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Namibia in 2013

2013 was a transitional year between the appointment of the future political leadership of the governing South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) at the end of 2012 and the parliamentary and presidential elections at the end of 2014. The general macro- economic performance remained stable while aggrandizement of the new elite and the lack of public services and delivery for many continued. A serious drought added to the misery.

Domestic Politics

During the year, the top brass of SWAPO, newly elected to take over political leadership in government after the parliamentary and pres- idential elections due to take place towards the end of 2014, became further strengthened. Team Hage (named after Prime Minister Hage Geingob, who was the party’s presidential candidate) was able to expand its control over strategic positions in the party governance structure. President Pohamba also appointed several supporters of Geingob to higher-ranking positions in the public administra- tion. The list of ten deputies appointed to the party secretariat at the end of May included only supporters of Team Hage. The party’s founding president, Sam Nujoma, addressing a party rally in the first weekend of June, endorsed for the first time the result of the elec- tion held at the party congress in November 2012 and thereby sig- nalled acceptance­ of Team Hage. The fact that this was considered an important message underlined the elder statesman’s continuing relevance for daily politics. This ended speculation concerning ‘the old man’s’ preferences and corrected the impression created by the Swapo Youth League, who supported another candidate. In a statement on 29 May, the Youth League suggested that Nujoma agreed with them, and made

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi ��.��63/9789004321571_012 In 2013 139 a scathing attack on Geingob. The Youth League leaders were taken to task for this attack at the party’s central committee meeting on 14 June. Several high-ranking party officials called for the leadership to be axed for misbehaviour at the forthcoming extra-ordinary con- gress, but Pohamba intervened by asking for an apology instead of taking disciplinary action. The apology was officially tendered and confirmed the political defeat of the Youth League, which had for some time been trying to gain more influence in the party. Delegates at the extra-ordinary congress held on 22–24 June in Swakopmund amended the party constitution by stipulating, among other things, 50/50 representation of men and women in all party organs and structures. This gender parity was enthusiastically welcomed by female delegates but met with concern among men, and debates began as to how sure the predominantly male leader- ship would be of retaining their positions in office after the next elections. On 18 January, Pohamba appointed the fourth Delimitation Commission, tasked with (re-)determining regional and con- stituency boundaries. Based on its recommendations, Pohamba announced on 8 August the creation of 14 new constituencies in nine regions. The was split into and , increasing the number of regions to 14. The Karas Region was spelt in the vernacular as !Karas (later adjusted to //Karas), and the Caprivi Region was renamed , giving rise to protests from some local inhabitants who considered the name change as a denial of their regional identity. Part of the region’s pop- ulation had previously sought greater autonomy from the rest of the Namibian state and territory, which had culminated in a failed vio- lent secessionist uprising in August 1999, and the subsequent trea- son trial was still ongoing during 2013. Objections were also raised by some of the residents in Lüderitzbucht to the announced change in the name of both the constituency and the town to Naminüs. The change in the name of the town remained pending after it was established that this decision did not lie within the discretion of the