Cultural Diplomacy and the European Union: Key Characters and Historical Development
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Cultural Diplomacy and the National Interest
Cultural Diplomacy and The National Interest Cultural Diplomacy and The National Interest: In Search of a 21st-Century Perspective Overview Interest in public and cultural diplomacy, after a long post-Cold War decline, has surged in the last few years. This new focus inside and outside government has two causes: first, the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the perception that the U.S. is losing a war of culture against Islamic extremists; and second, the documented global collapse of positive public sentiment toward the U.S. But the task facing policy leaders – translating interest into action – must accommodate the reality that government cultural work has been diminished in scope even as trade in cultural products and Internet communication has increased the complexity and informal character of cross-cultural communication. The current state of U.S. cultural and public diplomacy has been reviewed by numerous special commissions and elite bodies, ranging from the 9/11 Commission to the RAND Corporation, from Congress’s Governmental Accountability Office (GAO) to the Council on Foreign Relations. Resulting recommendations have emphasized increased funding, better coordination, increased State Department programming, and more private-sector partnership to support programming that the State Department and governmental broadcasting outlets are already producing. However, because cultural work constitutes a long-term, diffuse, and largely immeasurable solution to a pressing problem in an age of quick fixes, the larger concept of cultural diplomacy – defined most broadly as the propagation of American culture and ideals around the world – tends to get short shift in these presentations. In addition, the lion’s share of The Curb Center for Art, American cultural content is conveyed by private-sector film, recording, and Enterprise, and Public Policy at Vanderbilt broadcasting industries, functioning beyond the realm of official policy objectives. -
The Use of Cultural Diplomacy by Brazilian Government Abstract The
1 Building a new strategy: the use of Cultural Diplomacy by Brazilian Government Abstract The paper will explore the co-relation between diplomacy and culture when States seek for power in the international arena. We postulate that countries with an interest to push the current power structure – and change today’s established order – can try to use cultural assets to enforce their own interests and values at the international arena. Considering that culture becomes an apparatus to achieve power and transform international society, we hypothesize that emerging powers - introduced lately at International Society - could articulate their positions by associating culture and diplomacy – an essential institution of international society. The instrumentalization of culture by Cultural Diplomacy contributes to these countries becoming more reputable in the international environment and tends to re- structure the balance of power. We propose to use the Brazilian case to illustrate our proposition. In this way, the paper will especially work with literature about International Cultural Relations and its intersection with Cultural History. The works of Robert Frank, Pascal Ory and Anaïs Fléchét will offer the main contribution for this argument. Introduction The research presented here intends to be a contribution to International Relations research field, especially by incorporating elements of Cultural History and by reflection on identity issues and on Brazilian international projection in the twenty-first century. Thus, from the study of the Brazilian cultural diplomacy strategies in the beginning of this century – period of major changes in the organization of international relations of Brazil –, we aim to demonstrate how countries considered ‘emerging poles’ (LIMA, 2010) can and make use of mechanisms created by States established in International Society. -
The Role of Study-Abroad Students in Cultural Diplomacy: Toward an International Education As Soft Action Madalina Akli, Ph.D
International Research and Review: Journal of Phi Beta Delta Volume 2, Issue 1, Fall 2012 Honor Society for International Scholars ISSN: 2167-8669 Publication URL: http://www.phibetadelta.org/publications.php The Role of Study-Abroad Students in Cultural Diplomacy: Toward an International Education as Soft Action Madalina Akli, Ph.D. Rice University Abstract This paper argues that study-abroad students should be at the center of cultural diplomacy. It recognizes that students can engage in soft action to establish intercultural dialogue. They develop and sustain relationships with people from host countries through cultural immersion and education. Study-abroad students are encouraged to proactively claim their cultural diplomacy role, and thereby cause a shift from formal soft power, traditionally concentrated in embassies and the diplomatic corps, to informal soft action in daily life abroad. With the recent development of a plethora of study-abroad opportunities, soft power can be re-configured by students and educators who cross national borders. Consequently, they are the potential agents of a paradigm shift regarding cultural diplomacy and international education: they are today’s new unofficial cultural diplomats. Key words: international education, study abroad, student cultural ambassadors, cultural diplomacy, soft action A Brief Historical Overview of U.S. International Education: A Diversity of Rationales and Purposes From a historical perspective, the development of international education from 1945 to 1970, although dynamic, -
Chapter I Geostrategic and Geopolitical Considerations
Geostrategic and geopolitical Chapter I considerations regarding energy Francisco José Berenguer Hernández Abstract This chapter analyses the peace and conflict aspects of the concept of “energy security” its importance in the strategic architecture of the major nations, as well as the main geopolitical factors of the current energy panorama. Key words Energy Security, National Strategies, Energy Interests, Geopolitics of Energy. 45 Francisco José Berenguer Hernández Some considerations about the “energy security” concept Concept The concept of energy security has been present in publications for a cer- tain number of years, including the press and non-trade media, but it is apparently a recent one, or at least one that has not enjoyed the popular- ity of others such as road, workplace, social or even air security. However, it has taken on such importance nowadays that it deserves a specific section in the highest-level strategic documents of practically all of the nations in our environment, as will be seen in a later section. This is somewhat different from the form of security of other sectors that include the following in more generic terms: “well-being and progress of society”, “ensuring the life and prosperity of citizens” and other simi- lar expressions, with the exception of economic security. The latter, as a consequence of the long and deep recession that numerous nations, in- cluding Spain, have been suffering, has strongly emerged in more recent strategic thinking. Consequently, it is worth wondering the reason for this relevance and leading role of energy security in the concerns of the high- est authorities and institutions of the nations. -
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution
Cultural Diplomacy and Conflict Resolution Introduction In his poem, The Second Coming (1919), William Butler Yeats captured the moment we are now experiencing: Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. As we see the deterioration of the institutions created and fostered after the Second World War to create a climate in which peace and prosperity could flourish in Europe and beyond, it is important to understand the role played by diplomacy in securing the stability and strengthening the shared values of freedom and democracy that have marked this era for the nations of the world. It is most instructive to read the Inaugural Address of President John F. Kennedy, in which he encouraged Americans not only to do good things for their own country, but to do good things in the world. The creation of the Peace Corps is an example of the kind of spirit that put young American volunteers into some of the poorest nations in an effort to improve the standard of living for people around the globe. We knew we were leaders; we knew that we had many political and economic and social advantages. There was an impetus to share this wealth. Generosity, not greed, was the motivation of that generation. Of course, this did not begin with Kennedy. It was preceded by the Marshall Plan, one of the only times in history that the conqueror decided to rebuild the country of the vanquished foe. -
Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War
Journal of Political Science Volume 29 Number 1 Article 5 November 2001 Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War Gregory Paul Domin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Domin, Gregory Paul (2001) "Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 29 : No. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol29/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War Gregory Paul Domin Mercer University This paper argues that the conflict between nuclear na tionalist and nuclear internationalist discourses over atomic weapons policy was critical in the articulation of a new system of American power . The creation of the atomic bomb destroyed the Roosevelt's vision of a post war world order while confronting United States (and Soviet) policymakers with alternatives that, before the bomb's use, only a handful of individuals had contem plated. The bomb remade the world . My argument is that the atomic bomb did not cause the Cold War, but without it, the Cold War could not have occurred . INTRODUCTION he creation of the atomic bomb destroyed the Roose veltian vision of a postwar world order while confronting TUnited States (and Soviet) policymakers with a new set of alternatives that, prior to the bomb's use, only a bare handful of individuals among those privy to the secret of the Manhattan Project had even contemplated. -
Coral Bell and the Classical Realist Tradition1
8. Coral Bell and the Classical Realist Tradition1 James L Richardson Like JDB Miller, I have known Coral Bell for half a century, having met her in London in 1955-56—I an intending graduate student, she already an established scholar at Chatham House. Later our paths crossed quite frequently, but we were direct colleagues only for a few years in the 1980s, in the Department of International Relations at The Australian National University. Her contributions to international relations are multifaceted, but I shall focus on three of her books on American foreign policy and Cold War diplomacy— each of them a significant and timely input into the scholarly discussion of the burning issues of the day. (It is easily forgotten how intense were some of the concerns, and how fierce some of the debates, in those years). The books in question—Negotiation from Strength (1963), The Conventions of Crisis (1971) and The Diplomacy of Detente (1977)—influenced my understanding of the issues at the time, when I was working on closely related topics. Returning to them, one is not only reminded of old debates but also rewarded with new insights.2 Negotiation from Strength offers a sparkling commentary on the 1950s: the decade during which the Cold War in Europe hardened into a rigid confrontation between two heavily armed military blocs, seemingly in perpetuity. At first sight, the diplomatic formula which provides the book’s title offered little more than a device for indefinitely deferring unwanted negotiations, but Bell shows that, on the contrary, the varied uses of the formula can serve to illuminate the potentialities for a more imaginative Western diplomacy during those years, and the reasons why this was not attempted. -
The Rarity of Realpolitik the Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’S Rationality Reveals About International Politics
The Rarity of Realpolitik The Rarity of Brian Rathbun Realpolitik What Bismarck’s Rationality Reveals about International Politics Realpolitik, the pur- suit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume that states act in such a man- ner or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system, whether it be its anarchic character or the presence of other similarly self-interested states. Often overlooked, however, is that Real- politik has important psychological preconditions. Classical realists note that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which, they argue, should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Hans Morgenthau, perhaps the most fa- mous classical realist of all, goes as far as to suggest that rationality, and there- fore Realpolitik, is the exception rather than the rule.1 Realpolitik is rare, which is why classical realists devote as much attention to prescribing as they do to explaining foreign policy. Is Realpolitik actually rare empirically, and if so, what are the implications for scholars’ and practitioners’ understanding of foreign policy and the nature of international relations more generally? The necessity of a particular psy- chology for Realpolitik, one based on rational thinking, has never been ex- plicitly tested. Realists such as Morgenthau typically rely on sweeping and unveriªed assumptions, and the relative frequency of realist leaders is difªcult to establish empirically. In this article, I show that research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for the classical realist claim that rationality is a demanding cogni- tive standard that few leaders meet. -
Geostrategy in Practice 2021
CEO Imperative Series Critical answers and actions to reframe your future Geostrategy in Practice 2021 A survey of global executives reveals more proactive political risk management enables companies to pursue bolder strategies Table of contents2 | Geostrategy in Practice 2021 Executive summary 4 Political risk management is in flux 5 Political risks are rising but risk identification systems are not fit for purpose 7 The significant materiality of political risk necessitates better impact assessments 11 Political risk management is disconnected from enterprise risk management 15 Strategy and transactions are heavily influenced by political risk analysis 17 Political risk governance is crucial but often overlooked 20 Investing in a balanced political risk management approach 24 Putting geostrategy into practice 28 About the survey 30 contents Geostrategy in Practice 2021 | 3 Executive summary Executives may be discounting the likelihood of some political risks. About half of global executives expect political risk to be higher in the coming year, with geopolitics being the highest area of concern (see About the survey on page 30). This follows similar results in our 2020 survey. But most companies’ approach to risk identification is reactive and relies primarily on enterprise-level processes, which may expose them to regulatory or societal risk surprises. In fact, more than 90% of global executives say that their company has been affected by unexpected political risks in the past 12 months. Political risks will continue to have impact across the enterprise. Executives expect the largest political risk impact on companies’ growth and investment, operations and supply chain, and revenue in the coming year. -
Bilateral Summit Diplomacy in Western European and Transatlantic Relations, 1956–63
02_EHQ 31/3 articles 3/7/01 10:13 am Page 427 Jeffrey G. Giauque Bilateral Summit Diplomacy in Western European and Transatlantic Relations, 1956–63 During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, innovations in transportation and communication facilitated the revival of an old diplomatic tool: summit meetings and personal contacts between heads of state and government. Meetings of sovereigns go back centuries, but with the development of the modern state system and diplomatic practice from the fifteenth century, meet- ings of leaders had become less important in relations between states. Resident ambassadors and foreign-ministry professionals took on the central roles in diplomacy. However, this practice began to break down in turn during the nineteenth century. Reliable rail travel made it convenient for European leaders to meet on occasion, and some, including Napoleon III, made regular use of the practice. The telegraph and telephone also facilitated greater diplomatic centralization. Prior to these inventions, it could take weeks or months for ambassadors to receive new instructions from their governments. As a result, they had considerable autonomy and policy-making authority as they responded to developments in foreign capitals. However, the development of rapid means of communication gradually reduced many ambassadors from policy-makers to symbolic representatives of their countries and transmitters of messages. All of these changes were consolidated after the First World War when Woodrow Wilson’s ‘new diplomacy’ called all existing diplomatic practice into question while Wilson and other govern- ment leaders travelled to Paris to negotiate the peace settlement personally. Wilsonian diplomacy posited that public meetings of government leaders were a more democratic means of diplomacy European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
Shadow Memorial Diplomacy: the Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in Central and Eastern Europe György Tóth University of Stirling
Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics Volume 13 Issue 1 DOI 10.2478/jnmlp-2019-0002 Shadow Memorial Diplomacy: The Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in Central and Eastern Europe György Tóth University of Stirling Abstract This article examines the use of the memorialization of Reagan in transatlantic relations – specifically in the commemorations of the Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in 2011 in Central and Eastern Europe. Extrapolating from the case of Hungary, the article argues that because of the contemporary political status of its drivers and its oblique message, the Reagan Centennial’s campaign in Central Europe can be called “shadow” memorial diplomacy, which in 2011 used the former president’s memory to articulate and strengthen a model of U.S. leadership and foreign policy parallel to and ready to replace those of the then Obama administration. This study can serve as an international extension of previous scholarship on the politics of the memory of Ronald Reagan within the United States, as well as a case study of the use of memory in international relations. Keywords diplomacy; Ronald Reagan; memorialization; transatlantic relations Introduction Despite the great volume of scholarship written about the 40th president of the United States, few scholars have concentrated exclusively on the memorialization of Ronald Reagan. Policy-focused studies have tended to evaluate Ronald Reagan’s legacy as president (Schaller 2011; Heclo 2008). Other scholars have measured the rhetoric about Reagan as a symbol of U.S. conservative ideology and policy by comparing it with the president’s actual record in politics and policy (Longley et al. 2007). -
Music As a Cultural Diplomacy Between Israel and Turkey (2008-2016)
DOI: 10.7816/idil-06-32-04 idil, 2017, Cilt 6, Sayı 32, Volume 6, Issue 32 MUSIC AS A CULTURAL DIPLOMACY BETWEEN ISRAEL AND TURKEY (2008-2016) Mehtap DEMİR1 ÖZ The objective of this research is to explore how musical and cultural diplomacy have influenced political relationships between Turkey and Israel. Cultural diplomacy encompasses the exchange of ideas and information for the purpose of promoting mutually benefiting understanding between different cultural groups. Music diplomacy is the use of songs to promote respect, cooperation and understanding. The article emphasizes how Israel and Turkey have benefited from the power of music and cultural exchanges to maintain friendly ties when they have the lowest level of connection in terms of diplomatic relations. In the diplomatic crisis of two countries in 2010, the musicians, from both countries, took on the roles of peace ambassador and helped to soothe the masses through concerts. Using the constructivist theory of international relations, this article argues for promotion of culture and music as crucial diplomatic instruments for improving cooperation and communication between countries. In this context, it is very crucial to raise the highest possible levels of musical and cultural diplomacy between Israel and Turkey and to find ways to respect each other's cultural uniqueness. The topic of this article has been probed through the historical and critical method of musicology in the interdisciplinary context, including politics, international relations and cultural studies. Keywords: Israel, Turkey, Cultural Diplomacy, Music, International Relations Demir, Mehtap. "Music as a Cultural Diplomacy between Israel and Turkey (2008-2016)". idil 6.32 (2017): 1225-1240.