International Migration, Racism, Discrimination and Xenophobia
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Blacks and Asians in Mississippi Masala, Barriers to Coalition Building
Both Edges of the Margin: Blacks and Asians in Mississippi Masala, Barriers to Coalition Building Taunya Lovell Bankst Asians often take the middle position between White privilege and Black subordination and therefore participate in what Professor Banks calls "simultaneous racism," where one racially subordinatedgroup subordi- nates another. She observes that the experience of Asian Indian immi- grants in Mira Nair's film parallels a much earlier Chinese immigrant experience in Mississippi, indicatinga pattern of how the dominantpower uses law to enforce insularityamong and thereby control different groups in a pluralistic society. However, Banks argues that the mere existence of such legal constraintsdoes not excuse the behavior of White appeasement or group insularityamong both Asians and Blacks. Instead,she makes an appealfor engaging in the difficult task of coalition-buildingon political, economic, socialand personallevels among minority groups. "When races come together, as in the present age, it should not be merely the gathering of a crowd; there must be a bond of relation, or they will collide...." -Rabindranath Tagore1 "When spiders unite, they can tie up a lion." -Ethiopian proverb I. INTRODUCTION In the 1870s, White land owners recruited poor laborers from Sze Yap or the Four Counties districts in China to work on plantations in the Mis- sissippi Delta, marking the formal entry of Asians2 into Mississippi's black © 1998 Asian Law Journal, Inc. I Jacob A. France Professor of Equality Jurisprudence, University of Maryland School of Law. The author thanks Muriel Morisey, Maxwell Chibundu, and Frank Wu for their suggestions and comments on earlier drafts of this Article. 1. -
Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Xenophobia: a New Pathology for a New South Africa?
Xenophobia: A new pathology for a new South Africa? by Bronwyn Harris In Hook, D. & Eagle, G. (eds) Psychopathology and Social Prejudice, pp. 169-184, Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press, 2002. Bronwyn Harris is a former Project Manager at the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation. Introduction In 1994, South Africa became a new nation. Born out of democratic elections and inaugurated as the 'Rainbow Nation' by Nelson Mandela, this 'new South Africa' represents a fundamental shift in the social, political and geographical landscapes of the past. Unity has replaced segregation, equality has replaced legislated racism and democracy has replaced apartheid, at least in terms of the law. Despite the transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, prejudice and violence continue to mark contemporary South Africa. Indeed, the shift in political power has brought about a range of new discriminatory practices and victims. One such victim is 'The Foreigner'. Emergent alongside a new-nation discourse, The Foreigner stands at a site where identity, racism and violent practice are reproduced. This paper interrogates the high levels of violence that are currently directed at foreigners, particularly African foreigners, in South Africa. It explores the term 'xenophobia' and various hypotheses about its causes. It also explores the ways in which xenophobia itself is depicted in the country. Portrayed as negative, abnormal and the antithesis of a healthy, normally functioning individual or society, xenophobia is read here as a new pathology for a 'new South Africa'. This chapter attempts to deconstruct such a representation by suggesting that xenophobia is implicit to the technologies of nation-building and is part of South Africa's culture of violence. -
A Nation at Risk
A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform A Report to the Nation and the Secretary of Education United States Department of Education by The National Commission on Excellence in Education April 1983 April 26, 1983 Honorable T. H. Bell Secretary of Education U.S. Department of Education Washington, D.C. 20202 Dear Mr. Secretary: On August 26, 1981, you created the National Commission on Excellence in Education and directed it to present a report on the quality of education in America to you and to the American people by April of 1983. It has been my privilege to chair this endeavor and on behalf of the members of the Commission it is my pleasure to transmit this report, A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform. Our purpose has been to help define the problems afflicting American education and to provide solutions, not search for scapegoats. We addressed the main issues as we saw them, but have not attempted to treat the subordinate matters in any detail. We were forthright in our discussions and have been candid in our report regarding both the strengths and weaknesses of American education. The Commission deeply believes that the problems we have discerned in American education can be both understood and corrected if the people of our country, together with those who have public responsibility in the matter, care enough and are courageous enough to do what is required. Each member of the Commission appreciates your leadership in having asked this diverse group of persons to examine one of the central issues which will define our Nation's future. -
Complementary International Standards First Session Geneva, 11-22 February 2008
UNITED NATIONS A General Assembly Distr. GENERAL A/HRC/AC.1/1/CRP.4 18 February 2008 Original: ENGLISH ONLY HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL Ad Hoc Committee on the Elaboration of Complementary International Standards First session Geneva, 11-22 February 2008 COMPLEMENTARY INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS COMPILATION OF CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE STUDY BY THE FIVE EXPERTS ON THE CONTENT AND SCOPE OF SUBSTANTIVE GAPS IN THE EXISTING INTERNATIONAL INSTRUMENTS TO COMBAT RACISM RACIAL DISCRIMINATION, XENOPHOBIA AND RELATED INTOLERANCE A/HRC/AC.1/1/CRP.4 Page 2 I. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ON THE CONTENT AND SCOPE OF SUBSTANTIVE GAPS ON COMPLEMENTARY INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS WITH REGARD TO POSITIVE OBLIGATIONS OF STATES PARTIES Assessment and recommendations 1. The role of human rights education 29. The DDPA underlines the importance of human rights education as a key to changing attitudes and behaviour and to promoting tolerance and respect for diversity in societies1 and, therefore as crucial in the struggle against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.2 The importance of human rights education is also underlined in several other human rights documents. The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action assert that “human rights education, training and public information are essential for the promotion and achievement of stable and harmonious relations among communities and for fostering mutual understanding, tolerance and peace.”3 The World Programme for Human Rights Education identifies the promotion of understanding, tolerance, gender equality and friendship among all nations, indigenous peoples and racial, national, ethnic, religious and linguistic groups as one of the constitutive elements of human rights education that aims at building a universal culture of human rights.4 The 2005 World Summit Outcome calls for the implementation of the World Programme for Human Rights Education and encourages all States to develop initiatives in this regard.5 30. -
ECRI Annual Report 2019
Photos: Shutterstock @ECRI_CoE www.coe.int/ecri Strasbourg, March 2020 Preface ............................................................................5 Main trends ......................................................................7 ECRI's activities in 2019 ................................................ 16 1. Country-by-country approach .............................. 16 2. Work on general themes ..................................... 18 3. Relations with civil society .................................. 18 4. ECRI’s 25th Anniversary High-level Conference . 20 5. Cooperation with equality bodies to combat racism and racial discrimination ............................................ 22 6. Other activities .................................................... 22 7. Communication strategy ..................................... 23 Co-operation with relevant bodies of the Council of Europe and other international organisations ................ 25 Appendix I – Membership of ECRI ................................. 31 Appendix II – Secretariat of ECRI .................................. 39 Appendix III - Meetings held by ECRI in 2019 .............. 41 Appendix IV - List of publications ................................... 43 3 Preface The European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) is a mechanism which was established by the first Summit of Heads of State and Government of the Council of Europe member states. The decision to establish ECRI is contained in the Vienna Declaration adopted by the first Summit on 9 October 1993. On -
UN Strategy and Plan of Action on Hate Speech
UNITED NATIONS STRATEGY AND PLAN OF ACTION ON HATE SPEECH Foreword Around the world, we are seeing a disturbing groundswell of xenophobia, racism and intolerance – including rising anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim hatred and persecution of Christians. Social media and other forms of communication are being exploited as platforms for bigotry. Neo-Nazi and white supremacy movements are on the march. Public discourse is being weaponized for political gain with incendiary rhetoric that stigmatizes and dehumanizes minorities, migrants, refugees, women and any so-called “other”. This is not an isolated phenomenon or the loud voices of a few people on the fringe of society. Hate is moving into the mainstream – in liberal democracies and authoritarian systems alike. And with each broken norm, the pillars of our common humanity are weakened. Hate speech is a menace to democratic values, social stability and peace. As a matter of principle, the United Nations must confront hate speech at every turn. Silence can signal indifference to bigotry and intolerance, even as a situation escalates and the vulnerable become victims. Tackling hate speech is also crucial to deepen progress across the United Nations agenda by helping to prevent armed conflict, atrocity crimes and terrorism, end violence against women and other serious violations of human rights, and promote peaceful, inclusive and just societies. Addressing hate speech does not mean limiting or prohibiting freedom of speech. It means keeping hate speech from escalating into something more dangerous, particularly incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence, which is prohibited under international law. The United Nations has a long history of mobilizing the world against hatred of all kinds through wide-ranging action to defend human rights and advance the rule of law. -
3 B a Lanre-Abass and M Oguh-Xenophobia and Its
Vol. 5 No. 1 January – June, 2016 XENOPHOBIA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL ORDER IN AFRICA DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ft.v5i1.3 Bolatito A. LANRE-ABASS, Ph.D and Matthew E. OGUH, MA Department of Philosophy, University of Ibadan Abstract Xenophobia, a form of discrimination practiced in countries, particularly in South Africa, is one of the major challenges confronting the modern day society. This paper examines xenophobia as a menace showing at the same time that this discriminatory practice bifurcates societies by creating a dichotomy amidst the various occupants of the society, thereby giving room for “otherness” rather than “orderliness”. The paper also highlights the philosophical implications of this societal bifurcation, particularly to the human community. Seeking a plausible way of addressing this challenge, the paper concludes by emphasizing the relevance of the value of tolerance in curbing xenophobia. Keywords : Xenophobia, Social discrimination, Tolerance, order and other, Africa. Introduction A basic plague that befalls some contemporary African societies is the monster called Xenophobia, which has as its features, discrimination and segregation and killing of non- members. As a result of this practice, any affected human society attempt to cut off setting portion of occupants for preserving them as the “other”. Thus, “otherness” rather than orderliness becomes a factor in some societies today. Most disheartening is the fact that it now seems immaterial whether these societies belong to the developed or third world countries as could be seen in the case of countries such as South African and Greece. In some African societies however, there abound fragments of the act of discrimination in almost all human societies within Africa, even though the gravity of its perpetuation varies from one country to another (MCKINLEY, ROBBINSON, and SOMAVIA 2001, 2-4). -
The Policy of Multicultural Education in Russia: Focus on Personal Priorities
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL & SCIENCE EDUCATION 2016, VOL. 11, NO. 18, 12613-12628 OPEN ACCESS THE POLICY OF MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION IN RUSSIA: FOCUS ON PERSONAL PRIORITIES a a Natalya Yuryevna Sinyagina , Tatiana Yuryevna Rayfschnayder , a Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, RUSSIA, ABSTRACT The article contains the results of the study of the current state of multicultural education in Russia. The history of studying the problem of multicultural education has been analyzed; an overview of scientific concepts and research of Russian scientists in the sphere of international relations, including those conducted under defended theses, and the description of technologies of multicultural education in Russia (review of experience, programs, curricula and their effectiveness) have been provided. The ways of the development of multicultural education in Russia have been described. Formulation of the problem of the development of multicultural education in the Russian Federation is currently associated with a progressive trend of the inter- ethnic and social differentiation, intolerance and intransigence, which are manifested both in individual behavior (adherence to prejudices, avoiding contacts with the "others", proneness to conflict) and in group actions (interpersonal aggression, discrimination on any grounds, ethnic conflicts, etc.). A negative attitude towards people with certain diseases, disabilities, HIV-infected people, etc., is another problem at the moment. This situation also -
The Case of the Missing Indigene: Debate Over a 'Second-Generation'
The Case of the Missing Indigene: Debate Over a “Second-Generation” Ethnic Policy .BSL&MMJPUU ABSTRACT The last few years have seen a vigorous public policy debate emerge over a “second- generation” ethnic policy (di’erdai minzu zhengce) which, if implemented, would constitute a major revision of ethnic politics in China. Despite the fact that nationalities policy is a notoriously sensitive subject within China, the debate is happening openly in newspapers, academic journals and on the Internet. The prominence accorded to anthropological theory and international comparison is a notable feature of the debate. This article first explores the main positions in the ongoing policy discussion, then goes on to argue that, rather than comparing China’s non-Han peoples to minority immigrant populations in the industrial- ized democracies, a better comparison is to indigenous peoples. It then considers why this perspective is completely missing from the present debate. n recent years, a debate has arisen among intellectuals and officials in the IPeople’s Republic of China over the proper framework for managing the affairs of the country’s roughly 114 million citizens who identify themselves ethnically other than as Han Chinese (Hanzu 汉族).1 The earliest questioning of the present system for determining minority nationality status (shaoshu minzu chengfen 少数 民族成分) dates from about a decade ago, but the discussion has become greatly amplified since 2008, as the situation in many of the country’s ethnically dis- tinct frontier regions—notably, Tibet, Xinjiang and Mongolia—has deteriorated, * A version of this article was first presented at an international conference on the “second-generation” policy held at Shiga University (Japan) in December 2012. -
Ethnos: Descent and Culture Communities
1 Ethnos: Descent and Culture Communities Shared references Ethnic group, race and nation are three concepts sharing a single centre – or ‘core’ – with some notable and important differences at the periphery. Common to all is an idea of descent or ancestry and very closely implicated in all three we find ideas about culture. These ideas about culture will typically include myths about the past, beliefs about ‘the kind of people we are’, and the idea that ‘culture’ defines a group in that it may be constituted by language, dress and custom. In this sense they may all be described as ‘descent and culture communities’. Ethnic group, race and nation are all viewed, by themselves or by observers, as peoples who have or lay claim to shared antecedents. This idea of shared ancestry may not be as precise as the genealogies of extended families – though how can we tell how many imprecisions are concealed in family trees? – but there is nonetheless a repeating theme of ‘people coming from the same stock’. In English this word ‘stock’ is mostly used with reference to animals so in its use with reference to people it has a strong biological sense, a strong sense of genealogy and type. This sense of shared ancestry can certainly be found in dictionary definitions (below from the Compact Oxford English Dictionary, 1993) of all three of these terms: 14 Ethnos: Descent and Culture Communities Race: a group of persons (animals or plants) connected by common descent or origin; a tribe, nation, or people regarded as of common stock. [my emphasis] Nation: an extensive aggregate of persons, so closely associated with each other by common descent, language or history as to form a distinct race of people, usually organised as a separate political state and occupying a definite territory. -
Nation-Building and Ethnicity1
Nation-Building and Ethnicity1 There are many terms for defining human groups: they emerged in various societies with different histories and cultural traditions at different times. The meanings of these terms became more confused when they were translated into different languages. In English, there are terms to describe human groups such as “race,” “tribe,” “clan,” “nation,” “people,” “country,” “state,” etc2. Compared with these terms, “ethnic group” and “ethnicity” only appeared recently in the 20th century (Glazer and Moynihan, 1975: 1). These terms emerged in west Europe, the countries initiating the industrial revolution, then were introduced into other parts of the world accompanied by the western merchants, priests, and armies. These Europeans introduced their political and social systems as well as their ideology and values to other people by cultural influence or military force. “Nation-state” was the form of political entity first appearing in Western Europe, then adopted by colonies when they sought independence. “Nation” became an important term in international politics. “Nation-building” became a widespread political process among Asian, African and American countries, together with the powerful “nationalist” movement. At the beginning of the 21st century, there were about 200 independent countries around the world that were recognized by the international society (the United Nations). An important phenomenon is that political boundaries have not always been drawn according to human group inhabitance but often, oppositely, have been affected by wars, treaties, and international powers. Therefore, there are many different human groups living in the same countries; populations originally from the same group now living on both sides of a boundary.