eq- Rights, 1980). Between 1972 (when Title IX uity for girls and women. It also provides was enacted) and 1980, OCR issued 33 no- grants to help school districts and other in- tices of intent to initiate administrative pro- stitutions meet the requirements of Title IX ceedings to terminate funds and actually (U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bu- proceeded to hearings in only a few cases reau, 1982a). Thus, Title IX prohibits dis- (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1980). crimination and the Women's Educational Five cases that involved employment dis- Equity Act is geared toward encouraging crimination were referred to the Depart- intervention strategies to promote sex eq- ment of justice for prosecution through 1980, uity. but the department declined to act on any Implementation of till: sex equity and of them (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, antidiscrimination laws directed at educa- 1980). As of 1980, no school had ever lost tional institutions was slow. Although Con- federal funds for noncompliance (Project on gress approved Title IX in1972,final the Status and Education of Women, 1981). regulations implementing it were not issued In 1981 the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights by HEW until 1976. The Project on Equal reported that, although the Office for Civil Education Rights (1978) of the National Or- Rights, then the authorized enforcement ganization for Women's Legal Defense and agency, had made improvements, enforce- Education Fund outlined other reasons why ment of Title IX was still unduly slow and Title IX had little effect during its first four at times inadequate (Project on the Status years. A large backlog of complaints had ac- and Education of Women, 1981). In the same cumulated by 1976. Students change schools year, an evaluation by the National Advisory frequently, so complainants could not be lo- Council on Women's Educational Programs cated and complaints were often moot by (1981) concluded that progress had oc- the time HEW responded. Investigations curred, but offered only anecdotal evidence were allegedly often perfunctory, and 22 documenting this conclusion. percent of the cases filed during the period Studies of particular enforcement r&gions t. 1126 114 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK trace the consequences of enforcement in- that has statistically estimated the impact of activity (Miller and Associates; Michigan Title IX on sex equity in higher education. Department of Education; both cited in U.S. The law was passed when strong political Commission on Civil Rights, 1980). A study pressure pushed for sex equity in education, of one region found few of the schools in full and its passage may have fueled that move- compliance and many exerting only minimal ment. Women's participation in professional efforts to comply. This poor record resulted and postgraduate education has increased, partly because they had not received ade- and sex segregation across college majors has quate information regarding their obliga- declined (see Chapter 3). Research has not tions or the guidelines for implementing the established, however, the extent to which requirements, but also partly because they Title IX has contributed to these changes. did not take the threat ofsanctions seriously. The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (1980) Exemplary Programs found that when both OCR staff and recip- ient institutions knew that sanctions would We located little research assessing spe- not be imposed, the former pressed in ne- cific programs to combat occupational sex- gotiations for compromise rather than full role stereotyping in secondary schools. Ac- corn :')fiance. According to the Commission cording to a review by Evenson and O'Neill on Civil Rights, several studies have shown (1978), the following factors contribute to that adequate technical assistance, particu- the effectiveness of such programs: in-ser- larly in self-evaluation, promotes voluntary vice training for school staff, basing course compliance, but that this assistance has not content on students' actual experiences, early often been offered by OCR staff. intervention, providing follow-up support, In sum, the OCR has been criticized as and involving parents in support networks. being slow to issue guidelines and process For example, Project Eve in the Houston complaints and for showing little commit- school system, which provided information, ment to discovering violations or helping counseling, and encouragement to high institutions prevent them (U.S. Commission school girls, resulted in increased female en- on Civil Rights, 1980)." No research exists rollments in every vocational course, and dramatic increases in auto mechanics, met- als, radio and television, plumbing, and air conditioning courses (Evenson and O'Neill, 11 In view of the minimal enforcement efforts, it is 1978). The importance of institutional in- perhaps not surprising that changes regarding employ- volvement is suggested by the fact that one ment in educational institutions covered by Title IX have not been dramatic. In 1974 women were 13 per- review (Beach, 1977) could locate no in- cept of elementary and secondary school principals; stance in which individual teachers or coun- four years later their share of these jobs had increased selors initiated change on their own. by 1 percentage point (National Advisory Council on Evaluations of programs to increase girls' Women's Educational Programs, 1981). Between 1972- enrollment in mathematics courses and to 1973 and 1980-1981, the number of female school su- perintendents increased from 65 in 13,000 (Brenner, encourage women's participation in science 1981) to 154 in 16,000 (National Advisory Council on and engineering suggest that some have been Women's Educational Programs, 1981). Women col- quite effective. For example, in an experi- lege faculty, usually covered by Title IX as well as the ment in which fourth through sixth graders amended Executive Order 11246 and Title VII of the were asked to figure out how science toys 1964 Civil Rights Act, showed progress on some di- mensions, such as salary, but the sex disparity in the worked (described in Rossi, 1965), some girls percentage who were tenured widened (Astin and Sny- were reluctant to take part, explaining that der, 1982). girls were not supposed to know about such 127 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 115 things. The children's teachers and parents of the girls had four years of math (Brenner, were informed of this result and its impli- 1981). It seems unlikely that these changes cations for the girls' understanding of sci- are due primarily to special programs, but ence. When the experiment was repeated many such programs have been demonstra- the following year, girls did the task willingly bly succesF"ul (Fox, 1981). and with apparent enjoyment, and the sexes Since 1974 the National Science Foun- performed almost identically. Some reme- dation (NSF) has supported experimental dial programs serve adult women who are programs to encourage women to pursue either returning to school or in the labor careers in science, mathematics, and engi- force; others at the secondary level attempt neering. In 1976 Congress authorized NSF to change the learning environment or at- to develop methods to increase the flow of titudes of girls, their teachers, or parents. women into scientific careers. Over the next A model remedial program demonstrably in- four years, NSF funded programs at 99 col- creased women's career aspirations (Ernest, leges and universities as well as a Visiting 1976; MacDonald, 1980). Woman Scientist Program for high school Effective programs use varioustech- students. Evaluation indicated that high niques, including female instructors who schools welcomed the women scientists' vis- serve as role models or mentors and prein- its, which encouraged girls to seek infor- struction counseling to reduce any anxiety mation about scientific careers (Lantz et al., toward mathematics. Casserly (1982) sur- 1980). NSF also support' -rograms topre- veyed several high school programs to de- pare women with bacheh.... or master's de- termine what factors were most effective in grees in the sciences to enter and find encouraging girls' study of mathematics. employment in fields in which women were More important than parents or peers were markedly underrepresented. Extensive teachers, especially those with a mathe- evaluation indicates that these programs also matics or science background (rather than a were very successful. Lantz's conclusions re- background in mathematics education), with garding successful programs to encourage advanced degrees, and with prior profes- women to pursue scientific careers probably sional employment that used their math hold also for nonscience programs: they skills. Adult role models also apparently il- should identify and eliminate barriers in the lustrate the value of mathematics. Fennema workplace, alter management's perceptions (1983) found that young women avoided of women's potential contributions, increase mathematics courses because they were less women's understanding of what employers likely than men to believe that math is use- want, and create support systems for women. ful, and that a brief intervention changed In 1981 the National Science Foundation that belief. The evidence that all-female Authorization and Science and Technology classes are more effective is rather strong Equal Opportunities Act was passed to fur- (Fox, 1981; Casserly, 1982). At the aggregate ther encourage full participation by women level, several data sets show a narrowing of and minorities in scientific, engineering, and the sex differential in mathematics back- technical fields. Preliminary evaluations of ground: 1960 Project Talent data revealed some of the programs NSF has supported that 9 percent of the girls and 33 percent of under this and the 1976 act suggest that the boys took four years of high school math- model projects designed to increase wom- ematics; the 1977-1978 National Assessment en's participation in engineering have been of Educational Progress data for 1,776 high more effective than those oriented toward school seniors showed considerable conver- science (Lantz et al., 1982). Several expla- gence: 31 percent of the boys and 27 percent nations for this difference are possible. Not ; 128 116 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK only did the engineering schools as a group tionally greater responsibility of women for cooperate, but a bachelor's degree in en- family and child care and housework affects gineering is often a terminal degree that their labor market participation in a variety qualifies the holder for a job, and job op- of ways. Interventions by the federal gov- portunities recently have been excellent. ernment aimed at changing the traditional division of labor between the sexes have been virtually nonexistent, but in recent years Conclusion some effort has been directed toward at- The impact of federal laws prohibiting dis- tempting to accommodate women's respon- crimination in federally supported public sibilities, particularly for children, to their education on reduced sex segregation in the wage-work lives. For the most part, these workplace is difficult to measure, but it is accommodations have also been available to probably not large. Implementation of Title men. IX has been slow, and few school districts Before turning to them, however, we point or universities have been reviewed for com- out that several long-established areas of pliance with the law. The decline in sex dif- federal policy actually reinforce the tradi- ferences in various educational achievements tional division of labor between women and during the 1970s cannot be directly attrib- men. The federal income tax system (and uted to the existence or enforcement of an- many state systems as well) treat the family tidiscrimination laws, although some state as the tax-paying unit and use a progressive and regional studies show a link between rate structure. As Gordon (1979a) and others amount of enforcement of Title IX and have pointed out, these two practices tend changes in certain indicators. In general, to discourage the labor market participation little scientific research has been carried out of secondary family earners, usually women. to evaluate the effectiveness of various pro- Because wives generally earn less than their gram: to combat occupational sex stereo- husbands, their earnings are viewed as the typing in the schools. Sundry evidence additional or marginal earnings, which are suggests that when decision makers are com- taxed at higher rates because of the pro- mitted to sex equity, staff are more coop- gressivity of the tax structure. Although the erative and change more likely. Evaluation joint taxation of the husband and wife and of programs designed to encourage girls and the income-splitting provisions of the fed- women to study mathematics and science eral tax code benefit families with a non- have shown them to be effective. Generally, wage-earning wife, they actually provide a the evidence suggests that small: programs disincentive to the married working couple funded under sex equity laws have been more who pay higher taxes together than if they likely to succeed than large-scale interven- were not married. This marriage penalty is tions, probably because of the difficulties in generally greatest when husbands and wives ensuring the implementation of the latter at earn similar incomes in the middle and up- the local level. per income ranges. It has come under in- creasing scrutiny inrecent years,as increasing numbers of women work for INTERVENTIONS TO ACCOMMODATE wages. Despite the recent addition of a tax FAMILY RESPONSIBILITIES credit for working spouses, however, the We noted in the previous chapter that, penalty has not been entirely eliminated. despite mixed empirical evidence linking The social security system also rewards the women's work in family care to specific labor traditional family at the expense of the work- market outcomes such as job segregation and ing couple (Gordon, 1979b). Again because lower wages, it seems likely that the tradi- women's earnings tend to be lower than those 129 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 117 of their husbands, women often receive administered, and under block grants most higher retirement benefits by claiming the local programs preferred to use theirre- benefits they are entitled to as spouses rather sources in other ways that provided more than those based on their own earnings. In visible payoffs. No national data exist on the essence this means that the return a wife number of women who received child care gets on her payments as a worker over her under CETA since it was grouped with other lifetime are nil. In general, working couples social services supported with CETA funds. get a lower return to their social security Because these programs have been geared payments than do single-earner couples. toward low-income women, eligibility re- Such policies, while they may not contribute quirements involve maximum income levels directly to job segregation by sex, provide that may actually restrict women's oppor- negative incentives to women's paid em- tunities. The U.S. Commission on Civil ployment in general and accordingly prob- Rights report on child care and equal op- ably affect women's careers at work as well. portunity for women (1981b) noted instances of women forced to turn down better-paying Child Care and less sex-stereotyped jobs to avoid ex- cecding the allowable income and thus los- Except during periods of war and depres- ing eligibility for child care assistance. sion, the role of the federal government in Recently the federal government's policy providing organized child care has been small toward child care has shifted from providing (U.S. Department of Labor, Manpower direct support or subsidies to child carecen- Administration, 1975). Over the past 20 ters to offering tax credits to individuals and years, however, the federal government and providing incentives to employers. De- some private employers have tried to reduce pending on their income, employed parents the constraint that the lack of child care rep- can deduct between 20 and 30 percent of resents for many women. The federal efforts child care expenses from the taxes theyowe, have included both direct subsidies to child thereby reducing the financial burden child care centers as well as tax credits to parents care represents. Not everyone can afford the and tax incentives to employers. Federal remaining costs or obtain acceptable care, legislation that provides funds for child care however. The 1971 Revised Order 4 that services sought to reduce poverty by en- the Office of Federal Contract Compliance abling low-income mothers to participate in issued as a guideline for Executive Order job training programs or enter the labor force. 11246 recognized that federal contractors can These programs included Head Start, Aid provide child care to employees as a form to Families With Dependent Children, c affirmative action. It does not require them WIN, and CETA (U.S. Department of La- to do so, however, and it seems unlikely that bor, Manpower Administration, 1975; U.S. many have implemented the suggestion. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, Branches of the military, in contrast with 1982b).12 But these programs have been other federal employers, have often provid- helpful to varied and often limited degrees ed extensive child care facilities (U.S. De- (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1981b). partment of Labor, Women's Bureau, For example, CETA programs were locally 1982b). Other public and private employers also address employees' child care needs through direct subsidies, on-site facilities, 12 Other federal programs are discussed in greater sick-child programs, and participation with detail in reports on day care by the U.S. Commission other employers in child care consortia. In on Civil Rights (19816) and the Women's Bureau (U.S. 1981 the Economic Recovery Tax Actre- Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, 1982b). vised the Internal Revenue Service code to 118 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK allow employers to provide child care ser- workers, not only because many women de- vices as a tax-free benefit to employees (Ka- pend on these jobs for income, but also be- merman and Kingston, 1982). Both em- cause the availability of well-paying, career- ployees and employers report benefits from enhancing part -time work would contribute workplace child care facilities (U.S. De- to a general reassessment of the allocation partment of Labor, Women's Bureau, of paid employment and family work be- 1982b), including a decline in turnover and tween husbands and wives. Of course, flexi- absenteeism, improved employee morale time and job sharing cannot foster women's and productivity, and public relations and integration into predominantly male jobs or recruiting benefits to the company. men's greater participation in family work if they are available primarily in the tradition- ally female sectors. Flexible Work Scheduling Employers can also mitigate the con- CONCLUSION straints that women's child care responsi- bilities place on their access to certain jobs During the 1960s and 1970s numerous by permitting workers of both sexes flexi- federal laws and regulations were enacted bility in scheduling their working hours. The and promulgated prohibiting certain forms potential benefit to working parents of "flexi- of discrimination in employment, training, time" or related alternatives such as job shar- and education. Assessing their effect is not ing and voluntary compressed workweeks is easy. Enforcement agencies have had in- obvious. A wide range of public and private adequate resources and enforcement has employers have experimented with permit- been uneven. Evaluation has not had a high ting employees more flexibility in schedul- priority for agencies, and statistical attempts ing their working hours (Barrett, 1979). Many are weakened by the difficulty of ruling out federal agencies have instituted various forms alternative explanations. In particular, the of flexitime and recent civil service legisla- prominence of the women's movement dur- tion requires that a certain proportion of ing these same years, and its contributions federal jobs be available on a part-time basis, not only to the passage of the laws but also with all of the protections and benefits ac- to changes in attitudes and behavior, com- corded full-time workers. While we discov- plicates the study of cause and effect. Never- ered no assessment of the impact of flexible theless, a variety of evidence suggests that work scheduling on women's access to tra- these remedies have contributed to ob- ditionally male jobs, workers as well as su- served decreases in occupational segrega- pervisors overwhelmingly judge experi- tion. mental programs as successful (Krucoff, Several types of evidence, both direct and 1981). One project that sought to encourage indirect, demonstrate the impact of antidis- employers to permit flexible work sched- crimination laws and regulations in the em- uling for welfare mothers participating in ployment area. First, information about par- WIN garnered considerable cooperation ticularestablishmentsagainstwhich (U.S. Department of Labor, Employment enforcement agencies brought action or and Training Administration, 1977). Part- about industries that were targeted for spe- time work is more frequently available in cial enforcement efforts provide the most traditionally female jobs than others and is direct evidence. Although compliance often penalized by the lack of fringe benefits agreements have often not been adequately and advancement opportunities.Barrett monitored, evidence for some cases (e.g., (1979) points out the importance of impro AT&T, the steel industry) shows clear in- ing the working conditions of part-time creases in women's representation in jobs 131 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 119 that had been held almost exclusively by sors in developing tactics. Increasing wom- men. Considerable change has also occurred en's representation in managerial jobs de- in women's participation in formerly pre- manded fewerspecialpractices.In dominantly male jobs in the three industries organizations that were most successful in that the Office for Contract Compliance Pro- broadening the occupational outcomes of grams targeted for special enforcement ef- women, top-level management was typically forts: banking, insurance, and mining. Sec- committed to equal employment opportu- ond, in-depth studies of federal contractors nity. Successful organizations set goals and in construction revealed a broad consensus timetables, established monitoring systems, that the goals required by contract compli- and allocated sufficient resources. ance regulations accounted for women's small Studies of women in apprenticeship pro- gains in construction jobs. Third, increas- grams indicate that genuine affirmative ef- essometimes dramaticin women's rep- forts, required by guidelines issued by the resentation in several male-dominated Department of Labor in 1978, are effective professions (for example, accounting, engi- in attracting women to male-dominated pro- neering, law) have been credited by many grams, but that typical features of appren- either directly or indirectly to affirmative ticeship programs, such as age limits, dis- action. Fourth, after the Equal Employment courage women from participating in them. Opportunity Act (1972) extended the pro- Pretraining appears to enhance women's tection of Title VII to federal employees, chances to qualify for programs and to suc- the representation of women in higher grades ceed within them. Available evidence sug- increased. Fifth, surveys of large establish- gests that the regulations requiring equal ments indicated that awareness of federal employment opportunity for women in fed- enforcement by top management is common erally registered apprenticeship programs and is associated with successful programs have contributed to women's small gains in to integrate male-dominated jobs. Finally, customarily male programs. Although en- statistical studies of the effect of Title VII or forcement has reportedly been minimal, the executive order barring discrimination where good faith efforts have been made, by federal contractors show positive enforce- women's representation has increased. In a ment effects. Although some of these studies few instances in which strong efforts were can be individually criticized, taken togeth- documented (e.g., the maritime industry, er they suggest that antidiscrimination laws the construction industry in Seattle), wom- have modest effects in the intended direc- en's gains have been more impressive. The tion. least progress has occurred in construction- With respect to employer initiatives, related programs, in which informal barriers companies have used a wide varlet) of mech- and employer resistance are reportedly high. anisms that were outside their normal per- Since many of these programs fall under the sonnel practices to place women in jobs sel- executive order for federal contractors, es- dom held by them. Sometimes internal labor tablished goals and enforcement tools exist; marketsincluding job requirements, sen- their implementation has apparently been iority systems, and job laddershad to be problematic. restructured. In blue-collar jobs, success re- Federally funded employment training quired innovative recruitment programs, in programs, evidence indicates, have done lit- some cases involving outside agencies that tle to reduce segregation. Although a 1978 specialized in preparing women for such po- amendment to the 1973 Comprehensive sitions. Pretraining and on-the-job training Employment and Training Act (CETA) stip- proved to be very important, as did support ulated that all programs contribute to elim- systems and involving immediate supervi- inating sex stereotyping, most CETA pro- 132 120 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK grains were segregated by sex. Nevertheless, as female role models and counseling, to CETA supported some very effective small neutralize peer group pressures. They have programs specifically geared toward training also developed ties with the community, fos- women for sex-atypical occupations. Fed- tered contacts with prospective employers, erally sponsored training programs have de- and provided special training and support monstrably fostered women's integration into services for vocational instructors. certain occupations when they were admin- Title IX of the 1972 Educational Amend- istered with this goal. The new programs ments was designed to protect students from under the Job Training Partnership Act (ef- sex segregation in educational programs at fective in 1983) do not generally have effec- all levels, but its implementation was slow tive EEO enforcement mechanisms. and few school districts or universities have Vocational education in the public schools, been reviewed for compliance with the law. which prepares many students for jobs, has Sex differences in various educational out- been highly sex-segregated since its incep- comes (years of mathematics, college major, tion. Although the effects of vocational ed- graduate and professional study) did decline ucation on students' subsequent employ- during the 1970s, however. Although these ment outcomes are not well documented or declines cannot be directly attributed to the understood, it seems likely that vocational existence or enforcement of antidiscrimi- education has helped to prepetuate sex seg- nation laws, some state and regional studies regation in the workplace. The 1976 Voca- observed a link between enforcement of Ti- tional Education Amendments addressed this tle IX and women's gains on certain indi- by requiring federally funded vocational cators. Generally, however, little scientific programs to eliminate sex stereotyping and research has been carried out to evaluate sex discrimination and specifying mecha- the effectiveness of programs geared toward nisms for the individual states to achieve increasing sex equity in the schools. A few these goals. The states have varied consid- evaluations do suggest the importance of erably in their responses. In those that im- commitment by decision makers for genuine plemented the regulations fully, female en- efforts by staff and for real progress. In con- rollment in sex-atypical courses increased. trast to the limited assessments of the impact States with detailed plans including goals of Title IX, evaluations of programs designed and timetables have shown the greatest de- to increase girls' and women's participation cline in segregation. The varying degrees of in scientific and mathematics educationin progress across the states indicate that fed- particular, programs funded by NSFshow eral funds for desegregating along with a them to have effectively trained women in legislative mandate is not enough. Active these fields. We know less about their in- monitoring of schools is essential. direct impact on women's subsequent entry Overall, segregation across major voca- into these fields, but in view of the strong tional program areas has declined. Women link between training and professional em- continue to be concentrated in stereotypi- ployment in science, it seems likely that they cally female programs, however, and most have helped to reduce sex segregation in integration has occurred in programs with- scientific and technical occupations. The re- out a strong masculine image, such as draft- sults for programs aimed at reducing sex ing and graphic arts. The most successful stereotyping and promoting sex equity in state programs have established a broad base education are consistent with those we have of support for women in mixed and nontra- seen for job training programs: small but ditional courses. Effective local programs adequately funded programs are more likely have used affirmative action to attract stu- to show measurable success than large-scale dents and have developed procedures, such interventions, probably because of the dif- 1.33 REDUCING SEX SEGREGATION IN THE WORKPLACE 121 ficulties in ensuring the implementation of gations and compliance reviews completed the latter at the local level. We must point annually has increased steadily, the number out, however, that despite the success of of administrative complaints filed and de- several exemplary programs, there is no evi- barments has fallen, and the proportion of dence that the effects on sex segregation in cases closed without investigation has risen. the workplace of federal laws prohibiting Similarly in the EEOC, the agency's budget discrimination in federally funded education and number of authorized positions were are large. significantly reduced, the settlement rate fell Improving women's employment oppor- nearly 20 percent, and the no-cause rate tunities by seeking to better accommodate increas.2d about 10 percent. women's family responsibilities to the de- The evidence reviewed above suggests mands of the work world has not been a that, in the employment area, quotas, goals, common domain of federal interventions. and timetables have been important in in- Indeed, many federal policies, particularly creasing opportunities for women and mi- in income taxation and social security ben- norities. At the same time, public opinion efits, tend to reinforce a division of labor is divided with respect to their efficacy and within the family in which one adult takes fairness. With recent changes in the philos- primary responsibility for wage earning and ophy and practice of federal civil rights en- one takes primary responsibility for family forcement, the current administration is care. These policies are increasingly prob- moving away from these remedies. Since lematic in an era when the majority of wom- 1981 for example, the Department of Jus- en work for wages throughout much of their tice 'has joined several cases to argue against lives. In several surveys, women state that the use of quotas in hiring, promotion, and lack of adequate child care limits their par- layoZs.It has interpreted the Supreme ticipation in the labor market. While it is Court's decision in Firefighters v. Stotts (104 not clear to what extent inadequate child S.Ct. 2576 [1984)) broadly, arguing that it care contributes directly to sex segregation, suggests that all court-ordered quotas are improved availability of child care would no illegal. Many civil rights lawyers believe the doubt improve women's employment op- decision applies only to court orders that go portunities generally. We note that the im- beyond original consent decrees and that the proved availability of child care is important major impact of the decision will be on sen- for fathers and children as well as mothers. iority and layoffs. To date the Justice De- Finally, we report and comment on recent partment view has been rejected by the fed- changes in civil rights policy and enforce- eral district and appellate courts.13 The ment. Several measures indicate that the federal enforcement effort has decreased since 1980. According to the Office of Man- agement and Budget, total government out- 13 See EEOC v. Local 638 ... Local 28 of Sheet lays for civil rights enforcement have de- Metal Workers' Intenutanull Association, 759 F.2d clined in real terms by 15 percent between 1172, 1185-86 (2d Cir. 1985); Turner v. Orr, 759 F.2d 1980 and 1983. Moreover, since 1980, as 817 (11th Cir. 1985); Vanguards of Cleveland v. City of Cleveland, 753 F.2d 479 (6th Cir. 1985); Dias v. reported by Burbridge (1984), the number AT&T, 752 F.2d 1356, 1360 & n. 5 (9th Cir. 1985); of employment discrimination cases filed in Janowiak v. Corporate City of South Bend, 750 F.2d the courts has grown by more than 50 per- 557 (7th Cir. 1984); Van Aken v. Young, 750 F.2d 43 cent, but cases filed by the U.S. government (6th Cir. 1984);Johnson v. Transportation Agency, 748 have declined by more than 25 percent. Bur- F.2d 1308, 1314 (9th Cir. 1984); Wygant v. Jackson Board of Education, 746 F.2d (6th Cir. 1984), bridge also reports that, in the OFCCP, al- cert. granted 104 S. Ct....(1985); Krotnnick v. School though the number of corr.p!aint investi- District of Philadelphia, 739 F.2d 894 (3rd Cir. 1984), 122 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK Department of justice also changed its po- though this shift is viewed by its proponents sition on the Grove City College case, ar- as more effective in advancing their concept guing, in its second brief, for a narrow inter- of equal opportunity, some observers have pretation of Title IX. interpreted these changes as reduced com- The evidence also shows that leadership mitment to equal opportunity (Peterson and commitment to equal opportunity and 1985a, 1985b; Williams, 1985b). Obviously, affirmative action are important to their ef- evidence about the effectiveness of the new fective implementation. The recent changes policy directions in terms of employment in the direction of federal civil rights policy opportunities for women and minorities is clearly signal a shift in the philosophy of not yet available. However, the evidence appropriate enforcement and remedies. Al- discussed above suggests that policies intro- duced during the preceding two decades have been effective in improving employ- cert. denied, 104 S. Ct.(1985); Crawl v. Cityof Mad- ment opportunities for women and minor- ison, 738 F.2d 786 (7th Cir. 1984). ities when adequately enforced. 135 Findings and 5Recommendations We began our examination of sex segre- than the well known 59 cents, and in the gation in the workplace by describing why absence of job-level segregation the gap it is costly for both individuals and society. would be still smaller.' Sex segregation affects the lives of many These economic consequences must be Americans. Women of all racial and ethnic considered in light of the fact that the ma- backgrounds are increasingly likely to be in jority of employed women either support the labor force and to work for more of their themselves and their dependents or f.-on- adult lives; more than half of all women are tribute their earnings to the income of fam- now in the labor force in any year. The vast ilies in which husbands have below-average majority of these women work in predom- earnings. This is especially true for minority inantly female occupations. The most seri- women. Working in a predominantly female ous consequence of this segregation is the occupation lowers the wages of both female persistent wage gap between the sexes. and male workers, but women in such oc- In 1981 white women who were employed cupations, on average, earn even less than full-time year-round earned less than 60 per- their male counterparts. The consequences cent of what white males earned; black of women's income loss due to job segre- women earned 76 percent of what black men gation extend beyond their years in the labor earned; and Hispanic women earned 73 per- force. Because segregatiwi depresses their cent of what Hispanic men earned. In ad- wages, upon retirement women receive dition, black women earned 54 percent and lower social security and pension benefits. Hispanic women earned 52 percent of what Nonwage consequences of sex segregation white men earned. Approximately 35-40 have been less fully documented, but evi- percent of this wage gap can be attributed dence clearly shows that female-dominated to occupational segregation, and sex segre- occupations provide less on-the-job training gation within occupations apparently ac- counts for much of the remaining disparity. Hence, in the absence of occupational-level 1 This computation is based on data in "20 Facts on segregation, women would earn about 75 Women Workers" (U.S. Department of Labor, Wom- cents for every dollar a man earns rather en's Bureau. 1982). 123 136 124 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK and fewer opportunities for advancement. dined by nearly 10 percent between 1972 Some people have also argued that women's and 1981, more than it had during any pre- resulting lower income and occupational sta- vious decade in this century. Much of this tus reduce their bargaining power in the decline was due to women's increased par- household and contribute to the unequal di- ticipation in many occupations that were 20- vision of domestic work. In addition to these 60 percent female in 1970 as well as to the adverse consequences for individuals and decline in the size of some female-domi- their families, human resources are wasted nated occupations, rather than to the entry when workers are allocated to jobs on the of women (or men) into the most atypical basis of gender (and often race or ethnicity) jobs for their sex. rather than ability. Nevertheless, sex segregation continues Whenever sex segregation reflects bar- to characterize the American workplace, de- riers and constraints rather than choice, it spite the changes that have occurred in some is at odds with American values regarding occupations. Millions of women continue to equality of opportunity. We do not believe work in a small number of almost totally that full equality of opportunity necessarily female clerical and service occupations, and requires the policy goal of eliminating all men continue to make up the majority of segregation in employment, so that all jobs workers in the majority of occupations. The would have equal proportions of women and segregation index computed across several men. How much job segregation would exist hundred detailed census occupational cat- in the absence of artificial barriers of various egories stood at 62 in 1981, indicating that kinds is unknowable, but it is our judgment 62 percent of all female or male workers that job segregation by sex would be sub- would have to shift to an occupation cur- stantially reduced if barriers were removed. rently dominated by members of the other In this chapter we summarize our find- sex in order for the distributions of female ings, which appear in somewhat greater de- and male workers across occupations to be tail at the end of each of the preceding identical and for occupational sex segrega- chapters, and make recommendations for tion to be totally eliminated. This measure reducing sex segregation. We also identify of segregation understates the amount of sex issues that require further research. segregation in jobs, since it does not capture the considerable amount of segregation within many occupations and across estab- SUMMARY OF FINDINGS lishments. As successive generations of young black women have found jobs in clerical and Measuring Sex Segregation professional occupations, rather than in the During the past decade women's occu- low-paid service occupations to which their pational options have unquestionably ex- mothers and grandmothers were largely re- panded. Their participation has increased stricted, the occupational distribution of sharply in several occupations previously black women increasingly resembles that of predominantly male by tradition or policy: white women. Racial segregation in the for example, lawyers, bank managers, in- workplace among both sexes has declined surance adjusters, postal clerks, bus drivers, sharply over the past 40 years. Younger co- and janitors, among others. In other occu- horts of all races experience somewhat less pations, women's representation is small but sex segregation in the workplace than the increasing rapidly, for example: coal miners, general population. Moreover, over the past police officers, and engineers. The overall 10 years the sexes have increasingly selected index of occupational sex segregation de- similar college majors, and the proportions 137 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 125 of students in professional schools who are reviewed, however, fails to support the ar- female have increased dramatically. It is too gument that women's occupational out- soon to know how these young w .men en- comes result primarily from free choices that tering new occupations will fare, but wom- they make in an open market. It suggests en's very presence in these formerly male rather that women face discrimination and occupations signals an important social institutional barriers in their education, change that should make the path for their training, and employment. Often the op- successors easier. portunities that women encounter in the la- At the same time, over the remainder of bor market and in premarket training and this decade the overall level of segregation education constrain their choices to a narrow is projected to decline only very slightly set of alternatives. between 1 and 5 points, to somewhat less In reviewing explanations for sex segre- than 60 in 1990primarily because most of gation, we considered the role of cultural the occupations in which the greatest ab- beliefs; barriers to employment, including solute growth in jobs is expected are still discrimination; socialization, education, and predominantly of one sex. Although the pro- training; famlly responsibilities; and the op- jections of employment growth may be in- portunity structure. correct and some sex-neutral occupations may grow especially rapidly, only under the Cultural Beiefs r .ost optimistic assumptions is the index ex- pected to continue to decline at the same Beliefs tibout differences between the rate as it did in the 1970s. The overall per- sexes that are grounded in Western cultural sistence in the aggregate level of segega- values contribuot to the persistence of sex Von, contrasted with changes that have segregation. These beliefs take as axiomatic occurred in some occupations, suggests the that women's primary sphere is the home metaphor of the half-empty/half-full glass: and that of men is the workplaceand as- focusing on the increases in women's oc- sume innate sex differences in personality cupational opportunities suggests important and physical characteristics that are sup- social changes in women's aspirations and posed to suit women and men to different expectations and employers' receptiveness kinds of work and militate against their to them; focusing on the continued high lev- working together except under certain con- els of sex segregation points to the need for ditions. As a result, employers and job seek- greater change in workplaces and other in- ers share attitudes about what kinds of work stitutions and in the attitudes of employers are appropriate for each sex, and many oc- and coworkers to eliminate the barriers and cupations have come to be labeled male or restrictions that we believe cause much of female. Although the sex labels of particular the sex segregation observed. occupations have changed in the past, the rationalizations for these shifts seldom chal- lenge the underlying assumptions that have Explaining Sex Segregation resulted in the classification of most occu- Several explanations have been proposed pations as either women's or men's work. to account for the persistence of sex segre- Yet attitudes about women's roles, their gation in ',:ne workplace; they emphasize dif- right to do wage work, and appropriate re- ferent factors and differ strongly in the lations between the sexes have changed sub- interventions they imply. Not surprisingly, stantially over the past 40 years, hand in the evidence neither provides full confir- hand with increased public awareness of mation nor warrants full rejection of any sin- changes in women's actual labor market be- gle explanation. The scientific evidence we havior. The growing participation of women 138 126 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK in the labor mark_ c, particularly large in- tistical discriminationthe practice by which creases among women with young children, employers judge the costs of potential em- and the entry of women into highly segre- ployees based on beliefs about the groups gated occupations, even in small numbers, to which they belongmay also play an im- challenge implicit assumptions about wom- portant role in narrowing women's occu- en's work lives and about appropriate jobs pational oppot tunities, although its effect has for women and men. Even small changes not been quantified. signal to future workers that society now The weight of scientific evidence indicates permits them to pursue occupations custom- that discrimination has played a significant arily held by the other sex in the past. Al- role in maintaining a sex-segregated work though definitive demonstration is not force. That women believe they face dis- possible, theories of social change suggest crimination is evidenced by the tens of thou- that the increasing recognition by lawmak- sands of sex discrimination complaints filed ers and the courts of women's right to equal under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act opportunity in the workplace reinforce at- (which prohibits sex discrimination in many titudinal changes. As a result, as integration employment practices). A number of statis- takes hold, occupational sex stereotyping tical studies of large, employers show that declines, and policies that facilitate the equally qualified men and women are often movement of persons of either sex into sex- assigned different jobs, with long-term ef- atypical occupations should foster further fects on their subsequent careers. Case stud- declines in segregation. ies of some employcis against which com- plaints have been filed and of certain in- dustries provide corroborative evidence of Barriers the occurrence of sex discrimination in em- Despite recent changes in attitudes and ployment practices. new challenges to old beliefs, we found that a variety of barrierslegal, institutional, and Socialization, Education, and Training informalstill limit wome-i's access to oc- cupations in which men have customarily On the supply side, socialization, edu- predominated. These include recruiting sys- cation, and training are important because tems that either depend on worker referrals they affect the attributes and qualities that or hire from male-dominated preemploy- people bring to the labor market. Early so- ment settings (e.g., vocational education cialization is thought to contribute to sex classes, the military); requirements for non- segregation at work because it appears to essential training or credentials that women lead to the development of sex differences often lack; veterans' preference policies; in personality traits and skills that may be promotion and transfer rules, such as de- relevant for certain occupations; to sex dif- partment- rather than plantwide seniority ferences in values, aspirations, and prefer- systems, that hamper women's movement ences; and to differences between the sexes between jobs and departments; preemploy- in knowledge about occupations. But the ment barriers to relevant job training, such link between socialization and occupational as age restrictions for apprenticeship; and outcomes and the direction of causation are factors such as work climate, harassment, not well established. For example, consid- and sponsorship. Employers' acceptance of erable evidence suggests that perceptions of cultural stereotypes about the appropriate occupational opportunities influence ex- gender for certain jobs or their beliefs about pressed preferences. We have also seen that women's and men's characteristics lead some sex-typed aspirations and preferences to discriminateto consider gender in hir- change. Among adults, people pursue sex- ing workers and assigning them to jobs. Sta- atypical occupations when new opportuni- 139 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 127 ties appear. Socialization is a lifelong pro- that they believe are compatible with raising cess, and adult vocational education, job families. Further research is warranted on training programs, apprenticeships, and a connections between employment oppor- return to college or professional schools pre- tunities and family responsibilities for both pare women who previously pursued tra- women and men. ditionally female jobs for sex-atypical occupations. Opportunities The link between education and training and occupational outcomes is better under- Sex-role socialization, education, train- stood than is the one for childhood sociali- ing, and considerations about the compati- zation. Premarket training or education is bility of various jobs with domestic required for many occupations. Girls and responsibilities all undoubtedly contribute boys are highly segregated in most voca- to the employment decisions that female tional education programs, girls take fewer workers make, but a variety of evidence in- science and mathematics courses than boys dicates that the occupational outcomes of in high school, and the sexes, on average, most workers of both sexes largely reflect pursue different majors in college. In the what jobs are available to them. Preferences past choices to pursue education and train- change,stereotyping recedes in impor- ing have been subject to considerable con- tance, and cultural beliefs are transformed straint. Parents, teachers, and counselors as opportunities develop. A striking example may treat girls and boys differently and hold is coal mining. When litigation and affirm- different goals for them. Tracking still occurs ative recruitment efforts opened jobs to within the schools, as does sex stereotyping women, large numbers of women sought in educational materials. But these differ- work as miners. We believe the occupational ences are declining. High school courses opportunity structure that the labor market taken and college majors selected have presents to workers is key to understanding changed for young women and men, and, the perpetuation of sex segregation. The col- during the past 10-15 years, admissions pol- lective, cumulative actions of employers cre- icies and people's perceptions have changed ate an opportunity structure that strongly so that many women now apply to and are influences workers' preferences, knowl- accepted at professional schools in numbers edge, and occupational outcomes. Employ- almost equal to men. ers also respond to changes in workers' behavior and alter their policies accordingly. Of course, all of the factors we have dis- Family Responsibilities cussed are interrelated. As beliefs have Responsibility for the daily care of family changed about the jobs that women might members, which women bear more than hold, young women's occupational aspira- men, also undoubtedly affects labor market tions have become less sex-typed. That their outcomes in many ways, but its link specif- behavior follows suit is seen in the unprec- ically to sex-segregated occupations is less edented numbers of women training for what clear. One hypothesis, baz,' ^n human cap- were formerly almost wholly male profes- ital theory, is that wome choose female- sional occupations. Employers, too, have re- dominated occupations because those oc- sponded to women's changing attitudes and cupations are more compatible with child- behaviors. Because broader opportunities rearing (by penalizing work interruptions less and diminished barriers have been accom- than male-dominated occupations); this hy- panied by changing cultural values and pothesis has found equivocal empirical sup- heightened consciousness regarding gender port. Nevertheless, it seems likely that some equity, it is difficult to judge their relative people, particularly women, do seek jobs impact. Nevertheless, we place central im- 140 128 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK portance on removing the remaining bar- gether, however, the case studies and sta- riers that prevent women from exercising tistical research present a compelling case free occupational choice and enjoying equal for the long-term effectiveness of legislative employment opportunity in the labor mar- remedies. ket. The decreases in federal enforcement ef- fort that have occurred since 1981 and recent changes in the philosophy of enforcement, Reducing Sex Segregation including reversals of federal civil rights pol- Laws and regulations instituted in the icy in some areas, are likely to affect wom- 1960s and 1970s prohibit sex discrimination en's future employment opportunities. It in employment and apprenticeship pro- remains to be seen what the effects will be. grams and mandate sex equity in federally The evidence in this report suggests that the funded job training programs and vocational remedies introduced in the preceding two and general education. Although their im- decades have generally reduced segrega- plementation was often slow and enforce- tion. The committee is concerned that de- ment sometimes inadequate, the evidence creased federal effort and changes in policy indicates that when leadership has been will have negative effects, particularly be- strong, employers and educators have had cause perceptions of reduced effort are likely adequate incentives, and resources have to affect voluntary efforts. been allocated to eliminate barriers, women have made substantial progress in entering Interventions in the Workplace some predominantly male occupations and training and educational programs. Most interventions to reduce segregation Definitively establishing that women's that have been implemented over the past gains were caused directly by interventions two decades have been directed at the work- is quite difficult, however. On one hand, place. Data that assess their impact are lim- the very existence of antidiscrimination laws ited, since evaluation was not a high priority or regulations may contribute to change. Ac- for enforcement agencies. Most accounts of cording to one theory underlying law en- the enforcement process agree that the reg- forcement, most change occurs through ulations have a history of uneven and often voluntary compliance by establishments limited enforcement. Nevertheless, the evi- against which no action has been taken, either dence from case studies and statistical anal- out of the desire to avoid sanctions or be- yses supports the conclusion that when cause laws help to reshape employers' opin- commitment to enforcement was vigorous ions about acceptable behavior. At the same and resources adequate, interventions con- time, laws encourage women to believe that tributed to increasing women's access to oc- they will not face discrimination and hence cupations, industries, and jobs that men have to train for and pursue sex-atypical occu- dominated. In particular, women's partici- pations. On the other hand, important pation increased in three industries targeted changesincluding women's heightened for special emphasis by the Office for Fed- consciousness of their rights and possibili- eral Contract Compliance (banking, insur- ties, prompted by the feminist movement ance, and mining); contractors in a special occurred during the period in which most program in another industry, construction, interventions were implemented and were admit that increases would not have oc- an important force for their enactment. Ob- curred without goals and timetables. Fully viously, disentangling such cultural changes implemented goals and timetables also fos- is difficult. Some of the studies that attempt tered women's participation in apprentice- to demonstrate the impact of specific laws ship programs. or regulations are imperfect. Taken to- Large increases in women's participation 141 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 129 in several predominantly male professions for the economically disadvantaged, un- can be attributed in part to affirmative action employed, ;.nd underemployed with a goal programs. Some professional training pro- of maximizing their employment options. In grams actively recruited women students, 1978 an amendment to CETA stipulated that and women were more willing to invest in all programs must contribute to the elimi- extensive training with the assurance that nation of sex stereotyping. Evaluations of jobs in the profession would be open to them. CETA's effects on women prior to the 1978 Studies of firms against whom suits were amendment suggest that it did not facilitate filed show increases in the number of work- desegregation. CETA did support a few very ers in sex-atypical occupations. This does not effective small programs designed to in- mean that segregation has been eliminated crease women's participation in nontradi- in these firms or others covered by statutes tional occupations. These programs demon- and regulations, but progress is undeniable. strate the potential of federally sponsored At the same time, however, many occupa- training programs to integrate male craft and tions and establishments appear to be almost technical jobs and indicate that such pro- untouched by the law. Surveys of large es- grams can be effective intervention strate- tablishments indicate that the awareness of gies. federal enforcement by top management has been an important factor in expanding the Interventions in Education opportunities available to female employ- ees. Restructuring personnel practices was It is more difficult to assess the impact on often necessary to ensure women's access to employment segregation of federal laws some jobs. The association between mana- passed during the 1970s to eliminate dis- gerial commitment and awareness of the en- crimination and promote sex equity in gen- forcement of federal regulations supports the eral education. Foremost among them was importance of strong federal enforcement of Title IX of the 1972 Educational Amend- antidiscrimination laws. ments. To the extent that the educational The interventions that were least effective system contributes to sex segregation in the lacked either incentives for compliance or workplace, legislation aimed at achieving sex the support of those charged with their im- equity in education may ultimately promote plementation. The link between these two women's integration into customarily male factors indicates the necessity of including jobs. Although women's participation in sev- incentives in regulations: sanctions against eral male fields of study during the past dec- violators or rewards for those in compliance. ade has increased substantially, no evidence Evidence from the construction industry and exists that allows us to attribute these in- certain apprenticeship programs demon- creases directly to the enforcement of Title strates that goals and timetables are impor- IX. tant for women's entry into male-dominated Evidence regarding the effectiveness of occupations. Coals create a demand for the 1976 amendments to the Vocational Ed- women that in turn generates a supply of ucation Act is clearer. These amendments applicants seeking training and jobs. called for vocational education programs that received federal funds to eliminate sex bias and stereotyping in vocational education Interventions in Job Training programs. The effectiveness of this amend- Job training programs also have potential ment has varied widely by state, suggesting for reducing sex segregation in work. The that state laws or federal monitoring are nec- Comprehensive Employment and Training essary for the federal law to reduce sex bias. Act (CETA) was enacted in 1973 to provide Where strong commitment was present at job training and public service employment the state level, female students' represen- 'l' L 142 130 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK tation in mixed or traditionally male pro- have been used to address sex segregation grams increased substantially. State pro- convinces us that many work when imple- grams that were most successful established mented properly. Consequently, our rec. a broad support base for these women stu- ommendations concern improving the dents and fostered contacts with prospective enforcement of equal opportunity laws and employers, much like the successful pro- expanding voluntary efforts in employment grams funded under CETA or sponsored by and education. The evidence also clearly in- community groups. In both vocational ed- dicates that leadership is a critical compo- ucation and job training, large-scale inter- nent of efforts to bring about change in this ventions have been less likely to show area. Committed leadership, in the execu- measurable success than smaller, locally ran tive and legislative branches, in businesses programs, probably because of the difficulty and workplaces, in schools, and in the na- of ensuring replication in imple .nentation. tional media, all contribute to a climate that encourages voluntary change and enhances the credibility of enforcement efforts. Sex segregation is a deeply rooted social Conclusion and cultural phenomenon. It is perpetuated Because the causes of segregationcul- not only by barriers and constraints, but also tural values, socialization, sex bias and track- by habit and perceptions. Everyone's atti- ing in the educational system and in job tudes and behaviors, including women's, are training programs, discrimination, and in- affected by existing occupational patterns; stitutionalized and informal barriers in the even if there were no obvious discriminatory workplaceinteract with each other and op- practices, these patterns would tend to be erate together to restrict access to educa- perpetuated. Consequently, our recom- tion,training, and employment in sex- mendations are addressed to employers and atypical occupations, remedies are most educational institutions as well as to enforce- likely to be effective when they address mul- ment agencies, and they concern family re- tiple causes (e.g., training combined with sponsibilities as well as employment placement programs). That social values have conditions. changed during the same decades as rem- edies have been established is, of course, Recommendations for Enforcement no coincidence. Changes in values and peo- Agencies Regarding Employment ple's increasing willingness to entertain non- stereotyped possibilities create a context in During the past decade sex segregation which implementing remedies can be par- has broken down in many occupations, and ticularly effective. substantial change has occurred in many others. Those changes would have been far less likely without governmental enforce- POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS ment and private litigation. In view of these Our recommendations are neither new nor considerations, any reductions in personnel startling. They do not detail new programs. and budget for important federal enforce- Although there is still considerable debate ment agencies may have a negative effect within the scientific community about the on women's employment opportunities. causes of sex segregation in employment, Strong enforcement of antidiscrimination there is little disagreement that barriers and laws in employment has been effective in constraints play a significant role. Our re- reducing sex segregation in the workplace. view of the available evidence regarding the If this goal is to be pursued, enforcement effectiveness of the various remedies that agencies such as the Equal Employment 143 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 131 Opportunity Commission and the Office of identification of new approaches to pay eq- Federal Contract Compliance Programs uity. A major objection to occupational seg- should continue to play an important role, regation is that to the extent it results from by sustaining and improving efforts that have discrimination, it produces wage inequity. been shown to work and by developing new Even if strategies to reduce segregation are effective approaches. These agencies re- fully implemented, because of the stability quire sufficient resources to carry out their built into the occupational structure, sex mandate. segregation will continue for a very long time. For this reason, we recommend the explo- ration of efforts to redress wage inequity as Compliance and Enforcement well as to reduce segregation. We urge the The rate at which sex segregation will con- Equal Employment Opportunity Commis- tinue to decline will be influenced by the sion and the Office of Federal Contract magnitude of the efforts and the determi- Compliance Programs to explore and de- nation of agencies charged with enforcing velop enforcement strategies that would en- antidiscrimination laws and regulations. En- sure equitable pay for female-dominated jobs forcement agencies particularly need clear whose wage rates have been depressed by policy direction and committed leadership. discrimination. Laws and regulations prohibiting discrimi- Although we believe wage equity strati;- nation must be vigorously enforced to elim- gies should be explored, we stress that the inate remaining barriers to equal employ- traditional equal access and affirmative ac- ment opportunity in the workplace. Although tion approaches are also necessary to ensure the selection of particular strategies will con- equal opportunity in the labor market. The tinue to depend on the outcomes of political two strategies are related: higher wages for and judicial processes, goals and timetables women's jobs may encourage more men to have been effective, especially in highly sex- enter them, thus enhancing integration, and segregated industries, and the committee strategies focused on integration may con- believes the use of these important tools tribute to wage equity. should continue. Identification of particular areas has been effective and should be con- Research and Evaluation tinued, with specific occupations and in- dustries selected on the basis of women's The enforcement agencies should develop representation in them. While individual much stronger programs of policy-relevant claims must be processed efficiently, en- research on such issues as the sources of forcement agencies should also pursue larger, change in occupations and industries in which more visible cases, because of their impact the most rapid change has occurred; newly on other employers, employees, and the identified problems, such as sexual harass- public generally. Employers with whom ment; techniques for evaluating jobs and conciliation agreements or consent decrees other issues related to pay equity; and the have been reached should be monitored and extent and causes of resegregation of jobs. adequate funding should be provided for this In addition, policy evaluation units of en- purpose. forcement agencies should study ways to im- Continued progress in reducing sex seg- prove the effectiveness of enforcement regation will depend on the development activities, including identifying the features and implementation of new and more effec- of the most successful compliance or vol- tive enforcement strategies, improved co- untary activities carried out by employers ordination between programs focused on or others, analyzing the applicability and different aspects of the problem, and the transferability of successful programs and the 144 132 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK rsced for changes in laws and regulations, as locker rooms and rest rooms that are con- evaluating and exploring alternative strate- veniently located. gies to assist in the most effective targeting Employers should also evaluate job-re- of enforcement resources, and developing lated compensation criteria and current job enforcement and training programs for newly evaluation systems for sex bias and revise emerging issues. them if necessary. Compensation equity should extend to benefits, such as pension accruals and parental leave. Employers should also pay close attention Recommendations for Employers to the environment in their workplaces, be- Voluntary action by employers has con- cause it is critically important. Employers tributed a great deal to desegregating cer- can support informal networks that contrib- tain occupations and workplaces. The most ute to career advancement and information important factors in employer action have sharing and attempt to ensure that infor- been found to be, first, top managerial com- mation systems are open. Women in atypical mitment and, second, communicating that positions serve as positive role models, and commitment to employees at all levels. To both formal and informal networks enhance this end, incorporating the goal of nondis- their contribution in encouraging others to crimination in statements of corporate mis- follow them. The replacement of sex-biased sions and building equal opportunity into a training materials or offensive decorations business's public image are vitally impor- can also contribute to an improved work cli- tant. mate. Employers should take appropriate Compliance with antidiscrimination laws disciplinary action against supervisors and and regulations is essential, but employers employees who practice or condone sexual can do considerably more to achieve greater or other forms of harassment against women. sex integration. Employers can pursue a The business evv4ronment can also be af- more systematic approach that includes in- fected by considerations beyond the work- forming recruiters, managers, supervisors, place. Work-related meetings or company- and employees of the detrimental effects of supported social events that take place at sex-typed jobs; setting targets; identifying discriminatory clubs can convey a lack of potentially discriminatory mechanisms; es- commitment to equal employment oppor- tablishing monitoring procedures; including tunity goals and should be avoided. responsibility for achieving equal employ- In addition, we recommend that employ- ment objectives in job descriptions; and ers explore ways to make work schedules evaluating and rewarding line managers for more flexible, with attention to both the fulfilling those objectives. Women appli- workday and the sequencing of career stages, cants for and employees in stereotypically in order to ensure that employees with fam- female positions should be informed about ily responsibilities have equal access to all and offered training for opportunities in pre- occupations and promotion opportunities. dominantly male jobs. At the same time, job We believe that such options should be pro- requirements and policies regarding pro- vided for both men and women across all motion and on-the-job training (including the occupations and sectors of ti.c firm, and the organization of seniority systems and col- we urge employers to encourage their use lective bargaining agreements) should be re- by parents of both sexes. To ensure that such viewed to ensure access. Access and per- policies are effective, organizations should formance are also facilitatedby the take special care not to penalize men and availability of equipment that is comfortable women who elect part-time, flexible time, for both women and men and facilities such or parental leave options. 145 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 133 We recognize that, as useful as these rem- or ethnicityto begin thinking about the edies may be in reducing sex segregation, wide range of possibilities they might pur- many employers may be unlikely to pursue sue. Schools should also eliminate sex- them because of the costs involved as well stereotyped teaching materials dealing with as the inertia of established practices, unless family and home responsibilities or personal they are encouraged to do so by government interests. Secondary educational institu- policy or by public or employee pressure. tions should develop programs that heighten This is why the social and political climate teachers', counselors,and students' aware- that national leaders help to create is so crit- ness of the economic consequences of sex ical. National leaders can point out that the segregation. They should encourage female social benefits of remedial action are greater and minority students to consider the con- than the apparent private costs. A suppor- sequences of alternative curricula and es- tive, encouraging public environment en- pecially encourage their enrollment in courages voluntary compliance with the laws mathematics and science courses that will as well as other remedial actions. Employers enable them to prepare for and pursue sci- who take such actions often subsequently entific, technical, and professional occupa- find that the benefits to the firm, in terms tions. The expected growth of new computer- of improved use of human resources, greater related occupations makes it imperative that job satisfaction, and lower job turnover, out- girls be encouraged to become comfortable weigh the costs of change. with computer learning at both the primary and secondary levels. All students should be Recommendations for Education and encouraged to enroll in courses on a non- Employment Training segregated basis, and social and academic support should be provided to students who While enforcement of equal opportunity select classes that are atypical for their sex. laws in the employment area has been a Schools should also try to involve parents major catalyst in improving women's posi- by informing them of educational andem- tion in the labor market, women's experi- ployment opportunities for their children. ences prior to employment have important Many of these recommendations apply also effects as well. Primary among these are ed- to postsecondary educational institutions. In ucation and employment training. Educa- the past, college women's choice of majors tion and educational policy cannot by and their occupational aspirations became themselves eliminate job segregation by sex, more stereotypically female as they ad- of course, but educational authorities and vanced in college. Special academic, voca- schools at all levels can take measures that tional, and personal counseling can help will promote integration. Sex equity in the women to realize sex-atypical aspirations and public schools is already a matter of federal to encourage others to pursue fields in which law under Title IX of the 1972 Educational women are underrepresented. Academic Amendment and the 1976 Amendments to departments in which women are under- the Vocational Education Act. Compliance represented should determine whether sub- with these laws is an important first step; tle biases tend to discourage them and take the responsible federal agencies must in- action to eliminate the biases. crease their enforcement and monitoring ef- In the area of formal vocational education forts, which have been very small. and employment training, states and local Elementary schools should provide girls school districts need to make much greater and boys with nonstereotyped information efforts to comply with the Vocational Edu- about a broad range of occupations and en- cation Equity Amendment's mandate to courage themwithout regard to sex, race, eliminate sex stereotyping. Federally as- X46 134 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK sisted secondary and postsecondary voca- ship programs. Affirmative steps to recruit tional education programs should make sex- women should be employed when veterans' integrated vocational education an explicit preference policies operate against them. goal, and programs should allocate resources among vocational education areas to maxi- Recommendations Concerning Family mize students' training in marketable skills. Responsibilities Vocational educators must inform them- selves about changing patterns of female em- An important factor outside the labor mar- ployment, including women's growing work- ket that affects women's labor market per- life expectancy, and about wage differences formance and opportunities is the way in between stereotypically male and female oc- which family life is typically organized in our cupations. Special efforts are necessary to society. Although we have not been able to make traditionally male curricula hospitable quantify the degree to which the organiza- to women and to encourage women's en- tion of family life affects sex segregation in rollment in historically male courses that the workplace, it is our judgment that both provide skills and information useful for many beliefs and practices concerning family care craft and technical jobs. Links with em- contribute to segregation, and that better ployers in the community that can nrovide and more flexible child care is critical for placement opportunities for graduates are change. The care of children and family particularly important for sex-atypical pro- members still appears to be largely women's grams. responsibility, and this responsibility un- Continuing education programs offer doubtedly conflicts with their entrance into women a second chance to enhance their and advancement in a number of occupa- employment options. Such programs should tions that routinely require overtime, job- be encouraged to inform returning students related travel, or inflexible or irregular hours. about the consequences of occupational seg- Moreover, a widespread belief that women regation and to provide counseling regard- rather than men should be primarily re- ingcareermovesacrosssex-typed sponsible for children and family care prob- occupations that would lead to higher earn- ably contributes negatively toattitudes ings or better prospects for advancement. toward women workers and their treatment Federal training and employment pro- in nearly all occupations and work situations. grams should be continued, with increased It is critical that assumptions about women's efforts to prepare women and men for sex- responsibilities for children and families not atypical employment. Training must be ac- be used as a basis for discrimination. companied by placement facilities. Program Because half of all mothers of preschool evaluation should be based in part on num- children and more than half of those of school- bers of persons trained for and placed in jobs age children are in the labor force, and fath- that are not typical for their sex. Counseling ers are nearly universally so, opportunities and support should be continued after job for combining paid work and parenting that placement because discouragement and ha- reduce the strain on parents and children rassment are often problems for women are needed. Policies to encourage such op- workers in sex-atypical jobs. In addition, portunities also serve a broader public policy women who support themselves and de- goal of facilitating the best use of available pendents should be targeted for training in human resources by reducing constraints. well-paid nontraditional areas. Age restric- Child care of good quality is the most critical tions should be eliminated from apprentice- service that needs to be provided. While 147 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 135 most parents wish to play a major role in DATA AND RESEARCH caring for their children, doing so is not in- compatible with public or private child care RECOMMENDATIONS assistance. Child care facilities should be Throughout this report we point to the sufficiently varied and flexible to accom- need for further research, better data, and modate both the different needs families ex- improved measurement techniques. Here perience at various stages in the domestic we review and amplify these points. cycle and varying parental preferences. Es- tablishing flexible alternatives may require Data Collection an expansion of existing federal policies that involve an array of approaches, such as tax Policies for reducing occupational segre- incentives to employers who set up work- gation require accurate data on the extent, site day care centers, small business loans causes, and consequences of the phenom- for neighborhood centers, public support of enon. The most pressing data needs are the such facilities for low-income families, and collection of establishment-level data and larger and more flexible child care income longitudinal data on individuals; the im- tax credits or deductions for parents. Local provement of data necessary to assess the and state initiatives can include extending effectiveness of statutes and regulations pro- the services that schools provide. hibiting employment discrimination; the While more equal sharing by men and improvement of data on the extent of oc- women of child care and other home tasks cupational segregation, particularly by eth- may await change in gender ideology, policy nicity; and the collection of observational can affect that process. Workplace policies data concerning the processes of discrimi- that allow flexible scheduling of work time, nation and job segregation and the responses part-time employment for both sexes across of individuals and organizations to change. all occupations in a firm, and paternity as well as maternity leave will help to reduce sex segregation. Such inclusive policies will Establishment-Level Data neutralize the inclination to view such ar- Although much research concludes that rangements as necessary only for women and employer personnel policies are an impor- may thereby encourage men to experiment tant cause of occupational sex segregation, with alternative allocations of their time and only a small portion of this research is based energy between home and the workplace. on establishment-level data. Establishment- We also encourage the ongoing reexami- level data can yield considerable additional nation of the federal income tax and social information over census-based materials. For security systems to attempt to bring about example, a study by Bielby and Baron (1984), more equitable treatment oftwo-earner cou- based on a sample of California firms, re- ples compared with single-earner families, vealed nearly total sex segregation whenem- because it would also facilitate the reallo- ployer definitions of job categories were cation of paid and family time between hus- used, a degree of segregation much higher bands and wives. Policies that facilitate more than that found in studies based on census equal sharing will enhance the ability of both job classifications. At the present time,no sexes to combine parenting with paid work nationally representative sample of firms that without undue hardship and will undoubt- contains information on job segregation or edly advance equal employment opportu- personnel policies or occupations more gen- nity as well. erally exists. Such a data base would not only '4' 148 136 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK allow one to determine the generalizability valuable. These sample surveys generally of Bielby and Baron's findings to the econ- contain 10-15 years' information on the same omy at large, but would also permit assess- individuals, but, because such a time hori- ment of the impact of specific employer zon captures only part of a worker's career personnel policies on segregation. We rec- mobility, these data bases must continue to ognize that a sample of firms is not easy to be funded so that data for completed careers develop. Two important sources of difficulty are available for some cohorts of workers. are the lack of a sampling frame for firms in In addition, consideration should be given the American economy and the need to se- to developing a longitudinal sample that cure employer cooperation. The benefits of would include all job changes and full job such a national sample for this and other event histories, not simply records of job issues suggest the value of developing this status at year end or time of interview, as data base. Progress in determining the ef- is the case with currently available samples. fects of job segregation on the earnings gap between the sexes will depend on devel- Data to Assess the Effectiveness of Laws oping sources of more detailed data than the census-detailed occupational classifica- Assessing the efficacy of statutes and reg- tion provides. Data on jobs will necessarily ulations prohibiting employment discrimi- be of limited generalizability, but the poten- nation is very difficult. In part this is due to tial contribution of up-to-date firm- or es- the intrinsic difficulty of distinguishing tablishment-level data outweighs this among various causes of change in a complex limitation. At the present time, some estab- society. The problem is exacerbated by the lishment-level job data are available as the lack of adequate data on the activities of result of disclosure during court cases re- enforcement agencies and their results and sulting from complaints of discrimination. by an even greater lack of data about indi- While some such disclosed information is vidual litigation. No systematic data regard- later sealed, some of it remains available. ing complaints filed and their disposition are An extremely useful service that could be available. When individuals privately pur- provided by a research center or a public sue their cases through the courts, little is agency would be the gathering, editing, and known about settlements, in court or out. documenting of this material (which is some- It may be possible to develop a sampling times available on computer tape) to pre- method for private cases and to compile data serve confidentiality and make it accessible more systematically from state and federal and usable by researchers. enforcement agencies. More detailed data on patterns of job segregation in individual enterprises would facilitate research on Longitudinal Data on Individuals changes that occur in these employment pat- Much recent job segregation research terns as a consequence of intervention by based on samples of individual workers has enforcement agencies and would greatly im- emphasized the importance of careers, job prove our ability to assess the effectiveness ladders, and job mobility. Several existing of equal employment opportunity policies. nationally representative longitudinal data basesthe University of Michigan Panel Data on Race and Ethnicity Study of Income Dynamics, the National Longitudinal Surveys at Ohio State Univer- In order to understand the patterns and sity, the Continuous Work History Survey, effects of occupational segregation, data must and the National Longitudinal Study of the be tabulated by race and ethnicity as well high school class of 1972have been in- as sex. Currently, most tabulations are re- 149 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 137 stricted to white-black distinctions. Yet for pations, men's occupational mobility rela- particular regions of the country the pattern tiveto women's may very well be of occupational sex segregation varies by exaggerated. If, however, the census aggre- other ethnic and racial groups as well. Al- gates several different segregated jobs into though, even in the census and the Current a single category, then a census-based seg- Population Survey, problems of sample size regation index will necessarily understate sometimes preclude tabulating data for small the degree of segregation. population groups in small areas, efforts In the 1970 census classification, occu- should be made to provide such tabulations pations that were at least 80 percent female whenever possible. were about three times as large as those at least 80 percent male (Treiman and Hart- Data From Workplace Studies mann, 1981). Whether this reflects the crowding of women into a few jobs, assome The collection of observational and inter- have claimed, or finer census distinctions view data from intensive studies of work- among jobs dominated by men than among places should be encouraged. We have very those dominated by women remainsan open few detailed studies of power in workplaces, question. This issue could be investigated especially as it pertains to race, sex, and by comparing job classifications from firms ethnic differences. By what processes do dis- (of the kind we call for above) with thecensus cthaination and job segregation occur? How detailed occupational classification. If the art, they maintained? Similarly, we have vir- average number of job titles mapping onto tually no studies of the texture of change each occupational category is larger for those within organizations in response to equal census categories in which most incumbents employment opportunity policies. Who re- are women than for those in which most sists and how? Who gains? How meaningful incumbents are men, distortion in thecre- and long-lasting are the gains? What is ation of occupational categories, rather than needed to answer this type of question is crowding, would be suggested. The utility close observation of workplaces (and such of making comparisons using disaggregated related organizations as unions or families) lists of job titles from other sources, suchas and the collection of qualitative as well as the titles listed in the Census Classified In- quantitative data about people's experi- dex of 0,:cupations, the job titles offered by ences, their attitudes toward change, and individuals in response to open-endedques- their adjustment to new social arrange- tions in sample surveys, and job titles used ments. in help-wanted advertisements, should also be explored. Analysis ofwhat jobs entailmay Measurement also be warranted. It is not impossible, for example, that common usage results in many The census occupational classifications vastly different jobs being labeled "secre- need considerable scrutiny. Almost all re- tary." In such a case, titles that convey finer search on job segregation uses the census functional distinctions should be developed job definitions. Yet some job groups are cov- and adopted. ered in much greater detail than others. To the extent that such differences in coverage are correlated with the sex composition of Research the job categories, a biased picture of seg- Research is needed to assess severalex- regation is obtained. For example, if male- planations that have been proposed toex- dominated occupations are categorized in plain sex segregation. In particular,we more detail than female-dominated occu- recommend further study of how occupa- '150 138 WOMEN'S WORK, MEN'S WORK tional aspirations are formed and how they about the work they pursue and the time may be linked to occupational outcomes. Al- they contribute to family care. though we know that the sexes differ from Our knowledge of how labor markets op- childhood in their occupational aspirations, erate suggests the importance of occupa- our understanding of both the formation of tional information for workers' access to jobs. these aspirations and any effect on occupa- Not enough is known, however, about how tional outcomes is quite limited. Prospective people acquire information about occupa- studies that follow individuals from before tions, how the sexes differ in their knowl- their entry into the labor force to well into edge of sex-typical and sex-atypical occupa- their careers would clarify the ways that as- tions, or how this knowledge is linked to pirations and prejudices contribute to seg- their occupational outcomes. More gener- regation in the workplace. Of particular ally, research on how both sexes make de- interest are the effects of adolescents' oc- cisions about vocational training and job cupational aspirations, as well as their ex- search strategies would also bear on the hu- pectations, on their early and subsequent man capital explanations for occupational occupational outcomes. Although no studies segregation. have yet demonstrated a definite link be- Additional investigation is also necessary tween sex-typed preferences and sex-typed to determine what kinds of barriers exist in occupational outcomes, it is entirely possi- labor markets and within establishments to ble that such a link exists. It would be im- workers' movement into and their retention portant to know whether having traditional in sex-atypical jobs and how they might be preferences tends to be correlated with being improved. In many oc-rations job training in sex-typical occupations. represents the prir,vehicle through Studies of both female and male workers which workers move up job ladders. Very that clarify the nature of any relationships little is known, however, about differences between workers' personal characteristics, in the sexes' access to on-the-job training, occupational values, education, and preem- the type of training available to workers in ployment training, on one hand, and various typically female and male occupations, and occupational characteristics (e.g., skill re- whether the benefits of training are similar quirements), on the other, would also reveal for the sexes. We encourage in-depth stud- the extent of the match between workers' ies of large firms to determine what features choices and their subsequent occupations. of firms' internal labor marketsincluding The connections between workers' family opportunities for on-the-job trainingre- responsibilities, their occupational choices, strict or foster workers' access to sex-atypical and their job outcomes also require further jobs. Such in-depth studies, if extended to study. To date, the human capital expla- workers' and employers' behavior through nation for occupational segregation has re- observation and interview, could also in- ceived at best mixed empirical support; di- crease our understanding of various more rect investigation of whether women choose general phenomena related to discrimina- various occupations because they think they tion and opportunity, such as group cohe- will accommodate family care responsi- sion and informal information networks. One bilities would contribute to a better un- way to shed light on some of these issues derstanding of this model. Family respon- would be to study belief systems concerning sibilities may also affect men's work decisions, women and work, in order to understand and their decision-making processes should the structure of beliefs that underlie em- also be studied. It would also be important ployer decisions, career selection, and co- to learn how and to what extent husbands worker response. Another important aspect and fathers influence women's decisions of the problem of discrimination within 151 FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 139 workplaces is discrimination in work-related dominated occupations to determine if those social life, particularly the conduct of busi- occupations will become predominantly fe- ness in single-sex environments, such as male. It is important to learn whether in- clubs and sports. The reasons for the per- tegrating occupations tend to be unstable petuation of these single-sex organizations and if integration or resegregation isaccom- and their importance for work life should be panied by change in real wagesor occupa- further explored. tinal status or the development ofnew Several studies that we reviewed revealed barriers to free occupational choices. Ifre- considerable mobility by workers of both segregation occurs, it may be because op- sexes between sex-typical and sex-atypical portunities remain limited in yet other occupations. The movement of workers out sectors of the labor market, so that women of occupations not customarily held by per- flockto the few newly available jobs. sons of their sex is consistent with the ex- Whether resegregation is a "second gener- istence of structural and informal barriers to ation" response to efforts at integration war- workers' success and retention in sex-atyp- rants investigation. If women's gains are ical jobs. We recommend systematic case subverted anew by new mechanisms, the studies that compare the experiences of prospects for lasting improvements require workers in sex-typical and sex-atypical jobs new understanding, regardless of the effec- on several dimensions to determine the fac- tiveness of current strategies for desegre- tors associated with retention in sex-atypical gation. occupations. In general, during the 1970s, Further research is also necessary to de- women's movement into occupations that termine the conditions under which various men have dominated was not matched by interventions contribute to reduced sex seg- men's movement into traditionally female regation that is sustained in the long run. nonprofessional occupations. Additional re- In particular, we recommend closer study search is needed to determine whether em- of the channels through which the statisti- ployers resist employing men in these jobs cally observed effects of federal enforcement or whether men avoid them because they agencies, such as the Equal Employment lack the necessary training, seek higher Opportunity Commission and the Office of wages, or fear that they will be stigmatized. Federal Contract Compliance Programs,oc- It will also be interesting to see whether cur. Much of the evidence regarding the young women who have entered formerly effectiveness of federal regulations against male-dominated occupations have careers employment discriminationis based on and age-earnings profiles similar to their male comparisons of black and white men. Re- counterparts, or whether, like earlier female search that compares race and sex groups is cohorts, their earnings and career prospects needed to test whether race effects also hold tend to fall off over time. for gender. We noted above the enormous Some observers have speculated that oc- need for policy-relevant researchon such cupational integration may be a temporary issues as the effectiveness of targeting and phenomenon; they suggest that the entry of the replicability of remedies. We do not know substantial numbers of sex-atypical workers how the intensity of effort is linked to the into an occupation may ultimately be fol- magnitude of change and which strategies lowed by its becoming dominated by mem- are most cost-effective. Without such knowl- bers of that sex. As evidence they typically edge we cannot know whether greateren- offer historical examples; we foundno sys- forcement efforts or different enforcement tematic research on resegregation. 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Washington, D.C.: Sex, Discrimination and the Division of Labor. National Commission for Employment Policy. New York: Columbia University Press. Wolf, Wendy C. and Neil D. Fligstein Zornitsky, Jeffrey and Margaret McNally 1979a"Sex and authority in the workplace." American 1980 Measuring the Effects of CETA on Women: Sociological Review 44 (April):235-52. Issues in Assessing Local Program Perfor- 1979b"Sexual stratification: differences in power in mance. Paper presented at the Conference on the work setting." Social Forces 58:94-107. the Experience of Women in Employment and Well; Wendy C. and Rachel Rosenfeld Training Programs held by the National Com- 1978 "Sex structure of occupations and job mobility." mission for Employment Policy, Washington, Social Forces 56:82344. D.C. (September). Women Employed Zuckerman, Harriet 1980 The Status of Equal Employment Opportunity 1977 Scientific Elite: Nobel Laureates in the United Enforcement: An Assessment of Federal Agency States. New York: Free Press. % 1 173 APPENDIX A Contents, Sex Segregation in the Workplace 1 Introduction Barbara F. Reskin EXTENT, TRENDS, AND PROJECTIONS FOR THE FUTURE 2 Trends in Occupational Segregation by Sex and Race, 1960-1981 Andrea H. Beller 3 A Women's Place Is With Other Women: Sex Segregation Within Organizations William T. Bielby and James N. Baron 4 Job Changing and Occupational Sex Segregation: Sex and Race Comparisons Rachel A. Rosenfeld 5 Commentary Pamela Stone Cain 6 Occupational Sex Segregation: Prospects for the 1980s Andrea H. Beller and Kee-ok Kim Han 163 174 164 APPENDIX A EXPLAINING SEGREGATION: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES AND EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE 7Occupational Segregation and Labor Market Discrimination Francine D. Blau 8 Toward a General Theory of Occupational Sex Segregation: The Case of Public School Teaching Myra H. Strober 9 Commentary: Strober's Theory of Occupational Sex Segregation Karen Oppenheim Mason 10 Work Experience, Job Segregation, and Wages Mary Corcoran, Greg J. Duncan, and Michael Ponza 11Sex Typing in Occupational Socialization Margaret Mooney Marini and Mary C. Brinton 12 Commentary Wendy C. Wolf 13Institutional Factors Contributing to Sex Segregation in the Workplace Patricia A. Roos and Barbara F. Reskin 14 Commentary: The Need to Study the Transformation of Job Structures Maryellen R. Kelley REDUCING SEGREGATION: THE EFFECTIVENESS OF INTERVENTIONS 15 Job Integration Strategies: Today's Programs and Tm.,rrow's Needs Brigid O'Farrell and Sharon L. Harlan 16Occupational Desegregation in CETA Programs Linda J. Waite and Sue E. Berryman 17 Commentary Wendy C. Wolf 18 Concluding Remarks Francine D. Blau 175 APPENDIX B Biographical Sketches of Committee Members and Staff ALICE STONE ILCHMAN is president of Sarah Lawrence College. Previously, shewas assistant secretary of state for educational and cultural affairs and associate director of the U.S. International Communication Agency. Prior to her government service, she was dean of Wellesley College and a founder of the Wellesley College Center on the Research of Women. Ilchman has a B.A. from Mount Holyoke College and a Ph.D. from the London School of Economics. Her scholarly interests include the economics of education and political and economic development in South Asia. She is chair of the panel on parents and work of the Economic Policy Council at the UN Association, a member of the Smithsonian Council, and on the board of directors of the Markle Foundation. CECILIA PRECIADO BURCIAGA is associate dean for graduate studies and research at Stanford University. She served previously as assistant provost and also as assistant to the president and adviser to the provost for Chicano affairs. She serves a wide variety of organizations concerned with higher education, the status of women, and the interests of minorities. For example, she has served as a commissioner of the California State Commission on Civil Rights, as cochair of the National Network of Hispanic Women, as a commissioner with the Ford Foundation Study on the Status of Minorities in Higher Education, andas a member of the board of trustees of the Educational Testing Service. She has also consulted for a wide variety of agencies and foundations, as well as taught and conducted research in the field of education. She has a B.A. from California State University at Fullerton andan M.A. in sociology and policy studies from the University of California. CYNTHIA FUCHS EPSTEIN is professor of sociology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and a resident scholar at the Russell Sage Foundation. She has been codirector of a National Institute of Mental Health training grant on the sociology and economics of women and work at the Graduate Center and was codirector of the program in sex roles and social change at Columbia University. She has a B.A. in political science from Antioch College, an M.A. from the New School for Social Research, anda Ph.D. in 176 166 APPENDIX B sociology from Columbia University. She is a member of the American Sociological Asso- ciation and the Eastern Sociological Society (serving as president in 1984). She was a White House appointee to the Committee on the Economic Roles of Women, advising the Council of Economic Advisers. Her research and writing have centered on women in the professions, business, and politics; on the salience of gender in the maintenance of the social order; and on the impact of social change on men and women in the workplace. HEIDI I. HARTMANN is study director of both the Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues and the Panel on Technology and Women's Employment at the National Research Council. She previously served as associate executive director of the Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education and as research associate to the Committee on Occupational Classification and Analysis. In that capacity she coedited (with Donald J. Treiman) the committee's final report on comparable worth. Her research has concentrated on employment issues related to women and minorities, particularly dis- I crimination and internal labor markets, and on political economy and feminist theory. She I is the author of several articles on women's economic status; she lectures frequently on that and other topics and has testified in congressional hearings on comparable worth. She has a B.A. from Swarthmore College and M.Ph. and Ph.D. degrees from Yale University, all in economics. LAWRENCE M. KAHN is professor of economics and labor and industrial relations at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. His research has encompassed the economics of trade unionism, job search, unemployment and turnover, statistical issues in assessing the extent of labor market discrimination by employers, and issues relating to age discrimination. He received a B.S. in mathematics from the University of Michigan and a Ph.D. in economics from the University of California, Berkeley. GENE E. KOFKE was director of human resources at American Telephone and Telegraph Company in New York. After a long managerial career in both line and staff roles in an operating subsidiary, he has since 1974 had corporate responsibilities in many major areas of human resources, including management training and development; equal employment and affirmative action; planning and policies; and employee attitudes, motivation, and quality of work life. Most recently he was instrumental in sponsoring nationwide union-management worker participation efforts. He retired from AT&T on December 1, 1984, and is now an independent personnel consultant. ROBERT E. KRAUT is a social psychologist on the technical staff at Bell Communications Research and an adjunct faculty member in the department of psychology at Princeton University. He has previously held positions at Bell Laboratories, Cornell University, and the University of Pennsylvania. His research has been on the way people judge themselves and others, on interpersonal interaction, and on the social impact of new information tech- nologies. He has a B.A. from Lehigh University and a Ph.D. from Yale University. JEAN BAKER MILLER is clinical professor of psychiatry at Boston University School of Medicine, a lecturer at Harvard Medical School, and scholar-in-residence at the Stone Center for Developmental Serves and Studies at Wellesley College. She has been a lecturer at the London School of Economics at the University of London and an associate at Tavistock Institute and Clinic in London. A psychoanalyst, she is a graduate of Sarah Lawrence College and has an M.D. from Columbia University Medical School. Her professional activities have i 177 APPENDIX B 167 included membership on the board of trustees of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis, the American Orthopsychiatric Association, and the Elizabeth Stone House; she was principal faculty of the NIMH Staff College course on mental health needs ofwomen. Her publications include books on the psychology of women and numerous professionalpapers. ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON is a professor of law at Georgetown University School of Law. She served as the chair of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission from 1977 to 1981. Prior to that time she was executive assistant to the mayor of New York City and chair of the Commission on Human Rights (1970-1976); she served as the assistant legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union from 1965 to 1970. A constitutional and civil rights lawyer, she received a B.A. from Antioch College and an M.A. in American studies and an LL. B. from Yale University. She has written numerous journal articles, coauthored a legal text on sex discrimination, and received numerous awards and honors, including the Louise Waterman Wise award. GARY ORFIELD is professor of political science, public policy, and education at the University of Chicago. He has held positions at the Brookings Institution, Princeton Uni- versity, the University of Illinois, the University of Virginia. and the U.S. Civil Rights Commission. His work deals primarily with minority rights, Congress, education, and urban policy. He has participated in many civil rights lawsuits and been appointed to advise the courts hearing school desegregation cases in Los Angeles, St. Louis, and San Francisco. He has served as a consultant to numerous federal, state, and local agencies on civil rights issues. He has a B.A. degree from the University of Minnesota and M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Chicago. NAOMI QUINN is associate professor of anthropology at Duke University. Her research is on cultural models and their role in the organization of knowledge. Her current work focuses on Americans' cultural model of marriage. She has also taught and written on women's position cross-culturally and has carried out field research in West Africa as well as in the United States. She has a B.A. from Radcliffe College and a Ph.D. from Stanford University, both in anthropology. BARBARA F. RESKIN is a professor of sociology at the University of Illinois. During the period in which she served as study director for the Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues, she was on leave from the Department of Sociology at Indiana University. Subsequently she was professor of sociology and women's studies at the Uni- versity of Michigan. Her research focuses on sex stratification, and she has published extensively on sex differences in scientists' careers and, more generally, the operation of scientific reward systems. She has also investigated statistical methods for assessing dis- crimination, how the courts use statistical evidence of discrimination, and jury decisions in sexual assault cases. Recently she has been studying the concomitants of women's entry in maledominated occupations. She received B.A., M.A., and Ph.D. degrees in sociology from the University of Washington. ISABEL V. SAWHILL is a senior fellow at the Urban Institute. She previously served as the Institute's program director for women and family policy (1975-1977) and later as program director for employment policy (1980-1981). Between 1977 and 1980, she was director of the National Commission for Employment Policyan independent agency responsible for advising the President and Congress on employment and training issues. She has lectured 1- 1.78 168 APPENDIX B and written extensively on such topics as employment, inflation, income transfers, the changing status of the family, and the role of women in the labor market. She is currently codirecting a large three-year project to assess the social and economic policies of the Reagan administration and their implications for the future. She attended Wellesley College and received B.A. and Ph.D. degrees in economics from New York University. ROBERT M. SOLOW is institute professor in the Department of Economics at the Mas- sachusetts Institute of Technology, where he has taught since 1949. He has B.A. and Ph.D. degrees from Harvard University. He is an economic theorist whose research and experience have been primarily in macroeconomics. He was senior economist on the Council of Eco- nomic Advisers in 1961-1962, and a director of the Boston Federal Reserve Bank from 1976 to 1982 (chairman, 1980-1982). He has also worked on the economics of uner., )loyment and is a member of the board of directors of Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation, which has operated and analyzed federal and state experiments with supported work, youth employment schemes, and work-welfare linkages. He is a member cf the National Academy of Sciences and past president of the American Economic Association and the Econometric Society. LOUISE A. TILLY is professor of history and sociology on the graduate faculty of the New School for Social Research and chair of its Committee on Historical Studies. Previously she taught at the University ofiAichigan, Michigan State University, and at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris. She received ? . A.B. from Douglass College, an M.A. from Boston University, and a Ph.D. from the University of Toronto. She is treasurer of the Social Science Research Council, a member of the Council of the American Historical Association, and chair of the Panel on Technology and Women's Employment of the National Research Council's Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues. Her current research includes 4 comparative historical study of the state, class, and the family in French cities; she is coinpleting a monograph on the labor force and the working class in late nineteenth century Milan. DONALD J. TREIMAN is professor of sociology at the University of California at Los Angeles. His research interests center on the comparative study of social stratification and social mobility. He has written extensively on problems of occupational classification and measurement, including a book andyzing occupational prestige data from 60 countries. Previously he served as study e:rector of the Committee on Occupational Classification and Analysis at the National Research Council, which produced reports on job evaluation, comparable worth, and the Dictionary of Occupational Titles; he was also study director of the Committee on Basic Research in the Behavioral and Social Sciences, which produced two volumes on the value and usefulness of basic research. He has a B.A. from Reed College and M.A. and Ph.D. dr.grees from the University of Chicago, all in sociology. 179 Index A Child care, 39, 73.75, 117-118, 127, 134-135 Adonis v. Califano,106, 113 absence of alternatives, 74 Advocates for Women v. Marshall,90 affirmative action and, 117 Affirmative action, 83, 85, ..A, 119, 129, 131 federal programs, 117-118 and child care, 117 occupations "compatible" with, 7, 39, 69 in federal contracts, 87 Childbearing, 42, 46 Aid to Families With Dependent Children (AFDC), Civil Rights Act (1964), 43, 45 103, 117 Title VI, 106 Antinepotism rules, 51 Title VII, 43, 44, 46, 47, 49, 51, 83, 85-87, 91, Apartheid, 5 119, 126 Apprenticeship programs, 48-49, !..6, 67-68, 90, 92, Class action suits, 86, 87 100-103, 119 College enrollment rates, 63 Asian Americans, 27 Commission on Civil Rights, 113-114 AT&T (EEOC case study), 91.92, 93 Comparable worth, 87 See alsoPay equity B Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA), 46, 93, 103, 104-105, 117, 119, 129, Barriers to employment, 44-56, 126 130, 132 informal, 53-56, 119 1978 reauthorization, 83 institutionalized, 51-53 Compressed workweeks, 118 legal, 45-47 Contractors See alsoDiscrimination construction, 90 Blacks, 3, 27, 29-30, 47, 48, 60, 73, 124 federal, 88-91 Bona fide occupational qualification (BFOQ), 46, 86 Contribution to husband's career, 70 Bradwell v. Illinois,45 Cultural beliefs,seeSex segregation, cultural Bureau of Apprenticeship and Training (BAT), beliefs and 101-103 Current Population Survey (CPS), 10, 24 Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), 32.35 D C Data and research recommendations, 135-139 Career ladders, 15 Dictionary of Occupational Titles,8, 10, 43 Career mobility, 75.76, 78-79 Discrimination, 2 into and out of sex-atypical occupations, 78.79 in job assignments, 49.50 opportunity and, 76 open, 49 sex segregation and, 14-15 patriarchy and, 48 worker flexibility and, 78 and profitability, 48 169 180 170 INDEX in promotions, 50 Executive Order 11246 (11375), 83, 85, 87-91, 100, racial, 47 117 sex appeal and, 48 debarment of contractors under, 88 sexual, 47-50 F statistical, 42-43 "taste" and, 47 Family responsibility, 38-39, 69-75, 121, 127 theories of, 47-50 child care, 39, 73-75, 117-118, 121, 127, 134-135 See also Sex segregation cultural beliefs about, 38, 69, 125 Division of labor husbands' attitudes about, 16, 69 and sex segregation, 7-8, 116 interventions to accommodate, 116-118 Dothard v. Rawlinson, 46 occupations "compatible" with, 7, 39, 69 policy recommendations, 134-135 E relocation and, 69 Earnings, 4-5 and travel, 42 effects of segregation on, 10-13 Federal contractors, 87-91 importance to family, 4 Federal employees, 91-92, 119 by race, 4, 123 Federal job training programs, 103-106 women's as percent of men's, 1, 4, 10-11, 123 effectiveness of, 106 Economic Recovery Tax Act (1981), 117 Female-male relationships, 40-41 Education Fernandez v. Wynn Oil, 46 materials, sex stereotypes in, 63, 112, 127 Fetuses, occupations toxic to, 46 and occupational choice, 63-68 Firefighters Local Union No. 1784 v. Stotts, 52, 121 Office of, 106 Flexitime, 118 policy recommendations, 130-135 Framingham Heart Study, 16 and sex segregation, 63-68 G vocational, see Vocational education Educational Amendment Act (1972), Title IX, 47, 83, General Electric v. Gilbert, 47 106, 108, 111, 112, 113-114, 116, 120, 129, 133 Griggs v. Duke Power Company, 46 Employers, 8, 22-23 Grove City College v. Bell, 112, 121 efforts to reduce sex segregation, 96-99, 119 policy recommendations for, 132-133 I-I Employment, barriers to, 44-56 Head Start, 117 discriminatory acts and behavior, 47-51 Hispanics, 3, 27, 30, ).?.3 informal, 53-56 Home, women's role in, 38-39, 40, 69 institutional, 51-53 Housewife, as ocmpation, 38 legal, 45-47 Housework, 1641 Employment continuity, 72 Human capital theory, 70-73 Employment growth, sources of for women, 29-30 Enforcement, 91-96, 121 I agencies, 130-132 Income tax system, 116, 121 powers of Equal Employment Opportunity Index of segregation, 5, 18.20, 124 Commission, 86 census information for, 18-19 Equal Employment Opportunity Act (1972), 85 in Japan, 19 federal employees under, 91 projections through 1990, 34-35 Equal Employment Opportunity Commission stability of, 23 (EEOC), 50, 121, 131 in Sweden, 19 case studies, 91-93 Internal labor markets, 51 early effectiveness of, 85 enforcement powers, 86 J performance indexes of, 86 Job Corps, 103-104 statistical studies of effectiveness, 94, 136 Job ladders, 53 voluntary compliance, 92, 94, 97 motivation and, 79 Equal employment opportunity in construction, 90, Job mobility, see Career mobility 101 Job posting, 50, 52-53 Equal employment opportunity laws, 77 Job segregation, 9 See also Civil Rights Act (1964), Title VII; Equal across firms, 12, 20-21 Employment Opportunity Act (1972) managerial "ranks" and, 12-13, 20 1 81 INDEX 171 wage consequences, 11-13 Occupational opportunity, 75-80, 127-128 and wages, 123 Occupational prestige, 15-16 within firms, 12 Occupational segregation, 9 See also Occupational segregation; Sex segregation by age, 25-27 Job sharing, 118 census information for, 18-19, 22 Job Training Partnersh;p Act (1983), 104, 106, 119- child care and 73-75 120 extent of, 20-22 and flexible work schedules, 118 L by occupation, 27-30 Long v. California State Personnel Board, 46 and pregnancy, 47, 85, 86 Longitudinal studies, 136 projections through 1990, 32-35 protective labor laws and, 4547, 87, 88 M by race, 27, 30 Male-female relationships, 3941 reduction in, 22-23, 24.25 Media resegregation, 30-32 role of in occupational choice, 61 sex stereotypes and, 41-44 role of in sex stereotyping, 38, 61 sexuality and, 41 Mentors and mentoring, see Sponsors and sponsoring stability of, 23-25 Minorities, 3, 27, 29-30, 47, 48, 59-60, 73, 123-124, trends in, 22.32 136-137 wage consequences, 10-13 earnings of, 4, 123 and wages, 123 occupations of, 6, 7 within vs. between occupations, 10-11 participation in labor force, 3 See also Job segregation; Sex segregation See also Blacks; Hispanics Occupations classification of, 8-9, 137 N female-dominated, 7, 23, 28-30, 123 i National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health female-intensive, 23 (NIOSH), 16 growth rates of, 33, 34 National Science Foundation (NSF), 115 interdependence and, 54 National Science Foundation Authorization and male-dominated, 7, 23, 28, 31, 53 Science and Technology Equal Opportunities male-intensive, 23 Act (1981), 115 potentially toxic to fetuses, 46 Nepotism, 48-49, 51 by race and sex, 6, 7 Networking, 54.55 sex labeling and sex typing of, 8, 43-44, 63 See also Dictionary of Occupational Titles 0 Office for Civil Rights (OCR), 112-114 Occupational aspirations Office of Education, Department of Health, among blacks, 59 Education, and Welfare, 106 causes of, 60 Office of Federal Contract Compliance (OFCC), 88, among children and adolescents, 58-59 117, 128-129 among college students, 60 statistical studies of effectiveness, 94.96 expectations and, 60-61 Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs opportunity and, 79, 127 (OFCCP), 87-91, 101-103, 121, 131 parental influence on, 58, 60 construction contractors and, 90 among whites, 59 gains by, 89 0-cupational choice statistical studies of effectiveness, 94-96 education and, 63-68 On-the-job training, sex segregation and, 14, 119 employment continuity and, 72 Order Number 4, revised (1971), 87, 88, 117 and family responsibility, 70-73 Order Number 4 (1970), 87 husband's attitude about, 69 marital status and, 71.72 P and market conditions, 76-77 Participation in the labor force, 2-4, 39 mathematics courses and, 65, 115, 127 by age, 3-4 occupational knowledge and, 68, 79, 127 married vs. unmarried women, 3, 71-72 opportunity and, 75-80, 127 by race, 3 socialization and, 56-63 Pay equity, 1, 4, 10-11, 123 Occurs tonal mobility, 14-15 See also Comparable worth 1 .§2 172 INDEX Personnel Administrators of Massachusetts v. Feeny, education and, 63-68 46 establishment level, 8, 21 Policy recommendations, 130-135 extent of, 20-22 education and training, 133-134 index of, see Index of segregation employers, 132-133 industry level, 8, 21-22 enforcement agencies, 130-132 jobs vs. occupations, 9 family respc:...thilities, 134-135 networks and, 54-55, 80 Preapprenticeship programs, 92 and on-the-job training, 14 Pregnancy, 47, 85, 86 opportunity structure and, 75.80 Pregnancy Discrimination Act (1981), 85 and power within the family, 16 Prestige, sex segregation and, 15-16 and prestige, 15-16 Professional associations, 54 reduction efforts by employers, 96-99, 119, 132- Protective labor laws, 45-47, 87, 88 133 reduction of (overview), 83-84, 118-122. See also Q specific entries Quarks v. Phillip Morris, 52 research needed in, 137-139 Quotas, 87, 121 and retirement income, 13, 123 and social security, 116, 121, 123 R socialization and, 56-63 Reason and emotion, 39, 41 stability of, 1, 8 Recruiting practices, 51 statistical discrimination and, 42-43 Reproductive hazards, 46 and stress, 16 Research recommendations, 135-139 and taxes, 116 Resegregation, 30-32 and unemployment, 13-14 technological change and, 32, 33 variability across cultures, 7-8 Resocialization, 57, 62 in vocational education, 65-68, 106-112, 127 Retirement income, sex segregation and, 13, 123 wage consequences, 10-13 Revised Order Number 4 (1971), 87, 88, 117 See also Job segregation; Occupational segregation Role models, 60-61 Sex stereotypes, 38 contingent, 44 S in educational materials, 63, 112, 127 Schools informal, 54 sex stereotyping in, 63-65, 114-115 and job labels, 43 tracking in, 64, 66, 127 and occupational segregation, 41-44 See also Education; Vocational education of teachers and counselors, 63, 64-65, 112 Segregation, 5 women as homemakers, 38-39, 40 defined, 5 women as sexual temptresses, 40 index of, see Index of segregation Sex typing, 8, 43-44, 63 and self-fulfillment, 9 Sex-atypical occupations, and prestige, 15-16 voluntary, 5 Sex-typical occupations, and prestige, 15-16 See also Discrimination; Job segregation; Sexual harassment, 40-41, 44, 54, 99 Occupational segregation; Sex segregation Sexual relations, fear of, 40 Seniority, 14, 52, 92, 98 women as provokers of, 40 Sex appeal, 48 Sexuality, 40-41 Sex differences, innate, 41 Smith-Hughes Act (1917), 66 See also Sex stereotypes Social Security Amendments (1967), Title II, 103 Sex labeling, 43-44, 53, 63, 88, 125 Social security system, 116, 121, 123 Sex-role socialization, 57-63, 126 Socioeconomic index (5E1), 14-15 and the media, 61 Sponsors and sponsoring, 55-56 parental influence on, 58 Statistical discrimination, 42-43 and personality, 59-60 Stereotypes, see Sex stereotypes and skill and knowledge acquisition, 59, 62 Stress, sex segregation and, 16 Sex segregation, 1 Supervisory jobs, women in, 39-40, 49 and career mobility, 14-15 T consequences of, 9-17 cultural beliefs and, 38-44, 125 Teamsters v. United States et al., 52 design of work or tools and, 53 Technological change, 32 division of labor and, 7-8, 116 Title IX, see Educational Amendment Act (1972) 183 INDEX 173 Title VII, see Civil Rights Act (1964) Whites, 3, 27, 28, 80 Tracking in school curricula, 64, 66, 127 Women contribution to family income, 4 U earnings as a percent of men's, 1, 4, 10-11, 123 Unemployment, 5 employment growth, 29-30 sex segregation :Ind, 13-14 as homemakers, 38-39, 40, 69 Unions, 45, 48, 49, 85, 90, 92, 97-98 married vs. unmarried, 3, 71-72 membership barred to women, 54 number in labor force, 1 United Steelworkers of America (EEOC case study), participation in labor force, 2-4 92, 97 percent in labor force, 1, 3 as sexually provocative, 40 V in supervisory jobs, 39-40, 49 Veterans' preference, 14, 46 time in work force, 3 Visibility, 56 and union membership barriers, 54 Vocational education, 65-68, 106-112, 127 Women managers and supervisors, attitudes toward, female enrollment in, 109-110 40, 49 sexatypical programs, 110 Women's Educational Equity Act (WEA) (1974, sex-typing in, 108-110 1978), 113 Vocational Education Amendments (1976), 83, 106- Women's Equity Action League, 88 107, 111, 120, 129-130, 133 Women's liberation movement, 84 state and local compliance with, 107-108 Work Experience Survey (1982), 3 Vocational Education Data System (VEDS), 67, 108 Work Incentive Program (WIN), 103, 104, 117, 118 Vocational Education Equity Study, 110 Wright v. Olin Corporation, 46 W Z Wage disparity, 1, 4, 10-11, 123 Zuniga v. Klebert County Hospital, 46 4 84 NATIONAL ACADEMY PRESS The National Academy Press was created by the National Academy of Sciences to publish the reports issued by the Academy and by the National Academy of Lngineering, the institute of Medicine, and the National Research Council, all operating under the charter granted to the National Academy of Sciences by the Congress of the United States. ISBN 0-309-03429-9 1 I 6 ; IL t.) BEST COPYAVAILAisia.