WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

The State Historical Society of Wisconsin • Vol. 59, No. 4 • Summer, 1976 \ ' "wK^ \\ V V \ ' ^^• JX M

f

f*m%^ -f^. THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN JAMES MORTON SMITH, Director Officers

HOWARD W. MEAD, President GEORGE BANTA, JR., Honorary Vice-President JOHN C. GEILFUSS, First Vice-President r. HARWOOD ORBISON, Treasurer ROGER E. AXTELL, Second Vice-President JAMES MORTON SMITH, Secretary

Board of Curators Ex Officio PATRICK J. LUCEY, Governor of the State JOHN C. WEAVER, President of the University DOUGLAS J. LAFOLLETTE, Secretary of State MRS. L. PRKNTICF. EA(;F,R, JR., President of the CHARLES P. SMITH, State Treasurer Women's Auxiliary

Term Expires, 1976

THOMAS H. BARLAND MRS. EDWARD C. JONES HOWARD W. MEAD DONALD C. SLIGHTER Eau Claire Fort Atkinson Madison Milwaukee NATHAN S. HEFFERNAN MRS. RAYMOND J. KOLTES FREDERICK I. OLSON DR. LOUIS C. SMITH Madison Madison Wauwatosa Cassville E. E. HOMSTAD CHARLES R. MCCALLUM F. HARWOOD ORBISON ROBERT S. ZIGMAN Black River Falls Hubertus Appleton Milwaukee Term Expires, 1977

ROGER E. AXTELL WILLIAM HUFFMAN MRS. WM. H. L. SMYTHE CEDRIC A. VIG Janesville Wisconsin Rapids Milwaukee Rhinelander REED COLEMAN WARREN P. KNOWLES WILLIAM F. STARK CLARK WILKINSON Madison Milwaukee Nashotah Baraboo ROBERT B. L. MURPHY PAUL E. HASSETT MILO K. SWANTON Madison Madison Madison Term Expires, 1978

E. DAVID CRONON BEN GUTHRIE LLOYD HORNBOSTEL, JR. FRANCIS PAUL PRUCHA, S.J. Madison Lac du Flambeau Beloit Milwaukee ROBERT A. GEHRKE MRS. R. L. HARTZELL ROBERT H. IRRMANN J. WARD RECTOR Ripon Grantsburg Beloit Milwaukee JOHN C. GEILFUSS MRS. WILLIAM E. HAYES JOHN R. PIKE CLIFFORD D. SWANSON Milwaukee De Pere Madison Stevens Point

Fellows VERNON CARSTENSEN MERLE CURTI ALICE E. SMITH

The Women^s Auxiliary MRS. L. PRENTICE EAGER, JR., Evansville, President MRS. DONALD F. REINOEHL, Darlington, Treasurer MRS. GUSTAVE H. MOEDE, JR., Milwaukee, Vice-President MRS. DAVID S. FRANK, Madison, Ex Officio MRS. WADE H. MOSBY, Milwaukee, Secretary

ON THE COVER: The University of Wisconsin class of 1876, photographed by Andreas L. Dahl on the eastern slope of Bascom Hill. Volume 59, Number 4 / Summer, 1976 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

Published quarterly by the State Historical Society of Some Documents Relating to the Passenger Pigeon 259 Wisconsin, 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. Distributed to members as part of their dues. (Annual member­ The University and the Social Gospel: ship, $10, or 17.50 for those The Intellectual Origins of the "Wisconsin Idea" 282 over 65 or members of affiliated societies; family membership, /. David Hoeveler, Jr. $12.50, or |10 for those over 65 or members of affiliated societies; contributing, $25; business and Income Taxation and the Political Economy professional, $50; sustaining, of Wisconsin, 1890-19.80 299 $100 or more annually; patron, $500 or more annually.) Single W. Elliot Brownlee, Jr. numbers $2. Microfilmed copies available through University Microfilms, 300 Book Reviews 325 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106; reprint volumes available from Kraus Book Review Index 336 Reprint Company, Route 100, Millwood, New York 10546. Wisconsin History Checklist 337 Communications should be addressed to the editor. The Accessions 339 Society does not assume responsibility for statements Contributors 340 made by contributors. Second- class postage paid at Madison and Stevens Point, Wisconsin. Copyright © 1976 by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Paid for in part by the Maria L. and Simeon Mills Editorial Fund and by the George B. Burrows Fund.

PAUL H. HASS EDITOR WILLIAM C. MARTEN ASSOCIATE EDITOR

JOHN O. HOLZHUETER ASSISTANT EDITOR Passenger pigeons, approximately one-half life size, photographed by the Milwaukee Public Museum from a habitat group co?itaining three birds. The editors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Nathan Kraucunas of the nmseum's vertebrate zoology department in obtaining this photograph. 258 Some Documents Relating to the Passenger Pigeon

"Then the authors of all this devastation began to move among the dead, the dying, and the mangled, picking up the pigeons and piling them in heaps. When each man had as many as he could possibly dispose of, the hogs were let loose to feed on the remainder." JOHN JAMES AUDUBON (1812)

INTRODUCTION green, his muscular breast a glowing russet or wine-red. While migrating he traveled sixty miles an hour; frightened, he could rival the swiftest teal or falcon. His red eye gazed HEY were the most numerous spe­ unflinchingly on a world full of mortal ene­ cies of bird the world has ever mies, and though his very numbers made him known. Each spring they flew northward, easy prey for men armed with shotguns, he three or four billion of them, darkening the was neither stupid nor easy to trap. sun like a Biblical judgment, seeking the The passenger pigeon was doomed by its great unbroken tracts of oak and beech where inherent urge to associate in huge masses, and they would nest, procreate, and endlessly mul­ by the fact that it laid but one egg annually. tiply. Such were their numbers, and the man­ Several million pigeons, often many times ner of their coming, that they inspired awe, more, would begin a nesting and would de­ even terror, among American colonists of the posit their eggs almost on the same day. For seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Later, thirty days thereafter, or until the parents as farms and hamlets sprang up in the clear­ normally abandoned their as-yet-helpless fledg­ ings of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys, their ling, if either the adult male or female were vernal migrations signaled a carnival of shoot­ killed, the egg or nestling would likewise per­ ing, netting, clubbing, and nest-robbing—a ish. In other words, for every adult bird fortnight of joyous, unbridled slaughter that shot or trapped, another potential adult bird stocked to overflowing the larders of rich was condemned to die. When any wild species men and poor, red men and white, without in fails to produce sufficient young to make good the least seeming to diminish the fantastic its annual losses, it is headed for extinction. numbers of the birds. The passenger pigeon The passenger pigeon was a victim of arithme­ —a winged hyperbole, an invention of Walt tic. Whitman—was uncommonly well-suited to Though not, to be sure, without an unre­ brash young America, where everything was mitting assist from man. From colonial days bigger, more expansive, more numerous. until the last pitiable remnants were harried At rest or on the wing, they were strikingly from their roosts in the 1890's, the American handsome. The male bird was sixteen inches rites of spring centered around pigeon-killing, and a bit more from his beak to the tip of his not baseball. The "market hunter"—that is, slender, dartlike tail. His head and hack were the professional gunner or netter who fol­ slaty blue, his neck iridescent bronze and lowed the pigeons from the Virginias to Michi-

259 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

gan's upper peninsula—worked hard and sent [Arlie William Schorger, research chemist, many millions of dead birds on the road to inventor, and ecologist, was born in Ohio in Boston and New York; the farmer and woods­ 1884. As a graduate student at the University man who cut swaths through the deciduous of Wisconsin he worked for the Forest Prod­ forests undoubtedly fixed limits upon the ucts Laboratory, and in 1917, a year after he population of a bird whose population seemed earned his doctorate in chemistry, he joined the C. F. Burgess Laboratories in Madison. limitless; yet in the last analysis it was the He later became president of the Burgess Cel­ casual shooter, the amateur sportsman, with lulose Company of Madison and Freeport, Illi­ his understandable preference for killing the nois. His first book xuas entitled The Chemis­ birds easily where and as they nested, who try of Cellulose and Wood—a title scarcely contributed most to the extinction of the suggestive of a lifelong interest in American passenger pigeon. It is grotesque, but not wildlife. But, as he later wrote, "deep, youth­ insignificant, that the last wild pigeon in ful impressions are not easily effaced." As a North America was killed by an Ohio boy boy, his uncle had showed him a field in north­ with a BB gun. ern Ohio where wild pigeons had once roosted, and been shot, until the ground was carpeted The documents reprinted below tell a with blue. Schorger made it his avocation to roughly chronological story, from the time of collect, organize, and eventually .synthesize all the greatest single nesting of passenger pigeons extant information about the passenger pigeon. ever recorded, in Wisconsin in 1871, to the He did so, first, by reading everything that dedication of a monument to an extinct spe­ had been written about the bird by ornitholo­ cies, also in Wisconsin, seventy-six years later. gists, naturalists, explorers, hunters, and early settlers and travelers; and then—having dis­ Two of the pieces are from Forest and Stream, covered that most of what had been written an early journal of hunting, fishing, yacht­ was inaccurate or at best contradictory—by ing, and related sports that contains an aston­ immersing himself, an hour or two at a.time, ishing amount of useful and interesting infor­ in the newspaper collections of the State His­ mation on upper- and middle-class recreation torical Society of Wisconsin, where he read in the late nineteenth century. Neither of hundreds of files over a fifty-year span for these excerpts is well known. A third fugitive references to the passenger pigeon. Thus he piece, concerning a futile search for the last spent his lunch hours, weekends, and much of passenger pigeon, originally appeared in a his spare time for more than twenty years. now-defunct publication of the State of Wis­ [When he was finished, his bibliography consin, and is likewise little known. A. W. contained approximately 2,200 titles, in ad­ Schorger's article on the great nesting of 1871 dition to some 8,000 newspaper entries. His has been published thrice before, and was book, published in 1955 after Schorger had eventually encoinpassed by his magnificent joined the department of wildlife management book. The Passenger Pigeon: Its Natural His­ at the University of Wisconsin, was a model tory and Extinction, published by the Uni­ of thorough, craftsnianlike research. The fact versity of Wisconsin Press in 1955. We have that it xuas written in plain, dispassionate prose chosen to open this collection of documents enhanced rather than detracted from its beau­ with the Schorger piece, however, because it ty. Schorger himself was quite plain and un­ prepossessing; but what he wrote about the is probably unfamiliar to most general readers, passenger pigeon was charged with the epic and because it conveys, in a relatively few qualities of his subject. The result was a pages, much of the drama of the bird's natural classic of historical and scientific scholarship— history. The final piece, Aldo Leopold's eulo­ and yet something more. For, if it be conceded gy to a vanished race, needs no explanation that the history of the passenger pigeon con­ or apology. It merits reading in this the year tained the elements of tragedy, then it might of the American Bicentennial—and any year he argued that Arlie William Schorger was the hereafter. bird's Aeschylus. [ The excerpt reprinted below was original­ P.H.H. ly published by Schorger in the Proceedings of the Linnaean Society of New York in 1936, and was twice reprinted by the Wisconsin So­ ciety for Ornithology—the first time in its pub-

260 THE PASSENGER PIGEON lication The Passenger Pigeon (1939) and the groups, and colonies covering from a few hun­ second time in a pamphlet commemorating the dred to thousands of acres. In 1858, a beech­ dedication of a permanent memorial to the nut year, there were three separate simul­ bird. Silent Wings (1947). The editors are taneous nestings in Oconto County, Wisconsin. grateful to the Wisconsin Society for Ornithol­ There was one nesting 1.5 miles wide by seven ogy for permission to publish the article yet miles long on the Peshtigo River; a second again, in condensed form, in order to place it on the Oconto River reported as large as the before a different and perhaps a larger audi­ ence. Although the original article predated first; and a third, covering two square miles, Professor Schorger's book by almost twenty on the same stream. . . . The food supply was years, its principal conclusions are much the a natural control on the size of the nestings same. 1 and their distribution. The breeding areas were usually in long lines. The reason for this offers a fertile field for speculation. Pre­ sumably this form facilitated arrival and de­ The Great Wisconsin Passenger parture from the nesting. The cruising range is stated to have been fifty to 100 miles daily. Pigeon Nesting of 1871' A simple mathematical calculation will show A. W. Schorger that a line does not afford the maximum ac­ cessible food area. Assuming a cruising range of fifty miles for a nesting covering 120 HE nesting of the passenger pi­ square miles, it is found that the radius of a T geon at Petoskey, Michigan, in circular nesting would be about 6.3 miles. 1878 is assumed usually to have been the larg­ The feeding area available fifty miles from est that ever occurred. Professor Roney, in his this circle would be over twice that afforded paper so often cited, states regarding the on the sides of a parallelogram forty miles above: "Here, a few miles north, was a pi­ long by three miles wide. . . . geon nesting of irregular dimensions, esti­ mated by those best qualified to judge, to be [In 1871] the pigeons appear to have mi­ forty miles in length, hy three to ten in width, grated into Wisconsin over the western two- probably the largest nesting that has ever thirds of the state. The Mississippi and Rock existed in the United States, covering some­ River valleys, especially the latter, were two thing like 100,000 acres of land, and includ­ main funnels by which the birds poured into ing not less than 150,000 acres within its lim- the nesting area. The main column passed its."2 through Beloit, Monroe, Janesville, Stough­ The nesting in Wisconsin in 1871 was so ton, Madison, Jefferson, Watertown, Bara­ much larger that one hesitates to believe the boo, and Kilbourn (Wisconsin Dells). The evidence. Mississippi columns passed over La Crosse, This nesting had a minimum length of swinging northeast to Black River Falls, Spar­ seventy-five miles and a width of ten to fif­ ta, and Tomah. teen miles. A conservative estimate of the The Beloit Journal of March 16 mentions area is 850 square miles. It can be stated with­ that pigeons were flying north in large num­ out hesitation that Wisconsin had the largest bers, while on the 23d extensive preparations nesting that has ever been described. . . . were being made for trapping in the vicinity. It was characteristic of the passenger pigeon At the same time pigeon hunters were out in to fly and nest en masse. A popular assump­ force at Monroe. The Janesville Gazette of tion is that the nestings were limited to a March 9 states that pigeons are flying north­ single or a few large areas, but this is far from ward; on the 15th large flocks are mentioned, the truth. Within its range the species nest­ while on the 20th it is said: "Trapping pi­ ed over the entire area in single pairs, small geons is a profitable vocation to many of our farmers." On the 28th pigeons are mentioned ' Reprinted, by permi,ssion of the Wisconsin Society at Lake Koshkonong so that the flight con­ tor Ornithology, from Silent Wings: A Memorial to tinued over a period of at least three weeks. the Passenger Pigeon (Madison, 1947). "H. B. Roney, in Chicago Field, 10: 345^347 (1879). On March 11, the Madison Democrat stated 261 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 that "pigeons fly every morning in thousands." as Grand (Wisconsin) Rapids in Portage . . . The editor of the Kilbourn Mirror was County, a distance of forty or forty-five miles. apparently not impressed by the early flights, The editor of the Kilbourn Mirror, under for pigeons are not mentioned until April 22. date of April 22, states that the nesting be­ The day previous the entire village seems to gins about six miles from the village. Ac­ have turned out for a pigeon hunt, and it was cording to travelers and farmers, the nesting estimated that 2,000 were killed and 1,500 was "three miles wide and fifty miles in ex­ brought into town. Numbers finally made tent north." There is a good description of an impression, for the May 6th issue reads: the roost by Hugh Kelley published in the ". . . It seems unaccountable where they all Baraboo Republic for May 3. Abandoned come from. . . . For the past three weeks they nests were found, on leaving Kilbourn, as soon have been flying in countless flocks which as his party struck timber. They went ten no man could number. On Saturday, April miles and pitched their tent where the pi­ 22, for about two hours before nightfall, they geons were "thick as locusts." As a matter flew in one continuous flock from south to of fact, nearly all of the timbered portions north, darkening the air and astonishing the of Adams County seem to have been occupied people by the sound of their wings, and could by pigeons to some extent. In the northern be seen for miles in extent. And they have part of the county the nesting extended en­ still continued to come, although not in so tirely across it, a distance of twenty-five miles. great numbers." The editor at Friendship stated [in the Adams County Press, April 15]: "The pigeons are nesting three or four miles north of this place. T is not possible to outline the nest­ The nesting ground extends for miles in the I ing area with satisfactory accuracy. towns of Strong's Prairie, Monroe, Preston, There are ample independent observations as Big Flats, and Leola. Flocks containing tens to its length, however. John Muir [in The of thousands of the birds are continually fly­ Story of My Boyhood and Youth] quotes Chief ing over, while the woods are literally alive Pokagon as follows: "I saw one nesting-place with them." This shows that the nesting ex­ in Wisconsin one hundred miles long and tended to the top of Adams County, if not from three to ten miles wide." W. B. Mershon as far as Grand Rapids. ... It would be con­ [in The Passenger Pigeon] quotes from a servative to take a length of fifty miles and letter received from Mr. Henry T. Phillips, an average width of eight miles, or 400 square the Detroit game dealer: "In Wisconsin I miles, for the nesting east of the Wisconsin have seen a continual nesting for 100 miles, River. . . . Taking the nesting xuest of the Wis­ with from one to possibly fifty nests on every consin River as seventy-five miles long and oak scrub." In neither case is there any indi­ averaging six miles wide, we have 450 square cation as to date or location. It is safe to miles. Adding to this the 400 square miles assume that they refer to the 1871 nesting, in Adams County, we have a continuous since I have been unable to discover any oth­ "roost" of 850 square miles. er nesting since 1850 that approached it in This was not all. There were several iso­ magnitude. . . . lated nestings of which at least four are known. The local editors appear to have known lit­ A nesting mentioned for Berlin appears to tle about the vast pigeon roost outside of their have been a temporary roost. I have been own bailiwick. The best information comes from visitors outside of the area. General unable to obtain further infoririation on the Henry Harnden^ visited the section nortli of nesting at Eau Claire. . . . There was a nest­ Kilbourn and spent several days on the breed­ ing of considerable size north of Bloomer. ing ground. He states that the roost com­ The Chippewa Falls Herald under date of menced five miles from Kilbourn, was eight June 3 states: "Chippewa County, not to be to ten miles wide, and extended as far north outdone by any other place in the state, has a pigeon roost, where millions of 'em are '•"A Wisconsin Civil War hero, politician, and officer nesting, just about four nriles above Bloomer. in the Grand Army of the Republic. Parties who have been up there describe the 262 THE PASSENGER PIGEON scene as very interesting." There was also a a total of 136 million nesting pigeons. While nesting on an island in the Mississippi below this number seems huge, it is scarcely a tenth Prescott. The nesting at Durand was by na­ of the number of pigeons estimated by [Alex­ ture better defined. The Durand Times of ander] Wilson and [John James] Audubon May 2 states: "There are millions of pigeons to have been seen by them in a single flight. nesting on Nine Mile Island and in the tim­ It would appear that practically all the pi­ ber on the bottoms below Plumer's Mill. The geons left in the United States nested in Wis­ oldest inhabitant says he has never seen any­ consin in 1871. . . . thing equal to the present numbers. . . ." I shall make an estimate of the number of The main nesting took place in the sandy, birds killed based on isolated figures. The scrub-oak region of central Wisconsin. Chief slaughter by netting commenced as soon as the Pokagon states, regarding the large Wiscon­ birds entered the Rock River Valley in early sin nesting: "Every tree, some of them quite March. The Berlin Courant of May 11 states: low and scrubby, had from one to fifty nests "The trade that at present seems to be doing each. Some of the nests overflow from the the most business is that of the pigeon catcher. oaks to the hemlock and pine woods. When Gentlemen of that 'profession' are doing a the pigeon hunters attack the breeding-places lively business a short distance from our vih tliey sometimes cut the timber from thousands lage and in . . . many localities and surround­ of acres." Willi specific reference to the nest­ ing counties." On April 24, William H. and ing of 1871, he says: "I there counted as high Charley Locken caught 600 pigeons in one as forty nests in scrub oaks not over twenty- throw of the net, and on May 9 Charley Lock- five feet Iiigh; in many places I could pick en caught about 400. The number of birds the eggs out of the nests, being not over five trapped decreased steadily until by May 17 or six feet from the ground." Quoting Gen­ very few were being caught. eral Harnden on the Kilbourn roost: "The A Michigan trapper passed through Wau- General says the country is poor, sandy, and toma on April 21 with ninety dozen pigeons scrubby. The pigeons have literally taken pos­ that were sold in Berlin at 50 cents a dozen. session of the woods, and their nests are to be On May 4 tire trappers were netting at Wau- seen on every tree. On one tree he counted toma and sending the pigeons alive to mar­ forty-six nests, and thinks there must have ket. The air was full of birds, morning and been at least a Irundred on some of the larger evening. Trapping was conducted from one ones." Kelley says: "The first belt of timber end of the nesting to the other. The netting we came to shows signs of the game, and no of the old birds meant the death of die squabs sooner have we struck the solid forest than in the nest, as we shall see later. . . . we come upon the deserted nests in great On April 24 [stated the Watertown Demo­ quantities, the birds having been driven back crat], eleven tons of pigeons, packed in bar­ or killed. Every tree is full of the nests—often rels, arrived in Watertown from Minnesota we counted thirty in a single tree. . . ." Junction for transfer. On May 4, 195 barrels I have been so bold as to make an estimate were received for transshipment to Chicago. of the number of nesting birds within the The Milwaukee Sentinel of May 2 states that main area. It will be noted that the state­ 100 to 200 barrels were being received daily ments of various observers give froiu one nest over the La Crosse road. The records show per tree to as high as four hundred. Consid­ that express shipments began as early as April eration must also be given to the fact that 12 and the season did not close until June. every acre within the area was not occupied Shipiuent of 100 barrels per day over a period by pigeons. There were marshes, swamps, and of forty working days would give 4,000 bar­ some farm lands. I have assumed that the rels, or 1,200,000 pigeons. This figure would area would average twenty-five trees per acre be conservative for the total number killed. . . . and that there was an average of five nests, or The Kilbourn City Mirror of May 6th gives ten birds, per tree, giving 250 birds per acre. a somewhat colorful description of the pigeon As mentioned above, the nesting area covered trade: "Hardly a train arrives that does not 850 square miles, or 544,000 acres. This gives bring hunters and trappers. Hotels are full.

263 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 coopers are busy making barrels, and men, The indescribable cooing roar produced by women, and children are active in packing uncounted millions of pigeons, as arousing the birds or filling the barrels. They are from their slumbers they saluted each other shipped to all places on the railroad, and to and made up their foraging parties for the Milwaukee, Chicago, St. Louis, Cincinnati, day, arose from each side, creating an almost bewildering effect on the senses, as it was Philadelphia, New York and Boston, being echoed and re-echoed back by the mighty picked and packed in ice for the more distant rocks and ledges of the Wisconsin bank. points. On no express trains is it possible to As the first streakings of daylight began take the large amount offered, and arrange­ to break over the eastern horizon, small ments are made to forward them on the mid­ scouting parties of the monstrous army of night train going east. From ten to thirty birds to follow, every now and then darted thousand birds are forwarded daily, most of like night spirits past our heads. Soon the which have to be picked after the arrival of skirmish line, or perhaps more correctly the trains at night, in many instances the pigeon bummers, who belong to no regular work of picking and packing being continued organization, swept past in small and ir­ regular bodies. Our guide now told us to all night. One man has paid over a thousand get into position as quick as possible as the dollars to the express company in charges for large flocks would follow in rapid succes­ forwarding. In about two weeks the pigeon sion. We quickly ranged ourselves along season will be over. Then look out for the the crest of a hill overlooking a cleared val­ squabs." ley through which the birds would fly on Here is a stark confession that thousands their outward passage. . . . upon thousands of adults were being slaugh­ And now arose a roar, compared with tered with the young still helpless in the nest. which all previous noises ever heard are Pigeons appeared in the Milwaukee market but lullabys, and which caused more than on March 20. The first quotation, 85 cents one of the expectant and excited party to per dozen, was on April 27. The price declined drop their guns, and seek shelter behind to 45 cents per dozen for undressed and to 65 and beneath the nearest trees. The sound cents per dozen for dressed birds. Allowing was condensed terror. Imagine a thousand for packing and transportation costs, and prof­ threshing machines running under full head­ its to the commission man and the retailer, way, accompanied by as many steamboats groaning off steam, with an equal quota of it is doubtful if the trapper or hunter received R.R. trains passing through covered bridges on the average more than 18 cents per doz­ —imagine these massed into a single flock, en. . . . and you possibly have a faint conception of So much for trapping. While somewhat the terrific roar following the monstrous long, I cannot do better than give excerpts black cloud of pigeons as they passed in from the article in the Fond du Lac Common­ rapid flight in the gray light of morning, a wealth of May 20, to give a vivid description few feet before our faces. So sudden and un­ of the condition of the nesting ground. Bear expected was the shock that nearly the en­ in mind that this gentleman was a hunter, tire flock passed before a shot was fired. The and note the effect upon him. unearthly roar continued, and as flock after flock, in almost endless line, succeeded each Embarking on the 10 A.M. train, we found other, nearly on a level with the muzzle of on board a party, like ourselves, headed our guns, the contents of a score of double for the great pigeon roost, stretching from barrels was poured into the dense mist. Kilbourn City on the Wisconsin River, for Hundreds, yes thousands, dropped into the scores of miles beyond. . . . open fields below. Not infrequently a hunt­ Having made all needed preparations the er would discharge his piece and load and night previous, we were early called to arms fire the third and fourth time into the same . . . and ere long, were rolling at a breakneck flock. The slaughter was terrible beyond pace through the dark, headed for the roost any description. Our guns became so hot ten miles beyond. The idea was to get an by rapid discharges, we were afraid to load opportunity to rake the immense flocks of them. Then, while waiting for them to pigeons as they left the roost for the fields cool, lying on the damp leaves, we used, and feeding places throughout the State. those of us who had [them], pistols, while

264 THE PASSENGER PIGEON

Others threw clubs—seldom, if ever, failing up the grain even when the sprouts were an to bring down some of the passing flock. inch high. Many acres had to be replanted. Ere the sun was up, the flying host had One paper states: "It is of no use to resow the ceased. It continued scarcely an hour in all. fields as long as these swift plunderers are Below the scene was truly pitiable. Not less around, though hundreds of thousands of them than 2,500 birds covered the ground. Many have been caught, and sent to market by the were only wounded, a wing broken or some­ ton, no impression seems to be made on them thing of the kind, which disabled, without killing them. These were quickly caught in the way of diminishing their countless and their necks broken. . . . Leaving the numbers. . . ." rest of the party, we drove off a few miles By and large the chief food of the pigeon further into a high wooded ridge where in Wisconsin was the acorn. The Wood Coun­ nests were located. Every tree contained ty Reporter, speaking of the pigeons in Adams one to four hundred nests. The young pi­ County, states: "Hundreds of flocks may be geons (squabs) were hardly able to fly, and could be caught easily, when once ousted seen every morning flying to the northwest from the nest. Here of course were hun­ to feed on the acorns of the oak forests in the dreds of thousands of single birds (probably western portion of the county, and returning the females), which could be shot one or two with the approach of night." In August the at a time, as fast as the hunter could load pigeons had returned to the vicinity of Bran­ and fire. We saw more than a hundred don and were feeding on acorns and in the trees that had fallen, by reason of the num­ wheat stubble. . . . The black oaks are the bers of nests built upon [their] branches. principal species in the sandy central basin Many of the young pigeons were dead in of Wisconsin. Most abundant is the Hill Oak, their nests; the mothers probably have been Quercus ellip.midalis. It sometimes produces killed, and their young starved. Thousands, driven by hunger, had managed to crawl a large trunk, but is usually a low tree that or flop from the nest, and whose dead bodies forms thickets and copses. The acorn is small lay thick upon the ground. Thousands of and can be swallowed readily in comparison dead pigeons also were scattered around, with those of the white and red oaks. Of sig­ having doubtless been wounded away from nificance for the nesting of pigeons is the fact home, and flown to their young to die. that the acorns of the red and black oaks re­ It is estimated that not less than 100,000 quire two seasons to ripen, while those of the hunters from all portions of the Union have white and burr oaks require but one. visited the roost during the season. Prob­ The favorite and most important food was ably as many as a thousand were there on the same day with us, but scattered along the beechnut. It is an interesting fact that through the woods twenty or twenty-five during this decade at least the beech had nuts miles. . . . only in the autumns of odd years and this seems to have held tlioughout its range. . . . The distribution of the beech had a profound influence on the nestings. While there are LL the pigeons killed by General numerous minor exceptions, it can be stated A Harnden at the Kilbourn roost as a general law that in odd years there were had their crops filled with wheat, oats, and heavy nestings in Whsconsin and Minnesota pigeon grass. At this period, spring wheat on account of the oak mast, while in even years was the chief crop raised by the farmers, and the nestings were largely in Michigan and their complaints of damage are frequent. Pennsylvania, due to the abundance of beech­ Grain was sowed broadcast and then dragged. nuts. ... A beechnut crop in the fall of the The birds would frequently alight on the odd year meant abundant mast for nesting in newly sown field in such numbers that in a the spring of the even year. The beech in few minutes not a grain remained. Near Wau- Wisconsin has a peculiar distribution. Its toma a farmer while dragging could not get range can be defined roughly by a line drawn his oxen forward until he had driven the cloud from the southeastern corner of the state to of pigeons away with a pole. The difficulty the southern end of Lake Winnebago, north did not end with sowing. The pigeons pulled along the eastern shore through Oconto Falls.

265 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

Prior to [1871] there were some large pigeon there was but one squab in a nest: "When nestings in this area. It is obvious that beech- the nest was within reach the [Indian] squaws oak association meant mast in nearly every punched the young pigeon from its home, and year, and for this reason it appears that there caught it as it fell. When too high to reach, was scarcely ever a year in which a nesting of the skillful archer, generally at the first shot, size did not occur in Wisconsin. drove the large-headed arrow plump to the Ornithologists have always been bothered center of the nest, and the young bird shot greatly by the discrepancies in the literature first upward, then fell dead. . . ." regarding the number of eggs laid. The great­ It is frequently stated in the literature, chief­ er evidence is in favor of a single egg, though ly if not solely on the authority of trappers, there are authentic cases apparently of two that the passenger pigeon nested two and three eggs. Not much reliance can be placed on the times in a season. I can find no reliable evi­ memory of old men. . . .* dence whatsoever that there was a second The male pigeons fed twice daily. They nesting in Wisconsin in 1871. The first spe­ left the roost at daybreak, returning at 9:00 cific reference to nests is in tlie Friendship to 10:00 A.M. to relieve tlie females. The lat­ Adams County Press for April 15. The incu­ ter were gone until about 2:00 P.M., and on bation period was precisely fourteen days. their reassuming charge of the nest, the males The young were fed for fourteen to sixteen again departed to feed and return in the late days by the parents and then abandoned. At afternoon. . . . The best time to hunt was in this stage the squabs were excessively fat, and the morning and evening, and at this season three to four additional days were required tlie males were "much preferable" to the fe­ before they could fly well. It is important to males. It seems that the males suffered, ac­ keep these figures in mind, as they fit re­ cordingly, to a much greater extent than the markably the data for the great "roost." The females from shooting and trapping. parents were tied to the eggs and squabs for a period of thirty days. If the eggs were laid Under normal conditions the sitting bird about April 15, there should have been a great did not leave the nest until touched by its re­ flight of adults about May 15. We find this turning mate, and for this reason it may be in the La Crosse Democrat for May 15: "Wild argued that two females could not lay in the pigeons for the last few days have been flying same nest. An important factor should not be over town in such myriads as to frequently overlooked. Trapping and shooting of the darken the sun like a cloud. Their flight has adults took place from the time of selection been mostly from the northeast to the south­ of the roost until it "broke." Every adult west, which leads us to believe that their nest­ killed meant probably the desertion of a nest. ing operations have been fooled with to such As noted above, the female was away for a a degree as to cause them to desert their four-hour period and in case of the death of eggs, young and all. Hunters ought to have the male the nest would be unprotected dur­ sense enough to go slow a little and give ing this time. If the female were netted, the the old birds time to bring forth their young, nest was without doubt deserted. Where as or they will desert this section of the coun­ high as 100 nests were found on a single tree, try entirely; but we don't suppose the farm­ competition for nesting sites must have been ers would mourn nruch." . . . keen. It is accordingly not at all improbable that a female that needed a nest would ap­ propriate an unoccupied one and deposit a second egg. ' HE dramatic passing of so many The contemporaneous accounts of the 1871 millions is often cited as a cardi­ nesting say nothing at all regarding the num­ nal example of man's greed and thoughtless­ ber of eggs, and little as to the squabs. The ness. However greatly the method of trap­ Fond du Lac correspondent writes as though ping the breeding birds is to be deplored, the extinction of the species was inevitable on * Later, Schorger stated categorically that the pigeon economic grounds. Wilson estimated that the never laid more than one egg per nesting. flock of 2,230,272,000 birds seen by him re- 266 THE PASSENGER PIGEON quired 17,424,000 bushels of mast daily. Au­ in the habits and mental capacity of the dubon, for a flock of 1,150,136,000, made a pigeon there is something lacking, which comparable estimate of 8,712,000 bushels." makes it the frequent victim of its enemies, It is obvious that if the species had persisted and of whicli the netter avails himself. The in anything like its original numbers, agricul­ birds migrate in a large body or a number of ture would have been impossible. The pigeon large bodies. You have heard of the wonder­ was voracious. Dr. T. S. Roberts [in The ful flight of pigeons which your father or Birds of Minnesota, Volume I] mentions re­ grandfather saw. Soiue have seen a flight covering seventeen acorns from the crop of of them in their semi-annual migration to one bird. Translate acorns into wheat for a tlie north. It is the only way these birds ever few millions of birds and the loss becomes leave winter quarters for summer. When their enormous. When the purse of the farmer is scouts return with the old story of "corn in touched, he takes matters into his own hands, Egypt," the birds quickly leave in regular as we witness even today. Which would have flocks, stringing into line, and having reached been preferable—our present-day agriculture, the proper height, fly in a solid sheet to their or vast forests with their thousands upon destination. thousands of flashing blue meteors—is a mat­ In the fall, after they have got their winter ter of individual opinion. plumage and are bound for the South, they are scarce and shy, for they are well fed and the young are fully grown. They have gleaned the stubbles of the Northwest and are on their way to a land where rice and acorns and corn [Nothing is knoxun of F.E.S., putative author will be their food during cold weather. A few of this 7nemoir of pigeon-netting which was may be caught on bait, but it is only by the published in two issues of Forest and Stream greatest care and skill, aided by fortune. magazine in 1894. The article xuas datelined Eau Claire, Wisconsin, but it is clear that the From 100 to 200 men have been engaged in incidents took place at more than one time and the business of netting these birds all die time, in several different places. No matter: the and this number is increased by a great many work he describes so vividly xuas much the local netters wherever die birds happen to same throughout the nesting range of the pas­ nest. These regular netters are located in al­ senger pigeon, xuhich is to say most of the most every state in the Union, each new nest­ northeastern quadrant of the United States. ing seeming to develop a few new catchers, Despite the morbid aspects of the pigeoner's who make frantic efforts to get into the ring trade, it is almost impossible to remain un­ and find out the news away from home and in moved by the excitement of the hunt or unim­ pressed by the ingenuity of the hunters.] return give the boys any local points they may discover. In this very large country there would seem to be every chance of losing a body of birds and not finding out where they are. But a Netting Wild Pigeons" very good system has been established for Forest and Stream, 1894 ° Schorger elsewhere points out that the foxy Audu­ bon simply halved the figures of his ornithological rival Alexander Wilson! ILD pigeons are growing more "Reprinted from Forest and Stream, 43: 28, 50 (July wscarc e each season. The busi­ 14 and 21, 1894). ness of snaring and handling them for the ' Millions of pigeons were shipped live to trapshoot- trap' and table has been closely followed for ing clubs all over the country, where sportsmen shot tliem, one at a time, as they were released from spring- a generation by a number of netters, and a operated cages. Adam H. Bogardus, a famous marks­ few of the details which are most interesting man, won a thousand-dollar wager in 1869 by killing will be given by one of them who has had 500 pigeons in 528 minutes; another man, E. T. Martin a rare experience. of Chicago, recorded 27,378 pigeons killed at trap- shooting over a period of years. See Schorger, Pas­ As swift in level flight as any bird that flies. senger Pigeon, 163-164.

267 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 keeping track of them, which is specially rific and the colony increases rapidly, each looked after by the different express com­ flock coming in calling as it flies, which is a panies and the shippers and handlers of live sure sign of a nesting. The birds now select and dead birds, who form another section of their mates and for two days sticks are car­ those interested in the history of the wild ried, each doing a fair share in the work of pigeon, before the epicure meets him at the building the nest, which is all sticks, with no table. When the body of birds leaves the South moss nor lining. Here two eggs are laid and the local superintendents of the express com­ on the third morning the tom birds leave panies are instructed to keep their eyes out for the nesting for their first drink and feed, and indications of a nesting, and the messengers generally drink first. They start in large sheets, generally are to report on their route. A cor­ gradually splitting into flocks a short dis­ respondence of an inquisitive nature is car­ tance from the nesting, and feeding and re­ ried on by every regular netter in order that turning at 10 o'clock to relieve the hens, who he or his chums may strike the birds first. take their outing until 3 o'clock and return to One may judge of the importance of the re­ let their partners take a second trip out in ceipts to the express companies from the fact the afternoon. This goes on daily, rain or that a total of four to five thousand barrels shine, until the young are hatched. They are of birds are shipped from each nesting, aver­ fed first on a substance called curd, which aging thirty dozen to the barrel, on which the the parent birds secrete in their craws, and charges are from $6 to S12 per barrel, which which must be removed from all birds killed, sometimes include re-icing on the trip. This as it soon spoils them. After the young get does not include the stall-fed birds for later a little larger both parents have to hustle for market, nor the live birds for trapshooting, food and sometimes they go out together. and on which charges are 75 cents per crate All young hatched will be fed even if their of seventy-two birds to $300 per carload, nor own parents are killed. the squabs, so that it is of considerable im­ portance that no nesting be overlooked.

The same flocks of birds will be reported E will take a trip out with a from ten or twenty different points, sometimes w good netter the first iriorning a two or three hundred miles apart on their regular fly commences from a nesting. A first appearance in the state. Then the plot grain sack, in which are a net and stooP and thickens and it becomes a question, "Where a canvas-covered cheese box of which he is is there feed enough to hold a nesting?" All very careful, besides the pipe and lunch, com­ probable points are then closely watched and prise his visible outfit. I say visible because daylight finds each netter out, set and ready it is not yet daylight, and we are none too to try and hail any passing flock of scouts and early. It is a clear cold iriorning with pros­ see how well the eggs are developed, and by pects of a bright sun, and one man knows that the contents of the craw to tell whether the the birds will leave at dawn if they come out birds wintered in Missouri on acorns or in today at all. He has been waiting two or three Alabama on rice. In this way the small flocks days, hearing each day from men who have are watched, and if they form a "roost" they been through the nesting how they were are not disturbed. Generally the birds pick building, so he is on nettles. All his prepara­ the best feed possible in Michigan or Pennsyl­ tions are made. A brisk walk of a mile brings vania; beech nuts are their nesting diet, fol­ us to the slope of a large hill where the oak lowed, as the nuts sprout, by budding on the timber skirts two sides of a coulee, on which young elm buds. In Wisconsin and Minnesota was corn last season. I note a few stakes stuck acorns are their main food. up and a small house well thatched as to its The first parties of birds generally form a roost in some swampy piece of land where " The stool was an upright stake with a horizontal tamarack or alder grow thickly, and the oth­ bar which could be raised and lowered by the pigeoner, causing a tethered pigeon (the "stool bird") to flap ers join in, their cries filling the woods with its wings and resettle itself, as if alighting. See the noise. For two or three days the noise is ter­ accompanying drawing for a typical netting set-up. 268 --Z.- I, fl6E0NElf5

Typical pigeon-netting operation, adapted by Paul Hass from a drawing in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, September 21, 1867.

top, front, and sides, and open behind; and p;id and over his feet, drawn taut and attached then I must watch him. Quickly his net is to the handle. A few dead birds shot yester­ shaken out of the sack, out come the hooks day for the occasion are produced and nicely and hubs, fly-sticks, stool and fly-lines, and arranged on the bed. a hatchet, and he is full of business. The Just then the first flock of about a dozen net is made ready. stragglers went through the valley to our right. Now he arranges his flyer's boots by at­ I am told to keep down in the left corner un­ taching them to lines 20 feet long, tied to a der cover of the side and look out behind and small stake behind the house. His flyer is see if the birds notice the flyers. The netter next produced from one corner of the box now buttons his coat, and taking a flyer on and quickly a silk thread and fine needle (a his hand, strokes it so as to calm it while his pigeoner's trademark) is run through the cal­ eye travels every foot of the valley behind us. lous membrane of the lower eyelid, then car­ Suddenly I hear "Hist!" and the sound of ried over the crown of the head to the other wings as the first flyer leaves his hand, and ditto, then brought together on top of the the second follows a moment later. I at once head and neatly tucked under. His mate is forget die birds and look at the two flyers. treated likewise, and the flyers are ready and Right up to the end of their lines they go, set at the rear of the house in easy reach. strongly and well, then round in graceful cir­ Now the netter reaches into his box at the cles until they light suddenly on the ground. other end for his right bower. "Hullo, Tom," 14ien I notice that he has taken hold of the he says, and a gentle peck on the finger is stool line, and I can hear the hover of his his morning salute as he produces a finely- bird, while the flock, having seen the flyers featliered, erect, slick-looking male bird which light, evidently desire company, for after cir­ two seasons have rendered reliable. A gentle cling once they set their wings and come broad­ hover! Ah, there! Just watch him shut his side to the bed. He holds the stool up until wings. That is all there is of it, and it is be­ they are about fifty feet from the bed, when yond counterfeit. He is put out on the stool he gives the lighting hover with the stool pad, which is a wire shank and riin and riveted bird and releases the stool line. His eyes tell center, a pair of boots is passed through the him when the bulk of the flock strike the bed.

269 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUAtMER, 1976

and as their wings close, a quick, strong pull life, "a hen hawk." The stool bird had his on the spring line [thus closing the net] and eye on the hawk and would not move his a tumble out through the back speedily follow. wings, so for sport a green bird was put on I note a small bunch of birds making their and I doubled the hawk up with a charge of way to the woods, but he is at the net, pincers 6's. in hand, and wherever a head shows through it they are applied and the neck is broken. Out of breath from nervousness he says, "Eight out of fourteen; pretty good!" A pat to the BOUT 9:30 the birds began to stool bird, a hurried setting of the net, and A return to the nesting, and we with flyers gathered in we are ready once more. had a chance to see their way of feeding. In A flock passes out of range, but no effort is the ravine was a creek and small pond lined made to halt them, as he says the flocks will with birch and alder. After the birds had follow their leaders and more will come to scoured through the woods, rolling over one our point. I am interested now, and only another and the leaves like waves, until they anxious to throw a flyer or do something to were thirsty, they would swing out into the help. He says, "Take it easy now and we valley and strike the creek, going down two won't be disappointed today. The birds you or three at a time, and then pitching away see dead and those you see flying are all toms, for their nesting. As they are satisfied on the and the nesting is ready to commence a regu­ back fly, we attempted nothing until they lar flight. We will need help before evening were all in. He told me the hens would break and won't tire a flyer for nothing." As he out today in full force, as they had been in spoke he made a quick jump into the house two days laying. I could not describe the and I lie flat on my face. I don't know that sight when they did come out about 10:30. a large flock is directly upon us. No time to From every point there came flocks, and the throw a flyer, so under his coat it goes, and air was never clear. We could do nothing but the stool birds and the bedders, which were in­ set the net and straighten up in time to spring creased by the ones just killed, were used again. Our house was almost filled with dead for all they were worth. I could hear him birds. I was allowed to try my hand and breathing hard, when suddenly he sprung the succeeded in catching the bed. The old stool net and yelled, "Now hustle, we have some­ bird had no use for me. Through good and thing worth going out for." bad luck we had added twenty-nine dozen hens, and as the outfly was finished he ad­ As we rolled out of the house I heard the vised our carrying the dead birds to a cool swish of wings, and there was a flock piling on place, where he husked them with the hatchet the net, under which appeared to me to be and laid them out to set for packing. After a thousand pigeons. I was rattled. He told me covering them with brush I left for the house to bring the bag, into which I dropped the for ice and an empty barrel, as he did not birds as he killed them, counting until sixty- wish to let his luck be known. Meantime the nine had been put in—a pretty good haul. All stool bird and flyers were fed, and when I the while, though, flocks of every size were got back were ready for the evening fly of passing over, so after saving one spry fellow for the toms, who go out twice to the hens' once. a flyer we set again, and had not a minute to At 3 P.M. the hens began getting back, so spare before another bunch, netted us twenty- we cleaned up the bed and were soon ready seven. My hat was gone now and I was wild for the toms once more. Almost the first flock with excitement, but bent on seeing it to the we saw came directly for the creek to water, end. For two and a half hours we worked and in a moment were leisurely starting over without a minute's rest until he told me the our clearing, when our flyers attracted their tom flight was over, and I, who was going attention and a beautiful scene followed. On to "keep tab" if I could not play, told him I they came, their crimson breast toward the sun had counted sixteen dozen dead birds besides as handsome as nature—I could hear my friend those on the bed. Well, we had a rest, broken say "Too many! Too many!" At last he rip­ only by a visit from the burden of a netter's ped into them and the net only got about half

270 THE PASSENGER PIGEON way over. When we got out the birds were arrangements for their reception with other pouring out of the net, so many there were business on hand, and we neither could hail that they held up the front line. Dropping nor halt them. We concluded to send some flat on it, we had the satisfaction of saving one of our friends down in that direction and 159 birds, which was our best haul of the day. try to discover where they were. A deputation Now followed a repetition of the early-morn­ of two were sent up to Corry, Pennsylvania, ing programme, lasting until sundown, and and thence we ran down the river slowly with when we got through we found sixty-one dozen a flatboat. For a long time we saw nothing; and three birds to the good. To me it was but finally we met some lower river men com­ a revelation; I think it was a surprise to the ing up who said that they had seen immense old man, whose locks were sprinkled with flocks of pigeons coming down to Tionesta gray. These birds were laid with the others Creek, where there were a number of worked- as they were, and at 10 o'clock that night out oil and salt wells. We were not long in were packed and on their road to Boston, finding the attraction. The whole valley there where the first arrivals sold at $2.50 a dozen. was alive with pigeons. All the slopes of the With unvarying success for the two weeks hills were saturated with a brackish mineral necessary to hatch the eggs we continued our water which caused the moss to grow as thick sport. I was given a net and had lots of praise as turf, and this was the key to the secret. In showered on me by as kind a man and as true a few moments we had made up our minds a friend as I ever met in that business. In that we possessed a secret unknown to others every clearing within a radius of fifteen miles of our craft.8 was a bough house, and each train was loaded My companion proposed staying right there, wtih birds. Evenings there would be a grand but then I showed him the wonderful dif­ reunion at some corner "grocery," and they ference between trying to get the birds to would vie with one another in the pigeon feed on our one little bed or two, when the tales galore, which may account for the au­ whole country was full of the same stuff, and thor's lore. giving them some of it near home where none existed. I did not have to wink to let him know that I was developing a plan to halt them near their nesting. We returned to our FTER the young birds are hatch­ fellow catchers that evening and told them A ed, and while the parents are all we had found out and answered all ques­ making the curd on which they feed them tions, but offered no advice. In a twinkling while growing, the old birds cease to be easily their nets were packed, and they were ready attracted by mere food in a state of nature. for the first train down there. It was over Often in the early summer nesting the beech twenty miles in an air line from the nesting nuts have sprouted, so as not to be of much which extended from Wilcox to Smithport. service to them. On this account, where birds form a nesting where their maintenance de­ I went up to the top of the Alleghenies at pends on the beech nut crop, netters long Kane, Pennsylvania, taking my companion of ago came to the conclusion that they must the search with me. We chose a secluded place develop some scheme for keeping up their in the thickest timber and made preparation average catch during the last two weeks of a to feed the birds their favorite morsels. Five nesting on beech mast. Fifteen years ago, in barrels of salt were brought from the station a nesting near Sheffield, Pennsylvania, it was and quietly we worked and waited. On the remarked by many of us interested, that after second day's hunt for a location I had found the young were hatched the old birds seemed a small deer lick near Coal Creek, and noticed to quit their regular habit of feeding and liv­ a few pigeons hanging round it. Here was our ing, and leaving everything we thought would opportunity. That evening I drew a plan and hold them, would pull right away west over toward the Allegheny River, following the numerous creeks and runs to it. We were at ° Passenger pigeons were extremely fond of salt, which was used to bait them in Michigan and Penn­ our wits' end. The birds passed over our nice sylvania but not in Wisconsin.

271 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 we talked it over. It seemed too good to be but mud, water, and curd. I had caught birds true, but we thought we could give them a on snow, straw, and leaves and at watering mineral spring or two if nothing else would places, but I had this to learn. It beat the suit them. We sent for 101 pounds of ground old mud bed where the net, birds and all sulphur and a pint of oil of anise. Our op­ went out of sight, and the birds were ruined erations were begun by clearing out the alder for shipment and must be picked. These birds brush and trimming small trees, until we had were clear and bright, and this way of catch­ a place 60 x 100 feet, which would give us ing them has since been adopted by all first- the desired opportunity. The muck was 6 class netters, whether for trap or market. feet deep, so we put in a good floor of poles and brush to prevent a trip to China. We then cut and notched enough young trees to lay the walls of a house 24 x 28 feet in size UCH has been said and done and well chinked, open at the top and 4 feet M in the way of criticism of the high. We also built another pen the same art of netting birds for trap and market, and size at the end of this, away from the bough it is the conviction of the ordinary sportsman house, and made a sliding door between the that to the net belongs the credit for the two, so that after we had struck on the bait pigeon's extinction. Much more might be said pen we could enter and drive the birds on the same side, but this article may possibly through the large door into the keeping pen, explain another way in which their numbers then close the door for a chance to crate them have not been increased. While in many or or while killing them. We worked night and all of the states where the pigeons used to day and finally were ready for the bed which nest, laws originated by both netters and hunt­ we constructed in the following manner: With ers were passed prohibiting the use of gun or a spade the black muck was turned up 8 inches net within a mile of the place of nesting, yet deep. When the water had soaked out of it there are many states not so protected where poles were laid lengthwise and then salt and the gun reigns supreme. Now, no provision sulphur were sown together well and the whole is made in any state for the roosting birds, was carefully raked down level. After repair­ and thereby hangs a tale. It may show you ing our nets and setting everything in order, one of the causes of the decrease in numbers we began operations by putting a dozen fine and the increased shyness in what pigeons we slick male birds into the bait pen and the may now find in our land. same number of females into the other pen, Seven years ago this month I was in the so that their calling would attract any birds city of Cleveland, Ohio, anxiously waiting for which might be in the neighborhood. In two news of a body of birds, which we had left days we had plenty of company. The birds on the Iron Mountain Railroad near Pied­ were feeding the squabs and were full of mont, Missouri, where they had nested in curd, so we wanted to save all alive that we January and February. When the birds left could and crate them. We took a good sup­ there a portion of them were ready to nest, ply of food and water to the bough house and but not a large enough number to pay a net­ said adieu to the rest of the world. From the ter to follow them. The main body were time we went back until we finally sprung through nesting for a while, having raised the nets, some pigeons were always there. two broods in the winter and with the young birds had disappeared. After getting reports On Monday morning we took a final test from the different cities that dead birds are of everything and prepared to strike. The sent to, and hearing from our fellow netters location and the day were all that we could that they were in the same boat as ourselves wish and the woods were alive with the blue and could get no news, I concluded to run fellows. The birds seemed all to be perfectly over to Chicago. I was taking a trip through mad to get at the prepared mud, and you South Water street, when my heart was glad­ could hear the "chick" they made in their ef­ dened by the sight of a barrel containing wild forts to swallow too large morsels. Half the pigeons. The birds I discovered to be shot hens we cropped had nothing in their crops birds and all apparently shot through the

272 THE PASSENGER PIGEON body. As a bird shot on the flight, will twice were out for meat. Each man was given a out of three times show an injury to the wing, place in line and the force comprised eight I knew at once that these birds were shot men armed and six youths with grain sacks sitting—probably at roost. The birds came which were intended to hold the dead. from Illinois.1" I made an arrangement with We could hear the flocks of birds coming the broker, I was to go south and buy, or in all the time and settling down among catch the birds and pack and ship all the their comrades who were already at roost, and birds sent from that section. He was to re­ their incessant chattering showed their great ceive and sell them. Reaching the pretty little numbers. The night was still young and dark burgh I was soon busily engaged in dickering as Erebus. In about a half-hour a volley of for a shop, barrels, and ice. The landlord guns sounded a mile or two away on our left, told me the farmers were shooting the birds and the leader saying, "Now boys, come at night in a large roosting they had formed ahead; we'll get our share before them fellers out south. . . . My arrangements were per­ take them all," we stole slowly along in line fected. I was to buy of no one except the ten feet apart. No birds flushed, although merchants, and they were to sell to no one but we could hear their swish out of one shrub me. We set a price and I was to take all into another. We soon reached a small thicket they got. from which so loud a noise came that a halt I soon heard that Squire Allen, an old was called and "Aim level, one, two, three, friend, was in town with a load of dead birds, fire," was quietly spoken by the leader. The and having visited him on a netting trip years deafening sound was quickly followed by the before, it did not take long to arrange for breaking out of a large body of birds which a trip out to his home fifteen miles east. At left the thicket, only to pitch down again on supper time we had reached tire Squire's house, the ground somewhere else in the roosting. but had seen few birds. However, he promised The sound of flapping wings and struggling me plenty of birds, only insisting that they birds in the brush was the signal to stack the must be shot, not caught. I was introduced gtms against a tree, and with one or two lan­ to about a dozen stalwart young Suckers, who terns and the sacks our .search was commenced. were variously armed and ready for the sport. "Don't touch the cold birds," I heard from Of course, as a netter, I tried to bribe them my neighbor, "the hogs will get them to-mor­ to stop shooting, and as I had some extra nets row." We picked up all the warm birds, find­ would let them catch on shares. They were out ing many cripples and killing them, and the for fun and glory, and I had to forego netting boys counted sixty-nine birds out of that bunch and go with them. I was very glad I did so. brought to bag. We could hear the flocks The trip showed me a new phase in the coming in over our heads all the time we were bird's nature, which, though I had been a seeking the dead. As soon as we were through, dozen years a netter and knew my business, one sack of birds being full, was strung up I had never witnessed before. The birds fed in a tree out of reach of the pigs, and marking all over, going fifty miles for acorns and corn the spot we were soon on our way to another and only returning late in the evening to place. roost. We left the house at 8 o'clock and took a trail out to an "oak opening country," the All over the country we could hear a can­ Squire called it. The trees ranged from 8 nonade and flocks were continually settling to 16 feet higli and were black and scrub down, ignoring the trees and tumbling into oaks, and stood as thick as they could grow. a bunch of grass when and where they could As is generally the case with this sort of tim­ after being once disturbed. Of course, this ber, they were covered with the dry leaves shooting did more to frighten and drive away of the previous year and afforded good shel­ the birds than all the netting in the world. ter to the birds in the cold nights. I found Noise is one thing pigeons can make if they that it was a regularly organized body, who like, but they do not seem to be suited unless everything around their roosting place is quiet. '" F.E.S. mentions Parma and Windfield, Illinois— A succession of surprises such as the one de­ both fictitious names. scribed was the order of the night until mid-

273 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 night, when we met another party of neigh­ quired not a century, but a mere twenty-five bors, who had tramped through from the other years, to extinguish the once-mighty host. The side of the roost and who had bagged a large official record shows that the last wild passen­ number of birds. Our sacks were heavy now ger pigeon was killed in Pikes County, Ohio, and after telling the other men where to bring on March 24, 1900. In Wisconsin, the last pigeon had been shot six months earlier, in their birds next day we opened our lunch, September, 1899, near Babcock in Wood Cowi- and refreshed by a pipe were ready for the ty.'^ This feat was accomplished, quite off­ back track. handedly, by a man named Varney, who was acting as guide to a hunting party which in­ cluded Emerson Hough, a celebrated novelist and sportsman whose abiding love for nature and the American West had made him a pio­ [Even before the mid-point of the nineteenth neer in the conservation movement. Hough century, observers throughout the eastern Uni­ had been in the forefront of the struggles for ted States noted a gradual decline in the num­ hunting and fishing regulations, for the preser­ ber of pigeons xuhich filled the skies each vation of the bison and other endangered spring. The pigeons had largely ceased to species, and for the establishment of a system nest in Ohio by 1840; Henry David Thoreau of national parks and forests. For several years, remarked their lessened numbers in Massa­ as the passenger pigeon grew increasingly rare chusetts in 1852; by 1874, at the very peak of and elusive. Hough had hoped to see one in commercialized slaughter in the Middle West, the wild. As he reported the incident at Bab­ a Frenchman x/isiting in Michigan boldly pre­ cock for Forest and Stream, he could not know dicted that "if the world will endure a cen­ that the bird he held xuas literally the last of tury longer, I xuill wager that the amateur of its kind in Wisconsin.] ornithology xuill find no pigeons except in select Museums of Natural History." It re­ " Schorger, Passenger Pigeon, 286, 292. Milwaukee Journal photograph by George P. Kosholl THE PASSENGER PIGEON

Chickens in the Pine Country^' but the class of the population is like the soil itself, sullen and uncompromising. Every man Emerson Hough hates his neighbor cordially, and hates him­ self as well. The ground, though underlaid with sand, is low and damp, and will not NE of the most satisfactory trips raise wheat or corn in any great acreage. of which I have had word was 0 There are but two products—hay and buck­ that made by Mr. Neal Brown and his wife, wheat. Miles and miles of good hay grounds of Wausau, Wisconsin, whose party I joined lie waiting for the mower, and a few men are this week at Babcock.^^ We had a very de­ engaged in putting up hay on a considerable lightful and successful hunt, and I enjoyed scale. How any farmer makes a living there it thoroughly, more especially as it was an I cannot tell, for in twenty miles of country entirely new thing in my experience. The I saw no crops except some straggling fields State of Wisconsin is a grand one for sports­ of buckwheat. Around these buckwheat fields men, offering the best of deer shooting, and the prairie chickens are concentrated more or angling in almost every line one could ask. less, but it is against the law to let a dog It also has fine ruffed grouse shooting, some run in the standing crops, and the farmer of quail and woodcock shooting, some of the that country who sees a shooter come on his best canvasback shooting in America, and land usually goes into hysterics until the about as good sport on all around duck shoot­ shooter leaves or gives him a dollar. It is a ing as most of our Western regions can boast. solemn, weird, doleful sort of country. You I had also long known that some very fair wouldn't see a smile there in a hundred years, prairie chicken shooting was to be had in and every one acts as though he wanted to the lower part of Wisconsin, but I did not make you unhappy because he is unhappy know that these birds were to be found far himself. up in the State in the pine woods country. I had always been used to shooting prairie But, though this was once a country of pine, chickens in the prairie country, where the it is still a country of grass, and therefore you wild grass lands were broken up by wheat have the secret of the presence of the prairie fields. It never occurred to me that one chicken. There are literally scores of miles could get chicken shooting ... in stump of breeding ground—a wilderness over which grounds and heavily covered marshes. . . . it is not possible to drive with a wagon, and Babcock is in a district which was lumbered with cover so dense that no dog can hunt it off for its pine some forty or fifty years ago. out completely and no man walk over it or Some of the hard wood has also been cut, and ride over it with ease. . . . there remains rather a barren and desolate Mr. Brown, of Wausau, I had never met looking country, covered with fallen trees, before, but he is surely the best fellow in the burned stubs of pine, poplar thickets and wide world, and his Gordon setter Jimmy is a meat expanses of grassy marsh running in between dog with the simple and direct habit of going the ridges, which have been stripped of their where the birds are, and not wasting time timber. The town of Babcock itself was in putting on any airs for style, speed and made a division point at the time the rail­ other frills and furbelows. Then again, we road went through. There was an auction had with us young Varney, of Babcock, and sale of lots, one brief day of glory, and then his own meat dog, a long-eared pointer which Babcock settled back with a dull, heavy sag he called Cub. Cub would hardly win on the into a position from which it has never since bench, for he is about 8 feet long and has feet attempted to emerge. A so-called farming the size of a pie pan, but he could take those community has tried to settle up that country, feet over the soft ground all day long, and he showed all the sagacity of the old-time " Reprinted from Forest and Stream, 48: 247-248 chicken dog, which I have always thought was (September 23, 1899). a most admirable animal. I am pleased to '" Brown was a powerful and conservative business­ say also that Cub was broken to retrieve, a man with interests in paper, pulp, and electric power and light. most valuable thing in this heavy grass coun-

275 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 try, and he saved us many a bird we other­ kept on howling all night. Mr. Brown told wise would have lost, and never lost one which the butcher he would shoot the dog if he was knocked down. Indeed, he pointed once could get to see him and the butcher told in the grass and caught a crippled bird which Mr. Brown he would shoot him if he shot his none of our party had shot. . . . dog, and Mr. Brown said he didn't mind about that: so we had quite a pleasant time. "I have lived in this Northern country too long," said Mr. Brown to me, "to pay any E heard a great deal of shoot­ attention to people who say they are going w ing all day long, but most of to shoot me full of holes. You must expect that the parties made the mistake of hunting all sort of thing, for it is part of tire game. These in a bunch, so that if a bird went up every­ folks around here have just got it in for the body shot at it. Sometimes we would hear rest of the universe. They don't mean to be a dozen shots fired in quick succession—enough unpleasant. It is just a way they have." to cle;in out a whole covey—yet when we met any shooters it seemed they had no more birds than we, and at the hotel that night we dis­ covered that our party was high bag, getting HERE is perhaps some news in twenty-four birds, the nearest to our number this, our chicken hunt at Bab­ being nineteen. There were four guns in our cock, regarding this northern range of the party, yet every one knows that two guns will grouse in Wisconsin. Still another bit of news, kill as many chickens as four. We usually and rather an important one, came out during hunted pretty closely together for the sake our little trip. We killed a wild pigeon! We of companionship and did not hurry our­ have all read from time to time about the selves, but took things easy, so that I must occasional appearance of the wild pigeons, but say we had as pleasant a day as I ever passed it is rather singular that the representative in the field. Mrs. Brown has been using a of the Forest and Stream should personally fall shotgun for about half a dozen years, and she across one of the few instances of the actual is a very clever wing shot. . . . killing of this bird in recent years. Yet this On the following day we made a long is without doubt true. While we were clean­ drive, going about fifteen miles out across ing our birds at lunch time on the first day, Cranberry Creek. We located some splendid- our guide Varney pulled out of his pocket looking country, but we got there too late. some turtle doves which he had innocently We learned that over 200 chickens had been been shooting that morning. Among these killed in that neighborhood on opening day, was a bird to which he called our attention, and we thought if we were up there next year saying it was "too big for a dove" and he did we would make for that part of the country not know what it was. "Why, that's a pigeon!" at once. On this second day it was too warm cried Mr. Brown. "It's a young wild pigeon." to work very hard, so we took a good long And so it proved. The bird was about noon hour, fried some prairie chickens over two-thirds grown and the plumage was yet our camp-fire, made a pot of coffee and en­ pale and devoid of the fine luster of the joyed ourselves in spite of all. We only killed adult bird. The tail feathers were pulled out six birds on this last day. in the pocket of Varney's hunting coat, but I The general hostility of the citizens of Bab­ got them and have them now, with the skin cock and vicinity was rather amusingly ex­ of the bird, which I secured. I cannot give emplified at our hotel in town. The landlord many details regarding the killing of this was apparently suffering from a blighted life, bird, except that it was shot from a tree early and it was a source of great comfort to me in the morning by Varney. There were a lot to hear him and Mr. Brown argue their re­ of doves hanging around a buckwheat field spective opinions as to the size and the ex­ and some of these lighted on a tree. Varney cellence of the field lunches provided for fired at the largest bird he saw on the tree, our party. Next door to us there was a butch­ and put it in his pocket, thinking that it was er, and the butcher kept a dog, and the dog a dove. It was nearly twice as large and heavy

276 THE PASSENGER PIGEON as a dove when we came to place the two birds the birds were in their prime. The almost if together. Mr. Brown tells me that he and not quite total extinction of the species has his wife have seen these birds in northern brought about a very different method of Wisconsin within six years, and they were hunting. The railway train, the field glass, once abundant all over this country where and the camera have taken the place of the we were hunting. The Fore.st and Stream has deadly weapons, and great pains are taken always been very anxious to secure any posi­ to find out if there is really a single passenger tive proof of the appearance of this wild pigeon left in the country. pigeon, and here is proof which is direct and Much was expected in the spring and early unmistakable. It was the last feature needed summer of 1911. Early and persistent rumors to make my little Babcock experience a curi­ came in that the pigeons had been seen in ous and enjoyable one. . . . many quarters. Verification of reports was greatly needed. On June 23, hurried word came from Dr. Hodge that a man in Michigan was sure that he had the goods and urged [The pigeons were gone in 1900, but the an immediate investigation. legend of their numbers, their mythic "inex­ Graduation exercises were over, the last haustibility," encouraged people to scan the empty skies and .silent oaks for them long after faculty meeting drew to a hurried close,''' and their passing. At a meeting of the American after much exertion made effective by the Ornithologists' Union in December of 1909, "better half," the only train making the neces­ Professor Clifton F. Hodge, a Wisconsin-born sary connections was reached. Then came the biologist in Clark University at Worcester, 250 torrid miles of travel. At nine o'clock that Massachusetts, proposed that an extensive na­ night we were making guarded inquiries for tionwide search be undertaken to determine Mr. James H. Scott, we will say. Our inquiries xvhether the passenger pigeon xuas in fact ex­ were guarded because we did not wish any tinct. This idea was enthusia.stically received one to know that Mr. Scott was so close to by Hodge's ornithological colleagues, and by tirat $1,000. Mr. James H. Scott? queried the amateur birdxuatchers and sportsmen. The search assumed somewhat the aspect of a con­ liveryman. No, no one of that name lives test or treasure hunt xvhen various monetary in these parts. Well, now, let me see; might awards were posted for the discovery of veri­ it be Jim Scott? Well, Jim lives four and a fiable pigeon nests or nesting sites; these even­ half miles south of town. Drive you out? Sure! tually totaled $2,200, xvith a deadline of Oc­ and in about ten minutes we were on the high tober 1, 1911— later, and of course fruitlessly, road to Jim's place. To one begrimed with extended to October 31, 1912. Hundreds of train dirt and soaked with the ooze from a field trips and countless reported sightings pro­ billion pores at one hundred degrees in the duced not a single confirmed occurrence of car, the ride to Jim's place was the first pleas­ the bird. Testament to this melancholy chap­ ure of the trip. At half past ten, we halted ter in the history of the passenger pigeon, and before tire one-story log cabin of our host to to man's stubborn optimism, is the folloxuing account of a series of trips undertaken in the be. Jim had retired, but a call brought a .summer of 1911, at Hodge's request, by Mr. prompt reply in a kind and cheerful voice that and Mrs. Irving N. Mitchell of Mihuaukee.] was liostage for perfect hospitality. At a quarter past four the following morn­ The Passenger Pigeon Investigation'" ing we were reconnoitering the home sur­ roundings hoping to see a pigeon to start the Mr. and Mrs. Irving N. Mitchell day with. After an early breakfast, we set out on a long tramp through a wide strip of oak woods. The conditions seemed favorable. HE interest aroused in the pas­ senger pigeon by the thousand- dollar reward offered the past two years for an undisturbed nest has recalled to many an "Reprinted from Wisconsin Arbor and Bird Day old hunter the enormous numbers of pigeon Annual, 1912 (Madison, 1912), 109-111. " Mitchell taught at the state normal school in that were taken by net, gun, and club when Milwaukee. 277 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

We were all eyes and ears, but lack of visual ments for supper and lodging at a country or auditory encouragement dulled enthusiasm saloon and store. We worked the edge of the and we took to browsing on blueberries and swamp, where the guide believed that he had the young and spicy wintergreen leaves after seen pigeons, till supper time and from sup­ the manner of our guide. By seven thirty we per till dark, but again no signs. At three- had reached a buckwheat field that had fig­ forty the next morning we were on the road ured much in Mr. Scott's correspondence. It to the swamp, but this time across the harvest­ had been sowed the year before but not har­ ed grain fields. We again worked the edge vested, and was the real rendezvous of the of the swamp and then walked through the pigeons. cut, well ahead of the guide, who was follow­ We traversed this field back and forth, ing with the carriage. We then skirted the flushed several mourning doves, but no pi­ swamp for a mile or more and finally turned geons. We built a blind of sassafras bushes toward town, as the rain that had begun to from which we watched till noon when we fall soon after we started was now hard were driven to the cover of a near by aban­ enough to make further work impracticable. doned barn by a heavy rainstorm. From the Total results—one mourning dove heard in blind and from the barn we saw not less than the swamp and one seen on the way home. a score of mourning doves come and go but We received the finest courtesy from our not a single pigeon. The downpour continued. guide, an unusually intelligent gentleman, and During brief intermissions we dodged from were sorry not to be able to turn that thousand one farmhouse to another till we succeeded in dollars in his direction. making arrangements to be taken to the sta­ The third and final chapter opened the tion. last week in August. Again word came that On our return we found that trains were our Michigan man was sure that the pigeons not run for our convenience, we missed sched­ were making almost daily visits to a field uled connections, but reached home in time close to his barn where he was in the habit for a brief nap before taking up the arduous of salting his cattle. The call was too attrac­ work of the summer session on Monday morn­ tive to ignore so we were soon at the farm ing. This was the end of chapter one of of friend Scott again. We arrived in mid- pigeon verification in this section of the coun­ afternoon, took possession of a cow shed fac­ try. Chapter two opened Friday, July 21, with ing the "salting field," scattered a liberal word from Dr. Hodge that letters from the supply of buckwheat for a hundred feet from Green Bay country, Wisconsin, were so prom­ the shed, arranged a blind in the doorway, ising that an investigation seemed desirable. and, with camera and field glass, proceeded to wait the coming of the pigeons. Between three forty-five and six o'clock, HE midnight train saw us on the fifteen mourning doves visited the field. T way and eight o'clock the next The next day, between five and eleven fifty- morning found us at the little city that was five A. M.^ eight more doves came in sight of presumably about to be made famous as the the blind, but there was no sign of a pigeon. last stand of the much-sought-for passenger In describing the "pigeons" that he had seen, pigeon. We soon found that the hunting friend Scott gave the true measurements of ground was about seven miles from town near the mourning dove, showing conclusively that a great black ash swamp a score of miles long there had been no pigeons about. Just an­ and several miles wide, a low and impen­ other case of mistaken identity. etrable place at this time of year. Circum­ It may be of interest to note that the unex­ stances prevented an early start, but mid-after­ plained or imperfectly explained presence of noon found us at the swamp. A road had been a pigeon hunter in each locality led to the cut through the swamp at one place and suspicion that he was a U. S. internal revenue through this cut we drove slowly all eyes and man on the lookout for violators of the excise ears again, but no sight or sound of dove or laws. pigeon rewarded us. Our guide made arrange­ The great fact that remains is that the 278 THE PASSENGER PIGEON season closed not only in Wisconsin, but in the decades hence only the oldest oaks will re­ country at large, with no claimant for that member, and at long last only the hills will thousand dollars. know. Dr. Hodge's summary of the two years' There will always be pigeons in books and work is as follows: "Some rather good re­ in museums, but these are effigies and im­ ports of birds and flocks seen during the year ages, dead to all hardships and to all delights. have come in, but not one feather of tangible Book-pigeons cannot dive out of a cloud to evidence has been secured in the two-years make the deer run for cover, nor clap their hunt." wings in thunderous applause of mast-laden woods. They know no urge of seasons; they feel no kiss of sun, no lash of wind and weather; they live forever by not living at all. Our grandfathers, who saw the glory of the [On May 11, 1947, atop a bluff overlooking the confluence of the Wisconsin and Missis­ fluttering hosts, were less welhhoused, well- sippi rivers at Wyalusing State Park in Grant fed, well-clothed than we are. The strivings by County, the Wisconsin Society for Ornithology which they bettered our lot are also those dedicated a permanent memorial to the pas­ which deprived us of pigeons. Perhaps we senger pigeon—a bronze tablet bearing a repre­ now grieve because we are not sure, in our sentation of a pigeon in an oak tree, and these hearts, that we have gained by the exchange. words: "Dedicated to the last Wisconsin pas­ It is a century now since Darwin gave us senger pigeon, shot at Babcock, Sept. 1899. the first glimpse of the origin of species. We This species became extinct through the ava­ rice and thoughtlessness of man." Principal know now what was unknown to all the pre­ speaker at the dedication exercises was Aldo ceding caravan of generations: that man is Leopold, the conservationist, teacher, and es­ only a fellow-voyager with other creatures in sayist whose brief, eloquent address—derived the Odyssey of evolution, and that his cap­ from a talk he had given a year earlier at a taincy of the adventuring ship conveys the meeting of the Wisconsin Society for Ornithol­ power, but not necessarily the right, to discard ogy—is reprinted below. A year later, Leopold at will among the crew. We should, in the was dead of a heart attack. His greatest book, century since Darwin, have achieved a sense A Sand County Almanac, was published post­ of community with living things, and of won­ humously in 1949.] der over the magnitude and duration of the biotic enterprise. For one species to mourn the death of an­ On a Monument to the Pigeon' other is a new thing under the sun. The Cro- Magnon who slew the last mammoth thought Aldo Leopold only of his prowess. The sailor who clubbed the last auk thought of nothing at all. But E meet here to commemorate we, who have lost our pigeons, mourn tlie w the death of a species. This loss. Had the funeral been ours, the pigeons monument symbolizes our sorrow. We grieve would hardly have mourned us. In this fact, because no living man will see again the on- rather than in Mr. Vannevar Bush's bombs, or rushing phalanx of victorious birds, sweep­ Mr. DuPont's nylons, lies objective evidence ing a path for spring across the March skies, of our superiority over the beasts. chasing the defeated winter from all the We who erect this monument are perform­ woods and prairies of Wisconsin. ing a dangerous act. Because our sorrow is Men still live who, in their youth, remember genuine, we are tempted to believe that we pigeons; trees still live that, in their youth, had no part in the demise of the pigeon. The were shaken by a living wind. But a few truth is that our grandfathers, who did the actual killing, were our agents. They were our agents in the sense that they shared the '" Reprinted, by permission of the Wisconsin So­ ciety for Ornithology, from Silent Wings: A Memorial conviction, which we have only now begun to to the Passenger Pigeon (Madison, 1947). doubt, that it is more important to multiply 279 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

Wisconsin River Valley near Boscobel, Grant County, photo­ graphed by Paul Vanderbilt in 1965.

people and comforts than to cherish the beau­ will whistle from September skies, hickory ty of the land in which they live. What we nuts will plop into October leaves, and hail are doing here today is publicly to confess a will rattle in November woods. But no pi­ doubt whether this is true. geons will pass, for there are no pigeons, save This, then, is a monument to a bird we only this flightless one, graven in bronze on have lost, and to a doubt we have gained. this rock. Tourists will read this inscription, Perched like a duckhawk on this cliff, it will but their thoughts, like the bronze pigeon, scan this wide valley, watching through the will have no wings. days and years. For many a March it will watch the geese go by, telling the river about clearer, colder, lonelier waters on the tundra. E are told by economic moral­ For many an April it will see the redbuds come w ists that to mourn the pigeon and go, and for many a May the flush of oak- is mere nostalgia; that if the pigeoners had not blooms on a thousand hills. Questing wood done away with him, the farmers would ulti­ ducks will search these basswoods for hollow mately have been obliged, in self-defense, to limbs; golden prothonotaries will shake the do so. Perhaps this is true, but perhaps it is golden pollen from the river-willows. Egrets also true that we did away with an idea, as will pose on these sloughs in Augusts, plovers Well as a bird. It is one of the ironies of sci-

280 THE PASSENGER PIGEON ence that it discovers, ex post facto, a phi­ den at the sky, but the feathered lightning is losophical significance in what it has previ­ no more. Worm and weevil must now per­ ously tossed into the dust-bin. form slowly and silently the biological task The pigeon was no mere bird, he was a bio­ which once drew thunder from the firma­ logical storm. He was tlie lightning that play­ ment. The wonder is not that the pigeon ed between two biotic poles of intolerable in­ passed out, but that he ever survived through tensity: the fat of the land and his own zest all the millennia of pre-Babbittian time. for living. Yearly the feathered tempest roar­ The pigeon lived by his desire for clustered ed up, down, and across the continent, sucking grape and bursting beechnut, and by his con­ up the laden fruits of forest and prairie, burn­ tempt of miles and seasons. Things that Wis­ ing them in a traveling blast of life. Like any consin did not offer him today he sought and other chain-reaction, the pigeon could survive found tomorrow in Michigan, or Labrador, or no diminution of his own furious intensity. Tennessee. To find them required only the Once the pigeoners had subtracted from his free sky, and the will to ply his wings. numbers, and once the settlers had chopped But there are fruits in this land unknown to gaps in the continuity of his fuel, his flame pigeons, and as yet to most men. Perhaps we guttered out with hardly a sputter or even a too can live by our desires to find them, and wisp of smoke. by a contempt for miles and seasons, a love Today the laden oaks still flaunt their bur­ of free sky, and a will to ply our wings.

281 The University and the Social Gospel: The Intellectual Origins of the ''Wisconsin Idea"

By J. David Hoeveler, Jr.

notable fact of American life and social sciences and joining their academic A in the late nineteenth century efforts to the public, administrative functions was the remarkable transformation of the of the state, and by extending the work of the American college and its emergence as the University, through its personnel and facili­ new university. As usually described, this ties, to the boundaries of the state.^ metamorphosis derived from three major fac­ Particularly with respect to the social tors: a new concern for practicality and utility sciences, the University of Wisconsin truly in the colleges' curricular program; a demo­ did pioneer in merging the higher learning cratic effort to extend the benefits of education with public life. But the concept, and indeed to a wider portion of the community and to the rhetoric, of service to the state was at this repay the public by servicing its needs; and a time becoming the norm of the state univer­ new academic interest in research—that is, the sities everywhere in America, and outside advancement of knowledge instead of the mere Wisconsin was often more starkly utilitarian passing-on of an acquired cultural tradition.* in its operations. Nonetheless, Wisconsin be­ These three components were mutually re­ came the focus of national interest because inforcing, and, as integrated aspects of the so­ it gave dramatic and concrete illustration to cial role of the American university, they a new concept. Historians, like the public it­ found their most famous statement in the self, have long been interested in the Wis­ "Wisconsin Idea," which received its fullest consin Idea, and particularly in its reputation summarization during the administration of as a new experiment in politics associated with Charles R. Van Hise in the early twentieth the governorship of Robert M. La Follette century. The Wisconsin Idea pledged the and in its network of affiliations with "the University of Wisconsin to serve the state by other end of State Street"—the University—in applying its research to the solution of public Madison. To this extent, however, they have problems, by training experts in the physical neglected the origins of the Wisconsin Idea as it emerged within the changing intellectual milieu of nineteenth-century America. Those NOTE: This essay is an expanded version of the From- origins deserve emphasis, because a study of kin Memorial Lecture, presented at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee in the tall of 1975. The author them suggests especially that the University expresses his appreciation to the Fromkin Research and of Wisconsin's special contribution was the Lectureship Committee and the University of Wis­ conceptual as well as the practical elucidation consin-Milwaukee Library for funds to support this of ideas generated by several individuals who project. served the institution in a critical period. ' The best general account of these trends is in Law­ rence R. Veysey, The Emergence of the American University (Chicago, 1965), 57-179. "Ibid., 107-109.

282 HOEVELER: THE UNIVERSITY AND THE SOCIAL GOSPEL

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Society's Iconographic Collection North Hall, viewed from the dome of Bascom Hall in the mid-1870's. Together with South Hall, these buildings comprised the University of Wis­ consin in 1874, the year that John Bascom became president.

My subject, then, is in part the intellectual cifically, I will endeavor to show that the history of an institution; but I also endeavor tb.ree persons who best articulated the Wis­ to relate that history to the context of reform consin Idea—John Bascom, Richard T. Ely, thought in the late nineteeiith century. I wish and Jolm R. Commons—each found in the new especially to emphasize the elements of con­ role of the University the logical and critical tinuity between the reform impulse of evan­ vehicle of their ideals: tlie perfection of the gelical Protestantism in the antebellum period Cliristian state. and the later Social Gospel movement. Spe­ Because the elements of continuity loom so

283 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 large in the intellectual origins of the Wis­ tion of the country. These organizations, in­ consin Idea, it is important to keep in perspec­ terdenominational in membership, had their tive the major characteristics, the religious counterparts in a host of others concerned and social objectives of evangelical Protestant­ with specific social causes—temperance and ism. As Perry Miller once suggested, evangeli­ prohibition, Sabbatarianism, education, and cal Protestantism was the central cultural force antislavery most prominent among them. The in the United States in the half-centurv be­ voluntary organization was a kind of surro­ fore the Civil War; it in fact provided the full­ gate for church and state, but it was not ex­ est expression of America's quest for a na­ clusively so. When large moral issues loomed, tional identity.^ In a nation of diverse ethnic the evangelicals quite willingly called upon and religious groups, evangelical Protestant­ the state. But whatever the situation, it was ism looked beyond the institutional churches, to the revival that evangelicals looked for the the national established churches that typified generating of a social energy that would ig­ the Old World, for a common religious sub­ nite the community's moral resolve. Theirs stance, a core of spirituality that would cement was the pursuit of an energizing power that the nation. The principal vehicle for evangeli­ could convert a nation floundering in ma­ cal Protestantism, and the answer to its quest terialism and moral laxity. Nothing could for religious unity, was the revival. Bypassing more certainly save the drunkard than the re­ church creeds and sectarian divisions, the re­ vival's conversion of his soul. Lyman Beecher's vival, through the principles of divine grace call for "a disciplined moral militia" to con­ and saving personal conversion, pursued a front America's spiritual and social ills was kind of "pure Christianity," one largely in­ the quintessential expression of a key aspect different to the institutional church but ob­ of the evangelical mind.^ But the concept of sessed with the notion that personal and pub­ social and moral energy was also important lic morality would serve as the foundation of to the formulators of the Wisconsin Idea. a religious nation. This foundation was judged critical for the defense of the nation against its greatest enemies, the spirit of Mam­ mon and the spirit of infidelity.* HE antebellum college (the "old- There were important corollaries to this T time college" as we call it now) consensus in the realms of politics and social was a critical part of the evangelical goal of reform. Because America had forsaken the a Protestant America. The nine colleges idea of a national church and its ties to a na­ founded in the colonial period were supple­ tional government, and because it centered mented by hundreds more in the early nine- its quest for a pure religion outside the insti­ tutional churches, the concept of the volun­ " Miller, Life of the Mind, 36-42, 47, 83; Handy, A tary principle became important to it. A Christian America, 42-43, 48-51 (Beecher quotation, great variety of voluntary organizations p. 45); Sydney Ahlstrora, A Religious History of the emerged in nineteenth-century Protestant American People (New Haven, 1972), 637-647; Timothy America: the American Education Society, L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: American the American Bible Society, the American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War (New York, 1957), passim. Some of the most valuable recent Sunday-School Union, the American Tract scholarship on .American society in the nineteenth Society, the American Home Mission Society, century has demonstrated two broad divisions, with the Society for the Promotion of Collegiate stark political contrasts and allegiances, based on re­ and Theological Education in the West. Their ligious affiliation. Three works in particular confirm united concern was the conversion and salva- the existence, before and after the Civil War, of a broad evangelical (pietistic) party united on a series of political issues, such as those outlined above. They are: Paul Kleppner, The Cross of Culture: A Social ^ Perry Miller, The Life of the Mind in America: Analysis of Midwestern Politics, 1850-1900 (New York, From the Revolution to the Civil War (New York, 1970); Richard Jensen, The Winning of the Midwest: 1965), 6. Social and Political Conflict, 1888-1896 (Chicago, 'Ibid., 8-13; Robert T. Handy, A Christian America: 1971); and Ronald P. Formisano, The Birth of Mass Protestant Hopes and Historical Realities (Ixjndon, Political Parties: Michigan, 1827-1861 (Princeton, 1971), 30-31, 35. 1971). 284 HOEVELER: THE UNIVERSITY AND THE SOCIAL GOSPEL teenth century, most of them sponsored by by this subject. They included the Sabbath, one of the various Protestant denominations. personal property, oaths, marriage, chastity, The old-time college has not had a good press. tlie duties of parents, the rights and obliga­ Undoubtedly its heavily classical curriculum tions of children, the nature of just govern­ was narrow and its classroom life dull, often ment, charity and poor laws, war, and the even anti-intellectual. A strict paternalism treatment of animals.* governed student life, and the college atmo­ sphere was restrictive and inhibiting. But in ways often unappreciated, the old-time col­ lege tiied to be relevant to the society it OHN Bascom was heir to this served. Revivals were common occurrences on J tradition when he came to the campuses, a fact that attains special signifi­ University of Wisconsin as its fifth president cance when seen in relation to the pattern of in 1874. Measured against the pattern of the moral reform activities that revivals often American university then, Wisconsin had few generated.^ Indeed, the old-time college's distinctive traits. Like most state universi­ moral pattern related the school directly to ties, it was still little different from the old- the community outside. The spirit of col­ time college. Its curriculum was largely pre­ legiate reform efforts drew partly from the scribed; its moral regimentation, denoted by extracurricular life of the schools, especially such requirements as attendance at chapel the literary societies in which students debated services, was well intact; and its statutory important contemporary events, and the spe­ pledges to promote agricultural and technical cial student organizations to promote aboli­ training were largely unfulfilled. Nor was tionism, temperance, and other causes. Not there anything untypical about Bascom's back­ surprisingly, therefore, at Oberlin College, the ground. Like so many college presidents of institution where revivalism and other evan­ his day, he was born in a family of New En- gelical ideals were most pronounced, anti- glanders who had removed by the time of slavery sentiment and abolitionist activity his birth in 1827 to western New York. He among the faculty and students also were more was only one of a remarkable number of col­ pronounced than in any other American col­ lege presidents who grew up in the "burned- lege.^ Then too, the moral force of the old- over" district, so called because of the flames time college grew directly from the academic of revivalism which between about 1800 and life of the college. Indeed, perhaps the oldest 18,50 frequently swept this most intensely academic tradition in America was the one evangelical area in the nation. Bascom was which required the college president to in­ a graduate of Williams College who had pur­ struct all seniors in moral and mental phi­ sued studies at Auburn and Andover theologi­ losophy. In these courses, the president out­ cal seminaries. He had returned to Williams lined the doctrines of a moral universe and of to teach rhetoric, an unsuitable academic call­ innate moral ideas in the human mind. Usual­ ing; the appointment at Wisconsin gave him ly a full year of instruction was devoted to opportunities both for administrative leader- this system of moral law and its applications sliip and for bringing the full scope of his to society. For moral philosophy—perhaps the ideas personally to a growing student body. unique aspect of higher education in the Unit­ But, as his work at Wisconsin soon proved, ed States—was not a mere exercise in phil­ John Bascom was unique among the academic osophical abstractions. One need only exam­ moral pliilosophers of his day. In many ways ine the index to Francis Wayland's The Ele­ he set the future course of the institution, and ments of Moral Science, .America's first domes­ one of his students, Robert M. La Follette, tic, academic best-seller, to appreciate the credits Bascom as the true originator of the wide penumbra of "practical ethics" embraced Wisconsin Idea. Determining the truth of La Follette's assertion requires a close examina-

' See David Robert Huehner, "Reform and the Pre- Civil War American College" (Ph.D. dissertation, Uni­ "See Francis Wayland, The Elemetits of Moral versity of Illinois, Urbana-Chanipaign, 1972), 50-51. Science, ed. by Joseph L. Blau (Cambridge, Massachu­ ''Ibid., 87-136, 148-193, 202-250, 262-311. setts, 1963 ed.).

285 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

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Williams College John Bascom, photographed in 1906, three years after his retirement.

tion of Bascom's thoughts. Here it can be said first academic sociology text, a moral treatise that Bascom pioneered intellectually in three more than a scientific one, but embracing directions. He was one of the first religious the causes of temperance, women's rights, and thinkers in America to accept the main out­ the right of labor to organize. Thirdly, Bas­ line of evolutionary science and to establish com used his influence at Wisconsin to out­ upon it an entirely new theology, what he line a new philosophy of state for America, himself labeled the "New Theology." Sec­ a doctrine of enhanced moral powers for gov­ ondly, he took moral philosophy, a course he ernment and public institutions, including the taught to every individual student in the Uni­ state university. He worked carefully at this versity, in important new directions. His own philosophical labor, preserving the essential moral philosophy textbook, written while he objectives of the evangelical ideology in which was at Wisconsin and used by Bascom in his he believed, but reconstructing that ideology classes,^ accorded 117 pages, significantly more to accommodate the public sphere. John Bas­ than any other similar text, to the problems of com was one of the first exponents of the So­ government and politics and the need for cial Gospel in America; his unwavering quest expanded public authority.*° And he pushed was for the "Kingdom of Heaven." moral philosophy still farther by writing the Undoubtedly, Bascom was one of the most difficult and complex of America's philoso­ phers, a fact that may explain a general neglect " University of Wisconsin, Catalogue, 1879-1880. '"See John Bascom, Ethics Or Science of Dulv of his work. Influenced greatly by many of the (New York, 1879), 208-324. liberal religious thinkers of the nineteenth

286 HOEVELER: THE UNIVERSITY AND THE SOCIAL GOSPEL century, including Ralph Waldo Emerson, also sounded the death knell of stale creeds, Horace Bushnell, and, in philosophy, Laurens rituals, and religious formulations of divine P. Hickok, Bascom combined their influences truth. The revelation of God was not a com­ with evolutionary ideas to become one of the pleted fact or past event, but an indication of leading theological liberals. The Neiu Theol­ expanding spiritual powers in the world. ogy grew out of his teaching at Wisconsin, as Thus, Bascom wrote, "What we call the move­ did Evolution and Religion, published after ment of evolution is also the movement of his departure. These two works carefully ar­ reason. . . . The world is thus laid open to ticulated new means to realizing the older us as a dynamic, living spiritual product." ends of the Christian society desired by the Moreover, religious truth was now united with evangelical philosophers. Bascom certainly secular truth; it could no longer be compart­ did make important revisions in the evangeli­ mentalized as sacred dogma or the special pre­ cal theology, but the pervasive themes of moral rogative of a priestly class. Truth was re­ advancements and social reform remained vealed not only by the spiritual insight of equally prominent. Essentially, Bascom per­ the human mind as it advanced through evo­ ceived that evolution gave a whole new sense lution, but by the expanded powers of the to the concept of the Kingdom of God and a intellect in science. Science then was but one new means of realizing it. Rejecting Herbert aspect of "the thought of God . . . the omni­ Spencer and William Graham Sumner's de­ presence of his wisdom."'2 Bascom here was piction of evolution as generated by powerful elaborating one of the key ideas behind the material and perhaps blind physical forces, emergence of the modern university—the con­ Bascom painted the evolution concept in cept of the dynamic, plastic nature of truth. strokes of broad cosmic dimensions. Evolu­ That concept played a catalytic role in trans­ tion demonstrated the oneness of life, the or­ forming the old-time college's ideal of pre­ ganic unity in all things; and, more important­ serving a specific intellectual heritage into ly, it illustrated the spiritual powers at work the new university's objective of the open-end­ in the world. Divine plan, as evolution ed pursuit of new knowledge. showed, called for progressive improvement in the physical qualities of all the species; and it also incorporated, in the case of the human race, the unfolding of the rational, ASCOM thus saw the world, as moral, and spiritual powers. Quite properly, the evangelicals had described it, in fact, evolution blurred the boundaries of B in terms of its pervasive moral and spiritual the natural and the supernatural, and demon­ character. But there was an important altera­ strated an immanent God whose activity in tion in the perspective he took. The evangeli­ the world assured the progressive realization cal might have the model Christian society of the Kingdom of Heaven on earth.'' as his foremost objective, but he continued to From this perspective, Bascom drew implica­ see the world in terms of individual sin. Al­ tions for his entire educational and social ways, the path to social salvation lay along philosophy. Evolution gave a whole new the lines of the special and separate conversion scope to the human intellect. The mind, Bas­ of individual souls. But as evolution illumi­ com said, was the correlative of the universe, nated the oneness of things, as it merged the and its constant expansion alone assured hu­ spiritual and physical, and as it demonstrated man grasp of God's progressive manifestation the complicated matrix in which all things were imbedded, it greatly enlarged the whole to the world. His revelation of Himself in sphere in which the moral sense must operate. the evolutionary scheme of things. Evolution It was necessary to view the world in terms of the "ever-growing tissue of moral relations" "John Bascom, Evolution and Religion: Or Faith that embraced it. In short, the moral reformer as a Part of a Complete Cosmic System (New York, 1897), 53, 103; The New Theology (New York, 1892), 13, 49; "The Gains and Losses from Faith in Science," ^''Bascom, Evolution and Religion, 6, 72-73 (first in the Journal of Christian Philosophy, 1: 8-13 (July, quotation), 134; New Theology, 17-18, 54, 61; "Gains 1882). and Los.ses," 5-6 (second c]uotation).

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Society's Iconographic Collection Washburn Observatory (left) and Bascom Hall (right), viewed from the west in about 1878, just after the central campus of the University of Wisconsin an to encroach upon the first university farm. could no longer rely upon the isolated indi­ not SO much the skill of the gospel preacher vidual as the vehicle for the perfection of the as the expertise of the social scientist, for as community; he needed instead to be master of the race advanced, intellectual and rational all the social laws affecting society. Bascom powers would continually supplant emotional thus wrote that "a theology which seeks the ones as the critical vehicles of human pro­ regeneration of society in ignorance of social gress. Bascom used the terms "reason" and laws is doomed to failure."'^ "spiritual power" interchangeably, and used Bascom continued to employ the language both as surrogates for the evangelicals' "grace." of the evangelicals, and gave much attention They supplied for him the source of social to his own new doctrine of "conversion." Not energy and power that the evangelicals found only did conversion now have an emphatic in the revival, and Bascom even asserted that social meaning; it also described, not a sud­ the full application of intellectual power to den and convulsive change, but slow, constant the unfolding spiritual laws of the universe improvement wrought in the social material of was the certain means for the "redemption" of the world. Conversion in this sense required the world. "We are brought by these univer­ sal facts of law, unfolding themselves progres­ '" Bascom, Evolution and Religion, 8-9; New Theolo­ sively in evolution, in contact with the world gy, 118. To this extent also Bascom felt that science in a new way. It is not only capable of re­ "gives solidity and breadth to moral questions." See demption, it is being redeemed."'* Bascom, "Gains and Losses," 4. In an address at Madison, Bas­ furthermore, employed the evangelical motif com employed the evangelical rhetoric, saying, "If we use words as broadly as we ought, the evangeliza­ tion of the world is strictly a scientific movement." "Bascom, Evolution and Religion, 80-81, 84-85, 99; Truth and Truthfulness (Milwaukee, 1881), 18-19 New Theology, 171; "Gains and Losses," 6 (the quo­ (baccalaureate address). tation).

288 HOEVELER: THE UNIVERSITY AND THE SOCIAL GOSPEL of pure Christianity in his new theology. Spir­ How may society discover and use spiritual itual power dispensed with ritual and creeds, power most fully? That question summarized and had as its business the moral improvement for Bascom the central concern of the new of the world. Moral reason, in fact, was the science he now explored. "The widest and purest expression of the religious sentiment, most inclusive diffusion of power, issuing in and of the religious nature of man.'^ And all the largest aggregate of power, is the aim of these ideas fit nicely into the concept of the society."" Kingdom of Heaven. "The Kingdom of Heav­ These reflections led Bascom to one of his en, Bascom wrote, "is a physical, intellectual, most important ideas, the doctrine of state social, and spiritual product. It adjusts all power, which he developed and impressed things and persons to each other. "'^ forcefully upon the minds of the students at John Bascom brought together many of the Wisconsin. Bascom was literally obsessed with ideas he had developed at Wisconsin, and he the problem of organizing social power as published them during his last year at Madi­ outlined in Sociology. Bascom described for son in his work. Sociology. This discipline his students an age he judged to be destruc­ was just emerging from moral philosophy as tive in its use of power, a ruthlessly competitive an independent academic subject in the society with aggregated power in the hands American university,''' and in fact Bascom of a few individuals. Such an arrangement of made it a direct extension of moral philosophy. forces was unethical and un-Christian in na­ It was a key transitional work, though not a ture, and ultimately debilitating to society sociological treatise in the modern sense. Bas­ as a whole. When Bascom therefore called com defined sociology as the study of social, for "harmonious power" as the truest ex­ civic, economic, religious, and ethical forces pression of "beneficent power," he turned di­ in their various operations. But the last a.s- rectly to the state, the agency of public power, pect, the ethical, was the most important. For for its exercise. The state, Bascom wrote in with the evolutionary advance of the race, Sociology, must create social power, surpassing ethical forces emerge in more pronounced the work of isolated individuals.2" Further­ forms. Thus, not only is sociology itself a more, the state must give power to the quest for the just society, but also it must rely weaker elements in its midst, a concern that on the spiritual as well as the empirical facul­ suffused most of the reform measures that ties as its tools of analysis and perception.'" Bascom endorsed.^i Bascom was in fact mak­ ing an important modification of the evangeli­ cal format: he now turned to the state as a surrogate for churches and voluntary socie­ "Bascom, New Theology, 51. This is the sense in which Bascom sought to bring evangelical inspiration ties. Modern America could no longer rely into modified and wider use. "The movement which on these iirstitutions for the perfection of the we designate as the New Theology owes much of its nation (Bascom even felt they had become vigor to a renewed effort to unite the pietism of re­ too much the voice of entrenched private fac­ ligion and the virtue of morality to a higher, wider, deeper spiritualism, which shall have the mastery of tions) and must instead look directly to the ideas in their practical development." Ibid., 8-9. Later, state for moral leadership and action.^^ "Pietism must break camp, dismiss its camp followers, and carry the glad tidings of a salvation that waits to sweep through every kingdom, physical, economic, so­ '" Bascom, Sociology, 48. cial." Ibid., 181. '"Ibid., 34, 41. "Government," Bascom wrote, "is . . . '"Bascom, Evolutimx and Religion, 139. always passing beyond the office of protection, securing " See Gladys Bryson, "The Comparable Interests of the conditions of industry, and laying, in various ways, the Old Moral Philosophy and the Modern Social the foundations of enterprise, intelligence and virtue. Sciences," in Social Forces, 11: 19-27 (1932); "Sociology This great function of government by ivhich it com­ Considered as Moral Philosophy," in the .4merican bines the power of all, and makes it immediately and Sociological Review, 24: 26-36 (1932). universally available, is as natural and spontaneous a '"John Bascom, Sociology (New York, 1887), 4-5. function as that of protection, and can not be dis­ For a more detailed summary of this idea in Bascom's pensed with." See his pamphlet, The Philosophy of sociology, see Robert A. Jones, "John Bascom, 1827- Prohibition (New York, 1884), 4. 1911: .'Vnti-Positivism and Intuitionism in Ainerican "'Bascom, Sociology, 45. Sociology," in The American (Quarterly, 24: 501-522 •-"-Ibid., 162; The Freedom of Faith (Madison, 1874), (October, 1972). 11-12 (baccalaureate address).

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HESE views had important im­ cial issue was more critical to the theory he plications for Bascom's ideas expounded than the rights of women.^^ Nor about the role of the university in modern was this a theoretical issue for him, for, as society, but it is important to bear in mind in the case of prohibition, Bascom was active that the university question itself was only in the cause. He supported co-education at one part of the reform ideology that he and the University, and before the public and to others brought to Wisconsin. On three other a generation that was still skeptical he advo­ specific issues, Bascom was outspoken, and he cated woman's suffrage and other feminist examined each through the same social per­ causes. Bascom's stance derived directly from spective that anticipated the Wisconsin Idea. his New Theology. He did not pose the issue One of these issues, prohibition, particularly in terms of natural rights, but in terms of spir­ shows the continuity between the older evan­ itual powers in the evolution of society. gelical program and Bascom's sociology. Bas­ Rights merely loom larger as the world pro­ com was one of the most prominent members gresses and moves toward full spiritual inte­ of the national Prohibition party in Wiscon­ gration. Women now must be admitted, in sin, a fact that was not a little responsible for full standing Bascom believed, to the ongoing the political embroilments that plagued his spiritual and social progress of the world. And administration in Madison. He paid much in this matter too, because it was one of great attention to this problem in his sociology text, moral consequence, the state must assume an and in a pamphlet he wrote for public dis­ active role. It must provide the proper con­ tribution entitled The Philosophy of Prohibi­ ditions "to make ready for the free exercise of I the] intelligence and virtue" of women. tion. Prohibition above all shows how easily Bascom defended this issue even by calling for the transition could be made from evangeli­ an end to certain sacred social customs. Old calism to the later reform efforts. Indeed, pro­ habits of chivalry, he believed, simply con­ hibition was the catalyst in the change from cealed a contempt for women and conspired an emphasis on voluntary societies to an em­ against their exercising their strength.^s phasis on government controls. Here was a large moral issue, and one that affected the Finally on the issue of the rights of labor whole power of society—it was by definition and unionization, John Bascom took a stand therefore a matter for the state. Nothing, uncommon for the usual college president of Bascom believed, more seriously blighted the spiritual powers of contemporary America '^Bascom, Philosophy of Prohibition, 3-9; Sociology, than the destructive abuses of drink. In fact, 197-198 (the quotation); see also "What do the Mem­ Bascom wrote, "the entire moral strength of bers of a State University Owe to the State?" in The University Review, 1: 96 (December, 1884). Bascom the race must be brought to the task of lift­ felt this point urgently, so concerned was he with the ing off this burden before mankind can re­ doctrine of moral improvement in .society. Elaborat­ sume its march." Indeed the same fallacious ing on the need for prohibition, he wrote: "The ma­ ideology that made individual rights sacred jority are compelled to endure the expense, the moral exposine, the physical and social deterioration of all in economics threatened to deprive the public sorts incident to the vice, debauchery and animalLsm of its own rights in defending against the evils of the intemperate, simply that the intemperate may of liquor. But the right of the state, the pub­ have easy access to intoxicants. In order that the lic good, must prevail against these. Said Bas­ minority may spend their money for their pleasure, the majority are compelled to spend their means on what com: "To affirm the personal rights of an they loathe—the correction of crime, the support of individual in a case like this is to enable him pauperism, the treatment of idiots, the sustenance of to stand across the path of public progress, to the insane." See his Sociology, 198. check the organic movement of society. . . . '-' Bascom, Sociology, 184; and see the ensuing dis­ Society is under no obligation to subject . . . cussion, 184-194. -"John Bascom, Woman Suffrage (n.p., n.d.), 3-6 its own high fortunes to those morally igno­ (quotation, p. 3). Bascom's prominence in the women's rant and repellent." It must "overrule un­ rights movement won him the special recognition and reason with reason, unrighteousness with gratitude of feminist Susan B. Anthony. See Merle righteousness."^' Curti and Vernon Carstensen, The University of Wis­ consin: A History, 1848-1925 (2 vols., Madison, 1949), Bascom's Sociology announced that no so­ 1: 291.

290 "I

\ \ \*, . ^ :>.

Society's Iconographic Collection Milwaukee working-class district, 1909, as photographed by a University of Wisconsin sociologist assembling data on public policy and urban un­ employment.

his day. Indeed he was one of the first to outran realities, but those who were spiritual­ break the stranglehold of laissez-faire doctrine ly in advance of the day must fight for the on academic economics in the nineteenth cen­ perfection of the world. It is unlikely that tury. He spoke for labor organizations be­ any other college president so bluntly and cause they too were vehicles of power that so directly attacked the corrupting spirit, the could redress the unfair balance in an age of individual pursuit of wealth and power, in industrial corporations. The greatest danger modern America. Bascom's last baccalaureate to any society was precisely this imbalance, and address at Wisconsin, entitled "A Christian the consequent spiritual and physical depriva­ State," pulled no punches. Spiritually, he tion by oppression of great numbers of the said, America was far from the Christian state. population. Here again organized spiritual "We are in the full swing of individual asser­ force was the saving factor in an age that dan­ tion. Unbridled enterprise is our controlling gerously threatened to render much of so­ temper."^'' The same year he wrote: "The ciety powerless and without influence.^"^ ^Bascom, Sociology, 229-231; Sermons and .4ddresses (New York, 1913), 142-143. ASCOM was a spiritual optimist ^'John Bascom, A Christian State (Milwaukee, 1887), who never doubted that the im­ 10. No one more blatantly exemplified this wanton B danger, in Bascom's mind, than John D. Rockefeller, provement of the world was the ordained or­ who more than once was the object of the moralist's der of things. But he could not rest content wrath. Wrote Bascom of Rockefeller: "He has turned with society's present state. Ideals, he knew. business into unceasing and unflinching warfare. . . .

291 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 money-power vigorously asserts itself, and it rairrbling halting voluntaryism."'" Not only easily overawes the moral and social forces was it imperative that intellectual and moral which should work with it. . . ."^^ Bascom's power become a concern of the state; the address became an urgent plea for public state university itself must also be the insti­ control of the economic forces that operated tutional epitome of that power. Bascom, like against the public interest, for "we are in many other university leaders in his tinre, danger of falling under a new economic tyran­ looked for the extension of public education ny." The collective society must assert its to every corner of the state; and he believed own rights, and, in the same way that it must that such an educational system naturally protect itself against the debilitating influence would culminate in academic preparation of of liquor, it must be equally vigilant toward the state's students for its university. To the the abuses of money. Bascom's religious and people of Wisconsin, Bascom held up the ex­ social thought merged at this juncture. If ample of Michigan, with its large, successful society was still "The Seat of Sin" (his 1876 university and relatively few denominational baccalaureate address), the state must be the schools. Ohio, by contrast, had small schools seat of righteousness. "The state like the in­ in profusion, and not one among them na­ dividual has the duty to be righteous. It has tionally recognized. Wisconsin resembled too the right and the duty to push to completion much the latter state, he said, and the result its own organization; to do all it can for its was a tragic loss of public power within its own highest attainments in itself and its citi­ own boundaries." zens."^^ Bascom thus moved significantly close to As Bascom looked to the enlarged influence the modern conception of the state university; of the state for the promotion of moral pow­ but his views were still governed largely by er in modern society, he assigned increasing a nineteenth-century religious perspective, prominence to the place and function of the though one clearly more secularized than the state university more than to any other public older evangelical one. Bascom's views on the institution. This view directly extended his state university coincided directly with his efforts to achieve evangelical objectives by theological and philosophical ideas. They ex­ new methods. As the volunteer principle pressed, in other words, Bascom's obsession yielded to the doctrine of state initiative, so with the spiritual and moral advancement of also, in Bascom's mind, did the new state uni­ mankind. Quite simply, public education, and versities assume an importance greater than the state university as its highest expression, the small sectarian schools—the old-time col­ must strengthen society's "spiritually progres­ leges. But the same quest for greater spiritual sive resources." For "That system of educa­ and moral power still governed his thinking. tion is alone good which builds society togeth­ In a baccalaureate address in 1877, Bascom ex­ er under spiritual law." Bascom used the lan­ plained that the small colleges, because of guage of the old-time college president in de­ their wide diffusion and divided purposes and claring that education's most important quali­ efforts, deprived the state—especially a state ty was the moral. Indeed, insofar as ethical like Wisconsin—of the unified public purpose law was the underlying unity, the common de­ it needed. Religious and ethnic diversity was nominator of all religion, then the state uni­ harmful if it dispersed efforts for moral im­ versity itself was a surrogate for the churches. provement and left society to depend on "a Furthermore, moral power in this age must have access to large public institutions. Moral education through the vehicle of the state uni­ He has done this with an open profession of Christian versity provides the means by which to make faith. . . . Herein lies the guilt of this man, and of others of the same ilk, and of all who put themselves in fellowship with them, that they confound ethical distinctions and make the world one medley of wrong­ doing." Sermons and Addresses, 144-145. ^Bascom, Sociology, 211. "John Bascom, Education and the State ([Madison], ^Bascom, A Christian State, 16, 25; see also The 1877), 8-13. Seat of Sin ([Madisonj, 1876), passim (baccalaureate "'Ibid., 14-15; The Common School (Madison, 1878). address). 13 (baccalaureate address).

292 HOEVELER: THE UNIVERSITY AND THE SOCIAL GOSPEL all acquired powers subservient to the inter­ ests of society.^2 The language was familiar, to be sure, but Bascom was in fact widening its application. Because his theology so thoroughly merged the natural and the supernatural, when he spoke of moral law, and joined that to the objectives of the state university, he intended no mere abstractions. Bascom, who presided over a noticeable expansion of the curriculum at Wisconsin, saw this growth as one means of increased moral power in public life. For it was precisely the new academic concerns of the modern university—and Bascom named political science, economics, constitutional law, sociology, and others—that would best unite the university's social and academic missions. These new disciplines gave the most profound social expression to ethical law. "Here," said Bascom in his 1880 baccalaureate, "moral truths have their seat." The highest expressions of religion and spiritual force enter social life by these doors. In this way, Bascom critically reconstructed the evangeli­ cal program while actually extending it. All the new learning that was the creation and concern of the new university was now avail­ able for the redemption of the world. "We seem to see the Kingdom of Heaven coming Collection along these very lines of union between scien­ Robert M. La Follette, photographed in 1879 or 1880, tific research and religious insight."^^ I-Iere, when he was a law student al the University of Wis­ consin. perhaps, John Bascom most completely joined his social philosophy to the academic revolu­ tion of the late nineteenth century. believed that evolutionary progress dictated the spiritual and moral improvement of the His philosophical argument that brought race, but required for its fulfillment the en­ him to this point leads directly to the mes­ larged influence and activity of the state. The sage he impressed most indelibly upon the university was especially critical to this en­ students of the University of Wisconsin. He deavor, for its work most successfully com­ bined a mastery of spiritual and social laws and the means to apply them to specific prob­ ^^John Bascom, Tests of a School System (Milwau­ kee, 1880), 10-11, 18-22 (quotation, p. 18). To this lems. But if this were true, then there could extent Bascom wholly accepted the fact that state be no higher calling in life than service to universities could not legally teach a specific religious the state in some capacity. As La Follette doctrine. "Only the more strongly and clearly may later recalled about his training under Bas- their attention be tinned to a beautiful and fruitful ethical life—the cidmination of religion." See "What coirr at Wisconsin: "He was forever telling Do the Members of a State University Owe to the us what the state was doing for us and urging State?" 100. our return obligation not . . . for our own self­ "" Ba,scom, Tests of a School System, 23; The New ish benefit, but to return some service to the Theology (Milwaukee, 1884), 22 (baccalaureate ad­ state."'* The graduates of the state univer- dress). By no means did Bascom slight the humanities in the university curriculum. He defended philosophy as the most important study, and believed that "the '"' Roljert M. La Follette, La Follette's Autobiography: entire ethical and spiritual world is open to us in the A Personal Narrative of Polilical Experiences (Madison, hiunanities." See Sermons and Addresses, 196. I960 cd.), 13.

293 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 sity must be the intellectual vanguard of the The appointment of Richard T. Ely in 1892 state; they must supply the ideas that would as director of the newly established School bring about the just state and inaugurate the of Economics, Political Science, and History new era of collective power.'^ On this point, was soon to result in Wisconsin's achieving a too, the evangelical refrain echoed; for there national reputation. Frederick Jackson Turn­ was, Bascom believed, no higher "calling" er, brought to the University from Johns Hop­ than that of public life, "but none for which kins by Bascom, foresaw the need for expand­ the soul needs first so thorough a cleansing in ed research in the social sciences, with an eye the fountain of truth."^'^ The state university towards its direct application to the state's must find its role in dispensing this truth. needs. The new school became a major link Bascom was never closer to the full statement between the University's personnel and the of the Wisconsin Idea than when he stated, progressive movement in Wisconsin politics, in one of his major public addresses at Madi­ working closely with the state bureaucracy, son, "The time will come, and public educa­ especially the Wisconsin Industrial Commis­ tion will hasten it, in which educational men sion, on practical studies of urban problems, will gather influence within their own field, city administration, current economic prob­ and become the servants of the State to coun­ lems, welfare, and crime. By 1907, forty-one sel action as well as to carry it out."^^ faculty members were serving the state on one or more commissions.'^ The perfection of this arrangement owed much to Ely, and to John R. Commons, whom Ely brought to T is a remarkable fact that if one Wisconsin in 1904. But how had these two I were to follow John Bascom's men come to envision the new role of the thought and substitute for its religious and university that they helped put into opera­ spiritual content a strictly secular or material­ tion? A glance at their individual backgrounds istic emphasis, one would have the full out­ .shows some remarkable parallels to Bascom, line of the Wisconsin Idea as it was pre­ and further confirms the continuity linking sented in the early twentieth century. For the evangelical ideals, the Social Gospel, and as Bascom gave new content and form to the the new university. evangelical ethos, so did others—President Charles R. Van Hise, Governor La Follette, Professors Richard T. Ely and John R. Com­ mons—give a precise academic structure and IKE Bascom, Ely grew up in the a practical character to Bascom's ideals. Ad­ burned-over district of New York, mittedly Bascom never wholly articulated the and was reared in a social and family atmo­ Wisconsin Idea in a concrete way, though cer­ sphere that he remembered mostly for its tainly he anticipated its outline. There is a moralistic severity. His father, descended from largely unfulfilled promise that one senses in a long line of English and American Puritans, Bascom's writings and speeches. Often he quit his engineering job and even allowed failed to see the logical implications of his crops to spoil lest he violate the Sabbath. Also own thought. But, as La Follette and Van like Bascom, Ely could not adjust to the ex­ Hise and others recognized, he prepared the treme aspects of the old religion ("Try as I way for the course of the University of Wis­ would I could not become converted"), but consin after his resignation in 1887; the im­ endeavored throughout his life to find a new pact of his ideas on those who influenced the means of applying its basic ethical program. later development of the institution assigns Ely was similarly influenced by Darwinism, to Bascom a prominent place in its intellectual but he read the doctrine as a statement of history. progress and the potential perfectibility of hu­ man society. His studies in Germany con­ vinced him that a scientific economics was the ^ Bascom, "What do the Members of a State Univer­ sity Owe to the State?" 94-96. '^ Bascom, Truth and Truthfidness, 9. ^ Curti and Carstensen, University of Wisconsin, 1: •" Bascom, Education and the State, 17. 631-C33; 2: 88. 294 HOEVELER: THE UNIVERSITY AND THE SOCIAL GOSPEL

Society's Iconographic Collection Richard T. Ely.

indispensable tool for the realization of this accomplish in social reform?' " For the New goal. He soon emerged as the major figure Economics was essentially to be "a sound. of the "New Economics," literally a new gos­ Christian political economy."*" Nothing in pel of hope for the eradication of the ills fact required more of "divine grace" than wrought by laissez-faire, and one whose mes­ the conduct of the business and commercial sage Ely worked with evangelical zeal to car­ life of the nation. America in the late nine­ ry to the land.'^ teenth century faced a spiritual crisis denoted The New Economics was to Ely what the by the selfish and egotistical worship of Mam­ New Theology was to Bascom: a new but mon. In 1889, shortly before coming to Wis­ usable means for the extension of his Chris­ consin, Ely had written Social Aspects of Chris­ tian commitments, an application, in modified tianity, one of the major works of the Social form, of the evangelical ideals that shaped his Gospel movement. He called then for "a pro­ early life. As Ely later wrote, "In my writings found revival of religion, not in any narrow or and my addresses I . . . attempted to answer technical sense . . . but a great religious awak­ the question, 'What will constitute a kingdom ening which shall shake things, going down of righteousness?' 'What must we strive to into the depths of men's lives and modifying their character." Ely employed all the force and style of evangelical rhetoric, but he cru­ "" Benjamin G. Rader, The Academic Mind and Re­ cially shifted the focus of religious outreach. form: The Influence of Richard T. FJy in American Life (Lexington, 1966), 4-5, 46-48; Richard T. Ely, Ground Under Our Feet: An Autobiography (New "Ely, Ground Under Our Feet, 77; Rader, The Aca­ York, 1938), 1-5, 14-16 (quotation on p. 16), 41-47. demic Mind, 36 (quoting Ely). 295 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

"This religious reform," he said, "must infuse supported the reforms of La Follette and, as a religious spirit into every department of an occasional consultant, helped make the political life."*' Like Bascom, Ely shifted at­ University conspicuous in the political lite tention to the state and made it the critical of the state. But his own version of the So­ vehicle of social improvement and moral pow­ cial Gospel was important to Ely's contribu­ er. This, in fact, was the first article in the tion to the Wisconsin Idea.*'' creed of the New Economics: "We regard the state as an educational and ethical agency whose positive aid is an indispensable condi­ tion of human progress. "*2 A year after his VEN more active in the actual re­ appointment at Wisconsin, Ely, with John R. E form programs of the Wisconsin Commons and others, organized the American progressive movement was John R. Commons, Institute for Christian Sociology.*' professor of economics in Ely's new school. The Social Gospel acted as a catalyst also in Ely came to Madison because he foresaw a Commons' life, resulting in his political and great opportunity there to put into action his academic activity. Commons leaves no doubt ideas of social reform. Particularly at the that the major early influence on his life was University of Wisconsin would he and his as­ his mother, "the strictest of Presbyterian Puri­ sociates have access to the state capital, the tans," who raised him on Fox's Book of Mar­ courts, the legislature, and the state's adminis­ tyrs. She herself represented the spirit of an­ trative bureaus. The state university in fact tebellum Oberlin College, that outstanding now loomed large in Ely's mind as a factor in expression of revivalism and reform, from both the religious and the social aspects of which she had graduated in 1853. Active then his concerns. For although the "theological in the institution's antislavery cause, she con­ seminaries" might help us fulfill the com­ tinued her reformist work afterwards in the mandment to love God, the new social sciences movement for temperance and woman's rights. will help us fulfill the commandment to love Commons himself spent his undergraduate our neighbor. Ely then proposed that the years at Oberlin. There, joined by his mother, religious denominations center their activity he established an antisaloon league, the be­ around the state universities of the country; ginnings of the Ohio Anti-Saloon League, they should form Christian associations, guild later one of the most powerful in the country. houses with libraries and dormitories. This In 1884 Commons cast his first ballot, for John was a significant way of joining the religious P. St. John, Prohibitionist candidate for Presi­ life to the public life of the country, and far dent of the United States.*" The temperance more useful—for Ely too was obsessed with campaign was probably the major factor in the phenomenon of moral power—than pro­ widening Coirimons' social perspectives and moting separate denominational colleges. In propelling him into leadership, with Ely and fact a major advantage of this approach, as others, in the New Economics. A series of Bascom had recognized, was its aiding the essays, written by Commons and collected into "unity of Christendom." Sectarianism had an 1894 publication entitled Social Reform been ruinous to that ideal.** Religious per­ and the Church, illuminates his views as they spectives probably played a lesser role in emerged in the years before he came to Wis­ Ely's later work at Wisconsin, yielding to more consin. strictly political and academic matters. He Commons' essay called "Temperance Re­ form" in this volume wholly endorses com­ plete prohibition of the liquor traffic. Like " Richard T. Ely, Social Aspects of Christianity (New York, 1889), 147-148. much of tlie old evangelical literature, it cites '"'Quoted by Ely from the "Platform" of the Ameri­ can Economic Association in Ground Under Our Feet, '' If Ely's own story may be believed, La Follette was 136. highly influenced by Ely's writings and once told him •"Rader, The Academic Mind, 121. that "you have been my teacher!" See Ground Under •" Ely, Ground Under Our Feet, 74; "The Universities Our Feet, 216. and the Churches," 51st University Convention (Al­ "John R. Commons, Myself (Madison, 1963 ed.), bany, 1893), 351-356 (an address). 7-8, 21, 48. 296 Sociology, still believed that "Christianity is the only solution for social problems," but he added that sociology is "one half of religion."*' Probably more than any other individual. Commons personified the Wisconsin Idea, for his academic work at Madison was often in­ distinguishable from his public reform efforts. He was a major figure behind the La Follette reforms, drafting the Civil Service Law of 1905, the Pubhc Utihty Act of 1907, and die Industrial Commission Law, among others.*" Bascom, Ely, and Commons each brought to the University of Wisconsin perspectives on the educational function of the university that were shaped by their own efforts to define a Social Gospel program for America. But the Wisconsin Idea was not in any strict sense a religious concept. And that it was perfectly possible to accept the social content without the gospel content of the program is quite clearly indicated by the ideas of La Follette and Van Hise. La Follette left no doubt that Bascom greatly influenced him. This was true probably in a large rather than in a Society's Iconographic Collection specific sense. One suggestion is that Bas­ John R. Commons in his Sterling Hall office, 1952. com's moralism was most influential,'" and La Follette himself seems to have corroborated the social damage charged to the abuses of that idea." The ethical sense of life of course drink, even the harm done to unborn chil­ bore directly on La Follette's political work, dren. But Commons, who had recently com­ but he saw the University of Wisconsin as a pleted studies with Ely at Johns Hopkins, partner in that work. La Follette as gover- treated intemperance as a symptom as well as a cause of social evils. It was now the duty of government, in fact, to remove the causes of "John R. Commons, Social Reform and the Church (New York, 1967 ed.), 107-114. As in Ely's case, the intemperance. Specifically, government must discovery of the New Economics and his commitment enforce shorter hours for labor, preserve the to its application allowed Commons to channel a Sabbath (Commons now simply said "Sun­ religious concern of the old evangelical variety into day") as protection for labor from forced work, modern social reform. He wrote in his autobiography that this commitment "was my tribute to [ray mother's] write new factory laws for women and chil­ longing that I should become a minister of the Gospel." dren, abolish sweatshops, and require better See Myself, 44. wages and greater security of employment. •'"See his essay "The Christian Minister and Sociolo­ "When all these reforms are carried out," said gy," in Social Reform and the Church, 3-19 (quotations Commons, "it will be possible to have uni­ on pp. 3, 13, and 19). •"• Lafayette G. Harder, Jr., John R. Commons: His versal prohibition." Temperance, therefore, Assault on Laissez-Faire (Corvallis, Oregon, 1962), still remained an end in itself, but the issue 69-86; Curti and Carstensen, University of Wisconsin, carried Commons directly from evangelical­ 2: 551-552; Belle Case and Fola La Follette, Robert M. ism to progressivism.*'' And for Commons, La Follette (2 vols., New York, 1953), 157, 164, 190. progressivism meant the union of Christian For a corresponding statement of the theme outlined in this essay, see Jean B. Quandt, "Religion and Social ideals with the social sciences. Sociology, by Thought: The Secularization of Postmillennialism," Commons' definition, "co-ordinates all the in The American Quarterly, 30: 390-409 (October, special social sciences, such as ethics, politics 1973). and religion." Commons, who had just helped =" David Paul Thelen, The Early Life of Robert M. establish the American Institute for Christian La Follette, 1855-1884 (Chicago, 1966), 50. '•'TuSL Follette, Autobiography, 13.

297 Society's Iconographic Collection Grand Old Men of the Wisconsin Idea, photographed on Bascom Hill in about 1915. Left to right: Charles Richard Van Hise, Thomas Chrowder Chamberlin, Harry L. Russell, William A. Henry, and Stephen M. Babcock. nor occasionally sought Bascom's counsel, and an's rights as his former teacher had, and his particularly when he told the state legislature own work. Concentration and Control, was that the University must justify itself to the a significant contribution to the literature of state either by its material contributions or as progressivism." But Van Hise's version of "an ethical force," he employed the language the Wisconsin Idea was the most materialistic of his former teacher.'^ in content, transforming Bascom's sense of spiritual power into a doctrine of economic growth. This dogma then defined the state university's research activity, for new knowl­ HARLES R. Van Hise, also a edge must be applied directly to the improve­ c student of Bascom, a classmate of ment of the lives of the people. The service La Follette, and president of the University ideal meant especially the invigoration of ex­ of Wisconsin after 1902, best illustrates the tension—the new "missionary" work of the secularization of the evangelical and Social university to use the evangelical vocabulary— Gospel ideals and their reformulation as the so that virtually every home or business in the Wisconsin Idea. Van Hise's background was state, from machine shops to model dairy almost entirely in the sciences; he was one of farms, would feel the long outreach of the the foremost geologists of his time.'' Religious state university. But this too was a doctrine concerns were not prominent in his thought, of power, one that stated in stark, secular form but emphasis on the moral and social respon­ the essential outline of Van Hise's former sibilities of the scholar to the public interest teacher's philosophy. It was a new kind of loomed very large and, it is probable, owed gospel and a new program for social redemp­ much to the influence of Bascom.'* Van Hise tion, indeed a new calling for America's insti­ supported the causes of prohibition and wom­ tutions of higher learning.

^^ La Follettes, Robert 'M. La Follette, 38-39, 145-146; ^'Ibid., 79-82; Curti and Carstensen, University of Curti and Carstensen, University of Wisconsin, 1: 607. Wisconsin, 2: 18-19. •^^ Maurice M. Vance, Charles Richard Van Hise: "Vance, Van Hise, 81; Curti and Carstensen, Univer­ Scientist Progressive (Madison, 1960), 8-75. sity of Wisconsin, 2: 23-24. 298 Income Taxation and the Political Economy of Wisconsin, 1890-1930

W. Elliot Brownlee, Jr.

HE early decades of the twentieth Wisconsin progressives were representatives of T century witnessed a significant a latter-day Populist movement intent upon re­ shift in the sources of government revenue at distributing wealth toward farmers,' or the both the state and federal levels. Income-tax creators of a service-regulatory state designed to revenues partially replaced both the tariff meet the needs of farmers as small business­ revenues of the federal government and, to a men,^ or the elitist engineers of institutional lesser degree, the general property-tax reve­ reforms which confirmed the pre-eminent nues of state and local governments. In assess­ power of the large corporation,^ or the movers ing the thrust, the basic impulse, and the changing character of income taxation in ' See Russell B. Nye, Midwestern Progressive Politics: America, the experience of Wisconsin during A Historical Study of Its Origins and Development, 1870-1950 (New York, 1951), 3-32; Jorgen Weibull, the progressive era is of considerable analytic "The Wisconsin Progressives, 1900-1914," in Mid- value. Wisconsin contributed the first com­ America, 47: 191-225 (July, 1965); and Michael P. prehensive, effectively administered income Rogin, The Intellectuals and McCarthy: The Radical tax, served as a model for other states and for Specter (Cambridge, 1967), 59-72. the federal government in the search for tax " In this sense Wisconsin progressivism would be a response not so much to urbanization as to indus­ systems appropriate to a maturing industrial trialization—of agriculture no less than of manufac­ order, and, until the Great Depression, pro­ turing. See Eric E, Lampard, The Rise of the Dairy vided the only example of a system of state Industry in Wisconsin: A Study in Agricultural Change, income taxation which relied heavily on the 1820-1920 (Madison, 1963), 333-351. A study which taxation of corporate profits. Thus Wiscon­ finds a clearly marked shift of governmental aid to agricultural enterprise in Wisconsin is Lewis R. Mills, sin's institutional tax history is a rich source Government Fiscal Aid to Private Enterprise in Wis­ for the necessarily intertwined assessment of consin (S.J.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1955), both tax reform and the essential character 24 tf., 185 ff. of the progressive state. " For the suggestion that large corporations were able to benefit in a direct way from progressive regu­ Wisconsin's tax history is doubly intriguing latory legislation, see Stanley Caine, The Myth of a in the light of the continuing historical con­ Progressive Reform: Railroad Regulation is Wiscon­ troversy over the sources and direction of pub­ sin, 1905-1910 (Madison, 1970), and "Why Railroads Supported Regulation: The Case of Wisconsin, 1905- lic activities associated with Wisconsin pro­ 1910," in Business History Review, 44: 175-189 (Sum­ gressivism. One may be variously told that the mer, 1970).

299 Society's Iconographic Collectior Workers and plant managers of the Corliss Engine Company at Sturtevant, Racine County, about 1901. of a highly diverse urban reform movement de­ damental issues remain unresolved. A clear signed to rationalize economic competition concept of the nature of tax policy during the and provide the basis for efficiently managing progressive period should assist in discriminat­ an industrial society.* Although this last inter­ ing among, or at any rate refining, the compet­ pretation has won the widest support, the fun- ing descriptions of progressivism, both in Wisconsin and in the nation at large.' In 1911, the state of Wisconsin not only * David P. Thelen, The New Citizenship: Origins enacted an income tax but also redirected the of Progressivism in Wisconsiti (Columbia, Missouri, 1972). See also Albert O. Barton, La Follette's Winning tax policy of the state so that the costs of of Wisconsin (Des Moines, 1924). Other interpreta­ government thereafter fell on the manufactur­ tions which emphasize the diversity of interests com­ ing sector of the state's economy. The brunt posing the Wisconsin reform coalition, but which at­ of income taxation and associated increases tribute a lesser role to urban forces and underscore the personal contribution of Robert La Follette, in­ in property taxation was borne by corpora- clude Kenneth Acrea, "The Wisconsin Reform Coali­ tion, 1892 to 1900: La Follette's Rise to Power," in '' No historian of Wisconsin progressivism has a the Wisconsin Magazine of History, 52: 132-157 (Win­ clearly defined assessment of the substance of the state's ter, 1968-1969), and Herbert Margulies, The Decline income tax movement, but the best treatment of the of the Progressive Movement, 1890-1920 (Madison, problem is the brief one by Robert S. Maxwell. See 1968), and Robert S. Maxwell, La Follette and the Rise La Follette and the Rise of the Progressives in Wiscon­ of the Progressives in Wisconsin (Madison, 1956). sin, 102-104.

300 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION tions, particularly manufacturers. Between Wisconsin broke sharply from even this pat­ 1911 and 1929, the corporate, rather than the tern of stiffer taxation of manufacturing by individual, income tax generated the vast imposing upon manufacturers a substantial bulk of Wisconsin's income-tax revenues; and state-level tax. In that year, Wisconsin be­ manufacturers paid about two-thirds of the came the first industrial state to adopt a tax state's corporate tax bill. At the same time, of any consequence that applied to the income the general exemption of the state's largest earned from ownership of manufacturing corporations—the railroads, most notably— property.'' Wisconsin made its break even from local property taxation heightened local more distinct by simultaneously leaving the pressures to tax the property of manufactur­ manufacturers subject to local property taxa­ ers. That exemption, reinforced by changes tion. in the income-tax law enacted in 1925, re­ No other industrial state moved in Wiscon­ sulted in Wisconsin's applying a significantly sin's direction until 1915, when Connecticut higher rate of property taxation to manufac­ passed a corporate income tax. Massachusetts turers than did any other Great Lakes state.^ and New York followed suit in 1916 and 1917, Wisconsin's policy redirection may not ap­ respectively. Other industrial states, however, pear unusual, because the early decades of joined this group only at the onset of the the twentieth century in industrial America Great Depression when all states attempted to saw markedly increased demands for public discover new tax sources in order to prevent regulation of the forces of urbanization and massive deficits.^ By 1922, even ignoring the industrialization. The resultant laws fre­ increase in effective Wisconsin rates which quently included measures to modify the be­ more limited deductions and larger surtaxes havior of manufacturers, which often meant had produced, Wisconsin's corporate income increasing their burden of taxes. However, the rapidity and the sharpness of the turn toward the increased regulation and taxation ' Income taxation by states was by no means new of manufacturers was nowhere more pro­ in 1911, but previously such initiatives had been very nounced than in Wisconsin, as gauged by the poorly enforced (as was the Massachusetts tax) and character of state tax systems. Until World usually had been undertaken by non-industrial South­ ern states which adhered to the hostility toward proper­ War I, within the industrial heartland of the ty taxation developed during the centuries of slavery. nation—the New England, Middle Atlantic, For the outlines of the development of corporate taxa­ and Great Lakes regions—states either taxed tion in the nineteenth century, see Edwin R. A. Selig­ manufacturing corporations with very mini­ man, Essays in Taxation (New York, 1921), especially mal franchise fees, organization taxes, and 145-220. state property taxes, or left their taxation " Moreover, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New York treated corporate income separately from per­ wholly in the hands of municipal governments. sonal income in that they applied significantly lower Towns and cities, usually assuming a develop­ rates to corporations and provided them with special ment-minded posture, tended, when they were deductions and exemptions. Further, in New York, able, to tax manufacturing property at lower corporations taxed under the income tax acquired sub­ stantial local property tax relief. This group of in­ rates than property in general. However, dur­ dustrial states was joined in their taxation of cor­ ing the 1880's and 1890's, as the pressures on porate incomes by Mississippi (1912), Oklahoma (1915), cities and towns to provide social-overhead ser­ West Virginia (1915), Montana (1917), Missouri (1917), vices mounted swiftly, almost all urban gov­ Delaware (1917), Virginia (1918), Alabama (1919), North Carolina (1919), and North Dakota (1919). With ernments found it necessary to tax manufactur­ the exception of the modernization of South Carolina's ing property at increasing rates, although their tax and the adoption of a very rudimentary income desire to maintain tax conditions favorable to tax in New Hampshire, no state adopted income taxa­ investment continued to be strong. In 1911, tion of any sort between 1919 and 1929. Roy G. Blakey, The State Income Tax (Minneapolis, 1932), 10-71; Al- zada Comstock, State Taxation of Personal Incomes (New York, 1921), 17ff.; Harley L. Lutz, "The Pro­ " For a description of these changes and an analysis gress of State Income Taxation Since 1911," in the of their impact on manufacturers, see W. Elliot Brown­ American Economic Review, 10: 66-91 (March, 1920); lee, "Income Taxation and Capital Formation in Wis­ Truman C. Bigham, "Ffscal Aspects of the State In­ consin, 1911-1929," in Explorations in Economic His­ come Tax Since 1918," in the American Economic tory, 8: 77-102 (Fall, 1970). Review 19: 227-245 (June, 1929).

301 Society's Iconographic Collection

Family and farm of Charles Engelhardt, Farminglon Township, Polk County, in 1905. The broad-roofed buildings at the left contained a brick factory. tax rate was higher than in any other state in developing, in the case of Indiana) manufac­ the nation—higher even than the 5 per cent turing sectors larger than Wisconsin's; and achieved by the Non-Partisan League in North the scale of manufacturing was substantially Dakota, higher than in any other major in­ smaller in Wisconsin than elsewhere in the dustrial state, and higher than in any of the Great Lakes region. This relatively minor other Great Lakes states, which had uniform­ role of manufacturers, particularly large-scale ly failed to pass income tax legislation or im­ producers, in the economic structure of Wis­ pose property taxation more burdensome to consin allowed competing economic groups to manufacturers. play a greater role in shaping public policies of taxation and regulation. Those competing groups included, most significantly, agricul­ ISCONSIN'S public policy, tural interests with a set of "class grievances." w both in its scope and its tim­ It was the agricultural interests which sought ing, was distinct because it was founded, in a both to redistribute income by taxing manu­ fundamental sense, upon a distribution of facturers, and to enhance the competitive po­ political power which reflected the relative sition of farmers in an industrial marketplace. weakness of manufacturers in the structure Both facts led to a blatant effort to use the of Wisconsin's economy. All of the other tax system to redistribute income; and the Great Lakes states had developed (or were latter ultimately led to the creation of an

302 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION agricultural service-state that was financed Redirecting Wisconsin politics toward a set in large part by taxes levied on the manufac­ of agricultural interests coincided with the turing community. growing nationwide search for an alternative This political victory of Wisconsin's agricul­ to general property taxation. The social need tural interest, signalled by the adoption of in­ for an alternative became more acutely and come taxation, arose from the successful ef­ widely felt as industries and cities expanded, fort of a cadre of Republican leaders during and the problem of identifying taxable proper­ the 1890's to re-establish their own leadership ty became more intense as property grew in the party and to reaffirm the primacy of more "personal" and "intangible" in charac­ their party in Wisconsin. Republicans had ter. Early nineteenth-century assessment pro­ suffered defeats in the early 1890's at the cedures were simply inadequate to expose and hands of Democrats who capitalized on the determine the value of money, credits, notes, growing impact of ethnic and religious asso­ bonds, stocks, and mortgages. The shrinking ciations on political alignments. In particu­ tax base of the depression years 1893-1897 lar, the Democrats had taken advantage ol only intensified the quest for improvement in the application of old taxes or for develop­ unified German and Catholic opposition to ment of new taxes. Concern for tax equality the Republican-sponsored Bennett Law (1889) arose in every industrial state, producing an which required schools to teach certain sub­ array of proposed solutions, including im­ jects in English. In response, some Republi­ proved property assessment procedures, ex­ cans devoted themselves to developing a kind emption of certain classes of property that of secular evangelism that would re-establish were difficult to assess, the classification of the role of economic interests in electoral property into categories to be taxed at differ­ politics. Although Populism was never a sig­ ent rates, the separation of state and local nificant force in Wisconsin, Republican lead­ revenue systems to eliminate competitive un­ ers such as Albert R. Hall, William D. Hoard, derassessment by counties seeking to reduce and Nils P. Haugen employed rhetorical and their shares of state property taxes, and the programmatic appeals to the class interests enactment of substitute taxes, such as inherit­ of farmers. By the late 1890's, some Republi­ ance taxes, special corporation taxes, and the can reformers, including Robert M. La Fol­ income tax.'" lette, were promising economic salvation to In Wisconsin, dissatisfaction with personal- farmers in an assault upon corporate "tax dodgers." Beyond the attack on corporations, this redefinition of the Republican party pro­ 'The role of cultural factors in shaping electoral gram included the adoption of a positive state politics in Wisconsin during the 1890's has received extensive analysis in Richard Jensen, The Winning policy designed to solve the problems of spe­ of the Midwest: Social and Political Conflict, 1888- cialized agriculture within an industrial econo­ 1896 (Chicago, 1971); Paul Kleppner, The Cross of my. Although such a program had consider­ Culture: A Social Analysis of Midwestern Politics, able appeal in Wisconsin even in good times, 1850-1900 (New York, 1970); Roger E. Wyman, "Wis­ consin Ethnic Groups and the Election of 1890," in the relatively depressed years of the 1890's, the Wisconsin Magazine of History, 51: 269-293 (Sum­ provoking fiscal crises and trapping farmers mer, 1968); and Ballard C. Campbell, "Ethnicity and between high fixed costs and low prices, pro­ the 1893 Wisconsin Assembly," in the Journal of American History, 62: 74-94 (June, 1975). For the vided particularly favorable economic condi­ shift of Wisconsin electoral cleavages to a class basis tions for recasting the Republican party pro­ beginning in the late 1890's, see Weibull, "The Wis­ gram along class lines. Consequently, Wis­ consin Progressives, 1900-1914"; Michael P. Rogin, consin voting began to shift from an earlier The Intellectuals and McCarthy: The Radical Specter (Cambridge, 1967); and Roger E. Wyman, "Voting Be­ pattern which, during the early 1890's, had havior in the Progressive Era: Wisconsin as a Case mirrored ethnic and religious differences to Study" (doctoral dissertation. University of Wisconsin, a pattern which responded more closely to 1970). differences of income and occupation. In '" .See, especially, Edwin R. A. Seligman, "Recent Re­ 1900, this new Republican leadership turned ports ou State and Local Taxation," in the American the political corner to success with the elec­ Economic Review, 1: 272-295 (June, 1911), and C. K. Yearly, The Money Machines (Albany, N.Y., 1970), tion of Governor Robert M. La Follette.^ 167-250.

303 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 property taxation also became widespread the more industrial areas of the nation the during the late nineteenth century, growing belief prevailed that an income tax, whether particularly intense during the 1890's; but in at the federal or state level, would redistribute Wisconsin this dissatisfaction had a more dis­ income toward farmers, since farmers owned tinctly rural focus than in any other indus­ relatively large amounts of tangible property trial state." A set of municipal reformers, and earned incomes which were either low or centered in Milwaukee, Ashland, and Su­ very difficult to measure. Accordingly, Wis­ perior, seeking a more even distribution of consin had traditionally been a source of sig­ urban taxes and a more buoyant tax base, nificant support for federal income taxation; contributed significantly to the critique of the it supported the adoption of the Civil War in­ general property tax posed in the 1890's; but come tax, 1862-1872, and the short-lived levy the political force behind that critique was imposed by Congress in 1894." The state heavily rural.'^ Thus, a central conclusion did not move to income taxation immediately of even the urban-based temporary Tax Com­ after La Follette's election in 1900 only be­ mission of 1897-1898 was that "there is per­ cause of lingering urban opposition, particu­ haps no class of people who feel the direct larly among the tax experts who would have burden of taxation more keenly than the to assume responsibility for drafting and im­ farmers." The Commission rendered a harsh plementing such a tax, and, most importantly, judgment on the existing system of assessing because of tlie short-term preoccupation of and taxing "intangible" property in the state.'^ the new Republican coalition of the 1890's In building support among farmers for the with other tax-reform endeavors.'* emerging Republican reform coalition, Robert Before the Republicans who came to power M. La Follette, in 1897, andcipated the find­ in 1900 could consider income taxation, they ings of the Commission by asserting that the had first to turn toward two more visible valuation of farm property was grossly in ex­ iriodes of tax reform, both of which, in princi­ cess of that of intangible property, and rec­ ple, closely resembled the old general-property ommended finding a means of shifting the tax."' In the first place, the anti-corporate burden of taxation from farm property to in­ enthusiasms of the 1890's had focused atten­ tangibles.'* tion on increasing die tax contributions of The means selected by La Follette and the those corporations with the longest history of Wisconsin progressives to shift the tax burden airtagonism from agricultural interests—the also revealed the rural focus of the move­ railroads—and led to efforts to develop proper­ ment to reforin the taxation of general proper­ ty taxes that would reach them. Not only ty; only five years after the 1898 Tax Commis­ were the railroads subject to farmer attacks sion report, in 1903, Wisconsin embarked up­ as providers of transportation services; they on the process of amending the constitution were also obvious targets for urban tax reform­ to permit state income taxation. In the indus­ ers, given their high visibility as Wisconsin's trial states, only agricultural interests strong­ largest and wealthiest corporate bodies. In- ly supported the income tax as an alternative to personal-property taxation. Througlrout '° For evidence of the agricultural locus of support for federal income taxation, see Sidney Ratner, Ameri­ " Such dissatisfaction had surfaced at least as early can Taxation, Its History as a Social Force in Democra­ as 1867, with the report of a state tax commission. State cy (New York, 1942), 172-214, and Elmer Ellis, "Public of Wisconsin, Report of the Tax Commissioners, 1867, Opinion and the Income Tax, 1860-1900," in the pp. 5-6, 9. Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 27: 225-242 (Sep­ '" On the activities of the urban tax reformers, see tember, 1940); and Yearly, The Money Machines, 230ff. Thelen, The New Citizenship, especially 203-211. " On the dim view of state income taxation held "State of Wisconsin, Tax Commission, Report, 1898, by experts, see W. Elliot Brownlee, Progressivism and pp. 74, 109-110, 167-168; Milwaukee Sentinel, February Economic Growth: Tlie Wisconsin Income Tax, 1911- 8, 1898. 1929 (Port Washington, New York, 1974), 46-48. " Speech of Robert M. La Follette, "Dangers Threat­ " In fact, the discredited license fees applied by the ening Representative Government," July 4, 1897, in state to certain utilities resembled a form of income the Robert M. La Follette Papers, Box 7, State Histori­ taxation, while ad valorem taxation, the central pro­ cal Society of Wisconsin (SHSW); State of Wisconsin, posal of those wishing utility tax reform, was simply Tax Commission, Report, 72. a kind of property tax.

304 Society's Iconographic Collection Double-header freight train at a Manitowoc siding, 1898.

deed, urban reformers participating in the laws. While the primary lenders, banking cor­ new Republican coalition saw increased taxa­ porations, were already effectively taxed under tion of railroads and, more generally, all utili­ the general property tax, the property-tax sys­ ties, as central to solution of the fiscal prob­ tem reached only incompletely the assets of lems of the cities during the 1890's.'^ Even non-institutional lenders, such as prosperous manufacturers favored tax reform in the fanners or real-estate agents.'^ Thus, a pri­ 1890's, since heavier taxation of other cor­ mary tax-reform effort of La Follette's first porations meant a reduction of the tax burden administration was to centralize property-tax on manufacturers imposed by property taxes. assessment procedures under a permanent Tax The most visible outcome of this initial cor­ Commission wliich would force local assessors porate tax-reform thrust was the adoption, in to improve the assessment of intangibles. Be­ 1903, of ad valorem property taxation of rail­ tween 1901 and 1902, as a result of the assess­ roads. ment drive, the assessed value of Wisconsin's The second source of delay in adopting in­ personal property increased more than 40 come taxation in Wisconsin was the logical per cent and the value of "money and credits" interest in strengthening the existing system more than doubled.^'* of personal-property taxation before adopting an untried form of taxation. The source of that effort was the desire, fed by the agricul­ " Banks fell under the heavy taxation of state and tural depression of the 1890's, to tax all lend­ local property taxes applied to the very easily assessed ers of agricultural capital more fully than was cash value of their stock. Thus, the banks paid proper­ possible under existing personal-property-tax ty taxes through shareholders ivhose shares were as­ sessed at cash value, a matter of public record, and taxed at the rate applied to other property in their taxing district, which was usually assessed at less than '" For emphasis on issues of taxation and regulation cash value. Raymond V. Phelan, The Financial His­ of corporations in the development of Wisconsin ur­ tory of Wisconsin (Madison, 1908), 373-413; State of ban reform during the 1890's, see Thelen, The New Wisconsin, Tax Commission, Report, 1898, p. 157; Citizenship, especially 203-211, and "Social Tensions 1901, p. 71. and the Origins of Progressivism," in The Journal of ™ State of Wisconsin, Tax Connnission, Report, 1903, American History, 56: 337-,341 (September, 1969). pp. 95ff.

305 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

HE serious movement toward in­ perhaps acting on behalf of Governor La Fol­ T come taxation began when the lette, took it upon himself to resolve the con­ more conservative reform of personal-proper­ flicting interests of small lenders, on the one ty taxation foundered on political shoals. 'The hand, and bankers and small farmers, on the success of the assessment drive led non-institu­ other. He did so by supporting the proposal tional lenders during the 1903 legislative ses­ to exempt credits from property taxation and sion to seek property-tax relief for themselves by strongly endorsing a state income tax.^^ through the exemption of all intangibles, par­ Although Haugen was the first state politi­ ticularly mortgages, from the general proper­ cian of influence to endorse such an income ty tax. Because many of the individuals reach­ tax, residual support among farmers from ed by improved property taxation, including the federal income-tax campaigns was strong both farmers and urban real-estate interests, enough for the Wisconsin legislature to in­ had supported the reordering of the Repub­ itiate immediately the process of constitution­ lican party, the desire of non-institutional al amendment to permit state income taxa­ lenders for credit exemption divided the La tion. And the prospect of income taxation Follette forces.2' The non-institutional lend­ was sufficiently appealing to small farmers to ers' maneuver antagonized representatives of allow the legislature to exempt mortgages the small farmer component (who were at the from general property taxation. Not only did heart of La Follette's group of supporters) and Haugen's compromise restore the coalition of the bankers (who vigorously opposed as un­ reform forces but, by breaking the legislative fair the non-institutional lenders' ploy). In log jam over credit taxation, it also allowed 1903 the contending interests disagreed heat­ the progressive coalition to enact the ad edly enough to obstruct the enactment of leg­ valorem taxation of railroads. Thus, in 1903, islation for the ad valorem taxation of rail­ tiie legislature concluded the first major thrust roads. Small farmers and bankers were repre­ of the Republican tax reforms and, at the sented by one of the central figures in the same time, began a new drive which would new Republican alignment. Tax Commis­ result in the adoption of a more rigorous sioner Nils P. Haugen, long-time political lead­ taxation of manufacturers. er of the agricultural Norwegian population Endorsed by both the legislature and the and himself a substantial bank investor in his Republican statewide leadership, including home region of Pierce County.^^ Haugen,

-'•' Writing to a close friend, Haugen expressed tear that the exemption-of-credits issue would get "in the ^ The progressive Milwaukee Free Press, as ^^•ell way of the other and more vital issues," meaning rail­ as the "stalwart" Milwaukee Sentinel, supported road tax proposals. Haugen to B. J. Morse, February the exemption of mortgages from property taxation in 21, 1903, Haugen to J. Grimm, February 24, 1903, both 1903 and then, in 1905, opposed a return to that taxa­ in the Haugen Papers; State of Wisconsin, Tax Com­ tion. The leading argument was that taxing mortgages mission, Report, 1903, 260-261; Haugen, "The Exemp­ under local rates would prevent Milwaukee creditors tion of Credits," speech before the .Assembly Commit­ from competing with lenders from other cities. Edi­ tee on the Assessment and Collection of Taxes, April torials in Milwaukee Free Press, May 30, June 6, 17, 22, 1903, copy in files of the Wisconsin Legislative 1905; "Taxation of Mortgages," in the Milwaukee Free Reference Library (WLRL); Haugen to B. J. Morse, Press, April 27, 1905; and letter from Wade H. Richard­ Marcli 26, 1903, in the Haugen Papers. son, in the Milxoaukee Free Press, May 22, 1905. Rich­ While Milwaukee progressives, with their real es­ ardson was a Milwaukee real estate dealer and spokes­ tate interests, were unentliusiastic aboiU the prospect man for the Milwaukee Real Estate Board. of income taxation, La Follette and riual progressives, ^ Maxwell, La Follette and the Rise of the Progres­ including La F'oUetle's successor, James O. Davidson, sives, 87-104. The ceiural place of Haugen and the and legislator Andrew H. Dahl, kept the po.ssibility of Scandinavian voters in the Republican coalition sug­ stiff credit taxation before them. Consequently, the gests the significance of the merger of class and ethnic Milwaukee element tended to accept income taxation appeals in the development of progressivism in Wiscon­ as a preferable alternative to a vigorously enforced sin. See Rogin, The Intellectuals and McCarthy, 59-72, property taxation, and the final income tax measure and Weibull, "The Wi,sconsin Progressives," 191-225. provided for the exemption of all intangibles from For data on Haugen's investments and his relation.ship properly taxation. "Governor's Message, 1905," copy to institutional lenders .see his account book 17, Box 70, in files of WLRL; Milwaukee Sentinel, May 18, 1905; and B. J. Morse to Haugen, June II, 1903, both in the Haugen to Robert M. La Follette, January 12, 1907, in Nils P. Haugen Papers, SHSW. the Haugen Papers. 306 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION

Governor La Follette as well as Nils Haugen, well as that held by individual capitalists, lay the income-tax movement encountered no largely beyond the reach of the property-tax substantive obstacles after 1903. The delay assessor. Once the movement to tax credits of final passage of the constitutional amend­ pointed toward the social shortcomings of ment until 1908 reflected only the cumber­ manufacturers, progressives had an opportu­ some process of amendment. The two-to-one nity to arouse Wisconsin's traditional anti- victory of income taxation in the mandatory corporate passions. The spectacular growth popular referendum of 1908 reflected its con­ of manufacturing corporations during the tinued popular support, particularly in poor­ first decade of the century created an oppor­ er agricultural districts.^* But, despite this tunity for Wisconsin progressives to capitalize decisive endorsement of the principle of in­ on the class basis of their movement, just come taxation, the public and even experts in when they had exhausted the issue of railroad tax affairs had only a poorly developed con­ taxation and regulation. Further, the federal cept of what specific provisions such taxation government's move to tax incomes intensified should include. The experts tended to see —to a significant extent as a result of the the tax simply as a replacement for the en­ activities of Robert M. La Follette, who was tire personal-property tax; they lent no con­ by then a United States Senator. The national sideration to the specific manner in which the debate reinforced the discussion in Wiscon­ tax might apply to business activity or made sin, and La Follette's arguments in particular; no mention of the fact that the income tax, in both advanced the cause of state income taxa­ replacing the personal-property tax, would tion and centered interest on income taxation shift a larger part of the tax base to those of the irranufacturers. In 1909, La Follette urban taxpayers, especially manufacturers, had vigorously supported federal income taxa­ who were taxed only under the general prop­ tion, arguing that its fundamental appeal lay erty tax.2' If, in 1908, the experts and poli­ in its ability to redistribute corporate wealth, ticians saw the tax as anything more compli­ work that did not relate directly to the manu­ cated than a more effective means of taxing facturing community. Between 1909 and 1911, "capitalists," there is no evidence to that ef­ however, as progressive politicians broadened fect. And if the manufacturers believed that and deepened their concept of income taxa­ an attempt to tax their profits was imminent, tion and sought increasingly to define public they did not make their misgivings public. issues in class terms, the manufacturing cor­ The scattered early critics of the income tax porations began to receive closer scrutiny. considered it to be a type of personal, rather Once public attention had become riveted on than of business taxation.^^ the social responsibilities of large manufactur­ Thus, the Wisconsin income-tax movement ing corporations, Wisconsin progressives, sup­ began within a political and intellectual frame- ported by the indifference of politically pow­ erful non-manufacturing corporations to the plight of the manufacturers, rapidly altered " State of Wisconsin, Wisconsin Blue Book, 1909, p. 558. the state's tax system to benefit farmers at the ^ Among the Wisconsin academic community, only expense of manufacturers. one tax expert, Thomas Sewell Adams of the Univer­ sity, developed an interest in income taxation during 1903-1908. See Adams, "Mortgage Taxation in Wis­ consin," in the Quarterly Journal of Economics, 22: 1-27 (November, 1907). The most prominent income- Y the conclusion of the 1909 leg­ tax expert was Nils P. Haugen, who occupied that B islative session, the Wisconsin position by self-appointment and was far more inter­ income-tax movement had focused squarely ested in enhancing his intellectual credentials among politicians than in enlightening public discourse. For on increasing the contribution of the state's discussion of Haugen's misrepresentations of the analy­ manufacturers to the public revenues. In part, sis of Richard T. Ely and Edwin R. A. Seligman, see this focus was the result of the internal logic Brownlee, Progressivism and Economic Growth, 50-51. of the effort to tax incomes rather than "in­ ^ For example, see "The Proposed Amendment," in tangible" personal property that fell under the Milwaukee Sentinel, October 18, 1904, and "In­ come Tax is a Delusion," speech by Pliny Norcross, the general property tax. The "intangible" in the Milwaukee Sentinel, March 25, 1905. property of manufacturing corporations, as

307 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

Society's Iconographic Collection A Wisconsin branch office of the International Harvester Company, 1906.

When his followers in Wisconsin came to con­ lack of a distinction between personal and sider state income taxation, they used almost business taxation aroused substantive oppo­ the identical arguments.2'' sition from the state's manufacturers.^^ The The first state income-tax proposal, spon­ manufacturers, led by the largest in Wisconsin sored in February, 1909, by C. A. Ingram, a such as Allis-Chalmers, International Harvest­ Republican assemblyman from Pepin County er, and Kimberly-Clark, complained that the in La Follette country along the Mississippi, proposed tax would subject them to competi­ and Paul Husting, a Democratic senator iroirr tive disadvantage because it provided no prop­ agricultural Dodge County, was so poorly erty-tax relief. They also pointed out the ex­ drafted that the legislators quickly buried it emption from urban taxation of urban tran­ in committee for the duration of the session. sit companies owned by the state's railroads; But the bill's provisions for a centrally ad­ of the light, heat, and power companies own­ ministered tax, a graduated rate structure for ed hy street railways; and of insurance com­ both personal and corporate incomes, and its panies.^^

'^•Ratner, American Taxation, Its History as a So­ -•* Wisconsin State Journal (Madison), February 19, cial Force in Democracy, 267-269, 280-307; Robert M. 1909; Milwaukee Free Press, March 21, July 31, 1909; La Follette, "The Propertyless Man and the Income Assembly Bill No. 831 A, February 25, 1909, copy in Tax," in La Follette's Weekly Magazine, May 15, 1909; WLRL. La Follette, "Who Pays the Tax?" in La Follette's ''" Milwaukee Free-Press, February 16, 1910; Milwau­ Weekly Magazine, July 17, 1909; Milwaukee Journal, kee Merchants and Manufacturers Association, Bulle­ July 15, 1909. tin, March and .\pril-May, 1910; Milwaukee Free-Press, 308 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION

The burial of the 1909 income-tax bill re­ special regulatory and tax policies upon which sulted not from the complaints of the manu­ to draw for successful strategy and tactics ap­ facturers but from the criticism of the more propriate to dealing with reformers. The re­ politically potent utilities, particularly the sult, in part, was that the primary thrust railroads. The latter had opposed the 1909 of the income-tax legislation as proposed in proposal since the act would have taxed the the first 1911 bill was to increase the taxes income of all corporations. After having con­ levied on the manufacturers without extend­ ducted hearings throughout the state, having ing them any compensations. In practice, the mobilized support of tax experts, and hav­ progressives were more responsive to the in­ ing tested the temperature of political waters, terests of non-manufacturing corporations.5' supporters of the income tax left only manu­ In the process of writing the final legisla­ facturers and merchants within the ambit of tion in 1911, legislators took further steps to the corporate income tax. The income-tax insure that the income tax extended to manu­ draft presented in January of 1911 exempted facturing profits. In response to criticisms banks and trust companies and, most signifi­ raised by the manufacturers that the proposed cantly, companies paying license fees and ad tax-administration bureaucracy was inade­ valorem taxes, including steam railroads and quate to the task of enforcement, income-tax insurance companies.^" Yet corporations pay­ supporters returned their original bill to ing income taxes were granted no exemption Charles McCarthy's Legislative Reference for local property taxes. Manufacturers, with Library for redrafting, directing him to create their relatively concentrated property hold­ a tougher administrative structure.^^ The re­ ings, preferred to have taxation controlled sulting McCarthy bill, resting the income tax locally; utilities, particularly railroads, with even nrore squarely on the corporations than their more widely dispersed property, pre­ had earlier versions, emerged as the basic in­ ferred state taxation and regulation. While come-tax blueprint. It created assessment dis­ the railroads had welcomed a more uniform tricts larger than individual counties, provided tax system, the manufacturers resisted state­ for the administration of those districts by wide control over corporate taxation and state-appointed, state-paid assessors, enrpower- found that the income tax threatened them ed tlie Tax Commission to double the rate with both state and local tax increases. The of taxation in cases of fraudulent corporate utilities, by opposing their inclusion under behavior, taxed corporate interest payments. the system of income taxation but offering no opposition to such taxation if applied to man­ ufacturers, in essence supported the new anti- •" Prior to 1903 the railroads had bitterly fought the efforts of the progressives to increase their taxes. corporate initiative of the progressives. The There is evidence that they were much more con­ benefits that the utilities would garner from cerned about the extension of the gross receipts tax the state and local taxation of manufacturing, (similar to an income tax) than the introduction of while being themselves taxed only under a the ad valorem system. For strong suggestions of this, see Emanuel L. Philipp, Political Reform in Wisconsin system of property taxation during years of (Milwaukee, 1910), and for other evidence as to the buoyant incomes, were obvious. Moreover, the lack of railroad concern as to ad valorem taxation, see utilities had a generation of experience with Caine, The Myth of a Progressive Reform, 52. The thrust of the railroad regulation imposed by the Railroad Commission Act of 1905 was to guarantee the railroads a "reasonable" rate of return after taxes. April 4, 1910; Civics and Commerce (Milwaukee), Edward J. Brabant, "The Valuation of Public Utilities October and November, 1910; Milwaukee Sentinel, for Taxation," in the Bulletin of the National Tax January 18, 1911. Association, 7: 280-288 (June, 1922). For a discussion ^ Copy of Bill 158-A as reported by the Special Com­ of the older railroad license fee system and a critique mittee on the Income Tax, files in WLRL; Milwaukee of ad valorem taxation, see Guy E. Snider, The Taxa­ Daily News, November 19, 1909. Insurance companies tion of the Gross Receipts of Railways in Wisconsin paid their taxes on a receipts basis, with virtually all (New York, 1906). the revenues retained by the state. Haugen, once ••''Testimony of Paul D. Carpenter, February, 1911, again representing the interests of the banking com­ Joitu Hearings on the Income Tax, typescript in munity, was responsible for the suggestion to exempt •VVLRL; Harry W. Bolens, "Memorandum on Wisconsin insurance companies and banks. S. M. Marsh to Hau­ Income Tax Bill No. 158-A," in the Harry W. Bolens gen, December 30, 1909, in the Haugen Papers. Papers, SHSW.

309 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

*»«««« •^••^•ss. %%j^,, Society's Iconographic Collection Taxi cabs built by the Kissel Motor ;Car Company awaiting shipment to New York, 1925. and, most originally, permitted taxpayers to payers whose personal property was taxed less offset their personal property taxes against heavily. A leading member of a special in­ income taxes.^^ The last provision promised come tax committee in fact asserted that one to reduce or eliminate the impact of the in­ of the virtues of the McCarthy-Kinsman bill come tax on agricultural districts. The old was that the personal-property-tax offset would general property tax reached the tangible per­ prevent the state from taking any significant sonal property of farmers—notably farm ani­ income-tax revenue from farming areas.'' mals and equipment—far more completely More generally, proponents of the new bill than the corresponding property of manufac­ argued that the central intent of the measure turers, such as inventories.^* McCarthy and was to "equalize" revenues, rather than to his assistant, Delos O. Kinsman, calculated raise new revenues. They fully expected the that most farmers with personal property income tax to take the place of the personal- would thus be able to cancel out their in­ property tax if it proved to be successful in come-tax obligation. The income tax would raising revenue; the object of tax reform in therefore bear most heavily on non-farm tax- 1911 was simply to shift a greater share of the cost of government to certain urban taxpay­ ^ Bill proposed by Special Joint Committee, April ers, especially manufacturers. 28, 1911, copy in WLRL. The bill is to be distinguished The enactment of the McCarthy-Kinsman from the slightly different measure which was intro­ duced as 573, S, on May 19, 1911, and subsequently bill in June, 1911, after only minor modifica­ enacted into law after some revision. tions, reflected the unwillingness of legislators ^ The ratios between local assessed valuations and representing the more agricultural portions the full-value state assessments were consistently high­ of the state to explore significant areas for er for agricultural personal property than for manufac­ turers' personal property. State of Wisconsin, Tax Commission, Report, 1911, p. 106. ^Milwaukee Sentinel, May 11, 1911. 310 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION compromise with the manufacturers. In 1911 but the Socialist minority was too small to no significant support materialized among leg­ make a majority out of a coalition of them­ islators for modifications which might have selves, dissident Republicans, and conserva­ been favorable to manufacturers. Only a few tive Democrats.3* Finally, no support for the Republicans opposed the tax. They repre­ irranufacturers' position materialized among sented the Lake Michigan and Rock River in­ otlier business groups. Other corporations un­ dustrial cities, particularly Kenosha and Janes­ doubtedly hoped to see part of their state tax ville, which, being closer to the Illinois-Wis­ burden passed to the manufacturers. In fact consin line, would face more direct competi­ a more centralized tax system promised to en­ tion from neighboring cities such as Wauke- hance local and state property values and thus gan and Rockford.^'' The Democrats, having —to the benefit of the utilities and railroads a more urban base of power in the industrial —increase even further the manufacturers Fox River Valley and in Milwaukee, and hedg­ contributions to state and local tax revenues ing against an unfavorable public reaction to As for the bankers, who were to be covered income taxation in the future, proposed levy­ by the new income tax, many had good rea- ing a flat 1 per cent tax and maintaining the existing administrative apparatus for assess­ •" Milwaukee Sentinel, June 10, 1911; The Evening ments. However, the Assembly buried that Wisconsin, June 29, 1911. proposal by more than a two-to-one vote.^'' '"The Evening Wisconsin, June 23, 1911; Milwaukee The Socialists also tended to oppose the tax Free-Press, June 24, 30, 1911; Madison Democrat, June 24, 1911; Milwaukee Daily News, June 24, 1911. as enacted, supporting the unsuccessful effort '-'^ Milwaukee Free-Press, June 15, 1911; see, also, to submit the McCarthy bill to a referendum; Brownlee, Progressivism and Economic Growth, 60-61.

vi--;es

Society's Iconographic Collection Governor Emanuel L. Philipp's dairy barn near Sauk City, 1925.

311 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 son to prefer income taxation to property advocates of the state, were committed to mak­ taxation.^^ ing the tax an administrative success, accept­ Despite a desperate, last-minute lobbying ed the intellectual defense of the tax advanced assault by the manufacturers, the final enact­ by its political friends, quarreled only rarely ment maintained a graduated rate structure with the prevailing political judgment that with a 6 per cent maximum, preserved the Wisconsin's polity could safely ignore the highly centralized administrative apparatus, manufacturers' interests, and tended, to have created the personal-property-tax offset, and political origins outside the state's industrial exempted the utilities (including the raih centers.*^ roads and any other corporation taxed by the Not only did the tax survive its administra­ state under special legislation) from income tion, but it also emerged unscathed from an taxation.*" The final discussion surrounding electoral challenge in 1912 and from the long the act, particularly in the Wisconsin Senate, reign, 1915-1921, of a conservative governor, focused not upon the taxation of manufac­ Emanuel L. Philipp. The election of 1912 turers but upon the tax's impact on agricul­ turned largely on the issue of the income tax, ture. The tax proponents, usually explicit with Governor Francis E. McGovern offering representatives of farming interests, candidly a sprightly defense of it, focused on the sins and with considerable accuracy predicted that of manufacturers and buttressed by a vigorous "under this bill, the farmers would not have propaganda campaign conducted by the mem­ to pay an income tax."*' bers of the Tax Commission.*^ The outcome

"Milwaukee Sentinel, June 10, 1911. In the first year of the income tax only about 3 per cent of those TUDENTS of modern liberal re­ individuals who paid an income tax in twelve repre­ s form are never surprised to find sentative counties were farmers. In those counties, of that administrators of new laws blunt the cut­ the farmers who were assessed an income tax, almost ting edge of potentially radical initiatives. three-fourths paid no tax because of the personal- property offset, as contrasted ^vith only 30 per cent for But, in the instance of Wisconsin's income all individuals assessed an income tax. Wisconsin Tax tax, the Tax Commission proved to be a rigid Corami,ssion. Report, 1912, pp. 34, 38. Further, this enforcer of progressive intentions. The pow­ very poor performance of the income tax within ag­ erful commissioners usually had strong polit­ ricultural communities may well confirm the tradi­ tional urban suspicions that farmers would be able ical ties to champions of the income tax, were to avoid the tax by obscining their true net incomes. generally lawyers who viewed themselves as See, tor example, Charles Bullock, "The State Income Tax and Classified Property Tax," in the Proceedings ^ See statement of George D. Bartlett, secretary of of the National Tax Association (1916), 10: 378. the Wisconsin Bankers' Association, in the Milwaukee ''•' In fact, it was not until 1915 that a governor Sentinel, February 5, 1911. Personal property was appointed a tax commissioner from Milwaukee and measined by the value of the bank stock held by in­ at no time before 1930 did a governor make an ap- vestors. When, in 1927, the state again applied the poiiument from Racine-Kenosha or the Fox River income tax to banks it was considered a form of "lax \'alley cities. The only Commissioner trained as an relief." State of Wisconsin, Tax Connnission, Report, economist was T. S. Adams, who served from 1911 to 1930, pp. 38-43. 1915. "Bill 573, S, as introduced on May 19, 1911, in the '•' McClovern, despite his political origins in the Mil­ McCartliy Papers. See John F. Sinclair to Kinsman, waukee urban reform movement of the 1890's which June 6, 1911, in files of WLRL, for a summary of gave him some per,sonal doubts about the income tax, changes made in original McCarthy-Kinsman bill; was beholden for electoral support primarily to tra­ State of Wisconsin, Tax Commission, The Wisconsin ditional progressive sources—the agricidtural and small Income Tax Law (Madison, 1911). Also, the income town populations—and never wavered in his support tax act exempted "intangibles" and farm machinery of the tax. Indeed, McGovern's weakest area of state­ and implements from personal property taxation. On wide support was Milwaukee, his home; he lost in the lobbying effort, see Otto Falk to Bolens, June 2, the city in all three of his gubernatorial campaigns. 1911, in tlie Bolens Papers; F. G. Simmons to Francis Milwaukee Free-Press, June 30, 1912; Weibull, "The E. McGovern, Jime 8, 1911, in the Frances E. Mc­ Wisconsin Progressiveo, 1900-1914," 215ff.; typescript Govern Papers, SHSW; "Genesis of Wisconsin's In­ of speech of Governor Francis E. McGovern, delivered come Tax Law, An Interview with D. O. Kinsman," at the West Side Turn Hall, Milwaukee, October 9, in the Wisconsin Magazine of History, 21:12 (Septem­ 1912, in the Bolens Papers. For the propaganda of ber, 1937); The Evening Wisconsin, June 29, 1911; Nils Haugen, who led the experts in defending the Milwaukee Daily News, Jtnie 29, 1911. tax, see the Milwaukee Journal, August 10, 1912, and

312 Society's k Jacob Leinenkugel Brewing Company, Chippewa Falls, photographed around 1910 by A. A. Bish. reinforced progressives' emphasis on the so­ brewers, to whom he also had ties, found cial irresponsibility of manufacturers; for al­ themselves under mounting attack from tem­ though McGovern's margin of victory was perance forces and preferred to avoid encour­ small, progressives commonly believed that aging any further public hostility by attempt­ without the income-tax issue McGovern would ing to roll back income taxation. Further, have lost. As a consequence, the outcome Pliilipp was a Republican party loyalist who served to ratify the income tax.** Thus, no had firmly attached himself to the fortunes threat of repeal or significant revision emerged of William Howard Taft, thereby increasing during McGovern's second term. the distance between himself and the state's In 1914, McGovern finally fell to a con­ largest manufacturers, who supported the servative businessman, Emanuel L. Philipp, more conservative Democratic organization in but the new governor was disinclined to mod­ both 1912 and 1914.*-'' In his 1914 campaign, ify the income tax. Philipp had only tenuous Philipp said virtually nothing about the in­ business and political connections with the come tax, thus clearly placing himself within largest manufacturers who had been the most the political consensus that had established vigorous opponents of income taxation. In­ the state income tax.*^ deed, the transportation interests with which Philipp was associated had profited from steeper taxation of manufacturers; and the "'For discu.ssion of Philipp's business interests, the related concerns of the raaimfacturing community, and Philipp's politics, see Maxwell, Emanuel L. Philipp, a speech, "The Income Tax," in the Wisconsin Farm­ Wisconsin Stalwart (Madison, 1959), especially 18-29 ers Institute, Bulletin, 1912, pp. 108-118. and 58-59, and Herbert Margulies, "The Decline of " See, for example, Charles McCarthy to George Wisconsin Progressivism, 1911-1914," in Mid-America, W. Perkins, November 23, 1912, in the Charles Mc­ 28: 146-155 auly. '957). Carthy Papers, SHSW. On the distribution of Mc­ '" It is true that Philipp probably owed his victory Govern's 1912 vote, which was weighted toward tra­ in 1914 in part to voter reaction to higher taxes, as ditionally progressive rural areas, see Weibull, "The several historians have suggested. Nonetheless, that Wisconsin Progressives, 1900-1914," 218ff. reaction was not to the income tax, but rather to the

313 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

As governor, Philipp conciliated the more I represented not only an effort to punish progressive wings of the Republican party on "war profiteers" but also to enlarge the con­ economic issues and moved farther away from tribution of the large corporations to the the interests of business, especially the manu­ state's wartime programs, particularly the facturers. His hearings into the operation of funds for veterans' benefits. Such interest commission government, his proposal to de­ in the revenue potential of the income tax centralize the Tax Coinmission, and his sug­ was not new; it was an extrapolation of an gestion to eliminate personal-property taxa­ earlier interest that had developed after 1911 tion were intentionally unproductive. Philipp to use the taxation of manufacturers as a had no program to relieve the tax burden of means of financing the "agricultural service- large manufacturers; indeed, he contributed state." While the initial framers of the tax significantly to perpetuating Wisconsin's in- were interested only in its ability to redis­ coirre taxation of manufacturers. Philipp tribute the tax burden, once they discovered strengthened the centralized system of tax the strong buoyancy of income-tax revenues administration and supported the movement they valued it also for the revenue bonus it to enact surtaxes on incomes, rather than to provided the state's treasury, a revenue bonus adopt new state mill taxes, in order to fi­ which farm progressives had begun to use on nance Wisconsin's wartime programs. The ef­ behalf of the agricultural community before fect of these surtaxes—included in 1919 bills they turned to financing veterans' benefits. to finance soldiers' bonus and educational The development of Wisconsin's agricul­ funds—was to double corporate income-tax tural service-state, which the income tax pro- rates in 1919, to establish a kind of excess- irroted after 1911, had its roots in the 1870's, profits taxation, to prohibit using the per­ when the Wisconsin Dairymen's Association sonal-property offsets against these new obli­ of William D. Hoard pioneered efforts to help gations, and to earmark all of the new rev­ small, highly specialized farmers compete in enue for the state treasury. In terms of tax the national marketplace. The dairymen's reform, Philipp's administration compared program of agricultural education and regu­ favorably with both that of his predecessor lation, when linked with university-sponsored McGovern and that of strongly progressive research and the agricultural experiment sta­ John J. Blaine, who followed Philipp in of­ tions promoted by William A. Henry of the fice.*' College of Agriculture during the 1880's, formed the kernel of the agricultural service- state.*** HE expansion of Wisconsin in­ come taxation during World War '" "In the Matter of Investigation Provided for by Joint Resolution 11 .\," typescript of hearings, March abnormally high state property tax levied in 1913. 16-April 20, 1915, in WLRL; Milwaukee Sentinel, June The income tax contributed to this only indirectly, 14, 24, 1915; Milwaukee Journal, June 22, 25, 1915; since in 1912 tire McCiovern administration had be­ C;harlcs D. Rosa's memorandum on the 1918 special ses­ come so enthusiastic about the revenue potential of sion of the legislature, undated, in Charles D. Rosa the income tax that it remitted an excessively large Papers, SHSW; "Wisconsin Bills Imposing or .'Effect­ portion of state property taxes. The consequent rev­ ing Surtaxes on Income Which Were Not Enacted, enue pinch in 1913, exacerbated by new state obliga­ 191I-I955," Informational Bulletin No. 145, October, tions for county aid covering highway finance, neces­ 1955, in WLRL; "Changes in .\ssessment and Tax sitated an unusally high property tax that year. Sub­ Laws in Wi-sconsin Made by Legislature in 1919," sequently, Philipp campaigned ou the issues of extra­ memorandum, in the Haugen Papers; Merle Curti and vagance and high property taxes, supported by La X'ernon Carstensen, The University of Wisconsin (Mad­ Follette's criticism of the McGovern administration. ison, 1949), 2: 207-213; Margulies, The Decline of the The property-tax episode, in fact, increased farmer Progressive Movement in Wisconsin, pp. 239-242; Max­ enthusiasm for the income tax, which only a very small well, Emanuel L. Fhilipp, 155ff.; State of Wisconsin, percentage had to pay. Wisconsin Tax Commission, Senate, Journal, June 4, 1920, pp. 61-64; State of Wis­ "Taxes of the State of Wisconsin and Its Political consin, Tax Commission, Wisconsin Income Tax Law, Subdivisions, 1901-19,%," pp. 11-13; La Follette's Mag­ 1919, pp. 56-62. azine, July 25, 1914; Margulies, The Decline of the '•• For an analysis of these initiatives and the more Progressive Movement in Wiscotrsin, 142-163; Max­ general process of institutional adaptation on the part well, Emanuel L. Philipp, 72-89. of Wisconsin's farmers to the industrial revolution, 314 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION

In distinct contrast to Populist proposals to Nils P. Haugen during the 1890's. Hoping to reorganize the nation's monetary and market­ restructure state government, the La Follette- ing systems, this program of state subsidies Hoard-Haugen coalition used the idea of an to promote productivity and to penetrate na­ agricultural service-state to entice the Wiscon­ tional markets achieved early and relatively sin electorate to ignore other, nrore divisive broad support among Wisconsin farmers. And issues. While continuing to stress the old when in the first decade of the twentieth cen­ Jacksonian concept of redistributing wealth tury marketplace conditions became even by means of taxation, these Republicans pro­ more favorable for farmers, the virtues of spe­ moted a positive governmental order appro­ cializing in something like dairying, which priate to the interests of specialized farmers in met increasing urban demands, grew even a modern industrial state.^' By the time the more attractive. Thus, while many Wisconsin income tax passed, the state's educational, re­ farmers remained hostile to scientific agricul­ search, and regulatory services to agriculture ture and persisted in more traditional pat­ had grown dramatically in size and cost.^^ terns of production during the "golden age" By 1911, a very large segment of Wisconsin's of agriculture, 1897-1913, the clientele for agricultural community represented a potent voluntaristic and governmental programs of political force. It sought expansion of the regulation, research, and education expanded public services available to farmers and had far beyond the farmers originally courted by led a successful movement to institutionalize William D. Hoard and William A. Henry.*^ such services through governmental support. However, as the group of specialized farmers Simultaneously, an overlapping .segment of widened and as farm politics became more the farming population, weighted more heavi­ intense during the 1890's, the emphasis of ly toward poorer farmers, many of whom were farm reform in Wisconsin shifted from pri­ still specializing in wheat or corn-and-hog pro­ vate to public initiatives. Leaders of the ag­ duction, led another successful drive to redis­ ricultural community reconsidered their faith tribute income from manufacturing to agri­ in the free marketplace, and advocated ex­ culture. These two agricultural interests were panding the dairy and food commission, tight­ fundamentally compatible and worked in tan­ ening restrictions on production and market­ dem, for only the manufacturers believed that ing frauds, increasing public investment in such a redistributive measure would inhibit research and instruction, and engaging in a the growth of Wisconsin's marketplace—a cen­ program to improve country roads.^'' At the tral concern to farmers in the tradition of same time, the men who guided Wisconsin's William D. Hoard.^^ Moreover, after 1911, specialized farmers formed one element in the political coalition which took shape around °' On the contribution of William D. Hoard and Robert La Follette, William D. Hoard, and the state's dairy farmers to the formation of the new Republican coalition, see Maxwell, La Follette and the Rise of the Progressives in Wisconsin, 13, 62; Lam­ see Lampard, The Rise of the Dairy Industry in Wis­ pard, The Rise of the Dairy Industry, ,341-342; Thelen, consin. For a discussion of parallel developments in The New Cifizenship, 296, 299. Iowa, see Keach Johnson, "Iowa Dairying at the Turn °^ Using only the most narrow definition of the of the Century: The New Agriculture and Progres­ agricultural service-state, direct expenditures for such sivism," in Agricultural History, 45: 95-110 (April, enterprise had increased to 4 per cent of all state 1971). disbmsements. See Brownlee, Progressivism and Eco­ " Lampard, The Rise of the Dairy Industry, 244ff.; nomic Growth, 73-74. William H. Glover, Farm and College: The College ^•'•The extent of overlapping of these reform interests of Agriculture of the University of Wisconsin (Madi­ is suggested by the finding of Louis Galambos that son, 1952), 187-227. during the period 1890-1920, even among the mid- ='" Between 1897 and 1901, the Wisconsin Farmers' western farm journals ivhich were directed at farmers Institute, the Wisconsin State Grange, the Wisconsin interested in scientific agricultine, attitudes toward Dairymen's Association, and the Wisconsin State Board large corporations continued to be considerably more of Agriculture all recommended state aids for highway unfavorable than favorable, despite farm prosperity development, and the first president of the Good and the gradual improvement in the corporate image. Roads Association, formed in 1907, was William D. See Louis Galambos, "The .Agrarian Image of the Hoard. Ballard Campbell, "The Ciood Roads Move­ Large Corporation, 1879-1920: A Study in Social ment in Wisconsin, 1890-1911," in the Wisconsin Accommodation," in The Journal of Economic His­ Magazine of History, 49: 284, 288 (Summer, 1966). tory, 28: 341-362 (September, 1968).

315 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

Society's Iconographic Collection Wisconsin tobacco.

as the income tax proved capable of passing liably provide consistent support for most on to the manufacturers a significant portion state institutions, such as the University, and of the costs of the agricultural service-state, might well subject those institutions to cor­ these two agricultural interests were ever more porate domination.^= Moreover, those same closely linked. After the adoption of income progressives, tending to be more prosperous, taxation, tlie state's contribution to the agri­ were concerned about the impact of uniform­ cultural service-state continued to grow, and ly higher income-tax rates on their own profits. between 1912 and 1918 the net increase in Consequently, dining and after the war, they state revenues provided by the income tax weakened progressive support for surtaxes and roughly matched the growth of state agricul­ increased rates.s^^ Yet these same more conser- tural spending.^* The dynamic revenue-producing capacity •" Curti and Carstensen, The University of Wiscon­ of the income tax during a period of rising sin, 2: 212. income—which surprised supporters of the •''" In particular, these farmers opposed the effort, original measure—contributed to the move­ intensified during the 1920's, of the more radical progressives to tie the funding of the University to ment to broaden income taxation tliereafter. surtaxes rather than to the traditional mill taxes on Tlie World War I emergency forced the state general property. That conflict about financing the to seek new revenues and brought to fruition ITniversity during the 1920's reflected a more funda­ the growing desire of more radical progres­ mental rift between farm progressives than their other tlifferences. As the center of farm political gravity sives to earmark income-tax increases for fund­ moved toward the co-operative movement of the Amer­ ing specific state programs. But more conser­ ican Farnt Bureau (as a respectable alternative to the vative farm progressives opposed such spe­ Society of Equity) the College of Agriculture found cific allocations. They were persuaded by the itself in the conservative wing of the farmer move­ ment and subject to budgetary attack as an elitist insti­ arginnents of Governor Emanuel L. Philipp tution. However, the attachment of even the more that surtaxes on corporations would not re- radical farmers of northern Wisconsin to the state services, such as the county-agent program, remained strong, and the disagreement in no way prevented farm progressives from uniting on the 1925 tax reform '' See Brownlee, Progressivism and Ecoriomrc package. Curti and Carstensen, The University of Wis- Growth, 74-75. 316 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION vative progressives favored expanding corpora­ more radical farm politics, reminiscent of the tion income taxation through the repeal of populism of the Plains states, had already ap­ the property-tax offset and enlarging the share peared in the campaign which James Titte- of income-tax revenues taken by the state more, the candidate of the Wisconsin Society government for its own purposes. Thus, both of Equity, waged for the governor's chair in the conservative and the more radical farm 1918. Yet a significant number of Wisconsin progressives agreed to the new income-tax farmers had found even Tittemore insuffi­ thrust, beginning with World War I and going ciently radical; by the beginning of 1920, the forward in the 1920's. They both valued its Nonpartisan League of North Dakota had at­ expansion as a way to redistribute income and tracted over 20,000 Wisconsin farmers to mem­ to expand the agricultural service-state.^' bership. When Tittemore and the more con­ servative Equity members refused to embrace the Nonpartisan League, Blaine capitalized HE agricultural crisis of the early on the opportunity and accepted the League's 1920's, focused on the depres­ endorsement for governor. Moreover, he ex­ sion of 1920-1921, allowed the reform-minded plicitly supported the League's platform and wing of the Republican party once again to campaigned with three League representatives elevate economic issues over cultural issues, on his state ticket. Blaine's electoral victory in which had assumed temporary primacy be­ 1920 owed less to Wisconsin's urban popula­ cause the social tensions of World War I had tion than that of any previous progressive exaggerated their importance in Wisconsin. governor. 5* The progressive leadership, evidently con­ A desire to restructure the market for agri­ vinced that the voters believed ardently in cultural goods was important to the redirec­ strong government, developed a message that tion of farmer politics, but at the heart of was more heatedly anti-corporate in tone than Blaine's political message was an old-fashioned any since 1912. In his 1920 gubernatorial cam­ tax threat to the state's manufacturing cor­ paign, the progressive John J. Blaine asso­ porations. As Charles Rosa, a Blaine support­ ciated closely with the radical wing of Wis­ er and later tax commissioner, put it: "The consin's farmers, which had gathered strength big fellows, the profiteers, and tax dodgers, during World War I, well before the agricul­ and the seeker after special privilege will find tural reversals of the postwar depression. A consideration at his [Blaine's] hands but it will not be the thing they are looking for."^^ Blaine intensified his attack on manufacturers cousin, 2: 211ff.; Edward H. Beardsley, Harry L. Russell and Agricultural Science in Wisconsin (Madi­ as "tax dodgers" during his first term in office son, 1969), 92ff., 137ff. and, in 1922, won re-election even more handi- "^ Redistributing income and expanding the agri­ ly.**" After 1922, Blaine and the progressives cultural service-state also occurred in the expansion of state aids and in the distribution of income tax revenues to counties and municipalities. Such funds ^ Margulies, The Decline of the Progressive Move­ permitted property tax relief, particularly for farmers. ment, 244-282; Margulies, "The La Follette-Philipp At the same time they created a way to improve Alliance of 1918," in the Wisconsin Magazine of His­ public facilities, especially country roads and rural tory, 28: 248-249 (Summer, 1955); Margulies, "The schools. When, in the agricultural crisis ensuing in Election of 1920 in Wisconsin: The Return to 'Nor­ 1920-1921, the system of distribution established in malcy' Reappraised," in the Wisconsin Magazine of 1911 did not suffice to satisfy the taste for public History, 41: 15-22 (Autumn, 1957); Maxwell, Emanuel services of the large farm population stranded in the L. Philipp, 206-208; Rogin, The Intellectuals and cut-over district of Wisconsin's northern counties, the McCarthy, 72-75; Theodore Saloutos, "The Decline state, recognizing that population's strength in the of the Wisconsin Society of Equity," in Agricultural progressive coalition, embarked upon a program to History, 15: 137-150 (July, 1941). increase state aids to low income counties. 'This re­ " Charles D. Rosa to his congressional campaign sup­ distribution of income to less successful agricultural porters, September, 1920, in the Rosa Papers. enterprises provided some of the impetus to expand *• Before devoting himself to the difficult political income taxation and contributed significantly to re­ and economic questions of comprehensive tax reform, forms in 1925. See, for example, Harley L. Lutz, "The Blaine relied on accomplishing the rather meaningless Problem of State Aid, Local Tax Burdens and Tax repeal of a secrecy clause protecting income tax returns, Delinquency in Wisconsin," November, 1924, Box 45, supporting adoption of a teachers-retirement-fund sur­ in the Herman Ekern Papers, SHSW. tax which Philipp had promoted, and backing rather

317 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

Society's Iconographic Collection Harley-Davidson motorcycle manufactured in 1912, a year after passage of Wisconsin's first income-tax law.

who sought redistribution of the tax burden romantic image of the city as monster, he as­ away from farmers argued that the market­ serted that "the thrust of the city's tentacles place and the tax system both failed to reflect extends into every nook and corner of the what urbanites owed farmers. To buttress state."^' Blaine's judgment that the state should divert Thus, in their new campaign, Wisconsin's income from cities and manufacturers to rural income-tax proponents went to the brink of areas, Rosa asserted that "there could be no an explicitly anti-industrial ideology for the packers' income without hogs—no shoes manu­ first time. The depths of the agricultural facturers' income without hides—no whole­ crisis during the early 1920's made this anti- salers', jobbers' or retailers' income without industrial rhetoric unusually popular in the the people who live often far beyond the depressed areas of northern Wisconsin. But confines of the city in which the income is nonetheless, in drafting tax policy, progres­ accumulated and taxed." Another radical sive politicians continued to recognize the progressive, in phrases equally reminiscent of desirability of maintaining Wisconsin's indus­ the Populist enthusiasms of the 1890's, argued trial opportunities. Governor Blaine and legis­ that cities grew and prospered at the expense lative leaders sought reassurance from experts of the countryside. "Wealth grows within the in the Tax Commission, the Legislative Refer- city walls," he declared, "only because the city robs the farm." Conjuring up the well-worn "' Charles D. Rosa, "Address before the Joint Com­ mittee on Finance of the Senate and Assembly," Febru­ ary 21, 1923, typescript, in the Rosa Papers; M. B. traditional support for effective income-tax administra­ Olbrich, quoted in Wisconsin State Journal, April 23, tion. 1923.

318 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION

ence Library, and the University of Wisconsin of the cities. Their opposition to that part of that the changes in tax policy would not jeop­ the radical farmer program led them to hold ardize industrial expansion. But, as had been up formation of a tax-reform package until the case for more than a decade, experts and the next session.^^ By 1925, however, the farm progressive politicians alike lent no serious progressives had gained sufficient support to intellectual consideration to the marketplace enact not only offset repeal but a sharp in­ issues raised by the manufacturers. Not only crease in the state's share of income-tax reve­ did progressives brush off the economic argu­ nues, from 10 to 50 per cent. Following the ments of the manufacturers, they also ignored 1925 act, using the new income-tax revenues, the obvious fact that the income-tax move­ Wisconsin dramatically increased its level of ment in other industrial states had lost all state subsidies, particularly its subventions lor momentum when World War I and its fiscal the depressed northern region.^^ demands ended. By the early I920's it should Following the tax-reform enactments of have been absolutely apparent that other in­ 1925, the progressive coalition broke down dustrial states and the federal government during a vicious internal struggle for the were committed to policies more favorable to leadership of the Wisconsin Republican party large manufacturing corporations.^^ touched off by the death of Robert M. La Ignoring the arguments of the manufactur­ Follette on June 18 that year. For the first ers and without developing any reservations time in progressive Wisconsin the manufac­ about limiting industrial growth, progressives turers adopted a viable pluralistic political intensified their long-standing efforts to re­ strategy by advancing the candidacy of a pro- distribute income toward agriculture and to enhance the agricultural service-state. They "'The protection to farmers was possible because concentrated upon two specific reforms: the shrinking farm incomes had rendered the offset of diversion of more income-tax revenues to state little value to farmers and because the new income tax government and the repeal of the personal- revenues would permit the reduction of state property property-tax offset. The former would pro­ taxes. State of Wisconsin, Tax Commission, Report, vide for enlarged state aids to, and property- 1916, pp. 76-80; 1918, pp. 6-8; 1920, pp. 31-43; 1922, pp. 16-19; 1924, pp. 66-77; Herbert D. Simpson, "The tax relief for, the poorer agricultural districts. Effects of a Property Tax Oft-set Under an Income The latter would nearly double income-tax Tax," in Institute for Economic Research, Studies in revenues and would shift state taxes toward Public Finance (Research Monograph No. 3), Richard the corporations, which accounted for the vast T. Ely, ed. (Chicago, 1932); Harley Lutz, "Memoran­ majority of the funds lost to the state as a dum on the Revision of the Wisconsin Income Tax," December 15, 1924, in the Herman Ekern Papers, result of the offset. At the same time, offset SHSW. repeal would not increase the tax burdens on "' Wisconsin Agriculturalist (Racine), February 3, farmers.^^ While the offset repeal encountered March 7, April 28, 1923, February 28, 1925; Charles some opposition from relatively prosperous H. Everett to John J. Blaine, January 22, 1923, in the Wisconsin farmers, it gained compensating John J. Blaine Papers; Wisconsin Farmer (Des Moines, Iowa), February 19, 26, July 23, 1925; Wisconsin State support from the Socialists. Legislative suc­ Journal, January 24, May 23, 1923, March 10, July 15, cess for the offset appeared feasible as early as July 23, 1925; Capital Times, February 21, March 12, the legislative session of 1923.^* However, July 9, July 22, July 23, 1925; Milwaukee Journal, Janu­ Socialists and urban progressives strenuously ary 23, 1923, February 28, March 15, July 26, 1925; Mil­ opposed any redistribution of income-tax reve­ waukee Sentinel, January 23, 25, March 6, 7, May 5, 1923; Charles D. Rosa, "Special Session, 1922," undated nues that would favor the state at the expense memorandum, Rosa to George Bubar, March 11, 1923, both in the Rosa Papers; A. J. Myrland to Nils P. Haugen, February 1, 1923, in the Haugen Papers. ^ For a discussion of the role of the expert defend­ "^Milwaukee Sentinel, February 21, March 1, 8, ers of income taxation during the 1920's, see Brown­ May 5, 1923; Testimony of Louis Arnold (Milwaukee's lee, Progressivism and Economic Growth, 79. On Socialist tax commissioner). Minutes of the Joint Com­ concurrent federal tax policy, which included the re­ mittee on Finance, Meeting No. 19, February 21, 1923, duction of the impact of federal income taxation on typescript in WLRL; Milwaukee Journal, March 8, manufacturing, see Randolph E. Paul, Taxation in the 1923; Wisconsin State Journal, May 23, 1923. United States (Boston, 1954), 122-142; Ratner, Amer­ " State of Wisconsin, Tax Commission, Taxes of the ican Taxation, Its History as a Social Force in Democ­ State of Wisconsin and Its Political Subdivisions, 1901- racy, 400-433. 1956, Bulletin no. 76. 319 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 gressive. Secretary of State Fred H. Zimmer­ off their political obligations by obtaining man of Milwaukee, who found support among passage of an act enabling corporations to urban progressives, prosperous farmers, and average incomes over three years for tax pur­ even some rural proponents of radical tax poses. Although the act was defended as a reform.^^ With the financial support of the measure that would allow corporations to largest manufacturers, and the electoral sup­ take account of "loss" years, in practice, dur­ port from progressives dissenting from the ing this period of generally rising prices, it claim of Robert M. La Follette, Jr., to party had the effect of reducing most corporate leadership, Zimmerman handily defeated the income-tax bills.^^ That concession to the "La Follette" candidate, Herman Ekern, in manufacturers, however, resulted in Zimmer­ the primary and then went on to win even man's political demise. A quirk in the averag­ more easily in November, 1926.^* ing measure, which forced the state to collect The change in strategy, and Zimmerman's only back and delinquent taxes in fiscal 1928, victory, provided the manufacturers for the meant that Zimmerman had to sponsor an first time with a degree of protection from increase in the state's general property-tax further fiscal attack by powerful agricultural levy. That widely unpopular act, coupled interests supported by non-manufacturing with the continuing division among progres­ corporations. Farm progressives in the legis­ sives, contributed to Zimmerman's defeat for lature were able to enact measures further re-election. However, his successor as gover­ toughening the tax law administration, and nor turned out to be a manufacturer—Walter they succeeded in defeating a series of tax J. Kohler, maker of bathroom fixtures—who proposals sponsored by both conservatives would become a prominent symbol of narrow and urban progressives. But they could not business paternalism. increase the tax rates, and, in fact, they suf­ fered a defeat in 1927 when Governor Zim­ " Farm progressives succeeded in increasing the ap­ merman and a few progressive senators paid propriation for auditing income tax returns, thereby enhancing the power of the Tax Commission in col­ lecting delinquent taxes, and permitted municipali­ " Among the proponents of more radical tax meas­ ties to employ experts to aid in property assessments. ures were Herman J. Severson of Waupaca County, The conservative and urban progressive proposals Speaker of the Assembly John L. Dahl of Rice Lake, that failed included full exemption of personal prop­ and Tax Commissioner Charles Rosa, all of whom erty from taxation, repeal of the teachers' retirement Blaine had neglected in framing a tax program. Rosa surtax, restoration of the personal-property-tax offset, concentrated on refuting the claims of Attorney Gen­ and re-institution of the pre-1925 distribution formula. eral Herman Ekern that he had made a major con­ The latter was championed by Milwaukee Socialist tribution to reducing the burden of property taxation Mayor Daniel W. Hoan and the League of Wisconsin on Wisconsin's farmers. Rosa, quite correctly, pointed Municipalities. Hoan criticized the state property tax out that assessed values of farm property had been suspension which Blaine had engineered after passage falling from the onset of the postwar depression and of the 1925 reforms, as accomplished by a "steal" of that the direction of the Tax Commission played the twenty million dollars out of city treasuries. Hoan major role in facilitating that process. was correct in that one effect of the 1925 reforms was After the primary in which Zimmerman defeated to extend a tax break to general property at the Ekern, Rosa even withdrew from the Tax Commission expense of incomes, thereby removing resources from to run for the Senate, not with any hope of winning, the taxing ambit of localities. In 1926, for example, but hoping to draw off progressive votes from Blaine only 69 per cent of the state's general property was to throw the election to Irvine L. Lenroot despite located in "urban" places ("cities" and "villages"), his more conservative posture. Rosa was unsuccessful as compared with 94 per cent of taxable income (using and Zimmerman reappointed him to the Commission. income taxes assessed as a proxy) having an "urban" See correspondence of Charles Rosa, March-September, origin. State of Wisconsin, Tax Commission, Report, 1926, in the Rosa Papers. 1926, pp. 12, 243. "* William J. Campbell, "History of the Republican Edwin E. Witte, "Bills in the 1927 Session Indicat­ Party Under Convention Plan, 1924 to 1940," in the ing the Position Taken by the La Follette Progres­ William J. Campbell Papers, SHSW; WilUam J. Camp­ sives," in the Edwin E. Witte Papers, SHSW; WMA, bell to A. D. Bolens, August 12, September 20, Octo­ "A Tax Plan for Wisconsin," 2; Milwaukee Journal, ber 4, November 22, 24, 1926, Bolens to Campbell, December 12, 1926, February 2, 10, 11, March 3, 21, November 23, 1926; Alford to Bolens, June 28, 1927, May 5, 12, 1927; Milwaukee Sentinel, February 16, all in the A. D. Bolens Papers, SHSW. Campbell was 1927; Capital Times, March 18, May 11, June 22, the leader of the Oshkosh Republicans and was by­ 1927; Wisconsin State Journal, March 31, 1927; Daily passed by the manufacturers in 1926. Northwestern (Oshkosh), March 13, May 6, 1927. 320 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION

Society's Iconographic Collection Cutting the curd in the manufacture of swiss cheese at the Jordin cheese factory, Brodhead, 1914.

Like Emanuel Philipp, Kohler engineered sion, which returned the state to an earlier his own campaign, developing a personal fol­ political pattern by uniting progressives, lowing and avoiding identification with brought another La Follette to the governor­ prominent conservatives. Also like Philipp, ship in 1930, and provided the political foun­ he split the progressive opposition. But, part­ dation for a new set of income-tax reforms. ly because of the interests he represented di­ Soon the relative tax load of the manufac­ rectly, he was more successful than Philipp had turers was once more increasing.'''' Thus, been in forming a buffer between the manu­ insofar as Wisconsin was concerned, the eco­ facturing interests and any new initiatives nomic "normalcy" of Harding-Coolidge was in the taxation of corporations. Although Kohler was unable and unwilling, given the ™A. D. Bolens to L. J. Mahoney, January 14, 1928, residual strength of progressivism in Wiscon­ Mrs. Harry-E. Thomas to Bolens, January 17, 1930, both in the A. D. Bolens Papers; William J. Campbell, sin, to repeal any of the progressive legisla­ "History of the Republican Party in Wisconsin . . . ," tion, he vetoed a 1929 measure both to in­ in the Campbell Papers; State of Wisconsin, Senate, crease income-tax rates and to repeal the in­ Journal, September 20, 1929, pp. 2133-2142; Capital come-averaging provision. But Kohler's politi­ Times, March 22, July 11, 16, August 30, 1929; Wis­ consin State Journal, April 28, July 22, August 30, cal fortunes and the manufacturers' postwar September 18, 1929; Milwaukee Journal, July 12, 24, good times both ended with the Great Depres­ September 17, 1929.

321 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 short-lived and presented no threat to the sion, included the regulation of the wages, fundamental contours of the progressive state, hours, and working conditions of women, the as gauged by its taxation policies. regulation of child labor, the creation of the Wisconsin Industrial Commission to enforce labor regulations, and the enactment of work­ HE Wisconsin income-tax move­ men's compensation laws. The passage of ment should be explained partial­ these measures did represent, in part, the vigor­ ly in terms of anti-corporate passions inflamed ous efforts of urban progressives and Social by the economic and political turmoil of the Democrats. But the easy passage of this body 1890's. Those passions focused on the issues of of legislation, particularly the regulation of taxation and the social irresponsibility of cor­ women's labor which offered the prospect of porations. In the 1890's and the following higher wage rates, suggests (like taxation) decade, a growing national awareness of the that the manufacturers were relatively weak rise of the corporate-manufacturing sector of in state politics.''^ Further, the ease of pas­ the economy, and its creation of new assets, sage illustrates the power of Wisconsin's agri­ which the general property tax failed to reach, cultural interests, for it was only because of together advanced interest in tax reform. But their support that the laws were enacted. The that interest focused on income taxation only agricultural groups were interested in sup­ where agricultural interests were politically porting campaign promises made to enhance strong. In Wisconsin, the agricultural sector the appeal of the Republican party in ur­ was relatively large, the manufacturing sector ban centers. They recognized that these meas­ relatively small. During the 1890's, the Re­ ures would pose no costs to the farming com­ publican party leadership widened and deep­ munity, and, in 1911, were highly receptive ened the farmers' participation in politics, to anti-manufacturer legislation.''^ These ini­ thereby emphasizing political cleavages along tiatives passed only because the dominant economic lines. In this sense, Wisconsin pro­ rural and small-town progressives felt they had gressivism was both a mass and a class move­ nothing to lose economically and something to ment as well as a way of resolving interest- gain politically. Whenever urban social-jus­ group pressures.'" Thus, the politics of Wis­ tice legislation happened to pose significant consin taxation ought to be interpreted pri­ costs to Wisconsin farmers, the progressives marily in terras of the way in which the dis­ buried such proposals. Most notably during tribution of political power reflected both the 1920's, the fears of rural progressives that the structure of the economy and the relative they would have to shoulder a significant size of manufacturing units. portion of the cost of relief consistently led This interpretation of progressive politics, based upon the development of tax policy, •"^ On the disposition of manufacturers toward this should be consistent with the politics of other legislation, see the survey of manufacturer opinion progressive policies aimed at altering the be­ conducted by the Wisconsin Manufacturers Associa­ havior of manufacturers. Although the focus tion at the request of the U.S. Commission on Indus­ of this study has been taxation, and while the trial Relations: "Preliminary Report of Alexander M. Daly, Special Investigator, U.S. Commission on In­ impact of other progressive regulatory meas­ dustrial Relations, Dec. 1914," in Charles McCarthy ures remains to be analyzed, consistency does Papers. seem to prevail. These measures, largely It is plausible to surmise that the progressive labor passed during the critical 1911 legislative ses- legislation very likely had no significant negative im­ pact on economic growth in Wisconsin. Manufacturers clearly benefited from accident insurance eliminating ^ A sensitive examination of the interrelationship costly common law accident litigation and very likely between the mass movement and interest group char­ found that labor legislation tended to provide them acter of Wisconsin progressivism, but with a different with a higher quality, more stable, more productive assessment of the relative roles of agricultural forces labor force. and, perhaps, the manufacturers, is David P. Thelen, '•' For surveys of Wisconsin's progressive labor en­ "Robert La Follette's Leadership, 1891-96: The Old actments in 1911, see Thomas W. Gavett, Development and New Politics and the Dilemma of the Progressive of the Labor Movement in Milwaukee (Madison, 1965), Politician," in the Pacific Northwest Quarterly, 62: 106-111, and Maxwell, La Follette and the Rise of the 97-108 (July, 1971). Progressives in Wisconsin, 153-172. 322 BROWNLEE: INCOME TAXATION them to defeat unemployment compensation progressivism, one focusing on the urban so­ legislation.''* In addition, farm progressives cial-justice characteristics of the expansion appear to have been unwilling to fund ade­ of government during the period, is also pre­ quately the enforcement machinery for labor dicated on the relative timing of progressive legislation created in the Industrial Commis­ legislation designed to regulate and tax manu­ sion.''^ By contrast, farm progressives were facturers.'''' That view holds that the adop­ willing to pass to urbanites the costs of relief tion of structural reforms in the economy oc­ for distressed farmers, and they consistently curred in Wisconsin and California before re­ provided support for the income-tax assess­ forms in New York and Massachusetts be­ ment work of the Tax Commission. It is cause of differences in the social behavior of reasonable to suggest that, in Wisconsin, labor manufacturers. Accordingly, businessmen in legislation played a lesser role than taxation the East developed private means for amelio­ policies in the development of the progressive rating the social ills caused by industrializa­ state; but both revealed the same distribution tion, while in the newer western states it often of political power. took public action to ease the social adjust­ An interpretation of the development of ment to modern, industrial-urban society. Wisconsin's political culture relying on the Consequently, in Wisconsin and California, a state's economic structure provides an explana­ smaller gap existed between the creation of tion for the earlier and more sustained occur­ social problems associated with industrializa­ rence of progressive efforts to redistribute tion and the application of government solu­ income from manufacturers in Wisconsin, the tions to those problems. tendency of other income-tax states to pro­ While this interpretation is stimulating, it tect manufacturing profits, and the policy of does not reveal the core of Wisconsin progres­ the federal government during the 1920's to sivism. It is true that Wisconsin manufactur­ reduce the income taxation of manufacturers. ers, proud of their reputations as nineteenth- With that association between political power century community builders, were powerfully and economic structure in mind, it is far committed to measuring their success in terms easier to reconcile the more radical character of maximum profits.'* It is true also that of the Wisconsin progressive movement with such an interpretation may explain the rela­ the more conservative character of progres­ tive timing of Wisconsin's lOll labor legis­ sivism in other industrial states and at the lation. But that legislation was central to federal level.'"^ neither progressive politics nor the progressive An alternative interpretation of state-level state in Wisconsin. Of far more significance than labor legislation was Wisconsin tax poli- " For the history of unemployment insurance legis­ lation in Wisconsin, including a consideration of the crucial role played by farmers, see Daniel Nelson, Un­ '' See Richard M. Abrams, Conservatism in a Pro­ employment Insurance: The American Experience, gressive Era: Massachusetts Politics, 1900-1912 (Cam­ 1915-1955 (Madison, 1969), 104-128. bridge, 1964), 1-24. '• For criticisms of the administration of the In­ ™ For suggestions of this, see Thomas C. Cochran, dustrial Commission, see Arthur J. Altmeyer, The In­ The Pabst Brewing Company: The History of an dustrial Commission of Wisconsin (Madison, 1932). ,4merican Business (New York, 1948), especially Chap­ The cost of the Industrial Commission, including the ter Ten; Bayrd Still, Milwaukee: The History of a Board of Arbitration and the Bureau of Labor, was, City (Madison, 1948), 321-355; and Thomas W. Gavett, in aggregate, consistently rather slight. Even before Development of the Labor Movement in Milwaukee the relative decline of the Commission in the 1920's, (Madison, 1965), 114-125. The paternalistic exceptions its cost was substantially less than 1 per cent of state- to this pattern, such as Allis-Chalmers, International level disbursements. State of Wisconsin, Tax Commis­ Harvester, Bucyrus Erie, and the Kohler Company, sion, Second Annual Report on the Statistics of Muni­ have been overly visible in the historical literature. cipal Finance (1917), pp. 54-55. See Trudi J. Eblen, "A History of the Kohler Company ™ This is not to suggest, as Gabriel Kolko does, of Kohler Wisconsin, 1870-1914," (M.S. thesis. Univer­ that federal progressive legislation tended to spring sity of Wisconsin, 1965); Gerd Korman, Industrializa­ from a conspiracy of large corporate interests. Al­ tion, Immigrants and. Americanizers: The View From though manufacturers at the federal level more easily Milwaukee, 1866-1921 (Madison, 1967); and Harold softened anti-corporatism, a significant source of sup­ F. Williamson and Kenneth H. Myers, Designed for port for extension of the income tax during Woodrow Digging: The First 75 Years of Bucyrus-Erie Company Wilson's administration was rural progressivism. (Evansville, 1955), especially 127-132. 323 Society's Iconographic Collection Tfte apotheosis of the agricultural service-state: prize Holsleins the University of Wisconsin campus. cy; and, insofar as taxation was concerned, rationally designed to enhance the ability of the Wisconsin progressive movement was not small farmers to compete in the national mar­ an effort to account for the costs of industriali­ ketplace. Despite their modern institutional zation-urbanization, but was rather an effort reforms, the progressives chose a method of fi­ to redistribute income in favor of agriculture nancing the new costs of government that the and to create an agricultural service-state. populists might well have applauded: they Wisconsin progressivism was more a response simply passed the costs on to the politically to competing economic and political interests weaker manufacturing community. In effect, with a heavily agricultural flavor than an im­ the farm progressives were concerned with pulse toward industrial democracy. both the redistribution of wealth and the To assess the degree of radicalism of Wis­ creation of the modern service-regulatory- consin progressivism from a different van­ state. Wisconsin progressives, in contrast to tage point, it is evident that progressives, de­ those in New York and Massachusetts, em­ spite their extreme tax position, were not sim­ phasized the former by passing a sharply re­ ply camouflaged populists. Although they strictive income tax with respect to the manu­ initially framed the income tax in the roman­ facturers, and merged the two objectives by tic spirit of the restoration of nineteenth-cen­ using the income tax as a source of revenue tury "equality" of taxation, and also for the for the agricultural service-state. The Wis­ hard-headed purpose of redistributing in­ consin version of progressivism was highly come from manufacturing corporations to responsive to "industrial" agriculture but neg­ farmers, their objectives soon became more ligent of the interests of manufacturers; and— complex and more responsive to the needs of quite possibly as a result—negligent of the farmers in an industrial society. In 1911 the economy as a whole. Thus, Wisconsin's "brok­ progressives had strong doubts about the reve­ er" state meant the firmer entrenchment of nue potential of the income tax because the the agricultural interests in the political or­ problems of administering the tax appeared der. As with progressivism in other states, so formidable. But the Wisconsin tax experts, widely diverse economic interests could in­ devotedly applying themselves to the knotty fluence Wisconsin's progressive administra­ problems of administration, quickly demon­ tions and legislatures, but they were apt to strated the capacity of an income tax to aug­ heed the more powerful economic groups. Al­ ment general revenues in a period of economic though cast in terms of an enlightened search expansion. Thereafter, progressives sought to for economic democracy within a capitalist use the tax not simply as a means of "equaliz­ system, the Wisconsin reform movement was, ing revenues," but as a central way of financ­ at its core, an expression of the self-interest of ing a rapid expansion of the agricultural the most jx)litically potent sector of the econ­ service-state. The set of services devised was omy.

324 REVIEWS

The Heritage of Dubuque: An Architectural First National Bank of Dubuque), and goes Viexv. By LAWRENCE J. SOMMER. Illustrated well beyond its stated purpose as a guide to by CARL H. JOHNSON, JR. (The First National style only, since it offers useful appendices Bank of Dubuque, Dubuque, Iowa, 1975. Pp. about some of the city's best-known architects xii, 172. Illustrations, photographs, map, ap­ and their works, and about builders and build­ pendices, notes, bibliography, index. $12.50.) ing-material manufacturers. The bibliogra­ phy includes hard-to-find newspaper refer­ When a subject like historic preservation ences and unpublished works, as well as more rates a recollection by John-Boy Walton on easily located books and articles. (Fortunate Thursday evening prime-time television, you is the small American city like Dubuque whose can be sure that the topic ranks somewhere theaters and whose leading nineteenth-century just to the left of apple pie on a scale of con- architect are memorialized in graduate stu­ troversiality. Historic preservation, after a dent theses.) forty-year fight, has made it. Well, has al­ In truth, Dubuque does have some excep­ most made it, since Grandpa Zeb allows as tional buildings. Some of the hundreds of Wis­ how a building, like a mortal man, gets plumb consinites who used to run off to Dubuque to played out and deserves to die. Grandpa, how­ get married may remember the Egyptian-re­ ever, also believes in structural transplants. vival jail next to the red-brick pile of a Beaux So, since tlie house in question was one of .A.rts courthouse. A few may have taken the Grandma's favorites, he adorns their bedroom Fourth Street Elevator up the face of the with a rescued leaded-glass window. The man- Mississippi River bluff (150,000 visitors an­ sardic house from which it came, he tells John- nually make the ascent). And some may re­ Boy, was built in the early 1800's with the call the side-street row houses, which are rela­ best possible materials. tive rarities in small Midwestern cities. Som­ It is a pity that the show's writers did not mer lists dozens more buildings which are just have a copy of Sommer and Johnson's The as interesting. Heritage of Dubuque, for they then would not His book, of course, is not perfect. Perhaps have committed their architectural blunder. because they were pressed by deadlines (from Mansardic or Second Empire houses, the book research to publication, the book took far less tells us, date from the 1870's not the early than a year), his editors slipped here and there 1800's. (an agreement error on page 131; Black Hawk Youngsters today have it all over the Depres­ misspelled on page 65). Some might dispute sion-bred Waltons when it comes to sources his designations of style occasionally (one or about architecture. Virtually every state and two of the Greek Revival houses on page 50, most towns of any size have appropriate guide­ for example). Students of Iowa history will books to the architecture represented in them. find the capsule account of Dubuque's past Dubuque's has got to be among the best. It unsatis'^actory, as, for example, with the treat­ is handsome, beautifully illustrated (some­ ment of the 1810-1833 period when the Sauk times in color), inexpensive (subsidized by the and Fox mined lead there. Sommer also would

325 their buildings when and where and in the style they built them? What were the houses and buildings of ordinary people like, in con­ trast to those of the middle class and aristocra­ cy, who dominate such works? What were interiors like? Why did local architects design as they did? How did architecture reflect sta­ tus? What elements unify and delineate neigh­ borhoods? Sommer, unlike the bulk of his colleagues, makes some efforts along these lines. I wish that he could return to Dubuque and continue the work that he has so ably be­ gun.

JOHN O. HOLZHUETER State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Robert Marion La Follette. By FRED GREEN- BAUM. (Twayne's World Leader Series. Edit­ ed by Hans L. Trefousse. Twayne Publishers, Boston, 1975. Pp. 275. Selected bibliography, index. $8.95.)

Professor Greenbaum's biography will not usurp the field for a full-length study which Drawing by Carl H. Johnson, Jr., from The Heritage La Follette needs and probably deserves. Two of Dubuciue. hundred pages of text are not adequate for a documented life, which the author attempts. have profited from using county and munici­ I am at a loss to know how Twayne or Editor pal archives, whose tax and assessment rec­ Trefousse conceived the study as part of their ords can help date buildings and identify series. They are only names on the title page. owners far better than city directories can. The author cites and tilts reasonably with For later periods, building permits, if they are David Thelen, the most conspicuous of the re­ available, are invaluable. visionists working the La Follette vein. He Since Sommer succeeds wonderfully in rais­ uses others who are not yet published and, in ing architectural consciousness, compared to general, his footnotes and bibliography show most authors of like works, it is unfair to use a commendable diligence. But I must express his book as a basis for remarks about the surprise that he seems unaware of Stanley P. genre's shortcomings. Nevertheless, such op­ Caine's The Myth of a Progressive Reform: portunities arise too seldom to ignore them. Railroad Regulation in Wisconsin, 1903-1910 Clearly, despite the proliferation of architec­ (Madison, l970), which would possibly have tural guidebooks, new contributions still have saved him one of his frequent votes for Fight­ their place, because there are still a few souls ing Bob's version of his career. Roger E. Wy- (including the writers of The Waltons) who irran, whom Greenbaum uses, is doubtless su­ are unaccountably uneducated, and more im­ perior as a guide to ethnic and religious in­ portantly because it is gratifying to satisfy the fluences on the Wisconsin electorate than human impulse to celebrate local achieve­ either Richard Jensen or Paul Kleppner, but ments. the latter two are published and warrant in­ Guidebook authors, ho-wever, almost uni­ clusion. The introductory essay by Stanley P. versally fail to address questions of equal in­ Caine and Roger E. Wyman in their new edi­ terest and importance. When and why were tion of Emanuel L. Philipp's Political Reform, various sections of their cities built? What ac­ in Wisconsin (Madison, 1973) would have counted for stagnation in cities' growth? When been a useful guide to recent La Follette schol­ and why did streets and public transportation arship. There are articles, theses, and disser­ corridors develop? Why did people build tations on important La Follette lieutenants

326 BOOK REVIEWS

and rivals: Herman Ekern, Henry Allen Coop­ depression of 1893 caused further turmoil. er, and particularly Francis McGovern who McShane's study shows how a man like Henry deserves more than passing notice. Clay Payne could, with financial backing, po­ Halfway between La Follette's death and litical acumen, and organizational capabilities, the present, James Shideler commented: capitalize on the "boom and bust" chaos ". . . La Follette's public life shows that he caused by accelerated technologies. was a great and moderating influence in gov­ Payne triumphed in consolidating Milwau­ ernment whose stature has not grown very kee's urban transit system in spite of bank­ much since his death in 1925. Nowhere did he ruptcy, strikes, reform groups, competing capi­ serve the nation better than in setting an ex­ talists, city franchises, intra-party splits, mob ample of democratic and efficient state gov­ action, and citizen boycotts. By 1900 he had ernment. . . ." This seems fair enough. That developed the nation's longest interurban example, and La Follette's role in it, will tell transportation system. As McShane indicates, us a good deal about the man who aspired to a major biography of this urban leader is long a broader role. Greenbaum's volume remains overdue! Not only did Payne use every means too close to the Autobiography version despite possible to capture a monopoly of transit fa­ an occasional nod toward David Thelen's cilities in Milwaukee, but he also controlled young La Follette. All the same, it is reason­ the Milwaukee Light Company. This cor­ able, readable, and informative. poration (TMER&L) would dominate Mil­ waukee politics for the next fifty years, even ROBERT C. NESBIT though the Socialists provided colorful spokes­ University of Wisconsin-Madison men as opponents to its conservative inter­ ests. McShane's research thus seriously chal­ lenges some of the interpretations made by Forrest McDonald in this area. The subse­ Technology and Reform: Street Railways and quent extension of housing patterns, concen­ the Groxuth of Milwaukee, 1887-1900. By CLAY tration of industry, and density of popula­ MCSHANE. (State Historical Society of Wis­ tion in the Milwaukee metropolitan region consin for the Department of History, Univer­ stem from the victory of this corporate tech­ sity of Wisconsin, Madison, 1974. Pp. ix, 187. nology over reform factions with their middle- Maps, tables, notes, bibliography, index. class objectives. $5.95.) The significance of McShane's monograph resides in a new series of questions that now This Logmark Edition published for the have to be considered. Most important of these history department of the University of Wis­ is the relationship of urban centers to re­ consin-Madison is a significant contribution gional real estate developments, the regula­ to Milwaukee history. It covers a vital decade tory powers of the state legislature, and the in the growth and development of Wisconsin's power of the federal court system during a major metropolitan city. McShane not only time when technological advancements de­ provides a national context for understanding mand a huge capital input, disturb political the introduction of inter-city transportation, alignments, disrupt employment patterns, and but also produces a helpful analysis of the destroy local institutions which have formed economic and political factions that led to the basis for individual fulfillment, communi­ a consolidation of urban transit facilities in ty activity, and social identity. Milwaukee. The urban history of the 1890's is a com­ plicated matrix. McShane helps unravel the RAYMOND H. MERRITT key thread. Technological advancements in University of Wisconsin-Milxuaukee transportation, communication, electrical pow­ er, manufacturing processes, marketing pat­ terns, housing developments, and municipal Hired. Hands and Ploxuboys: Farm Labor in utilities were causing abrupt changes in labor the Midxuest, 1815-1860. By DAVID E. SCHOB. relationships and the quality of city life. Shift­ (University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1975. ing political loyalties reflected the resulting Pp. viii, 329. Tables, notes, bibliographv, in­ confusion. Eastern capitalists formed alliances dex. $10.95.) with local industries to profit from the situa­ tion. Immigrants were attracted to the prom­ Hired Hands and Ploxuboys is a welcome ised opportunities for self-advancement. The and fascinating study of hired farm labor in 327 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 the states of the Old Northwest, 1815-1860. self-sufficiency to larger scale and improved According to Schob, in these years the area methods, as Schob suggests it did. Illustra­ changed "from a frontier subsistence econ­ tions of tools, machinery, and men at work omy in 1815 to more sophisticated, large-scale would have been helpful. Nevertheless, Schob farming by 1860, a development accompanied has produced a significant study of a neg­ by a general westward movement of popula­ lected topic. tion." The coverage is broad and compre­ hensive. Opening chapters explain the exact­ DONALD F. CARMONY ing toil and heavy cost of preparing both tim­ Indiana University bered and prairie land for initial cultivation. Another chapter treats of the long hours and arduous labor required to harvest wheat and The Divided Heart: Scandinavian Immigrant similar grain. In part because farm labor was Experience Through Literary Sources. By mainly performed from March through Octo­ DOROTHY BURTON SKARDAL. (University of ber, winter employment and other activities Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 1974. Pp. 394. Notes, of farm hands are described. Especially in­ selected bibliography, index. $20.00.) teresting are chapters regarding the hired boy and the hired girl as well as those about the The Divided Heart will fascinate Wisconsin­ social status of hired men and their leisure ites of Scandinavian descent. The study re­ pursuits. And throughout the book there lates the experiences of their immigrant an­ is abundant evidence that farm wives often cestors from Norway, Sweden, and Deniriark worked longer and harder than did either in a readable and interesting fashion. Its their husbands or hired men. academic excellence will impress historians concerned with ethnic, immigrant, and socio- Based on varied and substantial research, cultural topics. Dorothy Burton Skardal this book affords significant information and writes of the common masses of Scandinavian insights about hired farm labor in the Old immigrants, from whom thousands of Wis­ Northwest preceding the Civil War. It indi­ consin residents are descended, rather than of cates that these laborers were mainly uniuar- the few who became famous. While national ried men in their teens or twenties; that many in scope. The Divided Heart concentrates up­ of them climbed the agricultural ladder to on Scandinavian settlement in the Midwest, become tenants or owners of farms; that hired and has as a research base the often-autobio­ men received rather favorable wages in terms graphical works of published and unpublished of the economy of the time; that farm labor­ fiction written by hundreds of Norwegian, ers worked long hours, often 60-65 hours Swedish, and Danish immigrants. Dr. Skardal, per week at difficult tasks; and that there were a granddaughter of Swedish immigrants to usually close associations between employers Nebraska, is uniquely qualified to write this and hands, the latter often receiving meals book. An emigrant herself, she is a lecturer in and lodging with their proprietors. Schob American Studies at the University of Oslo, notes that the shortage of farm labor at times where she resides with her Norwegian hus­ made dependable hired hands desirable pros­ band. She earned her Ph.D. at Harvard as a pects as sons-in-laws, while the paucity of em­ student of Professor Oscar Handlin, who de­ ployable women caused some men to choose scribes The Divided Heart as "a valuable con­ marriage in preference to hiring females. tribution to American social history." This readable and informative volume, how­ The Scandinavians emigrating from Europe ever, has some limitations. From this book in the nineteenth century were usually peas­ it is difficult to get even a rough approxima­ ants, servants, marginal farmers, and laborers tion of how common hired labor was, especial­ who felt oppressed by a social and economic ly in the early portion of the period discussed. system which frustrated personal advancement. (This reviewer gained the impression that Most emigrants left for America with dreams hired labor was actually used but little, if for a better life, despite a deeply ingrained at all, on most farms.) Perhaps not enough Scandinavian attachment to family and place allowance is made by the author for differences of origin. Passage to America on steamships in conditions of hired labor from place to sailing from English or German ports brought place, decade to decade, or among various the Scandinavians into contact with each oth­ population elements. It also seems question­ er and with migrants from all of Europe. able whether agriculture in the Old Northwest Nonetheless, except for evening dancing on generally developed as much from frontier deck, each nationality group generally re-

328 BOOK REVIEWS

mained isolated from the others aboard ship. brated fully as warmly by Norwegians in Skardal says that the immigrants' first intro­ America as at home—and the Swedes were duction to American democracy was "the fully as peeved." Despite divisions between novelty of being treated with respect by gov­ nationalities and generations over everytliing ernment functionaries," the United States from language and religion to clothing styles, Customs agents. The new arrivals were soon tliere was a strong Pan-Scandinavianism in "bewildered" by Americans ranging from dock- politics. The Norwegians, Swedes, and Danes side con men to families that provided free united as Republicans in most communities, meals. and according to the author looked upon Norwegians, Swedes, and Danes settled large­ Democrats as either "comic characters or Irish­ ly in Wisconsin and the Midwest in regions men." The "divided heart" feelings, attach­ geographically similar to their homelands. ment to both America and the old country, Skardal elaborates upon how these "peasants remained central to most immigrant lives. from cramped valleys marveled at average While Scandinavians made the adjustment American farms all bigger than the wealthiest to Airrerica with greater ease than many other estates back home . . . ." During their first nationalities, Dorothy Burton Skardal con­ years in America the immigrants faced the vincingly demonstrates that for Swedes, Nor­ hardships of heavy labor, barriers of language wegians, and Danes "the immigrant experience and custom, low income, and living quarters lasted longer and cost more than has generally as humble as hillside dugouts. Immigrant feel­ been recognized." ings for the old country became a combina­ tion of homesickness and condescension. The RICHARD C. HANEY freedom of opportunity for land ownership, University of Wi.sconsin-Whitexuater however, made the United States literally the land of opportunity in the minds of grate­ ful immigrants who improved their economic The American Banking Community and the and social status from what it had been in Nexu Deal Banking Reforms, 1933-1935. By Europe. HELEN M. BURNS. (Greenwood Press, West- port, Connecdcut, 1974. Pp. xiii, 203. Notes, Immigrant adjustments to life in the United bibliography, index. $11.95.) States dominate The Divided Heart. Skardal observes that the "theme of 'up from peasant­ The banking community has recently been ry' appeared in a multitude of forms through­ subjected to more criticism than at any time out the literature. Class distinctions in the since the Great Depression, and Congress is matter of food, for example, so marked in presently considering the most sweeping the Old Country in both kind and quantity, changes in the banking statutes since the legis­ disappeared ahriost at once in America." Yet lation of 1933 and 1935. Helen Burns has pro­ lutefisk and other dishes remained as tradi­ duced a timely and useful examination of the tional parts of the diet. Language was a bar­ problems facing bankers and bank regulators rier to assimilation, and the immigrants gen­ in tlie early 1930's and the development of erally used English in business and politics, emergency, remedial, and reform legislation to and Norwegian, Swedish, or Danish in church. deal with those problems. (When the author discusses the practice of The book develops two major themes. One Lutheran religious instruction in the Old is the role of the banking community in in­ World language, this reviewer's second-gen­ fluencing New Deal bank legislation. The eration Norwegian-American grandmother, second relates to the evolution of New Deal confirmed in Norwegian, recalls vividly of banking policy as reflected in the Emergency what Skardal writes.) Immigrants who spoke Act of 1933 and the Banking Acts of 193,3 and English without accent sometimes viewed as 1935. The first chapter reviews attempts to un-Americanized those with accents. Norwe­ develop remedial bank legislation from 1929 gian immigrants and their descendants clung through 1932. The banking commtmity was tenaciously to the celebrating of Syttende Mai, unable to present a united front, reflecting in Norwegian independence day. Skardal ob­ part the dual system of bank chartering and serves that "There were frequent references regulation in the United States. Congres­ to political strife between Sweden and Nor­ sional debate centered on the Glass bill, which way under their common king in the Nor­ provided for restrictions on security affiliates wegian immigrant literature of the 1880s and and expanded branch banking. Tlie banking 1890s. Independence won in 1905 was cele­ crisis of 1933, the subject of chapter 2, soon

329 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 enveloped all attempts at reform legislation. A more detailed discussion of the economics The immediate priority of the new administra­ of banking and the money supply in the period tion was to reopen the banks swiftly and re­ surrounding the 1933 crisis would have been store public confidence in the banking system. helpful. Burns has little to say about the in­ The emergency bank bill was drawn up out of clusion in the legislation of the 1930's of in­ necessity with little banker input. terest-rate ceilings on time deposits, the pro­ After the passage of the Emergency Bank­ hibition of interest payments on demand ing Act, the Roosevelt administration took ad­ deposits, and the reduction of competition in vantage of public sentiment and pushed for banking. She suggests that the banking prob­ additional banking legislation. Chapter 3 dis­ lems of the early 1930's were primarily due to cusses the disorganized attempts of bankers to banker ineptitude and dishonesty, largely over­ develop a remedial plan of their own. They looking the strong deflationary pressures at were able to unite only in their opposition to work in the economy brought on in part by deposit insurance, which they saw as a threat the ineffective policy actions of the Federal to dual banking and as leading to the sociali­ Reserve where internal squabbling made an zation of banking. As passed and signed in effective monetary policy almost impossible. June, 1933, the bill increased federal control Conservative bank lending policies in the post- through expanded Federal Reserve powers 1933 period, while partly due to banker dislike over the money supply but retained the dual of F.D.R. and his policies, were mainly a ra­ banking system by establishing a deposit in­ tional response to the Federal Reserve System's surance system without mandatory Federal Re­ failure to stem the rising tide of bank failures serve System membership. in the pre-1933 period. Since the banking legislation of the 1930's With the passage of the 1933 bills, the ad­ resulted from political maneuvering and com­ ministration turned to long-run reform. The promise, it is not surprising that pressure has President's ideas on banking were rather been mounting for major revisions in the vague, and administration policy turned out to banking laws. Helen Burns's review of the be essentially pragmatic and conservative. evolution of the Roosevelt administration's Burns discusses the development of this policy banking policy and the disorganized attempts in chapters 5 and 6. Bankers were initially of bankers to develop a policy of their own or hostile to the RFC, but made increasing use of to modify administration policy is especially its facilities to meet requirements for deposit useful reading at a time when the banking insurance. The administration moved closer community is again trying to frame a united to a policy favoring a private banking system, response to congressional attempts to pass the but with greater Federal Reserve control of the first major changes in the banking laws since money supply. the 1930's. Chapter 7 discusses the passage of the Bank­ ing Act of 1935, the last major revision of the RICHARD H. KEEHN banking laws. One major section of the bill University of Wisconsin-Parkside provided for the establishment of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, which was by then acceptable to most bankers. Another sec­ tion favored by the banking community con­ American Sportsmen and the Origins of Con­ tained technical amendments to the national servation. By JOHN F. REIGER. (Winchester banking act. The most controversial section Press, New York, 1975. Pp. 316. Illustrations, proposed giving increased authority to the notes, bibliography, index. $10.00.) Federal Reserve Board in conducting open market operations. The banking community Many strands in the history of conservation was unable to unite behind a reform plan and in the United States remain to be sorted out. the administration proceeded with little bank­ John Reiger attempts to do this for the role er input. The bill as passed established a of sportsmen. He provides useful information Federal Open Market Committee which cen­ about the early organization of fish and game tralized control in Washington. A provision clubs, their interest in fish culture, and their for ultimate mandatory membership in the concern for ending the comiuercial exploita­ system was removed in 1942. According to tion of fish and game as a part of their love for Burns, the conservative plan, retaining a pri­ the out-of-doors. Much of the book focuses on vate banking industry and a dual banking George Bird Grinnell, his writing in Forest system, was generally accejjiable to most bank­ and Stream, his activities in the development ers. of policy for Yellowstone National Park, his 330 BOOK REVIEWS role in the Boone and Crockett Club, and his First, why was it that fishing and hunting influence on Theodore Roosevelt. as outdoor recreation developed apart from the All this provides a stronger and highly de­ forestry movement? Reiger argues, and his sirable focus on a segment of conservation his­ argument is convincing, that Grinnell was an tory which has been neglected all too often. important early advocate of sustained-yield Yet it is a limited focus and often a distorted forestry. Yet this provides little insight into one. One would hope tliat Reiger's book will the fact that sportsmen and professional for­ be the start of an extensive exploration into estry diverged in the early twentieth century. the role of sportsmen in conservation, rather He does acknowledge that Gilford Pinchot than the final word. provided little role for hunting and fishing in "scientific forest management." But he does The major argument of the book is that not explore this sufficiently on the more grass­ sportsmen were the first conservationists. To roots level to permit the reader to understand argue this point does not seem to be nearly as the divergence. Separate programs for each important as to delineate the precise role and often developed; separate organizations grew relationship of sportsmen to other strands of up; to this day, in some states, forest and game the evolving concern with conservation. It is lands are under separate jurisdictions. What true, of course, that many activities of sports­ role did sportsmen play in the less spectacular men and their concern with protecting wildlife cases of establishing individual National For­ from commercial use pre-dated the conserva­ ests in the West or forestry programs in the tion affairs of the early twentieth century. Mr. East? Reiger's evidence about this is very useful. But it is something else again to try to argue, with Second, why was it that fishing and hunting some degree of strain and awkwardness, that diverged from the park movement? Reiger is sportsmen were overwhelming in their pioneer convincing that Grinnell and other sportsmen, role in the conservation movement. notably the Boone and Crockett Club, were One of the book's major limitations is the instrumental in developing a more effective context of its underlying desire simply to re­ policy for Yellowstone National Park. Yet, habilitate the status of hunters amid the cur­ there were at the same time numerous activi­ rent criticism of hunting. He begins with this ties leading toward the development of parks theme in the preface and ends with it in the in both East and West. Were sportsmen in last paragraph. The reader feels that the the forefront of these? My impression is that author's audience is not so much the historian they were not, but that is only an impression wisliing to reconstruct carefully the intricate and the evidence could prove otherwise. But strands of complex social and political change, reading Reiger's argument leaves one with the but contemporary sportsmen wishing to use suspicion that the overwhelming concentration history as a defense to bolster their side in on a few major incidents and leaders might the current controversies. well have over-emphasized the role of sports­ men in the establishment of parks. To sports­ There are serious problems of historical men, Yellowstone Park was a game refuge. analysis. Much of the work focuses on the How about Sequoia and Yosemite? How did career and activities of Grinnell. This is en­ similar ventures in the East lead to co-opera­ tirely logical in view of the fact that Mr. tion with or movements separate from park Reiger's initial historical research was a biog­ advocates? raphy of Grinnell which is an important con­ tribution to the history of conservation. The Third, one is equally curious as to the back­ argument becomes less convincing when one ground of the emerging conflict between moves from Grinnell and his clearly important sportsmen and appreciative or non-consump­ role to the larger context of sportsmen. Some, tive wildlife users. Reiger does an excellent but surprisingly little, evidence beyond Grin- job of sorting out the strands of the relation­ nell's own circle of activities is drawn upon. ship between commercial and sporting use of The result provides some insight into some xvildlife. But another divergence began to de­ large issues of state and national policy but velop very early as between the hunter on the mighty little into the role of sportsmen as a one hand and what we have come to call the more general social and political phenomenon. appreciative user on the other. At what point, One is not prepared to understand the back­ for example, did parks become a negative ground of several unfolding strands of history rather than a positive symbol for hunters be­ concerning the relationship between sports­ cause some maintained a "no hunting" policy? men on the one hand and the environmental Did not birding as a popular activity become a conservation movement on the other. focal point for organized movements which

SI WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 diverged from sportsmen's interests? And what rected this, either by juxtaposing different in­ were the early relationships between sports­ terpretations, as some "problems" readers do, men and humane societies, as they shifted their or by inserting sorne editorial themes. Instead concerns from human beings to animals? editorial contribution is kept to a minimum, It may well be the case that the emergence of and the inexpert reader is left to fend for him­ these divergent trends did not appear fully self. He is certain to be lost long before the until later on in the twentieth century, at a end of Volume I. An example of the pitfalls he time after the main period of Reiger's concern. will encounter is editor Bernhard's positioning Yet many of them were clear by the early twen­ of Carl Prince's depiction of a highly sophisti­ tieth century as wildlands policy took shape. cated party machine in New Jersey next to an Reiger's main argument is that sportsmen were excerpt from James S. Young's Washington the major forerunners of the wildlands policy Community, which essentially denies that par­ of the Roosevelt-Pinchot era, but this seems ties even existed. With no clue that the two unconvincing when these deeper strands of works rest on antipathetic assumptions (and relationship are not worked out. By concen­ one of them. Young's, on discredited research), trating on a few people and organizations and how can the uninitiated reader be anything national events, Reiger passes up the opportu­ but confused? nity to delve deeper into the relationships of If, on the other hand, the purpose of the these various strands. As a result, the con­ three-volume set is to provide historians with ceptual contribution of his work is limited and a handy digest of current views on political serves primarily as an enticement to explore parties, it will soon be out of date, if it is not further a neglected subject of environmental already. Bernhard's Volume I, which appeared conservation history. a year earlier than the other two, was evidently put together too early to use Jackson T. Main's SAMUEL P. HAYS Political Parties Before the Constitution. Al­ University of Pittsburgh though Bernhard mentions the work in his edi­ torial preface, his entire construct is based on the old assumption that parties began in the 1790's. The articles, moreover, are juxtaposed Political Parties in American History. MORTON in such a way that all interpretations, old and BORDEN, General Editor. (3 volumes, G. P. new, are treated as equally valid. The reader Putnam's Sons, New York, 1973. Paged conse­ gets no sense of historical building or the evo­ cutively. Notes, illustrations, bibliography in lution of understanding. each volume. $8.95 per volume.) Volume I: 1789-1828. Edited by WINFRED Bonadio's Volume II suffers even more from E. A. BERNHARD. (Pp. xh, 480.) this fault. Most of his selections were written Volume II: 1828-1890. Edited by FELICE twenty years ago or more. For the Jacksonians A. BoNADio. (Pp. xiii-xxx, 481-944.) he has chosen often-reprinted pieces by Rich­ Volume III: 1890-Present. Edited by PAUL ard McCormick and Charles Sellers, thereby L. MURPHY. (Pp. xxxi-xlviii, 945-1324.) omitting some of the more recent, and more exciting, discoveries of Frank Gated, Ronald "To understand the origins, natural history, Formisano, or John Mering. For the Civil and current state of parties is the purpose of War parties he skips Joel Silbey and Eric Foner these volumes," writes General Editor Alorton in favor of Roy F. Nichols, Holman Hamilton, Borden. Fair enough. But whose understand­ and Seymour Lipset. Adiuittedly, limitations ing is he seeking? Most of the essays, which of space will force any editor to omit important originally appeared in scholarly journals, are works, but Bonadio does not even mention too technical, even dull, for the general read­ recent work in his suggestions for further read­ er, and, published in a hardcover edition, are ing. To enlighten us on the Populists, for priced too higli for use in college classrooms. instance, he has chosen an exerpt froiu Henry Nor is there enough internal cohesion in each B. Parkes's 1941 textbook, and his reading sug­ volume for either general reader or college gestions omit any reference to Norman Pol­ student. Despite the hope of each editor, ex­ lack or Paul Glad. pressed in his preface, that the essays will form Paul Murphy's volume on the twentieth cen­ "the main outlines of political development in tury appears to be much better constructed, the period" (Bonadio's phrase), each collection perhaps because it treats a field with which instead forms a kaleidoscope of analyses of this reviewer is less familiar. And Murphy's varying quality. editorial role at least goes beyond the use of Greater editorial control might have cor­ scissors and paste. He has chosen his articles 332 BOOK REVIEWS with some care for narrative continuity, and gerous radicals. Richard T. Ely, Henry Carter where there are gaps he bridges them with edi­ Adams, and others seemed to them to cloak torial notes. Murphy is also aware of changing the socialist wolf in the sheep's clothing of interpretations and seeks to acquaint students science. with the historical building process. For that There followed a celebrated series of aca­ reason this volume has some instructional demic-freedom cases involving Richard T. Ely value. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said at Wisconsin, John R. Commons at Indiana, for the series as a whole. Edward W. Bemis at Chicago, E. Benjamin Andrews at Brown, and E. A. Ross at Stanford NORMAN K. RISJORD that finally established acceptable limits on University of Wiscon.sin—Madison advocacy. These chapters are the best in Furn­ er's book, and slie demonstrates very carefully the steady emergence of a standard of academic freedom that no longer countenanced the wide- Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Pro- ranging advocacy of the mid-century amateurs fessionalization of American Social Science, or the ethical-historicists such as Ely. The de­ 1865-1905. By MARY O. FURNER. (University mands of scientific objectivity required that Press of Kentucky, Lexington, 1975. Pp. xv, professional economists and political scientists 357. Notes, bibliography, index. $17.50.) restrict public political activity that allied the discipline with reform. The appropriate social At the close of the Civil War, American role for the scholar came to be administrative social scientists were a mixed assortment of work and dispensing expert advice on tactical reformers and minister-professors. Over the matters once the goals of public policy had next half-century aspiring professional aca­ been determined by others. "The academic demics nudged these amateurs aside and staked freedom cases [writes Furner, pp. 257-258] out the new social science disciplines as the ex­ contributed to the gradual narrowing of the clusive preserve of university-based intellect­ range of dissent that seemed safe for profes­ uals. This emergence of professional social sional social scientists. Too much involve­ science in America is the subject of Mary O. ment, too much taking of sides where the pub­ Furner's prize-winning book, which focuses lic remained divided, undermined the scholar­ primarily on the development of the economics ly authority of all social scientists and threat­ profession with hasty glances at political ened their freedom to continue working." science and sociology. Thus acceptable research rarely threatened The crucial theme, from which the book the status quo and indirectly supported the takes its title, is the tension between reform interest already in power. advocacy and scientific objectivity. A major problem for the developing social-science disci­ In economics this shift away from public plines was the extent to which a scholar could advocacy accompanied the development of champion controversial policy positions and marginal-utility theory as the major tool of still retain a claim to objectivity and to the analysis, and one which took the political authority of scientific expertise. The amateur setting largely for granted. Marginal-utility reformers of the American Social Science As­ economics quickly submerged the ethical-his­ sociation saw no real problem in deriving torical emphasis of Ely and the founders of the reform-policy prescriptions from the facts of American Economic Association. The net ef­ the world as they observed them. Indeed the fect was to transform political economy into whole point of their social science was to de­ economics with a growing elegance of analyti­ rive an "ought" from an "is". Likewise many cal method increasingly divorced from the of the first generation of professionally trained moral and political questions on which the economists, fresh from Ph.D. training with the discipline had been founded. historical school of economists in Germany, Compelling as much of Furner's treatment affirmed an active social role for the scholar. is, it is marred by an attempt to fit her work The scholar had an obligation to participate into the framework of Robert Wiebe's Search in the life of action, to find a role in the for Order, which asserted that vague notions processes of public affairs. But in the tense of "professionalization" provided middle-class years after the Haymarket riot, the Pullman solutions to the problems of an even vaguer strike, and the social unrest of the 1880's, "modernization." Furner strains to explain spokesmen for "ethical economics," who oc­ individual actions on the basis of professional cupied university chairs, seemed to the indus­ motives or the development of a "bureaucratic trial patrons of those universities to b,e dan­ outlook" but is unconvincing throughout.

333 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

Also, her treatment of economics in the United as well as some from other depositories related States fails to place the discipline in the con­ to that war, in a four-volume edition. In 1970 text of European thinking, which was a greater the first volume appeared. Now the second influence than she indicates in the introduc­ and third volumes are ready, although they tion of neoclassical ideas and in generating are confusingly labeled as Volume II, Parts the melhodenstreil of the 1880's and 1890's. I and II. Part I includes material from August These quibbles should not, however, obscure 30, 1831, to June 23, 1832; Part- II carries the importance of the large issues Furner the story from June 24, 1832, until October raises. The role of the scholar in public life 14, 1834. Together they present approximate­ has long been troublesome. Socrates comment­ ly 1,400 documents, including letters, journals ed that no one could rule in Athens and con­ and diaries, military orders, depositions, pay sistently tell the truth. But Ralph Waldo accotmts, and even court orders. The high Emerson, in his "American Scholar" essay, level of editorial work so evident in Volume concluded that "Action is with the scholar I is noticeable in these two as well, and clari­ subordinate, but it is essential. Without it he fies the many-faceted story of the war. is not yet a nran. Without it thought can never ripen into truth." Closer to our own For Wisconsin readers the first 200 pages day, observers as diverse as David Halberstam of material in Part I are of less interest than and William F. Buckley have charged that the rest, because they deal with the 1831 diffi­ scholars in action were largely responsible for culties between the tribesmen and the Illinois the foreign and domestic policy debacles of settlers. Nevertheless, they help us to under­ the last decade. All of which serves to indicate stand clearly what happened during the next that the issues raised in Advocacy and Ob­ year in Wisconsin. The Black Hawk War jectivity are of no small moirrent, and that eirierges from these documents as a significant they deserve the careful treatment Furner has struggle between white and red men, and not given them. just a local incident. While the main story focuses on the efforts of Illinois Governor MICHAEL E. STARR John Reynolds and the campaign of General University of Wisconsin-Madison Henry Atkinson, other regional and national figures are involved too. Superintendent of Indian Affairs William Clark and Secretary of War Lewis Cass both strove to end the The Black Hawk War, 1831-1832. Compiled conflict. Even President Andrew Jackson paid and edited by ELLEN M. WHITNEY. Volume II, close attention to the campaign. Part I, Letters and Papers, 1831-1832. (Illi­ nois Historical Collections, Volume XXXVI, Ellen Whitney, the editor of these volumes, Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, notes that their purpose "is to present docu­ 1973. Pp. xxii, 660. Maps, notes. S25.00.) mentary sources for the war, not an interpre­ Volume II, Part II, Letters and Papers, 1832- tive history," and to encourage "more schol­ 1834. (Illinois Historical Collections, Volume ars to undertake studies of the Illinois fron­ XXXVII, Illinois State Historical Library, tier. . . ." Certainly she has offered the docu­ Springfield, 1975. Pp. xiii, 698. Maps, notes. ments clearly to all who care to examine $27.50.) them. The editorial techniques are the saine as those employed in Volume I published five During the 1820's the United States tempo­ years ago. Peculiarities of handwriting and rarily gave up its efforts to force Indian punctuation have been standardized in a sensi­ Americans to abandon their tribal cultures. ble manner, and the changes are so minor Instead it adopted the Removal Policy, un­ that they disturb neither the accuracy nor the der which it forced eastern tribes to sell or feeling of the time in the documents. One exchange their home territory for land beyond can follow all aspects of the campaign, from the Mississippi. For the Indians, Removal the first wave of terror when news of the In­ brought misery, despair, and in some cases dian "invasion" swept across Illinois, to what destruction. For the Sac and Fox tribes of Illi­ happened to the Indian prisoners after the nois it brought the Black Hawk War. war. Numerous books and articles have discussed 'Fhroughout both parts of Volume II even that conflict. Most of them depended on the the most exacting scholars will find few faults Black Hawk War Papers owned by the Illi­ in editing technique or execution. Never- nois State Historical Library in Springfield. tlieless, several minor things would have im­ Now the library is publishing its documents, proved the collection. A detailed table of 334 BOOK REVIEWS

A clumsy idealization of the battle of Bad Ax, from R. Thomas, A Pictorial History of the United States (1845). contents listing each item would be helpful. The Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibxuay The section of diaries and reminiscences deals with an inherently fascinating subject should be in regular-size type to make it easier in a frustrating fashion. Adverting to obscure to read. Finally, some of the maps are diffi­ clues and tantalizing leads like a mystery cult to use and could have used the work of writer, Selwyn Dewdney promises the reader a good cartographer. These are only minor these hints will eventually yield significant complaints, however, and are undoubtedlv the conclusions. In fact, they do; but it is ad­ result of inadequate funds. visable to read the final chapter first to under­ Mrs. Whitney's editing is excellent and stand where Dewdney is heading. Much of consistent. It sets a standard toward which the reader's difficulty can be traced to the state and local historical societies should strive layout of the book. It is handsome as graphic when preparing their material for the public. design, but art slioidd have been sacrificed to Those who use these volumes will look forward practicality with a cover pocket containing the to the last one in the series which will include pictured scrolls as separate units. The need the index, bibliography, and appendices. to flip pages back and forth to study speci­ mens depicted within the text interrupts the ROGER L. NICHOLS story and the reader forgets what he is sup­ University of Arizona posed to be looking for in comparing two or more illustrations. Despite these caveats, liow- ever, the book will certainly become required The Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibway. reading for any serious student of Ojibway By SELWYN DEWDNEY. (Published for the cultural history. Glenbow-Alberta Institute, Calgary, Alberta, by the University of Toronto Press, 1975. Pp. Dewdney made a number of wise decisions viii, 199. Illustrations, appendix, bibliogra- in limiting the scope of his work, directing phy, index. $12.50.) it toward people with previous although not

335 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976 necessarily deep knowledge of the Ojibway patterning in the scrolls. Thus, he teased and the Midewiwin, the so-called Grand Medi­ out new information even from poorly docu­ cine Society. While concerned with decipher­ mented and undocumented specimens. ing the meaning of the pictographs drawn on By painstaking comparisons, Dewdney clas­ the birchbark scrolls. Dewdney's primary con­ sified the scrolls into nine types: the early cern is to see what light they can shed on the clrarts; the Origin scrolls; Migration charts; question whether the Midewiwin is ancient, as Master scrolls; Ghost Lodge charts; Sky de­ most active members believe, or a relatively grees; Ritual charts; Deviant scrolls; and recent development. After tracking down vir­ Enigmatic scrolls. tually all of the known birchbark scrolls in Dewdney stresses that his efforts are merely museums and private collections in North a beginning in the analysis of the scrolls and America and England, and copying most of that his interpretations are tentative. He be­ them, Dewdney's first analytical step was to lieves that more scrolls might well emerge eliminate from consideration those relating to clarify or alter the present story but that to songs and dreams as too idiosyncratic to be the significance of many symbols is probably dealt with at this time. He then concentrated lost beyond retrieval. Yet, his findings strong­ on well over 100 scrolls which seem to have ly support the argument that the Midewiwin served as mnemonic records—often highly ab­ is a post-contact institution, reaching its flo­ stract—to preserve information and assist in rescence by the mid-nineteenth century. The the instruction of initiates into the succes­ book is confined almost entirely to the scrolls sive degrees of increasingly sacred knowledge and internal evidence relating them to docu- of the Midewiwin. mentable historic events and places. The Dewdney became interested in bark scrolls reader is expected to turn to other sources in the course of earlier studies of Indian rock for detailed discussions of Midewiwin rituals paintings in the Great Lakes region. This led and paraphernalia. However, Dewdney's spec­ him to James Red Sky, Sr., at Shoal Lake, ulative interpretations of the meanings of the about thirty miles west of Kenora, Ontario. pictographic notations are based on informed Red Sky, a knowledgable Mide leader, even­ understanding of Ojibway mythic themes and tually revealed his understanding of the seven conceptualizations which can reconcile ideas scrolls in his possession. In 1966, with the the Euro-American mind finds paradoxical. decline of the Midewiwin in his area. Red Dewdney's typology of Ojibway birchbark Sky agreed to sell his scrolls to the Glenbow- scrolls will be of immense assistance to other Calgary Institute, which supported Dewdney's scholars as an essential organizational princi­ research. The unprecedentedly detailed infor­ ple, whatever further refinements and clarifi­ mation from Red Sky enabled Dewdney to cations may be made. piece together bits and scraps of data in pub­ lished works and from other Indian sources NANCY OESTREICH LURIE besides Red Sky to find recurrent themes and Mihuaukee Public Museum

BOOK REVIEWS Borden, ed.. Political Parties in American History: Volumes I, II, and ///, re­ viewed by Norman K. Risjord 332 Burns, The American Banking Community and the New Deal Reforms, 1955- 1955, reviewed by Richard H. Keehn 329 Dewdney, The Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibway, reviewed by Nancy Oestreich Lurie 335 Furner, Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865-1905, reviewed by Michael E. Starr 333 Greenbaum, Robert Marion La Follette, reviewed by Robert C. Nesbit 326 McShane, Technology and Reform: Street Railways and the Growth of Milwau­ kee, 1887-1900, reviewed by Raymond H. Merritt 327 Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation, reviewed by Samuel P. Hays 330 Schob, Hired Hands and Plowboys: Farm Labor in the Midwest, 1815-1860, reviewed by Donald F. Carmony 327 Skardal, The Divided Heart: Scandinavian Immigrant Experience Through Literary Sources, reviewed by Richard C. Haney 328 Sommer, The Heritage of Dubuque: An Architectural View, reviewed by John O. Holzhueter 325 Whitney, ed.. The Black Hawk War, 1851-1852: Volume II, Part I, and Volume II, Part II 334

336 Ehlert, Edward, Herzog, R. E., and Denk, Wisconsin History George F. The History of the Manitowoc Fire Department (1851 to Present). Occu­ Checklist pational Monograph 29, 1976 Series. (Man­ Recently published and currently avail­ itowoc, Wisconsin, 1976. Pp. [8]. Illus. able Wisconsiana added to the Society's Libra­ 12.00. Available from Edward Ehlert, Sec­ ry is listed below. The compilers, Gerald R. retary, Manitowoc County Historical Soci­ Eggleston, .Acquisitions Librarian, and James ety, 1115 North 18th Street, Manitowoc, P. Danky, Order Librarian, are interested in Wisconsin 54220.) obtaining information on (or copies of) items that are not widely advertised, such as publi­ cations of local historical societies, family his­ The Genealogy of Rev. War Pvt. John Green- tories and genealogies, privately printed works, slit: Grave Marking Ceremony July 4, 1975, and histories of churches, institutions, or or­ Dellona Center Cemetery, Sauk County, ganizations. Authors and publishers wishing Wisconsin. Submitted by Bernadette Bitt- to reach a wider audience and also to perform ner, Ena C. Moll. (Reedsburg, Wisconsin, a valuable bibliographic service are urged to 1975. Pp. [98]. Illus. No price hsted. inform the compilers of their publications, Available from Miss Ena C. Moll, Route 3, including the following information: author, title, location and name of publisher, price, Reedsburg, Wisconsin 53959.) pagination, and address of supplier. 'VVrite James P. Danky, Acquisitions Section. Jolm Greenslit was a Connecticut soldier in the Revolutionary War who died in Dello­ Annen, Peter. Our Fore-fathers Home Steads. na Township, Sauk County, Wisconsin, on (Middleton, Wisconsin, 1976. Pp. 100. Illus. April 1, 1856. $10.00. Available from the author, 4925 Hammersley Road, Madison, Wisconsin Krog, Carl. Txuin City Historical Bicycle 53703.) Tour. (Ansul Company, Marinette, Wis­ consin, 1975. Pp. 20. Illus. No price listed. A genealogy of the Annen family. Available from Marinette Area Chamber of Commerce, 601 Marinette Avenue, Mari­ Brown, Victoria. The Uncommon Lives of nette, Wisconsin 54143.) Common Women: The Missing Half of Wis­ consin History. (Wisconsin Feminists Proj­ A tour of landmarks in Marinette, Wiscon­ ect Fund, Madison, Wisconsin, 1975. Pp. sin, and Menominee, Michigan. V, 94. Illus. $3.95. Available from The Wo­ men in Wisconsin History Project, 721 East Lapliam, Increase Allen. A Catalogue of Carlisle Avenue, Milwaukee, Wisconsin Plants i- Shells Found in the Vicinity of 53217.) Milwaukee on the West Side of Lake Michi­ gan. (Madison, Wisconsin, 1976. Pp. 12. Historical .sketches of thirty-seven Wiscon­ No price listed. Available from the Botani­ sin women. cal Club of Wisconsin, c/o the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, 1922 Cornwell, Ethel K. "For God and Home and University Avenue, Madison, Wisconsin Every Land": The Story of the Woman's 53705.) Christian Temperance Union of Wiscon­ sin, 1874-1974. (Milwaukee, Wisconsin?, 1975. Pp. [46]. Illus. No price hsted. Milo M. Quaife, a former director of the Available from Woman's Christian Temp­ State Historical Society of Wisconsin, des­ erance Union of Wisconsin, Route 3, Ripon, cribed this pamphlet as "the first publication Wisconsin 54971.) of a scientific character within the present state of Wisconsin." This is a facsimile repro­ Dean, Frank K. History of the Dean Clinic. duced from the original in the Society's library. (Madison, Wisconsin, 1974. Pp. [30]. Illus. $10.00. Available from the Business Office, Milwaukee Art Center. Six Decades: The Dean Clinic, 1313 Fish Hatchery Road, Nexus in Pictures: A Collection of 250 Nexus Madison, Wisconsin 53715.) and Feature Photographs Taken From 1912 to 1975 by Journal Company Staff Photog­ A history of one of Madison's major medical raphers. (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 1976. Pp. clinics since its founding in 1904. 64. Illus. $1.00 plus .50 postage and handh 337 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY SUMMER, 1976

ing. Available from Sales Desk, Milwaukee Story of the rebuilding of the Bradley Art Center, War Memorial Building, Mil­ House in Madison, designed by Louis Sulli­ waukee, Wisconsin 53202.) van and now on the National Register of His­ toric Places, after a 1972 fire. Monroe County Bicentennial Committee. Monroe County, Wisconsin: Pictorial His­ Upper Coulee Country. By Cotton Mather, tory. (Tomah Journal Printing Company, John Eraser Hart, Hildegard Binder-John­ Tomah, Wisconsin, 1976. Pp. iii, 416. Illus. son; Special Contributions by Ron Matros. $7.00. Available from Monroe_ County Bi­ (Trimble Press, Prescott, Wisconsin, 1975. centennial Committee, 810 Broadway, Cash- Pp. viii, 101. Illus. No price listed. Avail­ ton, Wisconsin 54619.) able from Pierce County Geographical Soci­ ety, Inc., P.O. Box 836, Prescott, Wisconsin Perrin, Richard W. E. Outdoor Museums. 54021.) Publications in Muscology No. 4. (Mih waukee, Wisconsin, 1975. Pp. 83. Illus. No A geographical study of the area north of price listed. Available from Milwaukee the Trempealeau River which includes St. Public Museum, 800 West Wells Street, Mih Croix, Pierce, Pepin, and Trempealeau coun­ waukee, Wisconsin 53233.) ties. A survey of outdoor museums in Europe and the United States, with emphasis on Old Vint, Florence Shallow. Chalut-Shalloxu De­ World Wisconsin, presently being developed scendants of U.S.A. and Canada, 1641-1974. by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 1975. Pp. 97. Illus. No price listed. Available from the author, Polar, Wisconsin. St. John's Lutheran Church. 8208 West Oklahoma Avenue, Milwaukee, 90th Anniversary, September 1975. (Polar, Wisconsin 53219.) Wisconsin, 1975. Pp. [24]. Illus. No price listed. Available from Robert W. Girod, Wagner, Ethel Mae Seward. Through Thick Pastor, St. John's Lutheran Church, Polar, and Thin. (Platteville, Wisconsin, 1976. Wisconsin 54418.) Pp. vii, 294. No price listed. Available from the author, 40 Preston Drive, Platteville, Schmidt, Ruth Babington. Bits About the Wisconsin 53818.) Schmidts, 1803-1975: A Story of Peter and Maria Schmidt and Their Almost 650 De­ Genealogy of the Seward and Conklin fam­ scendants. (Merton, Wisconsin, 1975. Pp. ilies. 82. Illus. No price listed. Available from the author, 7396 Main Street, Merton, Wis­ Waugli, Elgin, and Waugh, Carol. Inch Unit­ consin 53056.) ed Methodist Church, 1875-1975. (Poy- nette, Wisconsin, 1975. Pp. [10]. Illus. Swart, Hannah Werwath. Koshkonong Coun­ $1.00. Available from the authors. Route try: A History of Jefferson County, Wis­ 1, Box 208, Poynette, Wisconsin 53955.) consin. (W. D. Hoard & Sons Company, Fort Atkinson, Wisconsin, 1975. Pp. 331. Illus. No price listed. Available from the Fort We Were Here: Contributions of Rock Coun­ Atkinson Historical Society, Hoard Histor­ ty Women. (American Association of Uni- ical Museum, 407 Merchants Avenue, Fort versitv Women, Janesville Branch, Janes­ Atkinson, Wisconsin 53538.) ville, Wisconsin, 1975. Pp. i, 32. Illus. '$2.00. Available from Ms. Susan Keeney, 1215 Ravine Street, Janesville, Wisconsin 53545.) First comprehensive history of Jefferson County in over fifty years, by the curator of the Hoard Historical Museum. Wisconsin Men of Achievement. (Milwau­ kee, Wisconsin, Hooper Publishing Com­ Trial by Fire: Loyalty Rebuilds Historic Wis­ pany, 1975. Pp. [265]. $47.50. Avadable consin Sigma Phi House After the 1972 from Hooper Puhlishing Company, 10701 Disaster. (Wisconsin Chapter of the Sigma West North Avenue, Milwaukee, Wisconsin Phi Society, Madison, Wisconsin, 1975? Pp. 53226.) 51. Illus. No price listed. Available from Mark T. Pureed, 3210 Notdngham Way, Biographical data on over a thousand con­ Madison, Wisconsin 53713.) temporary Wisconsin men. 338 the 29th district, Walter Chilsen, including correspondence, clippings, a legislative refer­ ence file, and other documents, dealing with Accessions general political and legislative matters, par­ ticularly with the merger of the state univer­ Services for microfilming, Xeroxing, and photo­ sity systems, education generally, humane stating all but certain restricted items in its treatment of animals, and agriculture, pre­ manuscript collections are provided by the Society. For details write Dr. Josephine L. Harper, Manu­ sented by Mr. Chilsen, Wausau; scrapbook, scripts Curator. 1970, of Chxirch Women United in Wiscon­ sin, containing photographs, clippings, General Collections. Papers, 1932-1974, of speeches, and testimonial letters concerning Philip Altbach, an educational policy profes­ State Unity Day, May 13, 1970, the Wiscon­ sor involved in student activism in the 1960's, sin activity for the World Day of Prayer, pre­ including research materials on the student sented by Eleanor Nerdrum, Madison; exten­ iriovement throughout the world, and on ac­ sive addidons, 1935-(1965-1974), to the pa­ tivism at the University of Wisconsin-Madi­ pers of WilUam W. Finlator, a North Caro­ son, 1967-1972, and writings by Altbach and lina Baptist minister concerned about such others on higher education and student ac­ social issues as civil rights, civil liberties, cap­ tivism, 1959-1974, presented by Mr. Altbach, ital punishment, conscientious objection, pol­ Madison; records, 1934-1966, of the American itics, prison reform, the Vietnam War, ecu­ Communications Association, a labor union menism, church-state separation, and labor representing workers in the telegraph, radio, relations, including mainly correspondence airline, and other communications industries, and writings, presented by Reverend Finlator, including a variety of documentation provid­ Raleigh, North Carolina; papers consisting of ing particularly complete coverage of activi­ (1) biographical materials, 1833-1901,' of ties involving Western Union, Broadcast Lo­ Crcorge W. Gove, a Massachusetts soldier in cal 1, Teleregister Local 876, and Federal the Civil War who later lived in Milwaukee, Communications Commission hearings on (2) biograpliical materials, business corre­ telegraph company mergers, presented by the spondence, and other papers, 1881-1953, of ACA via Joseph Selly, president. New York his son, George R. Gove, who was employed City; records, 1931-1962, of American Co7n- by New York state, the Metropolitan Life munications Association, Local 10, Nexu York, Insurance Company, and the Atomic Energy Nexu York, whicli represented live-traffic tele­ Commission overseeing housing matters, and graph employees of various companies in New (3) miscellaneous papers, 1917-1963, of Mar­ York City, including documentation of war­ guerite Gove, George R. Gove's wife and, a time activities, postwar charges of commu­ film-production editor in the early 1920's, in­ nism leveled at union leaders, telegraph com­ cluding a list of U.S. film agents, a list of pany mergers, and customary labor union ac­ educational films, and 1923 letters concerning tivities on members' behalf, presented by Lo­ the motion picture The White Tiger, pre­ cal 10 via R. F. Schaefer; records, 1904-(1942- sented by Ralph Sucher, executor of the Gove 1962), of American Communications Associa­ estate. New York City; records, 1921-1940, of tion, Local 11, Nexu York, Neiu York, repre­ the Madison Local of the Journeymen Stone sentative of New York and Canadian em­ Cutters Association of North America, includ­ ployees of the Western Union Cables Depart­ ing correspondence, minutes and dues rec­ ment, including correspondence, contracts, ords, membership applications, and traveling pension plans, arbitration decisions, and oth­ cards, containing information on jurisdiction­ er papers, presented with the records of the al disputes, strikes, wages, and otlier matters, national ACA; papers, 1957-1973, of Robb presented by Duane Krinkey, Madison; rec­ Burlage, social activist and resident fellow ords, 1967-1972, of Madison Veterans for at the Institute for Policy Studies, consisting Peace, a group opposing U.S. involvement in of a subject file of papers collected by Bur­ the war in Vietnam, including organizational lage, his research notes and drafts, correspon­ records, handouts, newsletters, records of the dence, and miscellany, presented by Mr. Bur­ 1970 national convention, and a small group lage, Washington, D.C. (restricted); papers, of papers generated by other anti-war groups, 1966-1974, of Republican state senator from presented via Chuck Goranson, Madison.

339 Contributors

J. DAVID HOEVELER, JR., a native of Connecti­ cut, earned his bachelor's degree from Lehigh University (1965) and his master's and doc­ toral degrees from the University of Illinois at Urbana. Since 1971 he has been assistant professor of history in the University of Wis­ consin-Milwaukee, where his teaching and research center upon the history of American ideas, religion, and higher education. In 1973 he received a grant from the American Coun­ cil of Learned Societies for research in the British Isles on a life of James McCosh, pres­ ident of Princeton University, 1868-1888; in 1973-1974 he continued his work on McCosh as a research fellow in the Center for the Study of Education at Yale University. He is the author of The New Humanism: A Cri­ tique of Modern America, 1900-1940 (to be published in 1976 by the University Press of Virginia), and of articles in The Historian, the Journal of the American Academy of Reli­ gion, the History of Education Quarterly, and the Journal of Presbyterian History. He was the recipient in 1975 of the Fromkin Me­ morial Lectureship and Research Grant, from which his article in this issue is derived.

W. ELLIOT BROWNLEE, JR., was born in La Crosse in 1941 and grew up in the New York City area. He did his undergraduate work at Harvard University and holds a Ph.D. from the University of Wisconsin (1969). His pub­ lished works include Progressivism and Eco­ nomic Growth: The Wisconsin Income Tax, 1911-1929 and Dynamics of Ascent: A His­ tory of the American Economy, both publish­ ed in 1974. With his wife Mary M. Brownlee he also published Women in the American Economy: A Documentary History, 1675 to 1929 (Yale University Press, 1976). He is currently associate professor of history in the University of California at Santa Barbara, where he is writing a history of the develop­ ment of taxation in America and collaborating with his wife on a history of women in the industrial revolution.

340 '•I

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THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY SHALL promote a wider appreciation of the American heritage with particular emphasis on the collection, advancement and dissemination of knowledge of the history of Wisconsin and of the West.

—Wisconsin Statutes, Chapter 44

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