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How to cite this thesis

Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujcontent.uj.ac.za/vital/access/manager/Index?site_name=Research%20Output (Accessed: Date). Help-Seeking Experiences of Satanic Ritual Abuse Survivors with Dissociative Identity Disorder who received Therapy

Yvette Jordaan (née Badenhorst)

Student Number: 201023131

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

Magister Artium Socialis Scientiae (Clinical Social Work)

in the

Department of Social Work

of the

Faculty of Humanities

at the

University of Johannesburg

supervised by

Prof. Shahana Rasool

Date of Submission 30 June 2016

Acknowledgements

Thank you, Dr Shahana Rasool, for encouraging me to complete it, even though I had given up on my dissertation and my ability to complete it. You truly went above and beyond any call of duty to ensure it was completed. Thank you for your support, guidance, EXTREME PATIENCE and your sternness. It meant more to me than you can ever imagine.

To my husband, Dian Jordaan, what a wonderful man! We started dating during the first year of my Masters, were then married and now have the most amazing daughter. Your unconditional love, support and sacrifice did not go unnoticed. Thank you for loving me through my emotional and psychological fluctuations, mood swings and frustration. You spent hours helping me with my research, assisting with recording and transcribing interviews, reading through countless drafts, and encouraging me. Thank you for your unending support and complete selflessness in helping me complete this dissertation. Thank you for making food, washing dishes, cleaning the house and babysitting so that I could survive. You mean the world to me and you were definitely worth the wait. You are truly my beloved.

Melody, my beautiful, amazing daughter. You are my joy and my song. My heart overflows with love for you. You make every day a wonderful adventure. Thank you for your beautiful spirit, laughter and compassion. I love being your mother.

To my precious parents, dearest Mommy and Daddy. I am extremely lucky to have you as parents. Everything good in me comes from you. Thank you for your unconditional support and assistance on so many levels. You are great examples of the type of person I strive to be. I love you both tremendously and thank you for always being there for us.

Adele, my sister whom I absolutely adore. You did not have much to do with my research, but you have always believed in me and are a great sister. I miss you sooooo much.

To my in-laws, thank you for accepting me as your own. Thank you for your love, kindness and open hearts. Thank you, Skoonpa, for the time, which you have so little of, you put into reading through countless drafts, assisting with the grammar and the technical aspects of

i which I had no clue. Moeks thank you for always being there and the countless coffees and snacks. Love you both.

To F.H. Havinga, thank you for all your assistance and support. Thank you for being a great mentor and teacher.

To all my friends who listened to countless complaints, thank you for your concern, your patience, your willingness to help and, finally, all your prayers.

Thank you to God, my Father, Jesus Christ and Holy Spirit. Life has been a tumultuous journey with many questions, but one thing holds true: Your love never changes. Thank you for your guidance and strengthening me when I was at my lowest. Thank you for accepting me with all my imperfections. I love You, Lord.

Finally, thank you to the survivors who were willing to participate in this study. It was a privilege meeting you. You are the true heroes. Thank you for sharing your intense stories, but, most of all, thank you for the strength, courage and grace you have shown. May your stories provide hope to the hopeless, strength to the weak and courage to those who need encouragement. I know you will continue touching lives, just as you have touched mine. I pray your healing and joy will be complete.

Hardest thing I’ve ever done is show what I feel Break silent chains and shatter the seal All my life this door’s been closed Memories and emotion trapped safely inside NEVER FEEL! Don’t be weak! Always composed People only saw my smile, while I silently cried

My mask, my mind could always bear What my heart exclaimed in pain “I hate you, but I care” Deeds and words like drought and rain My being screams out, crying invisible tears Please can someone see and calm my fears

I often wish for somewhere to belong Spread my wings — like a falcon fly free Revive my dream; forget all that’s wrong

Be accepted for who I am, free to be me Look past the mask, look and really see Take my hand, help me to stand Instead — people lie, on their faces a smile Be patient with me…. To trust takes a while

Wonder if there really is hope Will I ever live and not just cope Wonder if anyone will ever dare To reach out, persist and genuinely care

At times HOPE is difficult to see Specially if my eyes are on me And have to decide: look up and around To wage this war with all my might Remember: Darkness is defeated by even a sliver of LIGHT And I know … the only key is the one I at last, have found

A victim of Satanic Ritual Abuse (1999)

iii

Abstract

This study aims to explore the help-seeking experiences of survivors of satanic ritual abuse (SRA), who have been diagnosed with Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID). This descriptive, exploratory study endeavours to understand the factors that motivate survivors of SRA to seek help, as well as to explore the factors that hinder help-seeking. The researcher makes use of the ecosystems theory as the theoretical framework. A qualitative approach was used to provide participants with the opportunity to define their experiences from their own perspective.

The main themes of this study are aimed to: 1. Understanding trauma caused by satanic ritual abuse (SRA). 2. The effect of SRA on survivors’ macro-systems (belief systems) by means of normalizing the abuse, indoctrination of Satanic belief systems and creating a sense of belonging amongst members. 3. Factors influencing help-seeking from formal (professional services including churches, schools, criminal justice system, medical, therapy and safe houses) and informal (friends and family) supra-systems.

Neither the research study, nor the researcher attempts to prove or disprove the actual existence of Satanism or SRA. The researcher is interested in helping the alleged victims of these types of abuse/trauma to self-disclose more readily and, in so doing, guiding helpers to provide an efficient service to these individuals.

Table of Contents

Page number

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... I

ABSTRACT ...... IV

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1. Introduction ...... 1 1.2. Goals and objectives ...... 1 1.2.1. Goal ...... 1 1.2.2. Objectives ...... 1 1.3. Literature review ...... 2 1.4. Description and justification of research methods ...... 5 1.5. Ethical considerations ...... 7 1.6. Structure of study ...... 7

CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 10 2.1. Introduction ...... 10 2.2. Systems theory ...... 10 2.3. Definitions ...... 12 2.3.1. Ritual abuse ...... 12 2.3.2. Satanic ritual abuse (SRA) ...... 13 2.3.3. Survivors of SRA ...... 16 2.3.4. Multigenerational Satanism ...... 17 2.3.5. Children of survivors ...... 18 2.4. Types of abuse occurring within SRA ...... 19 2.5. Help-seeking for SRA survivors ...... 21 2.6. Macro-system ...... 23 2.6.1. Spiritual belief systems ...... 23 2.7. Sub-System ...... 26 2.8. Formal Supra-Systems ...... 29 2.8.1. Therapists ...... 29 2.8.2. Criminal justice system (CJS) ...... 31 2.8.3. Educational institutions ...... 33 2.8.4. Medical services ...... 34 2.8.5. Safe houses ...... 35

2.9. Informal supra-system ...... 36 2.9.1. Friends and family...... 36 2.10. Conclusion ...... 37

CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY ...... 38 3.1. Introduction ...... 38 3.2. Goals and objectives ...... 38 3.3. Research approach ...... 38 3.4. Research design ...... 39 3.5. Purpose of the design ...... 40 3.6. Phenomenology ...... 40 3.7. Research population/sampling ...... 41 3.8. Data-collection methods ...... 42 3.8.1. Interview schedule ...... 42 3.8.2. Field notes ...... 44 3.9. Pilot study ...... 45 3.10. Data analysis ...... 45 3.10.1. Ongoing analysis ...... 46 3.11. Reliability and trustworthiness ...... 46 3.12. Ethics ...... 48 3.12.1. Potential dangers ...... 48 3.12.2. Strategies to maintain ethical standards ...... 49

CHAPTER 4. DATA ANALYSIS ...... 50 4.1. Introduction ...... 50 4.2. Description of participants ...... 50 4.3. Dissociative identity disorder (DID) ...... 53 4.4. Challenges experienced within the macro-system ...... 56 4.4.1. Normalisation of SRA ...... 57 4.4.2. Sense of belonging ...... 58 4.4.3. Threats and intimidation ...... 60 4.5. Motivators for seeking assistance ...... 62 4.5.1. The role of religion ...... 64 4.6. Factors hindering formal and informal assistance ...... 66 4.6.1. Church ...... 66 4.6.2. Family ...... 74 4.6.3. Friends ...... 75 4.6.4. Volunteers ...... 77 4.6.5. Therapists ...... 79 4.6.6. Psychiatrist ...... 81

4.6.7. Medical services ...... 85 4.6.8. Criminal justice system ...... 86 4.6.9. Legal fraternity ...... 88 4.6.10. Educational institutions ...... 89 4.6.11. Social workers ...... 90 4.6.12. Safe houses ...... 91 4.7. Motivating factors for seeking formal and informal assistance ...... 92 4.7.1. Churches ...... 92 4.7.2. Family ...... 94 4.7.3. Family of origin ...... 96 4.7.4. Friends ...... 97 4.7.5. Volunteers ...... 98 4.7.6. Therapist...... 100 4.7.7. Psychiatrists ...... 106 4.7.8. Medical services ...... 107 4.7.9. Criminal justice system ...... 108 4.7.10. Safe houses ...... 109 4.7.11. Educational institutions ...... 110 Advice from survivors to other survivors and helpers ...... 110 4.8. Advice to helpers ...... 110 4.9. Advice to other survivors ...... 112 4.10. Conclusion ...... 112

CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 114 5.1. Introduction ...... 114 5.2. Systems theory framework ...... 114 5.3. Macro-system ...... 116 5.4. Sub-system ...... 116 5.5. Supra-system ...... 116 5.6. Definitions ...... 117 5.7. Help-seeking ...... 118 5.7.1. Macro-system ...... 118 5.8. Motivators toward help-seeking...... 119 5.8.1. Family ...... 119 5.8.2. Friends ...... 120 5.8.3. Volunteers ...... 121 5.9. Formal supra-system ...... 122 5.9.1. Church ...... 122 5.9.2. Therapy ...... 124 5.9.3. Psychiatrists ...... 125 5.9.4. Medical services ...... 125 5.9.5. Criminal justice system (CJS) ...... 126 c

5.9.6. Safe houses ...... 127 5.9.7. Education system ...... 127 5.10. Conclusions ...... 127 5.11. Recommendations ...... 128 5.11.1. Formal supra-systems ...... 129 5.11.2. Informal supra-systems ...... 130 5.12. Future research ...... 130

REFERENCE LIST ...... 132

APPENDIX A ...... 140

APPENDIX B ...... 141

Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1. Introduction

This study focuses on the help-seeking experiences of people who were exposed to satanic ritual abuse (SRA) from childhood, and who were later diagnosed with dissociative identity disorder (DID). An ecological approach, considering the various systems a survivor may access, is utilised to understand the motivation behind and hindrances to help-seeking by survivors of SRA. This study aims to contribute to an improved understanding of the help- seeking experiences — from both formal services and social networks — of people who have been traumatised through SRA and, consequently, developed DID. It considers the different factors that impinge on help-seeking from various systems. The argument made in this thesis is that, if this marginalised group of people are to be meaningfully assisted, it is important to be cognisant of, and to consider, the extent to which formal and informal systems support survivors of SRA with DID, and what the facilitating factors and hindrances are to them obtaining help.

1.2. Goals and objectives

1.2.1. Goal

The goal of this study was to understand the experiences of survivors of SRA diagnosed with DID, when seeking help from formal services and informal support systems.

1.2.2. Objectives

 To understand when survivors decide to seek help from professional services and informal systems of support

 To discuss challenges faced by survivors while seeking assistance in dealing with SRA, in conjunction with DID

 To explore which aspects of help provided are responsive and beneficial to survivors.

1.3. Literature review

This section reviews literature that addresses general motivators for and barriers to help- seeking for SRA survivors living with DID. (Friesen, 1997; Oksana, 2001; Moore, 2005; Els & Jonker, 2000; Havinga, 2000).

DID is classified as a diagnosable mental disorder in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV). Survivors of SRA may be diagnosed with this condition as a result of trauma (Haddock, 2001). Both SRA and DID are complex phenomena that pose various challenges when seeking help (Victor, 1993; Haddock, 2001). Literature discussing the influence of various factors on a person’s decision to seek help, and the responses of formal and informal support systems is considered. These systems are aligned with the systemic and ecological approaches as described by Robbins, Chatterjee, & Canda (2010); and Van Niekerk & Prins (2001).

Moore (2005), a survivor of SRA, wrote an article regarding help-seeking experiences of survivors of SRA. She mentions factors that may hinder survivors of SRA from seeking help, which include: disbelief by helpers when conveying their narratives, and their disclosures being dismissed as fiction. In cases where they were believed, the helpers experienced fear after hearing about occult activities and then withdrew their help. Helpers also perceived the survivor’s involvement in the occult as a personal choice of the survivor and various assumptions were made about the person involved in these practices, which led to them being treated as not being worthy of compassion when seeking help (Moore, 2005; Els & Jonker, 2000).

Seeking help from medical and counselling systems presents further challenges to survivors, as they may have difficulty with disclosing information, as a result of dissociation and “forgetting the trauma” (Moore, 2005; Haddock, 2001). Critics (including psychologists, religious groups and members supporting the ‘The False Memory Syndrome Foundation’) are of the opinion that dissociative disorders are imagined and/or the survivor’s therapists prompted memories and delusions, resulting in survivors’ experiences being dismissed (Luhrmann, 2005; Victor, 1993). Others argue that people can, in fact, have the psychiatric ability to dissociate and such persons’ spiritual experience should not be excluded (Reisner,

1996). Furthermore, Oksana (2001) suggests that to facilitate assisting survivors, it is imperative that they feel believed, unconditionally accepted and their experiences validated.

Therapists dealing with SRA and DID have found the experience difficult, complicated and disturbing. Therapists confronted with this concept of evil have been traumatised, and have felt silenced and subjected to isolation by the professional community, resulting in their reluctance to assist survivors of SRA (Rudikoff, 1997).

Rituals performed in the occult often include rape (Havinga, 2000; Crause, 2005; Freisen, 1997; Oksana, 2001). Such rape victims are generally reluctant to seek help because of beliefs that formal social systems will not, or cannot help. They feel unworthy of services, owing to their involvement in these practices, and feel unsure whether formal systems will be able to protect them from their assailants. Survivors may fear that the very systems supposed to help them, may lead to their already existing emotional pain being intensified to such an extent that their current coping skills will be insufficient (Patterson, Greeson, & Campbell, 2009).

Survivors of SRA are often reluctant to utilise the legal system, owing to their involvement in illegal activities (such as killing, torture, and sacrificing of humans and animals). Since there is often no proof available, or witnesses willing to testify on their behalf, they rather remain silent, in order to avoid criminal conviction. In addition, court procedures require detailed recollection of their experiences, which is difficult for DID survivors. Moreover, their testimonies are often scrutinised, resulting in the re-traumatisation of the survivor (Moore, 2005; Havinga, 2000; Haddock, 2001).

Crause (2005) suggests that some of the motivating reasons for survivors of SRA leaving Satanism and seeking help in dealing with their trauma include increasingly high levels of distress, negative experiences and realising the true harmful nature of the satanic family. A transformation of their relationship with Satan takes place and they lose hope of possible freedom within Satanism. The possibility of positive experiences, as opposed to those being experienced within Satanism, motivates survivors to leave the occult.

Another important predictor for seeking help is the issue of social attitudes towards help- seeking. Generally, positive attitudes of friends and relatives towards psychiatry play an important role in the use of mental health services, especially where prospective users know of friends or relatives who have used these services (Greenley, Mechanic, & Cleary, 1987; Kakhnovets, 2011). However, negative social attitudes and stigma may be deterring factors in seeking help (Biddle, Donovan, Sharp, & Gunnel, 2007; Barney, Griffiths, & Christensen, 2005). It can, therefore, also be deduced that survivors’ knowledge, beliefs or attitude towards help-seeking may either motivate them towards, or deter them from seeking help.

The existence and responses of social support are important factors to consider when gaining an understanding of help-seeking. Referrals made by others — whether professionals or non-professionals — often motivate individuals to seek help, since, especially in some cases, individuals are unable to make decisions for themselves and are mandated to receive help (Morrel & Metzel, 2006). Social support is often considered to be a mediating relationship between stressful life events and psychological distress (Greenley, Mechanic, & Cleary, 1987). However, social isolation may also serve as a motivating basis for ultimately seeking help from various sources (Duterte, Bonomi, Kernic, Schiff, Thompson, & Frederick, 2008). Within the occult, participants are dissuaded from sharing psychological distress resulting from the abuse, which would impact on help-seeking and increase the isolation of survivors (Havinga, 2000; Oksana, 2001).

Psychological factors that may contribute towards SRA survivors not seeking help include fear, anxiety, low self-esteem and defence mechanisms (Havinga, 2000). Morrell and Metzl (2006) states that individuals with a sense of self-efficacy are more likely to seek help than those who feel that the events of their lives are out of control – which may also be true for SRA survivors. Fear, associated with past experiences, embarrassment, change or stigma are also barriers to seeking assistance (Morrell and Metzl, 2006).

Experiences with service providers that discourage help-seeking include: the client not being involved in decision-making; medical solutions provided without offering counselling; judgmental attitude by medical staff; emotionless counsellors; negative attitudes by receptionists; superficial clichés offered by the counsellor; and a perception created by the

4 therapist that counselling is done to address a need in the counsellor’s own life (Moore, 2005).

Moore (2005), a survivor of SRA, is of the opinion that professional systems are not adequately trained to recognise, or effectively work with survivors of SRA who have dissociated. She suggests that conceptual frameworks need to be developed to deal with survivors of SRA, and knowledge needs to be obtained regarding occult-related crimes and their impact on victims and professionals. Protocols should also be developed to ensure the safety of survivors, and professionals should be trained to deal with this type of trauma.

From the above, it is clear that many systems are involved in, and have an impact on the help-seeking process of survivors of SRA with DID. These factors, both positive and negative, are pertinent at the various systemic levels and, unless these factors are considered, various systems — both formal and informal — will continue to be deficient, or fail in helping survivors of SRA.

1.4. Description and justification of research methods

The research is exploratory descriptive, since it explores, and describes the help-seeking practices and experiences of survivors of SRA, since this is a seriously under-researched area. The researcher makes use of interviews with three survivors of SRA regarding their personal experiences of help-seeking. These in-depth, semi-structured interviews were recorded with a voice recorder. Due to the volatile nature of severely traumatised persons, especially those who have DID, the researcher interviewed survivors that had stabilised in therapy and were, therefore, able to recall past events (Haddock, 2001). It is important that the interviewee is involved in a therapeutic process and understands the diagnosis and nature of DID, since many people with DID (who have not yet sought help) do not know or understand the cause of the amnesia and do not have recollections of the trauma experienced.

Counsellors were, therefore, approached to suggest possible candidates who had a history of DID and had dealt with repressed memories (Havinga, 2000). Due to the complexity and sensitive nature of DID and SRA, only adults were considered for the research. The population of survivors of SRA who have DID and are in treatment, and are able to manage 5

DID is small and difficult to find. Due to the danger/threats from the coven, as well as their lack of trust, it is difficult to approach them personally, even if one could identify them. Sampling was, therefore, done through a therapist who had already established a trust relationship with survivors. The researcher made contact with therapists who had relevant experience in the field of SRA, as well as DID. The researcher then requested these therapists to identify and obtain permission from suitable client/s to participate in the research (refer to appendix A).

A letter explaining the nature of the research, addressing confidentiality, and requesting participation, was given to therapists. Once permission was obtained, the researcher met with the clients. The researcher met with each participant at least twice. The first meeting was aimed at meeting them, in order to develop trust, and the second meeting at conducting the interview. This was done to develop trust and explore issues more in depth. Due to the specificity of the research topic, sampling was non-probability and purposive. Self-selection was also utilised, in case those identified might choose not to participate (Neuman, 2000). This was, therefore, a volunteer sample.

Data analysis was conducted according to the methods described in De Vos, Strydom, Fouché, and Delport (2005). The researcher collected data by making use of a voice recorder and collating notes, which were reviewed several times to ensure accuracy. The researcher utilised various strategies, including writing memos; and generating categories, themes and patterns from the transcriptions. The researcher compared information from the different sources (participants and literature review), and made use of analytical thinking by coding the data, utilising colour-coding, Atlas.ti qualitative analysis and QDA Miner Lite software, which also helped to identify emergent themes. Once this process was complete and the researcher had gained a clearer understanding of the content, she finally compiled the report.

Interpretation of data was conducted as accurately as possible and was discussed with the supervisor to ensure rigour and dependability (Murphy & Yielder, 2009). To ensure rigour, the researcher made sure that the questions and the language used in the semi-structured questionnaires were uniform for all three respondents, and that replies had the same

6 meaning for all respondents. The researcher used thick descriptions in the data below to ensure that information was not lost (Mays & Pope, 1995).

1.5. Ethical considerations

The researcher did not contact the first three SRA survivors directly, due to trust and safety issues. She contacted therapists working in the field, who were asked to obtain permission from survivors of SRA to participate in the research. She did, however, contact the fourth participant directly following the recommendation and referral of one of the other participants. Her therapist is deceased and could not be contacted. She was willing to assist, is fully integrated and volunteers as a counsellor.

The researcher compiled a letter explaining the purpose of the research and inviting voluntary participation, stipulating that there would be no consequences in therapy, or otherwise, if they chose not to participate. Each participant was required to provide informed, written consent and was not required to provide their names, thereby ensuring anonymity. Pseudonyms are used in the write-up below, in findings and in the storage of information. One participant is not anonymous because she shares her experiences as a public speaker and also distributes her books in the public domain.

. The researcher implemented ethics of care based on the understanding that relationships are a response to another person, in their terms (Beauchamp and Childress, 2001). The researcher therefore attentively responded the participants’ narratives and their experiences by showing empathy where appropriate and being present. Furthermore,the interview was conducted in a safe, contained area of their choice and they could invite a third party they trusted.

1.6. Structure of study

The introduction creates a foundation for the study by stipulating the goal, which is to understand the experiences of survivors of SRA diagnosed with DID when seeking help from formal and informal support systems. The objectives of the study are: 1. to understand

7 when survivors decide to seek help from professional services and informal support systems; 2. to discuss challenges faced by survivors when seeking assistance with dealing with SRA, in conjunction with DID; and 3. to explore which aspects of help provided are responsive and beneficial to survivors. The theoretical framework, specifically the systemic framework used in the study, was established, followed by the description and justification of the research methods used and, finally, an explanation of the ethical considerations.

The literature review provides information regarding the systems theory and the reasoning for using it as the theoretical framework for this particular study. The systems theory is integrated with the literature review to provide a clearer understanding of how it interrelates with the survivors of SRA. Terms relevant to the study such as ‘ritual abuse’, ‘satanic ritual abuse’, ‘survivors of SRA’ and ‘multigenerational Satanism’ are defined. The types of abuse occurring within SRA, as well as help-seeking for SRA survivors, are discussed. The survivor’s belief system and how it is established is explored, followed by information pertaining to formal and informal helping systems.

The chapter on research methodology takes another look at the goals and objectives, and their relationship to the methodology is established. The research approach and purpose of the design and case study are discussed. The sampling, data-collection methods (interview schedule, framing and field notes) and pilot study methods are described. Data analysis methods, coding, ongoing analysis, reliability, trustworthiness and strategies to identify potential dangers and, subsequently, to maintain ethical standards are explained.

During the chapter on data analysis, each participant is described before giving a description of the challenges they experienced within the macro-system. These challenges include the normalisation of SRA, belonging, as well as threats and intimidation from the occult. The events leading to the participants seeking help are then explored. Factors facilitating and hindering help-seeking from formal and informal systems are recorded, and discussed in detail. The data analysis concludes with advice from the participants to other survivors and helpers.

Finally conclusions about help-seeking by the survivors of SRA are compiled and recommendations are listed, based on the information obtained from the study.

Chapter 2. Literature Review

2.1. Introduction

In this study, help-seeking by survivors of SRA is considered through the lens of systems theory. The systemic approach is valuable because it highlights the importance of developing a holistic and relational view of the survivor and their environment (Robbins et al., 2010; Van Niekerk, 2001). Through the systems theory lens, the contextual influences on the help-seeking strategies of survivors of SRA can be identified (Robbins et al., 2010). At the subsystem level, the physical, psychological and spiritual aspects of the person are explored. The macro-system incorporates the survivor’s worldview and belief systems. The manner in which these belief systems were moulded, affects help-seeking. The supra-system, which includes the formal (professional help) and informal (friends and family) systems, is also considered. In each of these systems, motivators for, and barriers to seeking help are considered.

In this chapter, the systems theory and how it relates to the research; relevant definitions; levels of SRA; and the effects of SRA on the survivor are reviewed. Furthermore information pertaining to help-seeking motivators and barriers is discussed. These sections form a foundation leading to the discussion of the motivators for, and barriers to help-seeking as experienced by survivors of SRA in this study, presented in chapter 4.

2.2. Systems theory

Systems theory promotes an understanding of the interactions between individuals, groups, organisations, communities and larger social systems, thereby contextualising human behaviour (Robbins et al., 2010). Social workers who utilise the systems theory understand the importance of viewing people in their environment, since dealing with social problems requires an understanding of the way in which individuals and structures impact each other (Robards & Gillespie, 2000).

This study explores the systems a survivor of SRA could potentially access for help. There are various systems forming part of the survivor’s ecosystem, as depicted in Diagram A in the

10 ecological model, namely the macro, supra and subsystems (Robbins et al., 2010). The subsystem, which is internal to the focal system, includes the survivor’s physical, cognitive, emotional and spiritual aspects (Robbins et al., 2010; Van Niekerk, 2001). Systems external to the survivor are referred to as the supra-system (Robbins et al., 2010). The supra-system can further be divided into two groups:

1. the formal system, such as schools, religious institutions, hospitals, support groups and the police 2. the informal system, of which family, friends and colleagues are an example (Pincus & Minahan, 1973).

The final system is called the macro-system. It includes the person’s culture and beliefs, and the society in which they were raised. The manner in which the survivor’s belief system is formed and shaped by the coven is discussed in Chapter 4.

Abuse impacts a survivor on all levels/systems of functioning. When the survivor seeks help from any resource, whether formal or informal, the person assisting them is referred to as the helper. During interaction with the survivor, the helper’s approach, attitude and beliefs pertaining to the survivor’s ecosystem (as impacted by Satanism), and different spheres of functioning are revealed. The helper’s methods, response to the survivor and knowledge regarding these systems inevitably affect the survivor’s view on help-seeking and, ultimately, their choice to continue with the helping process or not (Tyler, 1992).

Diagram A: The Systemic Framework (Pincus & Minahan, 1973; Robbins et al., 2010)

Systems theory provides the framework for exploring the various systems in a survivor’s life that could potentially be accessed for help. Simultaneously, it allows one to consider the intra-psychic factors that may affect help-seeking. The study considers how help-seeking is affected by the survivor’s subsystem, as well as the formal and informal facets forming part of the survivor’s supra-system. Each of the relevant areas is discussed below.

2.3. Definitions

Definitions of ritual abuse (RA), mind control, SRA, survivors and generational Satanists are provided below. It is important to define these terms at the outset to provide the reader with a context for this dissertation. The definitions below illustrate the nature, belief systems and practices of SRA, and provide insight into the world of a survivor of SRA.

2.3.1. Ritual abuse

Friesen (1994, p. 87) defines a ritual as a religious ceremony, a rite, or an act of worship carried out in a prescribed manner. Ritual abuse is any systematic pattern, practice or ceremonial abuse which is ongoing, brutal and methodical. Ritual abuse is committed by an individual or a group towards children (or adults who are emotionally and/or physically unable to resist or escape), and constitutes abuse of power, in order to harm and control the victim. Ritual abuse is about secrecy, power and total control (Oksana, 2001; De Young, 1997; Peach, 1997; Knight & Getzinger, 1994; Joubert, 1998). Ritual abuse is not restricted to Satanism.

Ritual abuse, in general, involves torture. It is a calculated effort on the part of the perpetrators to systematically brainwash victims through physical, sexual, psychological, emotional and spiritual abuse. Victims are often forced to engage in promiscuous and/or sadistic acts; sacrifices in which one or more persons is tortured and killed; cannibalism; pornography; drug abuse; and other provocative and cruel acts (Oksana, 2001; De Young, 1997; Peach, 1997; Knight & Getzinger, 1994; Joubert, 1998). Ritual abuse distorts a victim’s sense of self and reality, so that they feel personally responsible for the heinous acts of violence that are committed. The victims are trained to make and enact violent decisions, and to believe that the desire to behave in this way emanates from their own innate evil

(Knight & Getzinger, 1994). Therefore, victims are often unable to hold their perpetrators responsible, creating a potent barrier to help-seeking.

Through the use of mental coercion and physical torture, perpetrators aim to indoctrinate a person to respond in specific ways and hold specific beliefs, and to break the person’s spirit as part of RA . Ritual abuse is aimed at deepening the silence of the already powerless, the poor, the young, the innocent, the used, and the desperate (Knight & Getzinger, 1994). Perpetrators attempt to destroy basic human values and inculcate their own (distorted) belief system. They gain control of a victim’s thought processes and behaviour. Rituals usually include a strong fear response (Oksana, 2001; De Young, 1997; Peach, 1997; Knight & Getzinger, 1994; Joubert, 1998), and it is hard to break their controlling effect (Friesen, 1997).

2.3.2. Satanic ritual abuse (SRA)

In this section, the difference between SRA and RA is clarified. Satanism and SRA are defined, in order to create context regarding the participant’s belief systems and worldview. Examples and effects of the abuse are also described to explain how it affects survivors’ ability to seek assistance. SRA differs from other forms of abuse because the abusers are following prescribed ways of preparing children/victims for cult membership and receptiveness to Satan’s demands. Therefore, this form of abuse is directly linked to the religious/spiritual belief in Satan (Knight & Getzinger, 1994). SRA exhibits similar characteristics to RA. Hector (1990, p. 206) gives the following description of what SRA implies: “Satanic ritual abuse is the extreme physical, psycho-emotional, sexual and spiritual torture of an individual — often a child — by an organised cult which worships and serves Satan”.

Ivey (1993, p. 181) defines Satanism as a “Charismatic cult religion in which traditional Christian beliefs and liturgies are blasphemously inverted, and Satan worshipped as the sovereign deity”. The Satanic Bible defines Satanism as follows, “Satanism is a religion of the flesh, the mundane, the carnal, all of which are ruled by Satan, the personification of the left-hand path”. (LaVey, 1969, p. 52).

Like other charismatic religious movements, Satanism holds a codified, shared supernatural belief system; there is a sense of social cohesiveness; and divine power is exerted over the group or its leadership, which has a strong influence over members and their behavioural norms (Ivey, 1993). Friesen (1994, p. 87‒88) elaborates on the difference between RA and SRA by quoting the Ritual Abuse Task Force, Los Angeles County Commission for Women, which gives the following definition for SRA in a report (1994):

Ritual does not necessarily mean satanic. However, most survivors state that they were ritually abused as part of satanic worship for the purpose of indoctrinating them into satanic beliefs and practices.

SRA is more specific and extreme than RA. Physical, psycho-emotional, sexual and spiritual torture, often of children, occurs within an organised cult which worships and serves Satan (Hector, 1990). The purpose of the abuse is to indoctrinate a victim to ensure that they adopt satanic beliefs and practices (Peach, 1997). Indoctrination may include persecution by demons and those believed to control the demons, which in turn, creates a fear of the demonic. During this process, satanic rituals are completed with the purpose of attaching a particular demon or group of demons to the corresponding personality alter(s) formed during the process of dissociation (Patton, n.d.). Fear is used to intimidate, dominate and ultimately control (Peach, 1997; Els & Jonker, 2000). During these intimidation and initiation processes, various forms of abuse may occur.

Pulling and Cawthon (1992, p. 66) describe another facet of SRA as, “Repeated physical, emotional, mental and spiritual assaults combined with a systematic use of symbols, ceremonies and machinations designed and orchestrated to attain malevolent effect (to turn the victim against self, society and God)”. Jonker (2002) states that SRA is usually perpetrated in groups and has a threefold purpose: to indoctrinate the victim; to intimidate the victim into silence; and to call the integrity of the victim into question, as the nature of SRA appears unbelievable — thereby minimising the prosecution of violators.

In concurrence with the above, the Ritual Abuse Task Force, Los Angeles County Commission for Women, states in a report (1994), as cited in Friesen (1994),

The physical abuse is severe, the sexual abuse is usually painful and humiliating, intended to gain dominance over the victim. The psychological abuse is devastating and involves the use of ritual/indoctrination, which includes mind-control techniques and mind-altering drugs, and ritual/indoctrination which conveys to the victim a profound terror of the cult members and of the evil spirits they believe cult members can command. Both during and after the abuse, most victims are in a state of terror, mind-control and dissociation in which disclosure and subsequently help-seeking is exceedingly difficult.

Mind control helps explain the psychological barriers created to prevent the survivor of SRA from seeking help. Joubert (1998, p. 16) defines mind control as “a systematic process used to influence a person’s identity (thoughts, emotions and beliefs) and to form an identity in the person that conforms to the belief system and needs of the controller”. Havinga (2005) provides a brief history on mind control and programming, stating that mind control was formerly called “brainwashing’. Brainwashing was conceived by the Chinese during World War II. The Chinese used a form of water torture to force a person to forget or remember things. The pre-World War II German government also worked on methods of behavioural modification. Different countries became involved with psychological warfare plans and methods, and young recruits (children) were being brainwashed for political reasons. Often, these children were linked to military families and families with a history of abuse or generational Satanism. The purpose of mind control is to have control over people and to use them as slaves.

According to Morse (1996, p. 217, as cited in Jonker, 2002,p. 251), a psychologist specialising in dealing with children who were involved in the occult, psychic control is part of the Satanists’ strategy to gain control over their victims. He says, “If you have total control over a person’s environment for 24‒72 hours, you can take their personal feelings and personal choice away from them without them knowing it. You can get control of that person’s free choice.” The key of the control is to undermine the will of the person. Hector (1990) states that this systematic deconstruction of the victim’s personality is designed to destroy their faith, trust and hope. Such diabolical abuse is inflicted to take control (present and future) of the individual’s mind, body and soul, in order to gain supernatural power and demonstrate complete loyalty and obedience to Satan. 15

Boyd (1991, p. 81‒82) stipulates that mind control is achieved by means of an extensive system of brainwashing, programming, indoctrination and hypnosis, and the use of a variety of mind-altering or hallucinatory drugs. Programming is defined by Neswald, Gould and Graham-Costain (1991, p. 47) as follows,

... conditioned stimulus-response sequences consistent with basic learning theory. Such conditioning is achieved through a large variety of sophisticated and sadistic mind-control strategies involving the combined application of physical pain, double- bind coercion, psychological terror, and split brain stimulation. All programs are stimulus-sensate triggered.

From the above, it is evident that SRA is synonymous with physical, psychological, emotional, spiritual, social and sexual abuse.

2.3.3. Survivors of SRA

Survivorship, as described by various sources relating to different forms of abuse, and the reasoning behind referring to victims of abuse as survivors are explained below.

The concept of ‘victim’ should be reconstructed to that of someone who, despite being beaten down, still survives: battered women are active survivors, rather than helpless victims (Morrison, 2006). These women remain in abusive situations, not because they have been passive, but because they have tried to escape with no avail (Morrison, 2006). SRA survivors may remain involved in the occult, owing to failed attempts to escape.

A victim’s identity and how they experience and perceive themselves and the world are significantly influenced by abuse. These perceptions are formed through the lens of the victim, one who internalised blame for the abuse (Phillips & Daniluk, 2004). Once the abuse is externalised and responsibility for the abuse is disowned, the victim can acknowledge their personal strengths. This provides them with the ability to cope and survive the trauma. Consequently, a significant shift is made in the person’s identity as they move from being a victim to a survivor (Phillips & Daniluk, 2004).

Merrit-Gray and Wuest (1995) state that abused women are not passive victims. They counteract abuse by relinquishing parts of self, minimising abuse, and fortifying their

16 defences. They are survivors preparing to test exits during the process of breaking free from the abusers. This statement is also true for survivors of SRA, as they have managed to flee tumultuous situations with dire consequences.

Taking the nature of SRA and this definition into consideration, this study refers to victims of SRA as survivors, as they have survived more pain and abuse than most people even know exist (Havinga, 2000). From his experience with working with survivors, Friesen (1992, p. 11) opines, “Survivors are splendid people. They are more than survivors. They have grace … and power”.

In particular, survivors of SRA who were born into satanic families have endured abuse on all levels since infancy, in preparation for the coven, and they are referred to as multigenerational Satanists. This concept is elaborated upon in the next section to create context for the participants discussed in chapter 4.

2.3.4. Multigenerational Satanism

Satanists believe that people with generational satanic bloodlines have gained the most power and they are, therefore, described as ‘Satan’s elite’ (Springmeier, 1995). Survivors coming from multigenerational satanic families (bloodlines) are ostensibly programmed to fulfil their destiny as the chosen ones in the satanic community (Patton, n.d.).

The most extreme forms of SRA occur within families where multiple generations have been involved in Satanism. In these families, a child is likely to be exposed to torture from infancy (Havinga, 2001), in order to prepare them for their role in the occult. It is unlikely that they will escape their abusers and the occult, even as adults because of the family ties, social cohesion and indoctrination. Multigenerational occult families make every effort to appear ‘normal’ (Oksana, 2001). Many of these families are respected members of society, well educated and financially well off (Oksana, 2001), thereby making it hard to believe that such members of society can be involved in such criminal and heinous activities.

2.3.5. Children of survivors

The survivors’ children are often used as a tool to threaten or blackmail survivors, thereby greatly influencing their decision to seek help, as the survivor may fear losing a child as a result (Gallagher, 2001). Family life after the occult may prove challenging, as the survivor’s children are also threatened or targeted. For example, social functioning often becomes a struggle for children growing up with survivor parents. Due to their history, such parents tend to be overprotective, as they fear the child might be harmed. In many cases, agency workers such as social workers have reported concerns regarding children of SRA survivors, since survivors either claimed their children had been abused by occult members, or were at risk of being abused (Gallagher, 2001). Furthermore, Gallagher (2001) states that survivors report that threats from occult members include rape and abduction and, in some cases, they are ordered to bring the child to a ritual ceremony.

Children exposed to SRA need to be protected and social workers are major role-players in such cases. They can offer protection to the child, support to the survivor (parent) and involve other role-players, such as police and counsellors, where needed (Gallagher, 2001). To better understand the survivors of SRA and their fears that their children might be exposed to the same abuse, the extremity and severity of SRA is briefly depicted below.

In conclusion, SRA entails all the same elements as RA, including physical, psychological, emotional, sexual, social and spiritual abuse. The main difference is that SRA is considered more extreme and the focus is to worship Satan. It is because of this extreme abuse that members who do escape the occult are referred to as survivors and not labelled as victims. Survivors born into multigenerational Satanist families are exposed to these extreme forms of abuse from infancy. This has a severe impact on their overall functioning within their macro, supra and subsystems and is a strong deterrent to help-seeking. Furthermore, the survivors fear for the safety of their own children, as they are often pursued by occult members. The above definitions provide a foundation for SRA. More specific types of abuse are depicted below.

2.4. Types of abuse occurring within SRA

Extreme forms of physical torture occur within the occult (Friesen, 1994; Jonker, 2002; Pulling & Cawthon, 1992). Physical abuse is used to inflict physical and psychological pain (Patton, n.d; Peach, 1997; Oksana, 2001; De Young, 1997). The types of physical abuse prevalent in SRA may include bondage; forced drug ingestion; blood-drinking; cannibalism; human and animal sacrifices; exposure to hunger and thirst; isolation; confinement in small places, often filled with body parts; electrocution of the scalp, genitals or anus; or contamination through smearing with, and forced ingestion of blood, faeces and urine (De Young, 1994; Els & Jonker, 2000; Havinga, 2000; Peach, 1997).

Different forms of sexual abuse also take place, including rape (hetero and homosexual), bestiality, and rape with objects. Moreover, participation in sex orgies is required and sometimes forced (Havinga, 2000). One of the rituals entails a victim being tied to a corpse with rigor mortis and having to endure forced genital penetration (Havinga, 2000). Physical abuse often has severe psychological effects on the victim.

The psychological effects of the physical trauma include post-traumatic stress disorders (PTSD), dissociative disorders, low self-esteem, fear, phobias, depression and anxiety (Coleman, 1994). Mind control is used to numb emotions and to control the victim’s choice- making ability (Els & Jonker, 2001). Through psychological abuse, victims are conditioned to become dependent and subservient to the coven (Havinga, 2000; Oksana, 2001). Oksana (2001, p. 73) states,

Cult conditioning uses traumatic learning in order to indoctrinate a person into a negative, destructive view of themselves and others. The ritualistic abuse is predetermined, intense and continuously aimed at overriding a victim’s basic drives/instincts and aimed at destroying his/her sense of self and as a result redefines their self-concept to suit the purpose of the occult.

This extreme abuse, in turn, forces a victim to dissociate, ‘split’ or create alter personalities — resulting in DID (Crause, 2005; Coleman, 1993; De Young, 1997; Els & Jonker, 2001; Friesen, 1991; Havinga, 2000; Peach, 1997; Oksana, 2001; Zoslocki, 1994). The researcher elaborates on DID later in the chapter. 19

In addition to physical, emotional, sexual and psychological abuse, the coven utilises strong social abuse techniques. The survivors experience social abuse, as the coven has mastered the art of establishing a sense of security and belonging, while normalising SRA. Thereby, the coven has created a double bind. Ivey (1993) expands on this concept, stating,

Satanism shares, with all other charismatic religious movements, the following characteristics: 1. a codified shared supernatural belief system; 2. a high level of social cohesiveness; 3. strong influence over members by the group’s behavioural norms; 4. the imputation of charismatic or divine power to the group or its leadership.

Yalom & Leszcz (2005, p. 57) state, “Membership, acceptance and approval in various groups are of utmost importance in the individual’s developmental sequence.” Since these social aspects of SRA are present, survivors may feel ambivalent towards leaving, as the occult provides a place of belonging, yet simultaneously prevents relationships with people outside of the occult.

The purpose of social abuse is to isolate the victim from broader society, controlling their social environment and creating dependence on the occult. Abuse may occur in the form of social isolation, which in turn, creates a powerful hold over a victim and protects the coven’s secrecy (Oksana, 2001). Their lack of a social connection outside the coven creates a barrier to help-seeking, as it may prevent the survivor from disclosing abuse (Oksana, 2001), should they decide at a later stage to leave the occult.

In cases where people choose to join the occult – in other words, they were not born into multigenerational satanic families – they are often angry, frustrated, feel alienated and are searching for a positive role-model and good parenting (Els & Jonker, 2001). They are, therefore, drawn to the social cohesion and sense of belonging provided by the occult. Furthermore, rejection experienced at home often results in rebellion, and such a person may find Satanism an attractive option for expressing frustration and anger (Crause, 2005). Often, there are damaged father-child relationships and the person may initially accept Satan’s projection as a father figure and, thereby, identify with Satanism (Crause, 2005). In addition, these young people who feel rejected may have few or no friends, leading them to

20 feel isolated and worthless. Such experiences may leave victims confused about their identity, which in turn, makes them a vulnerable target for Satanism. Satanism, therefore, offers a place where they are (initially) accepted and cared for, and feeds into their need to belong somewhere (Crause, 2005).

After survivors depart from the coven, they often have no friends or relatives to turn to. Some covens threaten to harm, or kill friends or family members of victims, unless they comply with their expectations (Havinga, 2000), thereby complicating help-seeking and finding support outside of the occult.

From the above, it is apparent that extreme physical and psychological abuse results in psychological problems later in life. The dependence on the occult and the forced isolation cause the survivor to struggle with building trusting relationships, and prevent them from reaching out to family and peers for help. Finally, spiritual abuse is used to create mistrust in other spiritual helpers and to intimidate the survivor into submission. All the above forms of abuse negatively impact on the survivor and their motivation for seeking help.

2.5. Help-seeking for SRA survivors

One needs to take into account the reasons why the survivor might leave the occult to correctly facilitate the necessary helping resources. Factors influencing their decision may include negative experiences suffered at the hands of Satanism (Crause, 2005). The pain experienced on the physical, psychological and social levels may create a yearning for possible freedom, which in turn, motivates a survivor to seek help (Crause, 2005).

If a successful helping system is to be in place, every area of a survivor’s experience within the occult needs to be considered within the systemic framework. The various elements need to be taken into account, as some aspects in the survivor’s subsystems, supra-systems and macro-systems may be very specific to SRA. The survivor’s subsystem (physical, psychological and spiritual) needs to be addressed holistically and, therefore, various helping resources are required. One also needs to consider how the supra-system (informal and formal systems) might be more effective in providing help for SRA survivors, so that help-seeking is more effective. Hence, a multidisciplinary response would be important.

It is, however, unclear whether the various service providers are even aware of, and understand SRA individually. For these services to be equipped to provide help to SRA survivors, it is imperative that they understand SRA and acknowledge its existence and the specific nature of its manifestations. This literature review, therefore, considers the role of possible external factors that can facilitate or hinder help-seeking from formal systems (such as medical services, counsellors, mental health practitioners, the criminal justice system (CJS), safe-housing, educational institutions and churches), as well as informal systems (friends and family).

One shouldn’t always assume that the survivor is resistant to seeking help. In general, “people seeking help may be weighing up ‘when’ to seek help, rather than asking ‘if’ they need it. They may be attempting to ‘normalise’ their emotions/situation first, rather than seeking help, thereby accommodating their problems rather than seeking to resolve them” (Biddle, Donovan, Sharp, & Gunnel, 2007). By the time survivors seek help, it can be assumed that they have considered potential consequences and realise the gravity of their decision. Van Benschoten (1990, p. 24) describes the difficulty survivors have accessing help, due to disbelief.

The issue of credibility is the first hurdle professionals and the public must confront when dealing with DID patients' reports of SRA. Survivors' accounts reveal activities which are not only criminal, but deliberately and brutally sadistic almost beyond belief. The very nature of the atrocities which survivors describe challenges their believability by the public, the legal system, the clergy, and the psychotherapeutic community. DID patients’ reports of SRA have yet to be substantiated, and the lack of corroborating evidence compounds the disbelief.

Therefore, the process of help-seeking is complex and considered thoroughly before assistance is sought. This is particularly true in SRA because they can be construed as crazy, and alienated as a result.

Morrel & Metzl (2006) mention a number of external barriers that may negatively influence the process of seeking help. These include long waiting lists at helping institutions; inconvenient hours regarding availability for appointments; inaccessible helping systems;

22 and lack of anonymity, due to public waiting rooms and obtaining referrals from necessary parties to receive the assistance needed. Some survivors might struggle to afford therapy and medical aids do not always provide funding for dealing with mental health issues. Information regarding where to find relevant help is not available to the public (Moore, 2005; Morrel & Metzl, 2006). Other barriers to help-seeking include: public and self- stigmatising attitudes to mental illness; concerns of what the helper might think of the person seeking help; lack of accessibility; time consumption; transport and cost (Gulliver, Griffiths, & Christensen, 2010; Biddle, Donovan, Sharp, & Gunnel, 2007; Barney, Griffiths, & Christensen, 2005). Although these hindrances apply to help-seeking, in general, the difficulties in accessing these resources are relevant to SRA survivors, owing to the covert nature of SRA, social isolation, threats and its controversial nature.

Before discussing help-seeking motivators and barriers within specific formal and informal supra-systems, the survivor’s macro-system, specifically their spiritual belief system, is examined. As they were exposed to mind control, torture and indoctrination, this examination aims to provide context regarding the survivor’s worldview and belief system prior to seeking help. The survivor’s perceptions of human nature, themselves, good, evil and spirituality may influence their choices regarding how to go about seeking help.

2.6. Macro-system

2.6.1. Spiritual belief systems

In this section, spirituality is defined, as well as the role it plays in assisting or preventing survivors of SRA from seeking help. Aspects of SRA are considered spiritual in nature, and it is, therefore, important to incorporate the survivor’s spiritual wellbeing into the helping process (Peach, 1997; Ongna, 1994). Moreover, in view of the fact that the church represents Christianity and is, therefore, fundamentally opposed to SRA, the church will also be discussed. Spirituality is defined in many different ways. The American Heritage Dictionary (1981) defines spirituality as, “The state, or fact of being spiritual”. Spiritual is defined as, “1. of, or relating to, consisting of, or having the nature of spirit; not tangible or material; 2. of, concerned with, or affecting the soul; 3. of, from, or pertaining to God; 4. of, or belonging to a church or religion, ecclesiastical; sacred”. Grimm, as cited in Ongna (1994,

23 p. 22), terms spirituality as, “a personal search or desire to be in a relationship with God or a transcendent being”. Spirituality is an inner experience of the sacred and living out that experience in life (Thompson, 1994); and is a unique, personally meaningful experience (Hinterkopf, 1998). Peach (1997, p. 10) describes spirituality as a holy place where God is made known, the place where human beings discover each other in love.

Although Satanism may also be considered to be a form of spirituality, the main difference between Satanism and the various definitions above is that spirituality focuses on personal, positive, meaningful and loving aspects, whereas Satanism utilises indoctrination, abuse and breaking people, in order to obtain power and control over them. Spirituality and the corruption of it plays a huge role in the purpose of SRA. Spirituality provides a person with a sense of inner strength and harmony, which springs forth from having a connection with something greater than ourselves (Peach, 1997). A person with healthy spirituality might be described as having a positive ‘soul-esteem’ (Oksana, 2001).

The corruption of spirituality and the development of an alternative, anti-Christian spiritual identity are aimed at destroying a person’s ‘soul-esteem’ by manipulating the victim’s experience of the supernatural and perverting religious beliefs. Satanism is antagonistic towards and particularly opposed to Christianity. It aims to turn people away from Jesus Christ and the Christian church. As a result, children may grow into adults with deeply wounded self-esteem and damaged spirituality (Oksana, 2001). This corruption of spirituality forms a significant part of Satanism and leads to the common practice of activities such as voodoo and black magic. Numerous beliefs surrounding the supernatural exist (Peach, 1997), including believing in Satan, demons, angels, astral planes and astral projection (Havinga, 2000). The road to recovery is challenging and fraught with hardships because of the torture, indoctrination, control and threats from the occult, as well as the fear of not being believed and being labelled as crazy. As a result, many survivors give up prematurely (Els & Jonker, 2000).

Many SRA survivors report encounters with ‘helpers’, ‘angels’, ‘white light’ and ‘Jesus’ when experiencing difficult times (Peach, 1997). During these encounters, an overwhelming sense of safety, comfort and love is experienced (Peach, 1997; Oksana, 2001). This plays a crucial role in survivors deciding to seek help from churches, and often gives them a spiritual

24 foundation. It leads to a relationship with God, which is needed on their road to healing. SRA is targeted against future acceptance of Christianity. In some cases, victims are raped with Christian objects, in order to create a false perception of Jesus Christ and Christianity (Peach, 1997). This, in turn, may prevent a victim from seeking help from Christian institutions. Some religious fundamentalists are of the opinion that spirituality within SRA is an obscene reversal of that which is sacred (De Young, 1994). Various supernatural themes occur within the occult: voodoo, black magic, invoking demons and ESP (extrasensory perception) are all practised as part of the rituals (Friesen, 1991; Peach, 1997).

Therefore, SRA survivors fear spiritual/supernatural retaliation from the occult. Many survivors of SRA are conflicted and confused by the concept of good and evil, since they, especially multigenerational Satanists, are forced to attend both Christian and satanic ceremonies. The purpose of this is to create confusion and distrust of religious leaders (Coleman, 1984), which prevents them from seeking help from the Church.

Cases of demonic oppression of survivors of SRA were reported, creating further challenges to seeking assistance. Demonisation or possession is a reality to those who are involved in the occult. In order to clarify the demonisation concept, Ivey (1993) discusses demonic possession and its diagnostic status.

The chief symptomatic complication reported by those Satanists who leave, or attempt to leave the cult, is experiencing demonic possession. Many early civilisations made a distinction between mental illness and possession, thus suggesting a fairly sophisticated appreciation of possession by an autonomous entity. Demonic possession is not formally recognised as an official diagnostic category in the DSM-III(R). However, we in South Africa are confronting many self-proclaimed Satanists who describe having been possessed. The symptoms attributed to demonic possession are real, whether or not one accepts or rejects the notion of a supernatural cause.

Demons enter during rituals performed at coven meetings and, at times, they may exert control over the person’s thoughts and behaviour. The need for spiritual intervention or

25 exorcism is required to free the person from this demonic possession (Friesen, 1991; Els & Jonker, 2000; Holinger, 1980). It is necessary to replace the bad with the good.

Survivors encounter many obstacles to spiritual freedom, owing to fear of Satan and the power he holds over them. Pfeifer (2000) suggests that spiritual attributions call for spiritual interventions while also addressing psychological, social and biological aspects of a person perceived to be demonically possessed. Survivors find solace in prayer, confession, Communion, blessings, imagery, prophecy and deliverance or exorcism. Hammond and Hammond (1992) suggest seven steps to dealing with SRA within the spiritual domain. Firstly, honesty with oneself and God; secondly, humility by recognising one’s dependence on God and His provision for deliverance; thirdly, repentance and turning away from sin and Satan; fourthly, renunciation by making a clean break with Satan and his works; fifthly, forgiveness: as God freely forgives all who confess their sin, He expects us to forgive all who have wronged us; sixthly, prayer and asking God to deliver us and set us free in the name of Jesus; and, lastly, fighting the darkness. Spiritual support, experiences of wellbeing and connectedness to people within the spiritual (or at times, religious) community of prayer and worship are crucial to their healing (Haddock, 2001, p. 11).

2.7. Sub-System

Dissociation is a creative way of keeping the unacceptable experiences of SRA out of sight. DID is a way for the internal system to protect secrets, and allow the person to continually adapt and survive in the environment (Haddock, 2001). Many survivors separate themselves from their emotions and, therefore, lack the skills to deal with certain emotions and memories (Haddock, 2001). The therapist needs to understand how DID develops, the purpose of DID and what to expect when dealing with DID patients, in order to render effective help and to ensure that the survivor feels accepted and understood. Misdiagnosis is a barrier to survivors in the helping process, as it may lead to ineffective treatment and incorrect labelling of a survivor. Many therapists are reluctant to diagnose DID because memories of SRA may only surface during the later stages of therapy (Coleman, 1994). These memories do not all surface at once, but over time, thereby making it difficult to obtain chronological information. Therapists may conclude that a survivor’s account of the abuse is untruthful, resulting in misdiagnosis. Examples of misdiagnoses include borderline

26 personality disorder, mood disorders, anxiety disorders and epilepsy, before DID is considered (Coleman, 1994). It is important to note that dissociation is a by-product of programming, which is discussed next.

Programming instilled by the occult is a purposive barrier to help-seeking. Based on definitions earlier in the chapter, it is apparent that forms of mind control through programming, indoctrination and torture form an integral part of SRA. Psychological abuse to a member of the occult is devastating. Through intimidation and threats from the occult, evil spirits are commanded by occult members and this leads to profound terror in the survivor (Brick, n.d.). Both during and after the abuse, most survivors are in a state of terror, which makes disclosure exceedingly difficult.

Hammond and Hammond (1992) discuss possible programs that are ‘installed’ in survivors in many different layers, each with a different purpose, for example, sexual, suicidal (i.e. 'self-destructing'), ritual and 'psychic killing' programs, as well as built-in shutdown codes, among others. Occult members make use of conditioned learning, which induces involuntary ‘switching’ of internal self-states of the survivor, i.e. another personality takes control of the body, owing to the DID. Other programs cause the survivor to ‘blank out’, or to self-harm when exposed to certain triggers, such as jargon familiar to therapists. Fear and reluctance to trust people are also instilled through programming (Havinga, 2000; Oksana, 1994).

These programs are common among survivors of SRA and make the helping process exceedingly difficult. Unless the therapist is aware of the existence of programming, the helping process may be seriously incapacitated and the survivor harmed. Survivors are often programmed to kill themselves, if they ever reveal information about specific rituals and/or the organisational structure and leadership within the occult (Knight & Getzinger, 1994).

Fear is a central aspect used by the occult and also serves as an obstacle to survivors seeking help (Els & Jonker, 2000; Moore, 2005). Survivors are indoctrinated with fear and they fear retaliation from the occult, should they seek help. Since the basis of therapy is self- disclosure, many survivors are reluctant to participate. Survivors seeking help may fear mistreatment and coercion by therapists (Vogel, Wester, & Larson, 2007), as well as being

27 judged, misunderstood, perceived as crazy, or treated with disbelief (Moore, 2005). In addition to fear, people with a low self-esteem may consider themselves incompetent, inadequate or inferior to others when admitting that they need help and, consequently, avoid seeking help altogether (Vogel et al., 2007). Since survivors often struggle with low self-worth, they may avoid seeking help.

SRA is characterised by sexual abuse: the barriers to rape victims seeking help as mentioned by Patterson, Greeson, and Campbell (2009) may also apply to survivors of RA. They found that survivors: 1. anticipated that the system would or could not help, or would psychologically harm them and; 2. therefore, avoided seeking assistance to protect themselves from getting hurt, as a result of this potential rejection; 3. believed seeking help might intensify painful feelings caused by the rape and that helping systems may exacerbate their emotional pain to unmanageable levels; 4. feared assailants would seek revenge; 5. anticipated not being believed by formal systems, as well as being blamed for the rape, lack of caring and interrogation.

Some of the issues battered women face when leaving may also be true for SRA survivors. For example, ending the relationship may create the need to fight for custody, to obtain a job, or to find housing, transportation, childcare or other resources previously available while in the relationship (Rasool, 2012). While they are in the occult, the survivors’ physical and emotional needs (warped as the concept may seem) are met to a certain degree. The fear of losing what they have, as well as the threats posed for leaving, may be enough to prevent help-seeking.

However, the psychological distress and associated symptoms, such as depression, anxiety, dissociation and low self-worth common among survivors of SRA may motivate the survivor to seek mental health services (Greenley, Mechanic, & Cleary, 1987; Havinga, 2000; Perrin & Parrot, 1993; Svensson, Nyga, Sørensen, Inger, & Sandanger, 2009).

A person’s self-concept has a strong influence on help-seeking, acting either as a motivator or a barrier (Morrell & Metzl, 2006). Studies show that individuals with a sense of self- efficacy seek help more often than those who feel overwhelmed by events in their lives (Morrell & Metzl, 2006). Individuals who communicate openly and directly with others have

28 an independent sense of self, and utilise a direct approach to coping with problems, thereby finding it easier to seek help. People with individual selves are more content to express their need for psychological help (Koydemir-Özden, 2010.) Similarly, those who experience positive adjustment to life after a traumatic event may possess a general optimistic and positive outlook on life. Therefore, these individuals interpret the support they receive more positively and remember receiving affirmative reactions more vividly (Updegraff & Marshall, 2005). The responses of people approached by survivors for help may determine their attitude towards help-seeking and further engagement in the helping process.

2.8. Formal Supra-Systems

2.8.1. Therapists

Once the survivor has decided to seek help, the next challenge is finding a suitable therapist. This in itself is an obstacle, as many therapists do not believe in the existence of Satanism (Rudikoff, 1997). In addition, critics such as the founders of the False Memory Syndrome (FMS) Foundation (Perrin & Parrot, 1993; Victor, 1993; Reisner, 1996) consider survivors to be highly suggestible or subject to memory distortions, which causes them to respond to the influence of the therapist’s bias, resulting in the therapist creating ‘false memories’ through suggestion. Therefore, therapists in the mental health community may be reluctant to assist survivors, in order to protect their professional reputation. In some cases, therapists have found working with survivors of SRA difficult, complicated and disturbing. Confrontation with the concept of such evil, has left many therapists traumatised (Rudikoff, 1997). These therapists have felt silenced and have been subject to professional isolation following their experiences (Rudikoff, 1997), thereby making it more difficult for the survivor to find a therapist willing to assist them.

The therapist’s response to a survivor’s disclosure of SRA is crucial, as it could determine the survivor’s willingness to engage in therapy. It is important that survivors are believed and their experiences validated, in order for them to feel unconditionally accepted (Oksana, 1994). Finding a suitable therapist is crucial and a survivor has to consider all options before choosing. Ideally, survivors should choose therapists who have experience in treating clients

29 with post-traumatic reactions and dissociative disorders, as well as a general understanding of SRA (Havinga, 2000).

Apprehension regarding therapists has emanated from doubts about the ability of the therapist to provide help, reservations about their credibility, and whether the therapist was known to the help-seeker. Concerns about confidentiality and trust, related to fear that confidentiality may be breached, resulting in stigma and embarrassment, were noted (Gulliver, Griffiths, & Christensen, 2010).

Various factors motivate survivors to engage in therapy. For example, once the survivor is attending therapy, they feel more supported if the therapist encourages them to function autonomously, while the therapist takes up a mentoring role. The therapist must be willing to undergo regular self-assessment and function in a way that is an example to the survivor (Oksana, 2001). When the therapist informs clients of what is expected of them during the therapeutic process, clients are more likely to engage in therapy. They feel understood and safe in the particular environment when therapists provide stability and set appropriate challenges (Morrel & Metzl, 2006). Therapeutic obstacles should be discussed openly with the survivor (Friesen, 1997).

Clients who are not included in decision-making are resistant to seeking further therapeutic assistance. In cases where medication was prescribed without counselling and there were judgmental attitudes from staff, even negative approaches from receptionists, the result was a negative attitude toward help-seeking (Mearns, 1994). Furthermore, some therapists came across as emotionless or emotionally detached, making clients feel more vulnerable and uncertain about themselves (Moore, 2005). Superficial clichés used by counsellors resulted in clients questioning the counsellor’s competence (Mearns, 1994). In cases of SRA, Oksana (2001) suggests that it is important for the therapist to remain positive, hopeful, caring and emotionally supportive.

Considering that spirituality forms an integral part of the survivor’s belief system, it should also form part of the therapeutic process. When working with SRA survivors, helpers are often aware of the survivor’s psychiatric condition, but do not often take into account spiritual issues (Reisner, 1996). Therapists may benefit from educational training in

30 spirituality and need to acknowledge the role of spirituality in assisting survivors with SRA (Ongna, 1999). Tan (2007) indicates that prayer and scripture may be ethically and effectively used in Christian Cognitive Behavioural Therapy, especially when explicit integration is appropriate in the therapy and clients have provided informed consent for such an approach to be taken. The effects of prayer and spiritual understanding can be observed, and clients are advised on how they can use scripture and worship in a manner helpful to them (Willard, 1996).

Other formal systems such as the CJS, schools, safe houses and medical institutions are all possible resources which the survivor may access for assistance. These institutions are discussed next, starting with the CJS.

2.8.2. Criminal justice system (CJS)

Many challenges exist that prevent the survivor of SRA from utilising the CJS. These include intimidation by the coven; re-traumatisation; fear of prosecution; witnesses unwilling to testify; and threats to legal personnel who become involved with these cases (Havinga, 2000; Moore, 2005). Legal professionals involved with survivors are often targeted, traduced and threatened with legal action, resulting in lawyers being unwilling to deal with, or represent survivors of SRA. Survivors are subsequently failed by the CJS, even when evidence is available (Moore, 2005).

Many survivors believe the CJS is unequipped to protect them from the coven (Patterson, Greeson, & Campbell, 2009). Coven members often intimidate or threaten survivors, resulting in criminal cases not being concluded, owing to charges against the accused being eventually dropped. Pressing charges, or reporting crime seldom leads to arrests being made, leaving survivors vulnerable to retaliation from the coven (Gallagher, 2001). The motivation for committing the crime determines whether it is satanic, occult or ritualistic. (Lanning, 1992). It is not a crime to worship Satan. However, Satanists may be prosecuted for illegal activities which allegedly take place during during satanic rituals. (Els & Jonker, 2000; Havinga, 2000). These illegal activities include killing, torture and the sacrifice of humans and animals (Els & Jonker, 2000). Lanning (1992) defines a satanic murder as “one committed by two or more individuals who rationally plan the crime and whose primary

31 motivation is to fulfil a prescribed satanic ritual calling for the murder”. As an expression of their beliefs, many cults do not only worship Satan, but also participate in criminal activity (De Young, 1994). Due to survivors’ own involvement in these activities, they often avoid the legal system for fear of possible prosecution. A South African Police Service (hereafter referred to as the SAPS) memorandum, dated August 2012, announces that the SAPS definition of occult-related crime has been simplified to "crime that relates to, or emanates primarily from an ostensible belief in the supernatural that formed a driving force in the forming, planning and execution of a crime”. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Satanic_panic_(South_Africa) However, the scope of occult- related ‘crime’ that may be investigated has been expanded to include:

 witchcraft-related offences, including black magic, witch-finding and witch-purging

 traditional healers involved in criminal activities rooted in the occult

 curses intended to cause harm

 the practice of voodoo intended to cause harm

 vampirism and joint infringement of the Human Tissues Act

 harmful cult behaviour that infringes on the rights of members of the movement

 spiritual intimidation, including astral coercion

 vandalism/graffiti, leaving evidence that the motive is occult-related

 suicide, leaving evidence of occult involvement

 ritualistic abuse in a cult setting

 allegations of rape by a tokoloshe spirit

 animal mutilation and sacrifice, leaving evidence of occult involvement

 murder/human sacrifice, leaving evidence of occult involvement

 interpretation of occult ‘signatures’ and paraphernalia at a crime scene 32

 poltergeist phenomena (unexplained activities by paranormal disruptive entities).

— SAPS, Investigation of Harmful Occult-related Crimes: Investigation Support Capacity (2012); https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Satanic_panic_(South_Africa)

Another common obstacle in prosecuting SRA perpetrators is finding witnesses willing to testify against them (Moore, 2005). In one reported example, a survivor believed she would not be considered a credible witness, as she feared being deemed psychologically unstable, following the effects of the abuse. During cross-examination, lawyers often re-traumatise survivors and, as a result, many feel victimised by the CJS (Moore, 2005) and are, therefore, unwilling to use the resources that may be available within this system.

The survivor’s view of the CJS may be influenced by childhood experiences. Perceptions exist that children often exaggerate and are not always truthful, thereby influencing how the CJS responds to SRA-related cases (Gallagher, 2001; Havinga, 2000; Zoslocki, 1994). Certain behavioural patterns in children are unique to SRA and can be used to identify possible victims (Gallagher, 2001). Even when such behaviours are evident, convincing professionals, such as child protection case professionals, lawyers and social workers, that the child’s testimony is truthful is not always that easy. The child survivor is often deemed too young, too traumatised or too unbelievable to competently testify in court. As a result, many cases are withdrawn, or not tried properly. Interviews held with the child victim are scrutinised and often deemed impermissible evidence. Reasons include leading questions and the child’s high level of suggestibility (De Young, 1997). Correct training and proper protocols regarding SRA and working with children will enhance the CJS’s ability to effectively deal with such cases (Moore, 2005).

Attending therapy has helped survivors engage with the CJS and has proved to motivate co- operation with the CJS. Mental health services add perspective, and give recognition to research and treatment regarding trauma resulting from crime (O’Brien, 2010).

2.8.3. Educational institutions

Teachers are key role-players in identifying possible SRA victims, as they are likely to observe concerning behaviour, signs/symptoms of SRA and interaction with peers —

33 provided they can identify these symptoms. Since teachers are in regular contact with learners, they have the opportunity to build relationships with them and can, therefore, intervene, if SRA is suspected (Zoloski, 1994). Adolescents generally consider it vitally important to have a good relationship with the helper, for example, the school counsellor, before engaging in any form of intervention. Therefore, help-seeking is more probable when the adolescent trusts the helper (Wilson & Deane, 2001).

Adolescence is a critical developmental phase, where the adolescent’s identity develops, and their peers inevitably affect the outcome of their decision to seek help (Louw, Van Ede, & Louw, 1998). Adolescents who are usually mature and independent, and possess decision- making capabilities, may be affected by depression and then attribute behavioural changes to personal flaws, rather than to mental health problems and, therefore, do not seek assistance from resources within the education system. (Frojd, Marttunen, Pelkonen, Von Der Pahlen, & Kaltiala-Heino, 2007).

Frojd et al. (2007) are of the opinion that access to services is not sufficient to ensure adequate intervention for adolescents with emotional problems. Parents, teachers and other adults should not leave them alone to cope with mental health problems (Frojd et al., 2007). An encouraging word and support from a friend can often make the difference between a survivor seeking help from professionals or not.

2.8.4. Medical services

Healthcare workers are often first to come into contact with survivors of SRA. Similarities exist between SRA survivors and survivors of domestic abuse, with regard to seeking assistance from medical professionals for the consequences of abuse. Healthcare providers, therefore, play a critical role in the detection, intervention and prevention of abuse. Rasool (2012) states that, due to a lack of knowledge of the role that these professionals play in helping victims of domestic violence, or their actual experience of inappropriate responses by professionals, victims are not appropriately assistance. Medical professionals’ identification of domestic violence and referral of abused women to social services for further assistance are fundamental to helping women escape domestic violence. The importance of recognising SRA is as vital to assisting victims of SRA as recognising symptoms

34 of domestic abuse is to helping abused women. Unfortunately, there are no protocols or procedures in place, or shelters available to sufficiently meet the specific needs of SRA survivors.

Owing to the physically violent nature of SRA, survivors often need medical attention. In most cases, survivors are bombarded with unwanted questions pertaining to injuries and, sometimes, they are referred to in-patient mental health institutions, as the injuries often appear to be self-inflicted (Havinga, 2001). This, in turn, creates resistance to seeking medical help and a fear of further unwanted exposure. This is particularly relevant to survivors who have left the coven and are in danger of suffering physical retaliation as a result.

Injuries resulting from SRA are often dealt with internally by other members of the coven. Utilising medical services outside the coven is not encouraged (Havinga, 2001). Not much literature is available regarding coven members’ use of medical institutions. When considering these cases, the need for informed medical staff and medical care pertaining to SRA becomes apparent. However, there is no safe residence for the survivor to return to after medical treatment has been sought, which creates a major obstacle to leaving the coven.

2.8.5. Safe houses

Currently, there are no safe houses in South Africa where survivors of SRA can reside free from intimidation and potential harm (Havinga, 2000). Professional systems are not adequately trained to recognise, or effectively work with survivors of SRA (Moore, 2005). Ideally, within these safe houses, survivors should reside with people who understand SRA and are educated regarding the reality of Satanism and the psycho-emotional, spiritual and safety consequences (Havinga, 2000).

Due to the lack of formal resources that acknowledge and can deal with SRA effectively, survivors often have to rely on their informal supra-system, namely family and/or friends, in facilitating help-seeking. The role of the survivor’s informal system is discussed below.

2.9. Informal supra-system

2.9.1. Friends and family

Social support forms part of the survivor’s informal supra-system and includes family, friends, colleagues and acquaintances. Greenley, Mechanic, and Cleary (1987) consider social support to be a “mediating relationship between stressful life events and psychological distress”. This is particularly important for survivors of SRA, who need help adjusting to life outside the coven (Havinga, 2000). A higher sense of connectedness to significant others is also predictive of positive attitudes towards professional help-seeking (Koydemir-Özden, 2010). An important link exists between the use of informal networks by women in domestic abuse relationships and the extent to which they utilise formal services (Rasool, 2012). This may also be applicable to survivors of RA, as friends and family play a vitally important role in any person’s life and their influence can affect a person’s choice to seek out help.

SRA survivors struggle to make their own decisions and referrals made by others can motivate them to seek help (Morrell & Metzl, 2006). Friends and relatives who show a positive attitude and support towards helping resources can encourage SRA survivors to seek assistance. This is especially true in cases where prospective users know of friends or relatives who have used such services (Greenley, Mechanic, & Cleary, 1987; Kakhnovets, 2011). However, negative attitudes and stigma, including self-stigma and perceived stigma, may deter individuals from seeking help (Biddle, Donovan, Sharp, & Gunnel, 2007; Barney, Griffiths, & Christensen, 2005). According to Koydemir-Özden (2010), both perceived social support from family and perceived social support from friends have positive associations with help-seeking attitudes. Friends and family providing referral information on relevant helpers encourages the person to seek help. The coping mechanisms of the person seeking help are enhanced when they are assisted in building a social network.

Interestingly, in cases of SRA, a lack of informal support may also persuade individuals to seek out formal support (Duterte et al., 2008). This is particularly true of survivors of SRA because of the social isolation they have been exposed to. Their social networks are usually minimal, which makes looking for support in formal systems more likely. People with a

36 relational sense of self have a positive attitude toward relationships and are more comfortable with expressing emotion. Such people are more likely to relate to helping systems (Koydemir-Özden, 2010). Owing to the nature of SRA, however, a lack of trust is common among survivors. Therefore, they choose not to share emotions or memories of traumatic events, especially with their informal networks. These networks are less likely to understand their circumstances, or will make them return, if they are part of the coven. Moreover, vows of secrecy were made during involvement in the occult. It is, therefore, unlikely that survivors would form any relationships, especially with those who may be able to help them in social circles (Havinga, 2000).

2.10. Conclusion

Survivors of SRA are subjected to restrained help-rendering services, owing to the controversial nature of SRA, and resistance from various formal and informal helping systems. The nature of SRA and its effects on a survivor are severe and traumatising on a physical, psychological, spiritual and social level. SRA involves severe physical, psychological, emotional, sexual and spiritual abuse, aimed at breaking the will of the survivor, programming them with the ideals of the occult, instilling fear, and causing dissociation to ensure seeking help and healing are increasingly challenging. SRA impacts every system of the survivor and assistance is required on various levels of functioning (physical, psychological, emotional and spiritual). Subsequently, help-seeking experiences at various formal supra-systems (churches, the CJS, educational institutions, safe houses, and medical and mental health services) and informal supra-systems (friends and family) are explored. There are also institutional factors that inhibit or motivate a survivor to seek help. Therefore, this research will be conducted from a systems theory perspective. In this dissertation, factors within the macro-system, supra-system and subsystem that influence help-seeking for SRA are also uncovered through a systems approach.

Chapter 3. Methodology

3.1. Introduction

The research conducted was qualitative in nature and was comprised of case studies. A purposive sampling approach was used because survivors of SRA are so difficult to locate, as discussed below. The interviews conducted were in-depth and semi-structured to attain depth of information. A thematic, data analysis process was employed, which is also articulated below. Finally, this chapter includes ethical considerations that were applied in the study.

3.2. Goals and objectives

Goal: To explore and describe the experiences of survivors of SRA when seeking help from formal and informal support systems.

The objectives of the study were:

 to understand the factors that motivate survivors of SRA to seek help from formal and informal systems

 to explore challenges faced by survivors while seeking assistance in dealing with SRA

 to describe which aspects of help provided are responsive and beneficial to survivors

 to formulate recommendations for social workers who come in contact with survivors of SRA.

3.3. Research approach

A qualitative research approach was used, since the purpose of the research was to gain an understanding of a particular phenomenon (De Vos et al., 2005), namely the help-seeking experiences of survivors of SRA. The epistemological roots of qualitative research are in phenomenology. The purpose of the study was to construct descriptions of the survivors’ reality by utilising inductive logic (De Vos et al., 2005). The survivors’ natural language was

38 used, in order to gain a genuine understanding of their world. The unit of analysis for qualitative research is holistic and focuses on the relationships between elements (De Vos et al., 2005). Therefore, it presented a comprehensive view of how the various systems of the survivor interrelate, the influence of this interrelation on the survivor and how these factors then impact help-seeking.

The research was exploratory and descriptive in nature. It was exploratory, as help-seeking experiences by SRA survivors had not been studied previously. The descriptive nature of the research was evident through the pictures painted using the survivors’ words when describing their experiences (Neuman, 2000).

3.4. Research design

Research design refers to the decisions the researcher makes when planning the study. The researcher made use of a qualitative research design, which was suitable for the research goal because the researcher tries to capture and discover the meaning of the data provided by the participants (Neuman, 2000). Thereby including the following elements mentioned: strategies, methods, traditions of enquiry and the approach used (De Vos et al., 2005). If a study contains more than a single case then a multiple-case study is required. Multiple case studies examine several cases to understand the similarities and differences between cases (Baxter & Jack, 2008: 550). Yin (2003:47) describes how multiple case studies can be used to either, “(a) predicts similar results (a literal replication) or (b) predicts contrasting results but for predictable reasons (a theoretical replication).”Four participants were identified based on their experiences with SRA. These participants were receiving help and it was therefore ascertained that they had sought help, the researcher predicted that they may provide similar as well as contrasting information during their interviews. The multiple case study designed allowed for comparisons to be made providing a more comprehensive overview of collected data.The evidence created from multi-case design is considered robust and reliable, but is also time consuming (Baxter & Jack, 2008).

3.5. Purpose of the design

The purpose of this research design was to provide authentic interpretations of the information provided by the participant, as it was sensitive to the specific social context of the survivor of SRA. A multiple case study enabled the researcher to explore differences within and between cases. Comparisons were drawn to show similarities where they existed across but also to highlight contrasting experiences that emerge. Hence the multiple case studies enabled the researcher to explore differences within and between cases (Campbell & Ahrens, 1998). “Upon uncovering a significant finding from a single interview, the research goal would be to replicate findings by conducting three more interviews” (Yin, 2003:47).Therefore, it had to provide meaning immersed in the information and to identify themes, motives and generalisations within the survivor’s help-seeking context.

3.6. Phenomenology

The researcher made use of the phenomenological approach, which is aimed at understanding and interpreting the meaning that subjects give to their everyday lives (De Vos, et al., 2005). It was used to describe the meaning of experiences of survivors of SRA, as three separate participants were interviewed. This approach allowed for the review of the particularity and complexity of the cases presented, with regard to experiencing SRA (Stake, 1995). Generalisations are not a goal of qualitative research. However, the researcher thought that some common themes might emerge from comparisons between the descriptive information from the various participants.

The research design followed a non-linear path, as it proceeded in a circular, back-and-forth manner because the information was collected, reviewed and compared (Neuman, 2000). Subsequently, follow-up interviews were conducted to add to the depth of the existing content. Therefore, a non-linear approach was utilised, as concepts and data were adapted according to newly obtained information.

3.7. Research population/sampling

Purposive sampling was utilised in this study because the population of SRA survivors is small, and difficult to find and access. Purposive sampling was chosen because of the specific elements and characteristics representative of the SRA survivor population (De Vos et al., 2005). The participant had to be a survivor of SRA who had been attending therapy for at least a period of one year and was still continuing with therapy.

Since it is difficult to reach this population, the researcher contacted experts (the therapist) in the field to identify potential participants (Neuman, 2000). The participants were established in counselling, and sampling was done through their therapists, who had already established a trust relationship with them. The researcher contacted therapists who had relevant experience in the field of SRA. The therapists identified suitable client/s and obtained permission from them before participation in the research. A letter explaining the nature of the research, addressing confidentiality and anonymity, and requesting participation, was given to the therapists. Therapists were asked to identify participants who were in advanced therapy and would be able to participate adequately in the interviews. The therapist provided the researcher with names and contact details of potential participants after he discussed the research with them and they gave him permission to provide the researcher with their particulars. Interviews were set up in a place that was suitable for participants to ensure safety. Only women volunteered, although gender was not specified in the criteria.

Following interviews with the three identified participants, the research was of the opinion that she required more in-depth information. One participant referred the researcher to another survivor whom she had met through a mutual therapist. This therapist had, however, passed away and permission could, therefore, not be obtained from him. Hence, snowballing was also used. The researcher contacted the survivor, who was fully integrated and recovered from DID, and was prepared to be interviewed. Her profile differed from the other participants because she had not been involved in the occult herself, but experienced SRA while in hospital. Finally, Abby, one of the participants, provided the researcher with a book she had published about her life story and granted the researcher permission to utilise the experiences recorded therein. She was also a public speaker and her life story could also

41 be accessed via the internet. The researcher preferred to use her book (Thalith, 2008) as it read like a journal of her thoughts and feelings, and provided more depth to the interviews.

As a result of the complexity and sensitive nature of SRA, only adults were considered for the research. In the end, the researcher was only able to access four participants, due to the sensitive nature of this subject and difficulties in finding participants. However, the purpose of the research was not to generalise, but to gain a deeper understanding of the experiences of survivors of SRA, which are out of the ordinary and difficult to research.

3.8. Data-collection methods

The researcher made use of in-depth, semi-structured interviews, in order to gain a detailed picture of the survivors’ accounts of help-seeking. This allowed the researcher and participants more flexibility, and created the opportunity for the researcher to follow up interesting points (De Vos et al., 2005).

3.8.1. Interview schedule

Once permission was obtained, the researcher met with the participants. One interviews were conducted with each participant. The semi-structured interview was used to explore the particular topic (experience of help-seeking by SRA survivors). The researcher decided to use the interview schedule, as it guided the interview, instead of dictating it, thereby allowing for flexibility and exploration of issues.

The purpose of the interview was to gain insight into the participants’ experiences of help- seeking. A semi-structured interview was utilised. Semi-structured interviews are beneficial when researching a controversial or complex issue. The less structure in the interview, the more insightful the linkages are which are made (De Vos et al., 2005). The researcher was responsive towards the participants to reassure them that she was listening and interested in what they had to say (De Vos et al., 2005).

The researcher allowed sufficient time for the interview, in order to build a relationship with the participant and facilitate further probing and exploration of issues (De Vos et al., 2005). The first interview was used as the pilot study and only lasted 25 minutes. This interview,

42 was, however, conducted with the participant who gave her book to the researcher, so the researcher already had all the background information she needed. The interview with the second participant lasted one hour and 18 minutes; the interview with the third participant, 50 minutes, and the final interview with the fourth participant, one hour and 13 minutes. Probing questions were formulated deductively from the systemic themes highlighted in the literature review. Please refer to Appendix B for an example of the interview schedule. The researcher explored the motivators for seeking help and the survivors were then asked to describe positive and negative experiences. These experiences included seeking help from various services, as well as the responses by the people or organisations they approached for help.

Open-ended questions were utilised in the interview schedule. These questions were structured from general to specific topics. The researcher enquired about actual events and experiences before asking questions relating to the feelings or opinions of the survivor. The semi-structured interview allowed the researcher to return to key points as the interview progressed. The researcher made use of probing, paraphrasing, clarification and reflective techniques to gather information, and to confirm that she had a proper understanding of the information provided (De Vos et al., 2005).

The researcher applied the ethics of care by incorporating the elements thereof, as stipulated by Tronto (2005), namely; “1. Attentiveness, because care requires recognition of others' needs in order to respond to them. 2. Responsibility to take it upon herself to care. 3. Responsiveness, attempting to understand vulnerability and inequality by understanding what has been expressed by those in the vulnerable position”.

The researcher remained attentive and illustrated responsiveness (Tronto, 2005) while conducting the interview by monitoring the effects of the questions on the participant and, whenever the participant appeared uncomfortable, the researcher would ask whether they were comfortable answering the question and set their minds at ease. The researcher reassured them by emphasising the fact that the participant was not obligated to answer any questions that caused discomfort. If the participant stated that they were comfortable with the question, but their body language indicated otherwise, the researcher would deflect towards a different, more superficial question. The interview was concluded with a

43 general question to ensure that the emotional atmosphere was lifted and the participant relaxed before the interview was ended. Instead of just focusing on the content of the interview, the researcher focused on the process (non-verbal cues: how the participant behaved and how she said things) to add to the depth of the interview (De Vos et al., 2005).

The researcher requested a quiet place to sit and talk, where they would not be interrupted, and that was safe and suitable for the participant. This is very important for interviews with SRA survivors, in particular, since there is always a potential threat to their safety. Upon arrival, the researcher adjusted the seating arrangements to ensure that they were conducive to interaction and observation. The researcher faced the participant and was able to engage. She made use of non-verbal communication, for example, eye contact, nodding and leaning forward. She could also clearly observe the participant’s verbal and non-verbal cues. The seats were not placed too close to each other, so as not to invade the participant’s personal space, but close enough for clear communication and for the voice recorders to record both voices. Each of the participants was informed that they could bring someone along who they trusted to offer moral support and assist with notes, if required. Two of the four participants’ partners were in the nearby vicinity, but did not sit in during the interview. The other two participants were comfortable to be interviewed without anyone else present.

3.8.2. Field notes

Field notes were made by the researcher immediately after each interview. The researcher jotted down her impressions and the sequence of events. When thinking of things that were said, the researcher made her observations into the recorder, which she kept with her throughout the day to ensure that no information was lost. 0bservations and interpretations of the information and interview were noted. Observations and interpretations were made separately to avoid confusion and misinformation. Finally, the researcher also noted her own emotions, preconceptions, expectations and prejudices to prevent any bias from influencing the research, and to discuss with her supervisor later, where necessary. This was done as an accountability tool to enhance reflexivity (De Vos et al., 2005).

3.9. Pilot study

A pilot study was conducted to ascertain the efficacy of the interview schedule and the communication of the researcher. The pilot study assisted with identifying potential problems in the interview process.

Another objective of the pilot study was to establish a protocol for the interview process (De Vos et al., 2005). The pilot study was conducted in an informal manner with one survivor of SRA with similar characteristics than those required for participants of the formal investigation. The pilot study helped to ensure that an appropriate line of questioning was established. It also assisted with determining which information obtained from the participant was relevant, thereby directing the researcher to focus on specific areas that were unclear.

The questions for the interview were tested and the necessary modifications made to enhance user-friendliness. Subsequently, the researcher could also improve the manner in which she communicated with participants. The estimated time needed for conducting the interview was also ascertained.

Potential problems, such as where to place the voice recorders, were identified. The pilot study helped the researcher to ascertain the type of responses and level of openness to expect from other participants. The researcher was pleasantly surprised by the willingness of the participant in the pilot study to share her experiences and by her positive response to the researcher.. Despite this warm reaction, however, it became apparent, at times, that they were uncomfortable discussing details of the actual abuse. Upon perceiving this, the researcher steered the questions to less intrusive topics pertaining to help-seeking.

3.10. Data analysis

Data analysis was conducted according to the methods described in Creswell (1998), De Vos et al. (2005), and Krueger (1994). The researcher utilised various methods based on the work of these authors, including writing memos; generating categories, themes and patterns; making use of analytical thinking by coding the data; testing emergent understanding; and, finally, compiling the report.

3.10.1. Ongoing analysis

The researcher listened to the interviews on the voice recorder several times, to obtain a general ‘sense’ of them, referred to the notes she made during the interviews and read through the transcripts numerous times before starting with the data analysis. As she became familiar with the information, the researcher made notes to herself while re- reading and listening to the interviews (Creswell, 1998; De Vos et al., 2005). The researcher then added the notes she made in the margin while conducting the interview. All these notes were later linked to the literature review and the events as described by the participants’ experiences. As interviews were being transcribed, the researcher wrote reflective passages alongside relevant information. Themes were noted and highlighted for further exploration, once the transcriptions of all the interviews were completed. Deductive content analysis was used from the literature review (De Vos et al., 2005). Specific themes, categories, patterns and codes were identified and, subsequently, coding categories were developed and connections made by making use of systematic procedures of the tradition of enquiry. These categories were compartmentalised according to the various themes that correlated with the systems theory that was used as a framework for this study, namely the macro supra and subsystems of the survivors, as well as factors that either motivated or hindered help-seeking. The data was contextualised within the literature framework. The researcher then ascertained which information had been omitted and performed a revision of the data. Once this process was completed, these themes were further explored during the follow-up interviews, and information gathered according to these groups/categories (Creswell, 1998; Krueger, 1994).

The same procedure was followed after the second interview with the participants. Once all the above steps had been completed, the researcher reduced the information, according to the relevant codes; built a logical chain of evidence; displayed the data, making use of diagrams/tables; and described the comparisons and contrasts of the data.

3.11. Reliability and trustworthiness

The reliability and trustworthiness of the research were ensured by incorporating the following factors, as stipulated in Lincoln and Guba (1985): prolonged engagement;

46 triangulation; member checking; peer debriefing; referential adequacy and dependability. These factors are discussed in greater detail below.

Prolonged engagement: By conducting more than one interview and respecting the participants’ boundaries at all times, the researcher was able to build trust. Confidentiality was assured on a continuous basis and pseudonyms used to protect their true identities. (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Member checking: The participants were informed that member checking could be carried out, which subsequently took place. Not all the participants made use of this option. The information provided by the participant and the researcher’s interpretation were shown to individual participants who wanted to make use of member checking. They checked it and confirmed that it had been correctly interpreted and represented by the researcher (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). This was done to prevent faulty interpretation of the information and to further engage with the participant.

Peer debriefing: The researcher maintained regular contact with her supervisor to debrief, when necessary. Interpretation of data was done as accurately as possible and discussed with the supervisor to ensure rigour and dependability (Murphy & Yielder, 2009). Moreover, since all the participants, except the last one, were in therapy at the time of the interviews, they had the support they needed to explore issues that might have emerged from the interview. For the participant that was not in counselling, she had access to a therapist if she felt the need to speak with one.

Referential adequacy: Interpretations were tested against raw data and all the raw data, i.e. voice recordings, was kept to ensure that information was not lost (Mays & Pope, 1995). Long descriptions of data were utilised in the data chapters to ensure trustworthiness. To further ensure referential adequacy, an audit trail, reflections, notes to self, instrument development information, methodology notes, summaries, data reconstruction, and a structure of categories and findings were kept, and are available to anyone who should request them.

Dependability: This was fostered by describing methodology consistently and in detail. The various steps taken to conduct the study were explained clearly and carried out accordingly.

All evidence was kept of the interviews and work. The uniqueness of the human situation was emphasised and the process regularly examined to ensure that there was no over- generalisation or loss of the value of each individual participant’s narrative and experiences (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

3.12. Ethics

3.12.1. Potential dangers

Survivors of SRA have experienced severe physical, psychological, sexual and spiritual abuse. Risk factors pertinent to this statement, as well as this study, include the possibility of the interviewee being ‘triggered’ during questioning. In other words, they may be reminded of the abuse and respond with abreactions or intense emotion.

Participants had support to explore these issues, since they were in therapy at the time of the interview. The fourth participant had completed her therapeutic process and no longer dissociated, she was comfortable sharing information pertaining to her help-seeking experiences. However, the researcher, who is also a social worker, made suggestions to participants on what to explore when she felt that certain issues needed to be examined further with their therapists.

Lack of trust and fear of other people are often characteristic of SRA survivors, as a result of years of intimidation and threats. Consequently, survivors may easily question the motives of the researcher, or feel vulnerable during an interview. They may fear being labelled, or judged by the researcher and, subsequently, have concerns regarding victimisation. They may also fear that their anonymity would not be guaranteed. The researcher explained that the purpose of the research was to obtain information pertaining to their help-seeking experiences and would not focus on the SRA. Furthermore, the researcher reassured all participants that, if there was information they did not want to disclose, they were under no obligation to do so. If there was any information provided during the interview that they did not want to be included in the research paper, they could contact the researcher and she would ensure that the information was removed.

3.12.2. Strategies to maintain ethical standards

Sampling was done by contacting the therapists, as described above, because they already had a relationship of trust with survivors. The criteria were that survivors had to have been involved in therapy for a minimum period of one year and had to be stabilised within the therapeutic context, to minimise the possibility of strong reactions to triggers. Only adults were interviewed because younger participants were considered a vulnerable group by the researcher, as the timeline from the abuse to therapy would be too short (De Vos et al., 2005).

The purpose of the research was explained and the survivor could choose whether or not to participate, thereby giving the survivor the power of choice regarding whether they wanted to engage in a research relationship or not. The researcher developed a letter to explain the purpose of the research and invite voluntary participation, stipulating that there would be no consequences in therapy for non-participation (see appendix B). The letter explaining the research stipulated that the survivor could have a trusted person accompanying them during the interview. This was done to ensure that the survivor did not feel threatened by the researcher. No questions were asked pertaining to abuse experienced in the occult: only general background information was taken and the rest of the questions focused on help- seeking. The researcher reassured the participant that they did not have to answer questions they were not comfortable with and the researcher requested that they communicate any discomfort they might have, to her.

Each participant had to provide informed written consent and confidentiality was ensured, except for the participant who was already a public figure and had published a book pertaining to her involvement in the occult and SRA. A pseudonym was used in all findings and storage of information (De Vos et al., 2005).

The participants were informed that member checking (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) would be carried out, in order to prevent flawed interpretations of the information.

Chapter 4. Data Analysis

4.1. Introduction

The help-seeking experiences of SRA survivors are explored in this chapter, utilising the system’s theory as a framework for analysis. The ecosystem’s approach was deemed appropriate, since it highlights the importance of developing a holistic and relational view of the survivors and their environment (Robbins et al., 2010; Van Niekerk, 2001). The indoctrination, torture and abuse described in Chapter 2 contributed to the survivors’ perception of themselves and the world around them. The impact the abuse had on them affected them psychologically, spiritually, emotionally, physically and relationally, as well as their worldviews — all forming part of the survivor’s macro-system, supra-system and subsystem. The macro-system focuses on the survivor’s belief systems and the culture in which they were raised; the supra-system is comprised of formal and informal helping resources; and the subsystem concentrates on the physical, psychological and spiritual aspects. The formal systems include churches, mental health professionals, therapists, medical staff, police services and CJS, while the informal systems level focuses on the survivor’s family of origin, current family and friends (Pincus & Minahan, 1973).

This chapter, firstly, presents a description of participants who were interviewed. Secondly, an analysis of the content of the interviews is provided, utilising the systems theory lens to uncover the contextual influences that hindered help-seeking by survivors of SRA (Robbins et al., 2010). Thirdly, the motivators that contributed to seeking assistance are considered at various levels in their systemic framework. Fourthly, the difficulties encountered in accessing various systems are described. Fifthly, the instances of help received are recounted. Finally, words of motivation from the participants to other survivors, as well as advice to people assisting SRA survivors, are presented with a summary of the key issues raised in the chapter.

4.2. Description of participants

This section presents biographical and background data of the four participants, who were all white females in their thirties. Unfortunately, the researcher does not have any 50 knowledge of, or access to survivors of other races, ages or religions in which SRA occurs. Three of these participants (Abby, Cindy and Debbie) have been exposed to SRA since infancy through the involvement of family members in the occult. The fourth participant fell victim to SRA by strangers while in hospital. Although the context of her abuse was different, the consequences of the abuse and her experiences pertaining to help-seeking are similar. Each participant had their own distinctive aspects that facilitated and hindered help- seeking. Next, there is an introduction to the background of each participant.

Abby

Abby’s stepfather introduced her to the occult and, subsequently, SRA when she was an infant. She left the coven approximately 15 years ago following a life-changing encounter with a pastor. She has seen a number of therapists over the years. Abby is 34 years old. She currently works as an author, motivational speaker and counsellor, providing hope to other survivors of SRA.

Abby married her second husband in 2010. Her two children, both from her first marriage, are aged eight and 13. The children live with their father, whom she divorced, owing to his indiscretions and emotional abuse during their marriage. He was a pastor of a church.

Cindy

Cindy is in her early thirties and resides with her partner of some 10 years. Her partner has two children from a previous marriage who reside with them. She has no children of her own. They co-own a business in the entertainment industry.

Cindy was dedicated to Satan before birth and underwent SRA from infancy. Her mother was involved in the occult, and most of the abuse was performed by her mother and stepfather. They also promoted abuse by other coven members. Although her biological father, who she visits occasionally, was not involved in the occult, Cindy believes he was aware of her exposure to sexual abuse. He nonetheless remained passive and uninvolved.

Cindy continues attending therapy and is of the opinion that she has improved dramatically since her departure from the coven more than a decade ago.

Debbie

Debbie never married and does not have any children. She resides with her parents on a farm. Her family provides her physical and basic needs. Both her parents are Christians and have never been involved in the occult. Her grandfather and cousin were the perpetrators that exposed her to SRA since infancy. After being involved in therapy for 12 years, she indicates that there has been great improvement. Yet, she remains cognisant of challenges she still faces, which will be elaborated upon later in the chapter.

Charmaine

Charmaine has been married for the past 18 years and has a son of 13. Unlike the three other participants, Charmaine was never actively involved in the occult, nor her parents. She describes herself as always having been ‘a radical Christian’. She suspects that her grandmother was involved in the occult, but has no supportive evidence. She believes it is because of her grandmother that she was targeted for SRA.

Charmaine was victim to SRA when admitted to hospital for frequent back operations. Many of the hospital staff members were involved in the occult and would perform rituals honouring Satan, which included physical harm, humiliation and sexual abuse while witnessing sacrifices. She did not name the hospital, but did mention that it had closed down. Due to amnesia caused by the trauma, she never reported the abuse when it occurred.

She only sought assistance, once the repressed SRA memories surfaced and she became fully aware of what had transpired. Charmaine reports that she has dealt with the trauma in therapy and her dissociative alter personalities have fully integrated.

All the participants were diagnosed with DID. Next, the researcher describes DID, how it is created and the impact it has on the survivor. DID is discussed early in the chapter, as it has a significant impact on various aspects (systems) of the participants’ help-seeking.

4.3. Dissociative identity disorder (DID)

The DSM IV – TR (2002) defines DID as “the presence of two or more distinct personality states recurrently taking control of the person’s behaviour”. DID is a consequence of SRA, mind control and programming (for further discussion on DID, refer to chapter 2). The role of DID as a facilitating factor, and the hindrances to help-seeking are discussed below.

In many cases, DID was purposefully induced by the coven to complicate the help-seeking process. The participants’ descriptions of DID provide some insight into their internal world. Before explaining how participants describe DID and how it was induced by the coven, a brief overview of how DID operates is presented.

Research indicates that a person may dissociate when exposed to severe, continuous trauma at a young age (Haddock, 2001; Oksana, 2001; Havinga, 2000; Joubert, 1998). Dissociation and multiplicity are coping mechanisms that help the traumatised survivor to function as normally as possible (Oksana, 2001). This is achieved when the memory or emotion that is directly associated with a trauma is encapsulated or separated from the conscious self (Haddock, 2001, p. 11). In addition to traumatic events, survivors also split off their most vulnerable parts for safe-keeping (Oksana, 2001, p. 139). DID is further described in Chapter 2. All the participants were diagnosed with DID: Abby, Cindy and Debbie are still in therapy, while Charmaine is fully integrated and no longer requires the DID to cope.

Common alter personalities found in survivors are different for each individual, but do share common patterns or functions, for example:

 the innocent child — this is the child the other parts are protecting, and conceptualises innocence  young or pre-verbal alters — this aged alter usually relates to the chronological age at which the abuse took place and does not age. They play a vital role in re- associating memories later in therapy  the host — this part maintains day-to-day functioning, usually after the abuse has stopped, and often manages other parts

 the inner-self helpers — they are acquainted with the other parts and co-operate with the therapist to find information, or assist with solutions to problems  special purpose alters — a cook, a student, a mimic pretending to be other parts to hinder therapy  spiritual parts — specially gifted and talented personalities, for example, artists, musicians  cult family personalities — the abusers, condemning and critical, prostitutes, addicts or reminders of specific members within the occult  protectors — alters who hold a child’s rage at being abused and may be mean, strong and violent, in order to protect the vulnerable parts, often manifesting as animals such as wolves or lions  maintainers — keep cult messages and dogma active inside the survivors. They also enforce cult commands, such as preventing the survivor from attending therapy, attempting suicide, or causing havoc during therapy sessions. They were created and function under conditions of extreme duress (Haddock, 2001; Oksana, 2001; Friesen, 1992; Havinga, 2001). DID was experienced during the interview process when participants referred to themselves in the plural, using ‘us’ or ‘we’. So, in some cases, the researcher was interviewing alter personalities. During Debbie’s interview, she referred to her mother as ‘her’ mother as opposed to ‘my’ mother, thereby indicating that I was interviewing one of the alter personalities and not the core person. Based on the information this part provided, the researcher made the assumption that it was the ‘host’ personality alter, as she was aware of the other parts, the abuse and daily functioning. This did not affect the interview, as she came across as ‘normal’, intelligent and articulate. The researcher, therefore, continued as planned.

The participants’ dissociation and multiple parts are directly related to how the trauma is ‘stored’: different parts take control of the body to ensure that they can accomplish normal, day-to-day functions. During Debbie’s interview, it became apparent that I was talking to one of the alter personalities, who described her (their) functions as follows,

Well, Debbie's (school) marks didn't vary much. She always did well because it was her dream to be a doctor, so, somehow, we were able to let her carry on with that without interruption … we were under strain and stress to keep things ok for Debbie to perform. On the other hand, it was flippen scary too: knowing that our coping mechanisms are not working as they should and that we are actually failing at our job and letting someone else see that there is something wrong.

The alter personalities were formed by the participants as a coping mechanism, which was aimed at helping them to continue with everyday functions, so that they could continue ‘keeping up appearances’. In the above quote, one of the alter personalities expressed her distress with maintaining the appearance that everything was ‘ok’. The stress was becoming overwhelming and influencing her ability to carry out her function as normal. Her function was to ensure that other people did not notice anything wrong with Debbie and, subsequently, did not pry into their lives.

Thalith (2008, p. 7) also expressed how her alter personalities were critical to her survival and, hence, she was appreciative of their existence. She states, “I never saw my multiplicity as a burden, but a gift.” Furthermore, she adds, “My life consisted of quite a few lives. I’ll treasure the memory of them forever, for they made survival possible” (Thalith, 2008, p. 64).Hence, without the alternate personalities, participants felt that surviving SRA would be impossible.

The separation of the traumatic memories from Abby’s consciousness caused amnesia and she did not recall the traumatic events, which allowed her to function normally. Debbie and Thalith’s views concur, as they state that their personality alters carried the traumas which the core person could not deal with at the time.

Charmaine describes her understanding of DID and elaborates on the above by stating,

The abuse was so overwhelming and the conflict between who I am and that darkness ... that evil was so great that there was no way for me to accommodate that, and that is why the alters took that. Some of them took whole memories ... for some of them ... even for them, it became too much and someone else would help out and take the rest of the memory. They carried pain just so the rest didn't have to.

It is not just the story (events that took place) that they carry, they also carry the emotion.

It would seem that DID is an inextricable component of the survivors’ lives and it holds trauma for the survivor, in order that they can continue to function effectively on a daily basis. Hence, DID serves the purpose of helping the participants cope with SRA until they are strong enough to face the abuse.

The more the survivors dissociated, the easier it was for the coven to instil destructive programs specifically aimed at sabotaging assistance from outside sources. This is described later in section 4.5.1.1. Furthermore, the coven enforces torture and mind control, resulting in dissociation, in order to hinder help-seeking.

The coven ensured that leaving was almost impossible, once someone had been initiated into the coven. They did this by: normalising abuse; creating a sense of belonging; creating fear through threats and intimidation; and limiting hope of freedom for their members. The coven utilised cult thinking to promote a sense of belonging among its members, but, in so doing, also created a sense of elitism, thereby forcing their members to conform to their way of thinking.

In the next section, the influence of SRA on the survivor’s belief systems and worldview, and how it infiltrates their other levels of functioning, as well as its effect on help-seeking, are described. These aspects will each be discussed separately.

4.4. Challenges experienced within the macro-system

The macro-system refers to the participant’s worldview and belief systems. This section focuses on how these beliefs are formed and how they ultimately affect help-seeking. These beliefs were formed through the abuse of the survivor’s subsystems (physical, emotional, psychological, social and spiritual), which affected their macro-system (worldview). The occult indoctrinated the survivors, and utilised mind-control strategies and torture to reinforce the beliefs of the coven (refer to chapter 2, section 2). At the same time, it also instilled fear and broke down the sense of self, thereby influencing the participants’ thought processes and perceptions of themselves and the world around them. As a result of threats,

56 intimidation and trauma induced through these acts by the coven, the participants were deterred from leaving the coven.

4.4.1. Normalisation of SRA

Coven members normalise SRA by evading its devastating presence and effects because they do not define it as abuse, but as rituals required in their service to Satan. This process is similar to the normalisation of women being abused in families and communities. According to Rasool (2012), this process of normalising domestic violence occurs when families and communities contribute to a sense of amnesia about its devastating presence and effects by not defining abuse as violence, but merely as ‘a mistake’ or ‘a part of life’.

A clear difference between SRA and domestic violence is that, in most cases, the community is not aware of SRA, owing to its covert activities. Abuse in society is more random and furtive, while abuse in cults forms an integral, open and accepted part of their beliefs. In the occult, however, vows of silence and pledges of obedience help perpetuate the cruel, exploitative, and sometimes violent system and prevent members from disclosing the abuse (Haddock, 2001; Havinga, 2005). Furthermore, Lalich (1997) asserts that cult leaders practise abuse in a manner that reinforces secrecy and loyalty among its members, utilising deception and manipulation. A series of social and psychological influence techniques inflicted on a vulnerable person is sufficient to break down the sense of self and induce the person to adopt the new thinking required by the occult (Lalich, 1997; Oksana, 2001).

The fact that Abby, Debbie and Cindy were raised with the abuse contributed to its normalisation. They did not seek assistance as children because they may not have considered themselves victims, as these events were normal to them. “Most likely, the sexual norms within the cult and the abuses perpetrated have become so intertwined with the overall belief system that the victimised woman may not even recognise what happened to her as exploitative or harmful” (Lalich, 1997, p. 15). The purpose of the abuse is to indoctrinate a victim, in order to ensure that they adopt satanic beliefs and practices (Peach, 1997).

Indoctrination may include persecution from demons and those believed to control the demons, which in turn, creates a fear of the demonic. Their worldviews and belief systems

57 were undoubtedly affected by the coven’s indoctrination. Abby mentions that she considered the SRA as part of normal life: if she had realised that it was not normal, she may have sought help sooner.

4.4.2. Sense of belonging

The coven has mastered establishing a sense of security and belonging, which helps to keep victims in the coven. Yalom and Leszcz (2005, p. 57) state, “Membership, acceptance and approval in various groups are of utmost importance in the individual’s developmental sequence.” Ivey (1993) identifies characteristics of Satanism that contribute to the survivor’s belief system and sense of belonging within the coven by stating, “Satanism shares, with all other charismatic religious movements, the following characteristics: 1. a codified, shared supernatural belief system; 2. a high level of social cohesiveness; 3. strong influence over members by the group’s behavioural norms; and 4. the imputation of charismatic or divine power to the group or its leadership”.

The coven creates a double bind by establishing feelings of belonging for the survivors, while also causing harm. A double bind is created when one is presented with a choice, but each alternative, conflicts with the other (Jablin & Putnam, 2001). The double bind is used in the coven to reinforce their beliefs and limit questioning. In her autobiography, Thalith (2008, p. 25), a survivor of SRA, illustrates how the double bind caused ambivalent responses within her, “I was passionately rejected and accepted at the same time”.

Furthermore, Thalith (2008, p. 65) describes how SRA creates a false sense of belonging and security,

Nothing matters. I wasn’t worried about the next wave of pain that would strike my body or my mind. I didn’t care because nobody cared. You get so used to the pain, abuse and torment that, after a while it becomes second nature. At least it is a form of affection, and anything is better than nothing! And within that standard you learn (are taught) to ‘trust’. You feel ‘safe’. You commit yourself over and over in covenant because it’s all you know. I needed to feel that I belonged so I gave myself because it’s all I had to give.

Although the members attended public school and interacted with people outside the coven, they remained isolated and separate from peers in those environments. The information provided on ritual abuse and mind control in chapter two describes how the coven controls their members through abuse, mind control and indoctrination to ensure loyalty and commitment to the coven’s covert activities, As a result, members do not disclose or interact much with those around them.

In order to enhance the member’s sense of belonging and dependence on the coven, the coven would provide the physical and financial needs of its members. The coven also presents the impression that coven members are elite (Singer, 1979). The threat of expulsion is equated with losing a chance at salvation, and can be too grim a prospect for a person who is psychologically trapped in a cultic system. Even the risk of losing the camaraderie and emotional support of fellow members can carry enough weight to keep a person tied to the cult (Lalich, 1997). Cindy concurs that the coven discourages members from leaving the occult by creating dependence to the exclusion of all other systems when she states,

My social support was the coven. They were my family. Anything I wanted, anything I needed, I needed to go to them. When you leave the coven, in an instant you lose everything: your house, your job, everything.

Cindy continues to explain that the coven discouraged any strong attachment between them and ‘outside’ people, as such people were considered a threat to the coven, for fear that members might disclose information pertaining to SRA. The coven presented the ‘outside’ world as threatening and the coven as a safe haven, despite the abuse that transpired there, and members were taught not to trust the outside world.

The importance of social support is mentioned by Thalith when stating,

It felt as if someone was pushing me to flee from the people whom I loved and who loved me. Isolation is one of the enemy’s best weapons because when you are isolated, you are without support and encouragement. It is also more likely for the enemy to move in for a kill when there is no one around to protect or cover you in their prayers (Thalith, 2008, p. 108).

According to Cindy, the fear of the unknown seemed to create uncertainty that was strong enough to prevent a survivor from venturing away from what they considered familiar … she quotes the adage, “Better the devil you do know than the devil you don’t”.

Abby confirms this sense of belonging instilled by the coven by affirming that when she left the occult, she also experienced a sense of loneliness. “When you come out of the occult, many times you feel isolated and very much alone.”

The sense of belonging and security was promoted by creating strong group cohesion, sharing similar norms and values, and providing members’ physical and financial needs through the use of double binds, social isolation and socialisation within the coven.

Consequently, when participants decided to leave, they felt trapped and feared losing their physical resources of provision, but they also feared losing the security and sense of belonging the coven provided. This left them feeling vulnerable, isolated and alone, and questioning their ability to survive without the aid of the coven. Seeking assistance became more difficult because they considered the coven their family and conformed to its norms and values.

4.4.3. Threats and intimidation

One of the most powerful barriers to seeking help and leaving Satanism is the use of intimidation and threats by the coven. Participants, as well as their partners, were subjected to threats, intimidation and torture by the coven. Various kidnapping attempts — both successful and unsuccessful — were launched against the participants to deter them from their decision to leave the occult. The participants observed the coven carrying out threats with the other members of the group and, therefore, feared leaving the occult to seek help.

Cindy experienced this intimidation when she left the coven after conceiving a baby boy. She specifies, “I knew that there would be dangers: if they found out I was pregnant, they would either sacrifice the child, or he would grow up in the occult, and I didn’t want that.”

The possible loss of the child she was bearing was the impetus for her to leave the occult and the country. When she left the occult in secret, which is not allowed, they hunted her down and brought her back to South Africa, where they tortured and killed her son. She

60 managed to escape again and went into hiding by relocating to different places. She emphasises, “I knew, if they found me again, I was going to meet the same fate. That’s when I started seeking other people’s help.”

Similarly, Debbie relates how the wrath of the occult was kindled when she initially attempted to leave the occult with her fiancé. The occult members continuously warned her to stay away from him, and threatened to kill him, if she remained in contact with him. She and her fiancé remained together, however, and he was killed. The incident reinforced her knowledge that the coven followed through on their threats, which served to enhance her fear.

Thalith (2008) too, had numerous threats made against her and recalls incidents where she witnessed people being brutally assaulted for not submitting to the high priest. Such experiences contribute to enforcing compliance with the demands of the occult. The high levels of intimidation experienced contributed to the reluctance of survivors to seek help for fear of the dire consequences, should they leave.

The common practice of intimidation and threats in the occult ensure that members remain loyal. The participants observed the coven carrying out its threats to kill people and/or their family members, if they dared to try and leave. This contributed to keeping occult members faithful to the coven, even when they preferred to leave. Therefore, leaving the occult is extremely dangerous for both the person and their loved ones. This can be compared to the experience of survivors of women abuse whose partners were gang members, since Rasool (2012, p. 120) states, “Women are unlikely to seek help, or leave an abusive relationship, when there is a real threat of her being found by a network of men who are known to have weapons and who are unafraid to perpetrate violence”.

The fear instilled in coven members is even more intense than the fear experienced by women who are trying to leave gang members, since coven members have seen the coven kill other members who have left, as well as their children, spouses and other family members. Consequently, this fear that they or their loved ones would be killed was a significant factor that inhibited the participants from seeking help.

Nevertheless, life-changing events created the desire and will to leave. These events enabled them to break through the darkness of the coven’s mind-controlling tactics and provided them with the courage to leave, despite the dangers involved. In the section below, these life-changing events and other motivating circumstances that led to survivors’ decisions to leave the occult are discussed.

4.5. Motivators for seeking assistance

From the above, we can deduce that it is exceptionally difficult to leave the occult. Seeking help and leaving the occult only become possible when the “benefits of seeking help outweigh the costs. One may, therefore, conclude that if abused women do not see potential benefits in seeking help, or if the future costs of help-seeking outweigh the benefits, they are unlikely to reach out to those who may be able to provide them with the help needed” (Rasool, 2012, p. 60).

Similarly, significant life-changing events took place before the participants involved in the occult had the courage to leave and seek help. The participants also realised that they would need help with leaving. They were, however, not always sure where and how to obtain assistance. The events leading to them departing from the occult are described below.

Debbie’s motivation for leaving the coven came from her fiancé at the time. She was engaged to a man who she met during her active involvement in the occult and who was also a practising occult member. He left the coven after converting to Christianity and, subsequently, introduced her to the church where he had received assistance. He encouraged her to leave the coven by convincing her that they could be free, thereby providing her with hope and resources where she could be assisted.

Debbie had the support of her fiancé when she chose to seek help (informal system) and he connected her with a church (formal system) that had assisted him to break free from the occult. Unfortunately, the murder of her fiancé reinforced the fear that had been instilled by the coven, but she still fled and continued seeking the necessary help.

Cindy, on the other hand, decided to leave the occult after she fell pregnant with the child of the high priest of the coven. She realised that, in order to protect her unborn child from

SRA and possible death, she had to find the courage to leave the coven. When she left, she went to another country because she realised that in South Africa she would be hunted down and killed. Nevertheless, the occult members still hunted her down and found her in Thailand. As punishment, the coven sacrificed her son in front of her. She managed to escape and found refuge at a shelter for the homeless. Unlike Debbie, Cindy left to protect her baby, which was to no avail, as her attempts at escaping resulted in his death. Similarly, Debbie lost the fiancé who helped extricate her from Satanism. Therefore, they both suffered appalling consequences for being disloyal to the coven.

Unlike Cindy and Debbie, Thalith’s journey began after a spiritual intervention by the God that the occult opposed. Thalith (2008) refers to two incidences that led to her leaving the occult. The first incident occurred in 1993, during a ritual in which the child she was carrying was aborted and sacrificed to Satan. Lying on the altar, she silently cried out to God, and then felt God’s presence and heard Him say, “Whisper into my heart: if I loved you enough to die for you, won’t you trust Me with your life? I wasn’t free, but for the first time in my life, I had hope!” (Thalith, 2008). Although hope had been established, she still did not leave the coven, owing to fear of the possible consequences: it was only following the second incident that she decided to break free from the occult.

The second incident occurred when she was instructed to kill a pastor. She could not get near him, so, alternatively abducted his son with the purpose of sacrificing the child as an offering to Satan. The Holy Spirit (one Person in the Christian Trinity) spoke to the pastor’s spirit while he was preaching, and told him what had transpired. He subsequently found them shortly after he had completed his sermon. He confronted her and she recognised the power of God, and was unable to harm the pastor or his son. The pastor hugged her and said, “I love you with the love of Jesus” before he left.

This experience was powerful, as she finally saw an alternative. The pastor provided an alternative place to belong to and, shortly afterwards, she converted to Christianity. Thalith states that she was physically and spiritually confronted by the Christian God: she not only saw His power and love at work in the pastor, but she was also paralysed while trying to stab his son with a dagger. This experience led to her acknowledging the Christian God as being stronger and safer than what she had found in Satanism.

The narrative above highlights the complexity involved in leaving the occult, and the real losses and trauma experienced by these women, even in that process. It would seem that the motives for leaving were different for each of the women. There seems to have been two key factors that were significant in the women’s decision to leave. The first factor was the possibility of an alternative place of belonging with the Church, as illustrated in both Debbie’s and Thalith’s situations. The second factor was pregnancy and the life of a child. In Thalith’s case, it was only during the process of sacrifice that the awareness of the loss emerged, whereas in Cindy’s case, the possibility of losing her child was the impetus for leaving.

Once the women left, they were still particularly vulnerable to being hunted down by the coven, since the coven believed they owned their members and leaving was not an option. This is similar to cases where abusive men hunt women down when they leave abusive relationships, as they regard women as their property (Davies, Lyon, & Monti-Catania, 1998; Rasool, 2012). Similarly, SRA victims are hunted down by the occult, and finding safe places to live is difficult.

Debbie subsequently went to live with a Christian lady, who assisted her with breaking from the occult. Cindy did not have anywhere to go and ended up at a shelter for destitute people, run by a pastor and his wife. Christian religion (in the case of the participants in this study, as illustrated below, although this may not necessarily be the case for all survivors of SRA) was important in helping the third participant.

4.5.1. The role of religion

Spirituality and/or religion seem to play a significant role in the decision to seek help. Religion is one of the influences under macro-systems for seeking help, as it forms part of the participant’s belief system. This explanation of the role of religion establishes a foundation for the discussion on churches under the subheading of formal help-seeking. How religion/spirituality motivates and hinders help-seeking is discussed separately.

The four participants approached churches to seek assistance when they left the occult. “Many survivors find support through traditional religion because it continues to give them strength. They experience the wealth and connectedness of their spiritual inheritance

64 through community worship and prayer” (Oksana, 2001, p. 259). When questioned about their reasons for utilising this resource, similar and comparable responses were provided. Abby states, “The threatening religion to Satanism is Christianity and it seemed like the only logical thing to do was to seek help from the Church.” This is corroborated by Cindy who asserts, “Coming from the occult, our biggest enemy was God and Christ, and I figured that maybe they weren’t the biggest enemy”. Finally, Debbie, in agreement with the above, indicates, “They (other parts/personalities) chose to go to church because it represents the opposite of the occult”.

It seems that, for participants, turning to Christianity was the logical conclusion after being in the occult for so long, since it provided the antidote to Satanism. Satanism is an anti- Christian religion and its objective is to do the opposite of what the Bible and the Christian belief system propagates (Jonker, 2002). It would seem that in all descriptions of religion and representations of Satan and God, the participants consider Satan as a dark force and God as light.

Ivey (1993, p. 183) explains the survivor’s psychodynamic relationship pertaining to the dichotomous affiliation between good and evil as follows,

Because the individual escapes persecution from the bad object by giving him/herself to Satan, any temptation to leave Satanism activates the paranoid fear of being magically destroyed by a vengeful demonic god. The fear of persecution by a bad introject, personified as Satan, explains why so many ex-Satanists undergo dramatic Christian conversions. The only way to escape the supernatural wrath of Satan is to identify with, and invite possession by, an opposing supernatural entity more powerful than Satan, that is Jesus Christ. The polarised perception of the world in terms of good and evil absolutes, a legacy of the splitting defence, is retained; but now an idealised good internal object, personified by Christ, becomes the focus of identification. Satanism and fundamentalist Christianity are mirror reflections of each other, sharing the same psychodynamics, but employing opposing internal objects.

The Christian Bible also refers to God as light in 1 John 1:5, and to Satan as the prince of darkness in Ephesians 6:12. SRA survivors utilised these dichotomous ideas in their

65 processing about where to find help, since only light can overcome darkness. The participants turned to Christianity as an alternative to Satanism. Oksana (2001, p. 259) states, “Many survivors find support through traditional religion because it continues to give them strength. They experience the wealth and connectedness of their spiritual inheritance through community worship and prayer.” Broadly paraphrased, Jesus then represents all that is good and Satan all that is evil.

The issue of good and evil as dichotomous is powerful in helping participants leave the coven. While in the occult, participants were inculcated in darkness and pursued its power. However, once they recognised it as a dark, destructive force, after experiencing its real consequences, such as the loss or potential loss of a child or loved one, they needed to think of ways to escape. For these participants, the most logical response was to turn to the light of God or Jesus Christ. This is discussed in more detail in the section in which motivators for seeking help from the Church are discussed.

4.6. Factors hindering formal and informal assistance

Hindrances pertaining to help-seeking within the supra-system are discussed in this section. The supra-system is divided into two groups, namely the formal system, such as schools, religious institutions, hospitals, support groups and the CJS, and the informal system, of which family, friends and colleagues are an example (Pincus & Minahan, 1973).

4.6.1. Church

As mentioned previously, the participants chose to turn to Christianity for assistance and subsequently approached churches. However, the process of connecting with churches is not as smooth as it may seem. Although churches represent Christianity, different approaches to Biblical doctrines and limited knowledge of SRA contributed to obstacles faced by participants when they approached churches for help. Other difficulties they experienced at churches included a negative attitude from church leaders, demonisation, occult programming, inexperienced lay counsellors and DID-related complexities.

The participants approached various churches for assistance, but were confronted with hostility. Cindy reports that she was chased out of numerous churches: one minister

66 remarked that Satanists were not welcome. Many ministers were fearful of people involved in the occult. Cindy felt that they were more scared of her than she was of them, which led her to feeling nervous about attending church services. Instead of ministers expressing a willingness to assist her, since she needed their support to leave the occult, they shied away because they did not know how to handle her. A reason provided by one minister refusing to assist her was that he wanted to ‘‘protect his flock”.

Thereby, the pastor implied that Cindy posed a threat to his congregation, despite her request for help. This may be understandable because Thalith (2008, p. 72) mentions that the coven planted her in a church to sabotage the congregation. Interestingly, Thalith decided to reach out to the youth pastor for help by informing him that she was a Satanist planted to destroy the church. He responded with disbelief and scepticism, however, stating that she was only looking for attention and told her not to repeat this information to anybody else. His response reinforced the arguments used by the coven to instil fear, namely that they would not be believed if they disclosed information pertaining to Satanism. This also reinforced her concern about the inaccessibility of religious leaders as a source of help.

Thalith (2008, p. 24) expresses her frustration.

It had become more difficult to trust people the older I got. The carelessness and ignorance of the people struck me. They wanted to believe that Satanism isn’t a problem and if they ignore it, it will go away. I want to shout my grievance to an ignorant world and to more ignorant church.

It would seem that, similarly, church leaders were reluctant to assist Cindy because they feared her. The minister implied that Cindy was a danger to his congregation members and he was, therefore, not willing to assist, despite Cindy approaching him for help. On the other hand, when Abby confessed to a pastor that she had been planted to cause destruction, she was not believed.

There are schools of thought that are dubious about the existence of SRA, as well as the validity of DID and repressed memories, as a consequence of SRA (Putnam, 1991; Ross, 1995; Van Benschoten, 1990). The participants were disillusioned when they met with

67 cynicism within the church setting, as they saw the church as an important resource and their only hope for salvation. They were surprised at the disbelief they faced, since there are many Biblical references to Satan and demons, which they believed should have equipped religious leaders to believe them and assist them. Abby, Thalith and Cindy attended church in anticipation of finding support and help to find freedom from the occult, but, instead, were initially met with cynicism, disbelief and rejection. Once they found churches who did believe them, Abby and Debbie were referred for lay counselling by members of the church. The purpose of this was to assist them in dealing with the trauma of SRA and breaking ties with the coven.

Debbie and Abby experienced the approach used by Christian lay counsellors as quite negative. In her own words, Abby describes their intervention as legalistic.

Everything is either right or wrong and, if you do not fit into their ideas of what healing should look like, or what a person should look like … if you don’t live up to their expectations, they can’t help you.

It would seem that the church counsellors had limited experience and capacity to deal with SRA and its psychological effects. They also seemed rigid and unable to help Abby. One would have hoped that they could recognise their limitations and refer them for appropriate help.

Debbie adds that the lay counsellors expected the following:

Perfect behaviour: you could never have any issues, emotional problems or spiritual problems after they took you through a certain period of healing, for example, when you cannot perform up to that ... or live up to that expectation, it makes you feel as if you are not good enough, as if there is no hope for you: you can never be the perfect person.

Subsequently, Debbie is of the opinion, “If you do not live up to those expectations, they assume it is because you do not want to”. The above statement implies that Debbie felt that she did not reach the therapeutic goals as decided by the counsellor and it was then implied

68 that she lacked the motivation to participate or heal. Barriers that may have contributed to this is DID, programming and mind control.

Both Abby and Debbie felt that the counsellor set unreasonable expectations, which led to negative self-perceptions. This legalistic, ‘quick-fix’ approach by the lay counsellor led to participants losing confidence in the church’s ability to help them and to them doubting themselves, which caused them to refrain from further involvement in counselling.

Christian lay counsellors made help-seeking more problematic for the participants, owing to their limited knowledge and short-term counselling approach. The following statement by Abby magnifies the importance of commitment by the counsellor, “Unless you are committed to the reason behind my madness and willing to support me unconditionally, I am afraid that there will be no future for us”.

It is clear that, when working with SRA survivors, a comprehensive understanding of the psychological, social and spiritual impact of SRA is required. Although the lay counsellors may be able to assist with limited spiritual concerns and life skills, it may be useful to work collaboratively with other mental health professionals. Such professionals within the formal supra-systems, for example, clinical psychologists and psychiatrists, have more knowledge and experience of the various issues faced by SRA survivors. Clearly, limited knowledge of SRA and its effects is one of the limitations of the counselling experienced in the Church. It is apparent that knowledge of psychopathology and DID is a necessary skill for dealing with SRA, and lay counsellors, in general, do not have such skills. If counsellors do not have this ability, they should refer.

More important than that knowledge, however, is an ethos of acceptance, building trust, commitment and understanding, which are all essential for ensuring an environment that is conducive to SRA survivors seeking help from the Church. If church counsellors can provide a supportive environment, they can then refer to professionals (provided they know whom to refer to) who are knowledgeable and competent in dealing with SRA survivors, which could make a big difference to survivors.

Other notable challenges experienced by the survivors when they attended churches include demonic manifestation and influence, mind control/programming and switching between alter personalities, owing to the DID. These are all discussed below.

4.6.1.1. Demonisation

Demonisation or possession is a reality for those involved in the occult. In order to clarify the demonisation concept, Ivey (1993) discusses demonic possession and its diagnostic status.

The chief symptomatic complication reported by those Satanists who leave, or attempt to leave the cult is experiencing demonic possession. Many early civilisations made a distinction between mental illness and possession, thus suggesting a fairly sophisticated appreciation of possession by an autonomous entity. Demonic possession is not formally recognised as an official diagnostic category in the DSM- III(R). However, we in South Africa are confronting many self-proclaimed Satanists who describe having been possessed. The symptoms attributed to demonic possession are real, whether or not one accepts or rejects the notion of a supernatural cause.

Charmaine states that she received healing and deliverance from demons through her faith in Jesus Christ, and describes the process of demonisation and deliverance from demons as follows:

I believe that once there is something like a ritual, demons can be transferred. Demons, being evil spirits, they can be transferred to a person. Meaning they will be with that person. So, even though I was a Christian, because I went through this experience that was in this satanic, occultic setting, there were some evil spirits with me. The result of them being with me: I felt tormented and they needed to go. The only way they can go is according to, and it is my belief, is to leave in the name of Jesus. Also I believe there is right for them to stay. In these satanic rituals, there are things that happen that give them the right to stay. That is why, when we work through memories, for instance, we identify those things that would give evil spirits

the right to still be around me and we would then pray about it. We would ask Jesus to clean it and then ask Him to remove the spirit.

From the above, it seems that demons can enter a person when the rituals are performed and the person is present. In order to be free of demons, deliverance is required. Pastor Hammond and his wife, who have more than 30 years’ experience in ministry (1992) suggest seven steps to deliverance, namely: 1. honesty with oneself and God; 2. humility, recognising one’s dependence upon God and His provisions for deliverance; 3. repentance, turning away from sin and Satan; 4. renunciation by making a clean break with Satan and his works; 5. forgiveness: as God freely forgives all who confess their sin, He expects us to forgive all who have wronged us; 6. Prayer, asking God to deliver you and set you free in the 1name of Jesus; and 7. warfare against darkness.

For the participants, even when they sought help at the Church, demons were still present. Demons appear to have different functions. Charmaine explains that the demons tormented her, while other participants mention that one of the demonic functions is to prevent them from seeking help at churches. Debbie and Cindy both report experiencing a great deal of physical pain, as “the demons were punishing us for going there (church)”.

The participants experienced pain caused by the demons and, therefore, recognised the need for deliverance from these demons. Unfortunately, deliverance was not always a positive experience for survivors and there were incidents when it was conducted in such a manner that it replicated the abusive experiences in the occult. Debbie reports that she attended various churches and went for deliverance on numerous occasions.

Many times, they weren’t any better than the movement. They were just as abusive, spiritually abusive, verbally abusive and sometimes, even physically abusive. At one church, they were praying and decided that the demons would only leave through pain and they burnt our hands and feet.

Clearly, some churches replicated the abusive behaviour while apparently trying to help the participants attain deliverance from the occult. There are situations where the process of deliverance from demonisation can be beneficial, as noted by Charmaine’s experience when it was conducted appropriately with compassion, acceptance, care and love. Unfortunately,

Debbie experienced negative approaches by the people conducting the deliverance, as it was done in an abusive manner.

As noted in section 3 of this chapter, the coven tortured the participants with the purpose of creating various DID alters, and programmed these alters to have different functions. Within the church context, DID alters may be misinterpreted as demonic manifestation during deliverance. The voices, mannerisms, behaviour and attitudes of many of the DID parts differ (Haddock, 2001). If the person conducting deliverance is not aware of DID symptoms, they may mistake alter personalities for demons manifesting through the survivor. Debbie experienced this firsthand, as she states, “The people didn’t understand: they thought it was just demons and deliverance. And yes, the demons didn’t go. Of course, we (referring to alter personalities) couldn’t go. Eventually, we refused to go there”.

Euteneuer (2010) states that, when working with survivors who were born into satanic cults, they have been found to be in need of compassionate pastoral care in the Church. He explains, however, that they cannot be healed by exorcism alone. The author suggests that, in conjunction with a skilled exorcist and a strong prayer support structure, the survivor needs intervention from a skilled therapist who is knowledgeable about DID.

The occult is experienced in indoctrination training. The occult indoctrinated participants through certain programs, which were all aimed at obstructing their access to the Church for assistance and ensuring that they did not convert to Christianity. Therefore, the coven hinders help-seeking by programming its members. Neswald, Gould and Graham-Costain (1991, p. 47) define these cult programs as follows,

Conditioned stimulus-response sequences consistent with basic learning theory. Such conditioning is achieved through a large variety of sophisticated and sadistic mind- control strategies involving the combined application of physical pain, double-bind coercion, psychological terror, and split brain stimulation. All programs are stimulus- sensate triggered.

The programs instilled in the participants included infiltrating a church to destroy it from within. Yet, when the intention was to seek help, a program was activated to prevent the participants from attending a church, or induce them to self-destruct. The participants took

72 vows of silence while involved in the occult. This means that they promised not to disclose information pertaining to the occult, failing which, they would open themselves to harm from demons. Debbie mentions one of the programs when she states, “Other parts were trained (programmed) not to go to church, UNLESS you received an order to recruit or something like that”.

In conjunction with this statement, Abby reports that she was planted by the coven to sabotage a church, as mentioned previously. When Debbie wanted to go to church, a program would be triggered and a different personality would take control and prevent her from attending. Abby concurs with Debbie’s statement, “Even in the internal system, there are such parts who were created to destroy other parts and the body. They were programmed this way” (Thalith, 2008, p. 53). Hence, in some cases, DID was instituted by the occult to maintain control of the participants.

The participants were also programmed to have a negative perception of God and what real love entailed, to prevent healing and exposure. As an example, Thalith (2008, p. 82) expounds, “To ensure that I do not use the knowledge I obtained against them, they put certain programs in place to control my thought patterns”.

Another purpose of programming was to prevent the participants from seeking assistance from churches, or turning to Christianity. This is depicted by Thalith (2008, p. 84),

I grew up with a mindset that God’s chosen people were dominant over all, but also that it was God’s elite race who raped God’s little girls … How could I trust God in any way? Every perpetrator in my life convinced me that they loved me and won my trust with their wonderful words and actions: then they would brutally rape my mind, body and spirit.

The coven would tell the participants that they were loved, but would then brutally harm them. So, when they entered the Church and were told that God loved them, they would equate the term ‘love’ with hurt and trauma, resulting in emotional turmoil for them. The programming resulted in internal, as well as external obstacles. This meant that, internally, the survivors were captive to the influence of the programming on their thought processes and behaviour, and externally, their endeavours were hampered because of the helpers that

73 were not aware of programming and, therefore, made the wrong assumptions regarding their behaviour. Unless the helpers are aware of programming, they may wrongly interpret the survivor’s behaviour or the motivation behind the behaviour and, consequently, implement ineffective assistance.

The sense of belonging and security within the coven was further perpetuated through social isolation. Cindy reports, “I wasn’t allowed to have friends. The coven was the only thing I knew and to me, everybody out there was a threat.”

The role of friends and family in enhancing challenges experienced by the participants within informal systems is discussed below.

4.6.2. Family

Cindy and Abby’s family members were involved in the occult, so, therefore, they could not approach family for assistance. They were also prevented from making friends and could, therefore, not approach other forms of informal assistance. A lack of informal support may persuade individuals to seek formal support (Duterte et al., 2008). This statement proved true for Abby, Cindy and Debbie, as they had to seek assistance from formal systems, owing to a lack of informal resources.

An incident described by Debbie led to increased resistance against approaching her family for help. She disclosed sexual abuse by her cousin to a teacher, who subsequently informed her parents. They did not know that he was involved in the occult. They initially confronted the cousin, but did not pursue the matter. Shortly afterwards, her parents displayed a ‘get- over-it’ attitude towards her. Debbie felt hurt, angry and betrayed by her parents and, based on their response, decided not to disclose the severe nature of the actual abuse (SRA). Her parents’ reactions are consistent with many families who are informed of intrafamilial abuse. According to The National Child Trauma Stress Network (2009),

Sexual abuse of a child by a trusted adult also puts tremendous strain on relationships within the family. Some family members may find it hard to believe the abuser could do such a thing, and take sides (or feel pressured to take sides) over

who is telling the truth. Family members may also struggle with how to manage their divided loyalties toward the abuser and the victim.

When Debbie was diagnosed with DID in her twenties, she was, once again, met with disbelief from her parents. Debbie’s parents struggled with her DID diagnosis and would have been more comfortable with a spiritual explanation. Her parents misconstrued personality alters as demons and refused to accept the DID diagnosis. Therefore, they displayed little interest in researching or understanding DID. Debbie states, “Even today, we (alter personalities) hide a lot from her parents and siblings. They don’t understand and they don’t want to understand it.”

Her family found the distinct change in demeanour, voice and behaviour associated with DID disturbing, instead of accepting that DID was a psychological consequence of abuse. They considered these changes in personality to be demonic manifestations and referred her for deliverance. Although Debbie’s parents tried to assist through means they felt were most suitable for Debbie, according to their own paradigms, Debbie felt her parents’ reaction was an obstacle in her healing process and prevented her from confiding in them, or approaching them for assistance.

Challenges faced by participants regarding turning to family for assistance include: family members involved in the occult, lack of understanding of DID, isolation and poor responses to disclosed abuse. Obstacles caused by friends who supported the participants while seeking help, as well as those who acted as helpers, are discussed next.

4.6.3. Friends

The coven made every effort to discourage help-seeking from informal systems. They made use of isolation, threats and programming to hinder participants from seeking assistance from friends. They attempted to prevent the participants from creating a support structure beyond the coven by reinforcing mistrust. Cindy elaborates, “The coven teaches you not to trust and, therefore, is still making it difficult for me to trust people. So, as an adult, I found it really, really hard to make friends.”

The coven attempted to prevent social contact by making a concerted effort to isolate the participants by threatening persons close to them. Please refer to subheading 4.2 ‘Threats and intimidation’, for more details.

A different tactic employed by the occult was to ruin the participants’ sense of self and to convince them that, if they were to disclose SRA to their friends, they would not be believed and construed as crazy. As a teenager, Debbie was determined to hide any signs of SRA from her friends for fear of being labelled ‘crazy’, or not being believed. She states, “Back then, the schools were very conservative and most people did not believe in Satanism. Until today, most people don’t believe you.”

Debbie is currently still of the opinion that most people will not believe her, should she disclose SRA. According to Borja, Callahan, and Long (2006, p. 911), survivors of sexual trauma are more sensitive to informal negative responses and negative responses from social support, owing to their post-traumatic distress.

As a student at university, Debbie did not form meaningful friendships with people outside the coven, fearing that the coven might recruit, or hurt them. Debbie’s fear of not being believed, and that people might be harmed, prevented her from engaging socially, thereby creating a barrier to seeking help.

Charmaine’s experience when she disclosed SRA to her friends confirms the validity of Debbie’s fears. In Charmaine’s narrative, negative responses from her friends hindered her from approaching them for assistance, once she’d disclosed the SRA and DID diagnosis. Charmaine reports that they treated her differently after her disclosure and she felt that she’d lost her credibility with them. She states, “It was as if when I told them … they did not take me as seriously after that. As if someone who is DID ... they are not on steady ground so, so you can't take what they say.” Charmaine felt betrayed by their responses and she subsequently avoided disclosing the SRA and DID to her other friends, and no longer sought their assistance.

On the other hand, if Charmaine’s friends had responded positively and supportively, they would have been conducive to her seeking help from them and others, but, instead, they

76 added to her pain. Hence, positive responses from informal support systems assist with the survivor’s adjustment in dealing with the trauma (Borja, Callahan, & Long, 2006).

Factors contributing to withdrawal and resistance to help-seeking from friends include loss of credibility, hurt, rejection and feelings of betrayal, as well as being considered crazy. The coven programs survivors to believe that they will be perceived as crazy if they disclose SRA. Unfortunately, the responses by some of the participants’ friends reinforced this fear. In response to the above, Cindy and Debbie’s therapist recognised the need for the participants to build healthy relationships and, subsequently, started training those interested in assisting survivors of SRA. They are referred to as volunteers from here on.

4.6.4. Volunteers

Debbie and Cindy’s therapist recognised the need for survivors to engage with people socially and subsequently trained volunteers interested in working with survivors of SRA. Volunteers are a very useful resource in dealing with this sensitive issue. However, their lack of in-depth knowledge, as lay people, means that some of their behaviour could also reinforce the destructive behaviour learnt from the occult. These volunteers bridge the formal and informal helping systems by assisting and supporting the participants with implementing objectives set in therapy, as well as with being held accountable by the therapist. The volunteers also report any concerns they have regarding the survivor to the therapist. These volunteers lend support by assisting with crisis intervention, socialising/relationship-building and offering prayer support. The volunteers also play an important role in teaching survivors how to develop relationships, since the occult prevented them from socialising with non-occult members. When people who were abused, or neglected as children find themselves building close relationships with friends, professionals or role models, they may become defensive, as they feel vulnerable to being hurt again. They will go to extraordinary lengths to prevent intimacy to reduce their vulnerability, making it difficult to engage. However, prolonged contact between the parties may unknowingly lead to intimacy building (Karson, 2001).

This is also true of survivors of SRA. Supporting them necessitates an understanding of what kind of behaviour to expect and implementing clear boundaries, while remaining committed

77 to the relationship with the survivor. Cindy and Debbie’s negative experiences with volunteers are depicted below. The positive aspects of their experiences are discussed later in the chapter. Cindy is of the opinion, however, that volunteers with emotional problems should resolve them before assisting survivors of SRA. One of the reasons she gives is that boundaries are important because, according to her, boundaries do not exist for survivors of SRA.

In the coven, you were their property, so your body, your soul, your mind and everything … it doesn’t belong to you anymore. I was never taught that someone was not allowed to touch me inappropriately. I was taught that if someone wanted to touch me, I have to.

In other words, if a volunteer acted inappropriately, a survivor might feel obliged to comply, thereby reinforcing the negative beliefs about not trusting people and being objectified. Hence, teaching survivors boundaries protects both the survivor and the volunteer from considering detrimental decisions.

Like Cindy, Debbie expresses ambivalence regarding volunteers’ boundaries. Debbie resided with a volunteer who shall be referred to as Shirley. “Shirley became very involved, very protective — too protective actually.” Shirley was very good to Debbie in many ways. When there was a crisis, whether financial or otherwise, Shirley would take care of it. “We (referring to alter personalities) weren’t allowed to take care of any of our problems. It got us used to people doing everything for us.”

By the time Debbie left Shirley’s house, she had very little confidence. She was reluctant to search for employment because she felt too insecure in herself. “What can we do? Who is going to take us? We are useless and pathetic.”

By not allowing Debbie to take responsibility for her own life and sorting out Debbie’s problems for her, Shirley sustained Debbie’s view of herself as a victim and merely transferred the dependence from the occult to the volunteer. Physical and emotional boundaries are necessary to protect both the volunteer, and the survivor. Boundaries allow the survivor to develop skills, gain self-knowledge and build trust. It is, therefore, of utmost importance that volunteers remain accountable to the therapist and their relationships

78 closely monitored. Hence, there needs to be support and mentoring by volunteers, as well as by therapists. Next, the hindrances experienced by participants while seeking help from formal systems, namely psychological counselling, psychiatrists, medical services, CJS and safe houses, are discussed.

4.6.5. Therapists

The participants saw numerous therapists over the years and below are some of their accounts of the challenges they experienced, including: their own feelings of uncertainty; difficulty finding a therapist; stagnation during the therapeutic process; lack of commitment; and undefined boundaries by the therapist. All these challenges contributed towards hindering the help-seeking process.

The participants’ feelings and perceptions, such as self-doubt, shame and fear of not being believed, appeared to be recurring themes that caused them to be wary of engaging in therapy. Gulliver, Griffiths, & Christensen, 2010, p. 6 suggest,

People perceive a number of barriers to help-seeking for mental health problems, including stigma and embarrassment, problems recognising symptoms (poor mental health literacy), and a preference for self-reliance.

Charmaine reflects on her thoughts and feelings of self-doubt and shame regarding her first thoughts of seeking assistance from a therapist:

Who would believe this crazy story and, on the other hand, if I am not even certain, if I don't feel convinced myself that that is the truth, how can I go to anyone? It's more than just being believed … I felt ashamed because I’d built this picture of myself that was very clean, very Christian pure. I was very ashamed.

Thalith (2008, p. 95) also experienced shame, but for a different reason, stating that she was the victim and the perpetrator. Her participation in rituals, sacrifices and other destructive activities was a barrier to her seeking help because she was responsible for inflicting harm on others.

Another critical barrier for participants in obtaining therapeutic assistance was finding a therapist willing to assist them. DID and SRA are controversial issues and are also diagnostically contentious. Therefore, finding therapists who are, firstly, willing to take on such a client and, secondly, able to deal with what they present, is a challenge. Moreover, survivors of SRA are considered to be highly suggestible, or subject to memory distortions and may, therefore, respond to the influence of the therapist’s bias (Perrin & Parrot, 1993; Victor, 1993; Reisner, 1996). Therapists have been accused of creating ‘false memories’ through suggestion, adding to the existing controversy surrounding SRA (Perrin & Parrot, 1993). This has resulted in therapists being reluctant to be associated with survivors of SRA and has made it more difficult for survivors to find therapists willing to assist.

Abby and Charmaine both experienced difficulty in finding a therapist who had sufficient knowledge of SRA, as well as DID. They are of the opinion that the therapist needs to have compassion and enough knowledge to help someone who wants to be healed of SRA. Charmaine was in therapy with a Christian psychologist for about a year before the first memory surfaced. “After that memory surfaced, I saw the psychologist a few more times, but he didn't really know how to help me.”

Charmaine’s first therapist expected her to recover speedily, which had a negative effect on the healing process and caused Charmaine to be unsure of herself. Charmaine elaborates on what happened in therapy. The therapist would say to her,

‘Deal with it, get over it' and I just couldn't, and that was for me kind of the moment that I knew, ok, we're done. So, it wasn't that he didn't believe me, it was just that I think he didn't have the experience to take me through a process to get over it.

In this case, the therapist did not possess the knowledge or skill to guide Charmaine through the process necessary to deal with her trauma. DID and SRA are both specialised fields and the therapist needs to have sufficient knowledge and skills of both fields to offer the most appropriate and effective assistance to survivors. Abby concurs with Charmaine, stating that, as she progressed, she felt that she no longer benefited from the therapist’s approach. She sought someone who could prevent stagnation by assisting her through the next phase of her therapeutic process. The challenge of finding the right therapist repeated itself. It

80 appears that the therapist needs to grow and evolve along with the client to ensure that the therapeutic process does not become stagnant, and hinder the survivor from further emotional and psychological growth.

Moreover, it seems that participants view the establishment of boundaries and expectations early on in the therapeutic process as important. Charmaine states that her therapist did not maintain distinct boundaries and this later impacted on her recovery. He overstepped his professional boundaries and became emotionally involved by befriending her and her family, resulting in her becoming dependent on him. She states,

When I think back now, I would have liked him to help me not get that dependent. During the process, he said, once you are healed there will be a time where you have to adjust to normal living. I was so dependent on him. When he died, it was extremely difficult for me to adjust. I would have liked to learn these skills and stand on my own a bit more during the process, so that if I had to stand, I could.

Maintaining the boundaries of a professional relationship, empowering participants to be independent of the therapist, and assisting them with skills development and confidence are important to their healing process.

It would seem, therefore, that, in the first instance, making the decision to attend therapy, despite feelings of shame, guilt and fear, is challenging. The second challenge for survivors of SRA is to find a suitable therapist. Once this decision has been made, the therapist needs to have: knowledge of SRA and DID; well-defined boundaries; and the ability to adapt to therapeutic approaches. The participants were referred to psychiatrists for assistance, either by their therapists or family members, owing to the complexity of the mental health and medical symptoms. These experiences are depicted next.

4.6.6. Psychiatrist

SRA is associated with multiple psychiatric disorders, including lifetime diagnosis of anxiety disorders, depression, eating disorders, post-traumatic stress disorder, sleep disorders and attempted suicide (Chen, Murad, Paras, Colbenson, Sattler, Goranson, & Zirakzadeh, p. 2010).

A pivotal challenge mentioned by the participants is the professional approach of the allocated psychiatrist. Charmaine was referred to her first psychiatrist when she was about 11 years old. She recalls, “He was a male, he was old and I don't think he liked seeing kids. I didn't feel safe at all. It was just very intimidating.” As a result, Charmaine was reluctant to engage with him because she struggled to relate to him, as he was male, elderly and came across as intimidating. He did not appear comfortable working with children, and did not make use of child and age-appropriate assessment methods. Charmaine did not know how to answer his questions and, consequently, chose to discontinue seeing him.

Unlike Charmaine, Debbie was first admitted to a psychiatric hospital when she was 17 years old. Her fears of being labelled abnormal resulted in resistance towards her psychiatrist. It was at the psychiatric hospital that they (the personality alters) realised that it was not normal for everyone to hear voices and she (they) did not want to be labelled as abnormal. Therefore, to appear normal, Debbie admits to sabotaging her consultations with the psychiatrist by not being forthcoming. She explains, “We (various parts) made a concerted effort to hide it from her. It was not helpful because everything was so hidden: we couldn’t tell them the truth, so everything was superficial.”

Debbie’s fears caused her to become her own obstacle in receiving help. The years of indoctrination by the coven created paradigms strong enough for Debbie to sabotage her own therapy. Cindy, too, pretended ‘everything was fine’, so that she could be released. She did not consider psychiatrists or psychiatric hospitals a helpful resource and, therefore, remained uninvolved in therapy and pretended to feel better, in order to be released.

Later, while under the care of the psychiatrist, Debbie realised she needed help and started disclosing more information. “The more you (referring to herself) become desperate for help, the less they seem able to help and still don’t know what to do with you.”

Debbie is of the opinion that, once she did tell the psychiatrists the truth, they did not believe her and responded to her as if she were ‘making up stories’. The dubious responses by the mental health professionals reinforced another belief that was indoctrinated by the coven, namely that she would not be believed if she disclosed the SRA. Therefore, her fears were reinforced by the psychiatrists’ responses and she retreated from therapy. The

82 psychiatrists’ dubious responses to Debbie’s disclosure, led to Debbie concluding that the psychiatrists were not equipped to help her.

Charmaine also feels that her psychiatrist did not possess the knowledge to assist her. She shares her experience of seeing a psychiatrist as an adult.

I went to a psychiatrist: she couldn't really help me. She knew I had a problem, but she didn't know what it was. But she gave me medication. We talked a lot, just about how I was experiencing life at that stage, which was nice. It is always nice to have a sound board, but it didn't go any deeper.

Charmaine feels that the psychiatrist did not work on a deeper psycho-emotional level, but only scratched the surface. However, medication was prescribed. Charmaine is of the opinion that medication was not the solution to her problem: it only managed the symptoms, but prevented her from dealing with the events that caused the symptoms. One may question whether it was due to lack of skills or knowledge that the psychiatrist did not access the root of Charmaine’s problems. Charmaine offers another alternative: that one cannot force the memories to surface, as they only surface once one is ready to deal with them. She states,

I also think there is a certain level of maturity that a person needs, to be able to deal with these memories surfacing. I think it was part of the coping mechanism, part of the protection. Part of that is that nothing gets disclosed, nothing surfaces, nothing comes to light before you are ready.

The timing of seeking assistance is, therefore, an essential factor to be considered, as the memories will only surface once the person is ready and able to deal with them. The person’s natural defence mechanisms protect them from this trauma until the person can, or needs to deal with them (Haddock, 2000).

The lack of knowledge was reiterated by Cindy and Debbie, who also report being treated by psychiatrists who did not recognise symptoms synonymous with DID, resulting in misdiagnosis such as borderline personality disorder, obsessive-compulsive disorder, major depression and schizophrenia. On some occasions, the diagnosing psychiatrist would change

83 his own diagnosis several times and readjust prescription medicine accordingly. When they did not respond to the medication, the psychiatrists would increase the dosage, or prescribe more medication, which made them feel like ‘zombies’. They found this to be detrimental to their recovery process, as the underlying problems would be left untreated.

It is important to note that the psychiatrists diagnosed and treated symptoms as presented by the participants. Owing to the complex nature of DID, different personality alters can present with different symptoms and, therefore, be treated accordingly. Furthermore, patients with DID often have amnesia about aspects of their life, as well as the abuse, and might, therefore, not be able to present a clear account of their background information or even their symptoms (Haddock, 2001; Oksana, 2001). In addition to the above, it is possible that the psychiatrists noted their manipulative behaviour and were, therefore, dubious when they did disclose information pertaining to SRA.

Cindy felt voiceless, as her stepmother would talk to the psychiatrists beforehand. The course of treatment would be determined without her being consulted, or she felt, without a thorough assessment being conducted. Her input was not acknowledged or validated, which contributed to her misgivings about mental health professionals, as she was not being heard by the psychiatrists. She also experienced the greatest betrayal of all the participants. She reports that one of the psychiatrists sexually abused her: a violation of authority.

The participants felt the psychiatrists were not equipped to deal with their problems, and misdiagnosed and overmedicated them. However, they also acknowledge their own role in perpetuating difficulty in diagnosis by a lack of disclosure and resistance to the psychiatrist. This affected the extent to which they could be treated. This interplay in the relationship with psychiatrists and participants was mutually reinforcing and disabling. A lack of trust on the part of participants led to resistance, and the participants displaying certain characteristics or alters and withholding others. This resulted in misdiagnosis and re- diagnosis. This perpetuated a lack of trust and the cycle continued, resulting in self- defeating behaviour and limited appropriate help being received. This was exacerbated in Cindy’s case, where she reports that the psychiatrist sexually abused her, which is the ultimate violation of trust and his authority.

Help from professional resources was only sought once the participants had left the coven. Besides contact with mental health practitioners, the participants also sought medical assistance, owing to numerous SRA-related injuries, demonically induced injuries, or harm caused by other personality alters. Their experiences with medical services are discussed next.

4.6.7. Medical services

Physical injuries are often a ‘normal’ consequence of SRA and, as a result, medical assistance is often required. There are similarities between abused women, and SRA survivors. In all of these cases, healthcare professionals can play a profound role in detecting and referring victims who experience violence to social services or other relevant helping professions (Richardson, Coid, Petruckevitch, Chung, Moorey, & Feder, 2002; Rasool, 2012). Unfortunately, there is no clear identification of referral procedures in place regarding assisting survivors of SRA.

The participants have often been met with sceptical or confused medical staff, owing to the nature of their injuries, for example, lacerations, concussion and burns. While Debbie was still involved in the occult, other members of the coven would attend to her wounds, since some of them were medical professionals. This is another example of how covertly and independently members of the occult movement function to protect their identities and members. After departing from the coven, Debbie had to seek assistance from medical institutions.

The participants describe some of the medical staff’s reactions as ‘baffled’, ‘shocked’, ‘confused’, ‘disbelieving’, ‘cynical’ and ‘non-sympathetic’ when attending to them in hospital, once they had left the coven. Abby feared having to provide a plausible explanation for her injuries, as she feared she would not be believed if she told the truth. Hence, she rather avoided seeking medical attention. Cindy also experienced admission to hospital as challenging because she felt the staff did not believe her explanations, as the injuries seemed so baffling. They were demonically inflicted, or inflicted by alter personalities that were programmed to self-harm. These explanations seem far-fetched resulting in medical staff often recommending committal to a mental institution. Similarly,

Debbie states that medical staff insinuated that her injuries were self-inflicted. Though it is standard practice for health care services to refer self-harming patients for an psychiatric assessment, Cindy and Debbie felt frustrated by the medical staff’s responses.

Therefore, they would lie about the cause. Following numerous incidents of being raped by occult members, Debbie sought the assistance of a district surgeon to compile a rape kit, after leaving the occult. She describes the staff there as very unsympathetic and cold. They just completed the necessary procedures and sent her home. “We (alter personalities) get very angry, we get very angry because it’s so invasive, it’s so exposing: the things that they do, or the things that they say or ask, and then it’s all for nothing.” These particular incidents contributed to hindering participants to seek help from medical services.

The participants experienced medical service staff as lacking empathy or understanding, and being unsympathetic. The cold, clinical approach of medical staff, as well as participants’ fear of being institutionalised, created reluctance to seek help from medical services.

They were, however, compelled in some instances to utilise the Criminal Justice System (hereafter referred to as CJS), due to illegal activities that took place in the occult. Below, their negative experiences that hindered help-seeking from the CJS are discussed.

4.6.8. Criminal justice system

SRA involves criminal activities such as human and animal sacrifices, physical abuse, sexual assault and rape (Els & Jonker, 2000). Seeking help from the CJS is complex because participants themselves were involved in criminal activity and are, therefore, reluctant to report themselves. This creates a double bind. They need the assistance of the CJS to escape and secure protection, but, at the same time, they were perpetrators. Nevertheless, three of the participants did seek assistance from the SAPS, or tried to open cases against members of the occult, once they had left the coven.

Cindy’s own involvement in some of the illegal activities was initially a barrier to her seeking help from the police. She relates, “In the coven, you are forced to partake in illegal activities … and, through that, they get a hold on you. They later used this to blackmail you.”

Initially, she did not approach the police for assistance because she feared being arrested and prosecuted. The coven blackmailed her with evidence of her illegal activities, thereby deterring her from reporting the SRA. She feared they would retaliate and she would then be punished, if she reported the SRA, or opened a case against the coven members.

The second barrier she experienced when seeking help from the SAPS was the police’s response to allegations of occult-related crimes. When reporting SRA to the police as a child (age was not confirmed), Cindy was met with disbelief and, because she was a child, they assumed she was telling stories and told her that she was wasting their time. Such experiences make the CJS a deterrent to help-seeking, rather than a facilitator for helping participants leave the occult and receive the required assistance. Participants are left with few alternatives, if they cannot turn to the police to protect them from threats and intimidation from the occult.

Abby recounts that she disclosed information pertaining to the occult to a policeman and was initially relieved because he believed her. His approach subsequently became quite aggressive and ‘gung ho’, which made her feel uncomfortable sharing information about the occult with him. Therefore, she discontinued communication with him.

The police believed and assisted Debbie when she reported her exposure to SRA. Debbie was brave enough to open a case against the coven members and was prepared to testify. However, the police did not follow up on her case and there was no finalisation. Debbie reported her kidnapping, rape and attempted murder by the coven to the police, but the SAPS informed her that identikits would be compiled. However, they never returned to complete the identikits. To add to her disappointment in the police, all the information relating to the occult obtained by the police was lost when the occult unit closed down. She states, “The police have all the names, they’ve got their own case or own files for these people, but they still do not have enough evidence to nail them.” Despite following all the correct procedures, nothing came of the investigation, as information was lost and the occult-related crimes unit shut down.

Debbie was frustrated by the lack of response she received and found the responses of the police unprofessional and unhelpful. She elaborates on her experience of the SAPS as

87 follows, “They sucked: they also don’t want help and they don’t want to get involved. They think it is airy fairy; it doesn’t exist. And if they get called out to a scene (SRA), they don’t know what to do. They ... they are afraid”. Consequently, she found the police officers who assisted her to be unsympathetic, clinical, insensitive and difficult to talk to. She felt that they were either too afraid to become involved, or didn’t believe her. According to Debbie, they are ignorant of Satanism and related crimes, and do not possess the knowledge to deal with them competently. Fear and lack of knowledge could be a reason for the SAPS’s detached approach to her.

The participants’ experiences with the police were fraught with lack of consistency, disappearing evidence, incompetence and insensitivity, which contributed to their reluctance in seeking assistance from the police. However, it is also acknowledged that dealing with the occult is very difficult. Lanning (1989) suggests, “If officers must be or are assigned, they will need the power of their own spiritual belief system, in order to deal with the superstition and religious implications of these cases and should provide spiritual strength and support for them, but not affect the objectivity and professionalism of the investigation.”

Therefore, it is important that police officers are trained to work with SRA to provide competent, supportive services to victims. Participants had similar experiences with lawyers in cases where they consulted them.

4.6.9. Legal fraternity

Debbie and Cindy (separately) approached lawyers to assist them with making a case against the coven members. Initially, the lawyers were willing to assist, but they withdrew upon hearing who the high priest was: a prominent advocate. Reluctance of legal professionals to become involved is confirmed by Moore (2005). The author states that legal professionals involved with survivors are often targeted, maligned and threatened with legal action. This leads to lawyers being unwilling to deal with, or represent survivors of SRA. Survivors are subsequently failed by the CJS, even when evidence is available.

Cindy explains that numerous cases were made against her stepfather, including 12 cases of rape and one for murder. He only received a three-month, suspended sentence for these

88 crimes. The participants pointed out that the coven members include affluent and influential people, such as judges, lawyers, doctors and policemen, and they ‘protect their own’. Cindy reports that the lawyer who represented her stepfather was the biological father of her child who was killed in front of her. Another challenge, according to Cindy, is that many cases never reach the courts because evidence is destroyed. Both Debbie and Cindy provided examples of the influence and manipulation of coven members within the CJS.

From the above, it is apparent that there are numerous factors hindering help-seeking from the CJS. The participants feared prosecution, and received a poor response from the SAPS. Moreover, the loss of evidence, and the reluctance of the SAPS or lawyers to believe them and provide appropriate help contributed to the participants’ reluctance to ever approach the CJS again in future.

Next, challenges in seeking assistance from the education system are discussed.

4.6.10. Educational institutions

Debbie, Cindy and Abby attended public schools and were exposed to SRA during this time. Their experiences within the educational system are depicted below. The participants encountered a myriad of diverse experiences of intervention from school staff. Research conducted by Gulliver, Griffiths and Christensen (2010) suggests that scholars are reluctant to approach school staff members for help, owing to the following: scholars believe they can resolve their own problems; and they doubt the credibility of the helpers, as they perceive them as having dual roles when talking to staff members who have to enforce school rules. Scholars also said they found some of the helpers to be judgmental, out of touch, too busy and ‘smart alecks’ who blew incidents out of proportion and showed favouritism. To add to this list, Abby and Cindy both state that the teachers did not recognise any signs or symptoms relating to the abuse. Abby relates, “There were a few nice teachers, but obviously they didn’t have experience, or they didn’t see any symptoms, or didn’t realise that anything was wrong.”

Cindy felt that her teachers did not respond to the signs. She recalls, “They saw the physical abuse, as well as the mental abuse that went with it and the effects thereof.”

Cindy provides an example where she urinated on her seat while sitting in class and this behaviour was never followed up. Not recognising the symptoms of abuse, the teachers did not investigate further, or refer participants to helping organisations, thereby preventing both Cindy and Abby from receiving help. Since the participants made vows not to disclose the abuse, at the risk of suffering punishment, they subsequently hoped that someone would notice something was wrong and reach out to them.

Unlike Abby and Cindy, Debbie made a concerted effort to hide any signs of abuse. She performed well academically at school to avert any signs of abuse and various DID personalities would assist her to keep up pretences. Finally, she started withdrawing and a vigilant teacher noticed and questioned her. Debbie said she felt relieved that someone had realised she was troubled because she was very depressed and experiencing strain. She found it daunting to confide in the teacher, but appreciated the teacher’s concern. This teacher referred Debbie to the school psychologist. Debbie agreed to disclose sexual abuse by her cousin (not SRA) to the psychologist, provided he did not inform her family — which he did. Debbie considered this a breach of trust and vowed never to trust anyone again. This was an ethical dilemma, as the psychologist was obligated to inform the parents of the abuse, in order to assist the scholar. Unfortunately, according to Debbie, her family did not address the situation appropriately and, consequently, Debbie blamed the psychologist for divulging the information.

As the teachers did not possess the knowledge to recognise SRA symptoms, they did not intervene. Debbie experienced the psychologist’s disclosure and the reaction of her family negatively, causing further reluctance to engage in seeking help from the school system.

4.6.11. Social workers

Interestingly, only Cindy had contact with social workers. She recalls social workers being involved, but, in her opinion, not really assisting because “it was like they knew, but did not want to know”. Cindy reports that she was placed in a children’s home, due to her behaviour. She is of the opinion that the social workers and staff members did not care. “I think it’s because we didn’t care that they gave up so quickly.” Cindy cannot recall all the reasons for her being placed in a children’s home. According to her, it was because she

90 displayed unmanageable behaviour. She comments that staff at children’s homes should handle children with compassion, love and understanding.

Cindy states that her experience with social workers would have been less frustrating, if she had not been seen as a ‘child making up fantasy stories’. Cindy believes that the social workers were afraid to become involved, owing to fear and threats from the coven. According to Cindy, there was one social worker who believed her and acted appropriately. She filed a lawsuit and opened a case against the coven. She was found dead in her apartment five months later. Cindy is of the opinion that the coven was responsible for her death.

Cindy admits that she displayed behavioural problems while in the children’s home. She describes her feelings: “At that point in my life, I had given up on myself. Everybody else had given up on me, I’d given up on myself, so I didn’t really care … I realised that no one was going to fight for me: I had to do it all by myself”.

The above statement illustrates the loneliness and isolation Cindy felt. She was extremely despondent and felt disappointed, and rejected by those around her. At first, she said that she had given up because no one was willing to fight for her. Yet, she ended with a powerful statement reflecting inner strength. Just as she was about to give up, she realised that she would have to fight for her own survival, and managed to rise above her challenges and prove how strong the human spirit is.

4.6.12. Safe houses

Once a survivor decides to leave the coven, where do they go? Abby states that it is difficult for survivors to leave the occult because they have to give up accommodation and financial support, in order to escape retaliation. Presently, there is no alternative accommodation available. The safe houses that do exist are not focused on SRA and, according to Abby, the people running these safe houses, generally, don’t have knowledge regarding SRA or the emotional and spiritual consequences. Without the relevant knowledge, optimal assistance cannot be provided to survivors of SRA.

As seen above, the participants were faced with various challenges while seeking assistance from diverse informal and formal systems. There were, however, instances when participants received help from these systems. These will be related in the next part of this chapter.

4.7. Motivating factors for seeking formal and informal assistance

Since all the participants turned to Christianity to escape the occult, their experiences at churches are discussed first, and then their experiences with family and friends (informal systems). Finally, the assistance received from volunteers, psychological counsellors, psychiatrists, medical institutions, educational institutions and the CJS (formal systems) will be explored. Safe houses are included in this section, as those who resided at these safe houses shared their experiences.

4.7.1. Churches

As discussed earlier in the chapter, the participants turned to Christianity and, by association, to churches for assistance in escaping SRA. Cindy and Debbie’s negative experiences at churches prevented them from seeking further help from the Church. Only Abby and Charmaine reported positive encounters with the Church, as described below.

Abby experienced ambivalent reactions from the Church. The positive factors included feeling welcomed and experiencing the Church as a space of healing. Ideally, the Church should create space for healing within the congregation. Abby states that there were church members who believed her and who were willing to embrace her, making her feel understood and accepted. “They understood my symptoms, my feelings and my confusion, and they could effectively help me with that.” She describes positive responses by congregation members. “They responded by just being friendly, and giving me other support helped me a lot.”

She states that since seeking help from the Church, she had always encountered congregation members who continually provided emotional and spiritual support. Feeling

92 understood and supported played a positive role in her continuous engagement with the Church, despite the previously mentioned negative experience. These members seemed to have knowledge of SRA and were able to manage her symptoms appropriately, and offered informal support. It seems that the acceptance and understanding she received from church members had a greater impact than the rejection she experienced, resulting in continued help-seeking from churches. This church embodied what Thesnaar (2010, p. 272) suggests, “If we are true to being the church, we will realise that we are all broken and on a journey towards healing and reconciliation”.

Abby’s positive relationship with the church is due to the social and spiritual support received from this congregation. For Charmaine, it was slightly different. Her faith in God, rather than the Church as a religious institution, assisted her in her process of self- actualisation. This relationship had a positive impact on her psychological, emotional and spiritual wellbeing. She explains,

He (God) is busy with something bigger than what we understand. The picture is bigger: there is victory that comes out of deep brokenness that we would not see in our lives or the world, if it was not for the brokenness. We overcome, I overcame great brokenness, I overcame a lot and I am stronger. I have grown. Yes, so it was a terrible thing that happened, but there is a lot of good that comes out of it.

Charmaine found meaning in her suffering by finding strength in her relationship with God, which provided her with strength, comfort and a positive mindset, and built her sense of self. She is able to look back at her experiences and identify the positive outcomes, stating that she is a stronger person and considers herself a victor. She has moved from being a victim, to being a survivor and has ultimately become a conqueror.

Debbie and Abby were both introduced to the Church by friends: Debbie by her fiancé and Abby, as a teenager, by a friend (informal supra-systems). Hence, informal supra-systems played an important role in linking them to formal supra-systems. They accompanied them to church (formal supra-system). Positive reactions from family and friends, as well as positive reactions from formal support providers are associated with benefits in the aftermath of trauma (Borja, Callahan, & Long, 2006).

The role of informal systems and how they benefited survivors of SRA is discussed next.

4.7.2. Family

All the participants left the occult more than a decade ago and all, except for Debbie, have their own families. Each participant’s experience of assistance from family is unique and is, therefore, discussed separately. The spousal support received by Abby, Cindy and Charmaine is explored first.

Abby’s husband forms an integral part of her social support system. She describes him as follows,

My husband is my greatest support. Our (referring to her alter personalities) problems don’t just surface when I see my psychologist: they surface whenever, and he (husband) is my greatest support. He just accommodates me. He does not do in- depth therapy.

Abby considers her husband her primary support system because of his complete acceptance of her, her alter personalities and the challenges that come with being a survivor. Her husband knows his boundaries and does not confuse roles by treating her like a victim, but relates to her as a spouse. He deals appropriately with the alter personalities and provides a safe sense of containment by allowing her to find herself, heal and progress in therapy. Abby also appreciates the fact that her husband does not put pressure on her to get over it, or to integrate. “I don’t have to perform for him to love me. I don’t have to perform to be healed or to be okay. I can just be myself and that in itself is a form of healing, a form of therapy.”

He was willing to research DID, and attended therapy sessions with her to improve his knowledge of SRA and DID, and to understand how to best support her. Her husband does not pressurise her to integrate and allows her to be herself. Therefore, she does not have to pretend to be ‘okay’. His unconditional acceptance, support and unspoken permission to be herself have taught her to accept herself and to find worth in who she is.

Charmaine’s husband also assists her with coping with the after-effects of SRA. When the memories surface, he believes her experiences are real and responds encouragingly. “He

94 accepted the situation very gracefully. It wasn’t always easy for him. At times, he would withdraw into the study and work. This is one of the challenges we had to work through.”

Charmaine recognises the difficulty her husband faces while supporting her. At times, he would withdraw as a means to cope. Charmaine found his withdrawal challenging. Yet, together, they dealt with it for the benefit of their marriage. Like Abby’s husband, he often spoke to her therapist and researched DID to gain insight into her situation, thereby empowering himself to support her effectively. By speaking to the therapist, he also received support when necessary. According to Charmaine, another pivotal form of support provided by her husband was that he assisted with practical functions around the house, for example, managing the finances and, by so doing, removed extra responsibilities from her, until she was able to cope better. This decreased her domestic responsibilities and allowed her to focus on therapy, and helped her to cope with her psychological and emotional turmoil.

Being in a relationship with a survivor of DID is not easy, yet these men persevered. Charmaine recounts that her husband would return home in the evenings, not knowing which alter personality he would encounter. However, unlike Abby’s husband, he did not engage with the various personalities. Charmaine had an internal conversation with her alter personalities requesting them not to interact with her husband and son. Her son was younger, but he instinctively knew if one of the alter personalities was in control and would then avoid her. Once Charmaine was in control again, he noticed the change and would freely come to her. Her son instinctively knew something was different, yet Charmaine did her best to protect him by hiding her emotions and alter personalities from him. She has not informed him of the SRA or DID and does not plan to do so until he is older.

Cindy experienced her partner’s support differently to Abby and Charmaine. She reports that there have been many ‘ups and downs’ with her partner. She explains that he is a physicist who would like to “take her apart and fix her”. Since he has been unsuccessful in fixing her, he, like Charmaine’s husband, withdraws. However, he has shown his commitment to her by staying with her and trying to understand her, and caring and loving her through the years. Cindy summarises his support as follows, “I think the main thing is to have a spouse that believes in the same values you believe in. Sometimes, I don’t think he

95 completely understands, but he tries and that is good enough for me”. It seems that Cindy’s husband does not comprehend her psychological struggle and does not know how to assist. Despite him not understanding, however, his commitment and stability provide her with a sense of acceptance and support.

Efforts made by spouses to understand DID, as well as their involvement in the participants’ therapy, motivated the participants to continue with their formal helping process. A safe and comforting home environment allowed participants to attend therapy and deal with upsetting issues, knowing they had a safe place to return to. The willingness of their partners to understand them, and their acceptance of the various DID parts added to the participants’ healing and sense of belonging. The spousal support, assistance and unconditional acceptance allowed the participants to engage with their spouses as an informal helping system. The motivating factors contributing to participants seeking assistance from their families of origin are explored next.

4.7.3. Family of origin

Supportive family members can motivate help-seeking and long-term involvement in therapy. Charmaine is the only participant privileged enough to have parents who were not involved in the occult and were supportive of her therapy. Charmaine felt the need to disclose the SRA to her parents after being in therapy for two years. By then, she had made significant advances in dealing with the trauma and felt capable of handling her parents’ response. Weingarten, Cobb, (1995, p.8) suggests that timing of the disclosure of the abuse to non-offending family members should be taken into account, to ensure that the outcome results in support for the victim and is ultimately an empowering event. When Charmaine disclosed to her mother, she believed her and “immediately knew it was true”. Her father, on the other hand, “took it very, very hard”. He stood up and excused himself. Charmaine is of the opinion that he did not know how to respond. She explains,

For my parents, because these things happened in hospital and, at the time, I was young and they were supposed to protect me, I think they still have a sense of guilt because they were the ones that were supposed to protect me. What made it easier for them was that I got through it and because it (Charmaine) is ok now.

Charmaine recognised the shocking impact the disclosure had on her parents and respected it. She deemed the timing of this disclosure most appropriate, as she had already progressed in her therapy and was functioning normally. She believed that this made it easier for her parents to accept. Her mother’s reaction to the SRA disclosure seemed to provide a sense of relief, as she believed her story and Charmaine felt validated.

Apart from the emotional support she received from her parents, they also offered practical support by minding her son while she attended therapy. Disclosing the abuse was an important milestone for Charmaine. Her parents responded positively, resulting in additional and emotional support for Charmaine. Disclosing the abuse seemed to lighten her emotional load and brought a sense of freedom, once she had spoken to her parents. Through her parents’ response, her experiences were validated and it demonstrated great courage. Charmaine had set a goal for herself to be emotionally strong enough to have the conversation with her parents, and her achievement of this goal reflected on her growth and healing, thereby motivating her to continue with her healing process.

4.7.4. Friends

Greenley, Mechanic, and Cleary (1987) consider social support to be a mediating relationship between stressful life events and psychological distress. Friends provide many forms of support, such as being confidants, sharing experiences, and lending emotional and practical support (Havinga 2000). It is also through friendships that we learn to communicate, solve problems and deal with conflict. The participants who were actively involved in the occult never had the opportunity to form meaningful friendships.

Since Charmaine was not born into the occult, she had established positive friendships throughout her life. Abby managed to build relationships with friends throughout her life. She made friends who supported her and motivated her to seek assistance from formal sources. These friends played a mediating role between the formal and informal helping systems.

It is important to Abby that friends do not try to take on the role of therapist, as this has a negative impact on her friendships and can sabotage her therapeutic process with her therapist. She feels that clear boundaries need to be established in this regard. She states

97 that it helped her to have friends who understood DID, as they comprehended her strange behaviour associated with DID. It can be deduced that friendships have a different role than therapy, but are in no way less beneficial.

Charmaine received only one positive response when she disclosed SRA and DID to friends. That was from her best friend, Lisa (a pseudonym), who she had known for many years. Since Charmaine only became aware of the abuse, once the repressed memories started surfacing in her late twenties, neither her nor Lisa had suspected it, and Lisa subsequently responded with shock. In spite of her shock, she continued to accept Charmaine and consistently offered emotional support. This love and support made Charmaine feel safe, thereby allowing herself freedom to confide in Lisa. Lisa’s willingness to accept, and not to judge or reject, but to listen to Charmaine provided an emotional safe haven where Charmaine could vent without fear. Therefore, she strongly relied on Lisa for informal emotional support.

The other participants did not have any informal support networks upon leaving the occult. The researcher found that the time spent in therapy was shorter for Abby and Charmaine, and wonders to what degree social support promoted their recovery. Nevertheless, it is clear that each situation needs to be evaluated on its own merit and numerous variables need to be taken in account. It is, however, true that both Abby and Charmaine found it beneficial to seek help from their friends.

4.7.5. Volunteers

Since Cindy and Debbie share a therapist, they were the only ones that interacted with volunteers. Cindy is of the opinion that the support from volunteers was valuable because of the SRA and DID training they received. Volunteers were, therefore, more sensitive to her needs and assisted her accordingly, while all the time showing compassion. She refers to volunteers who engage socially as ‘milkshake buddies’ and states that she formed good friendships with many of them.

Cindy indicates,

Through the volunteers, I have made wonderful friendships. I can pick up the phone three o’ clock in the morning to some of the volunteers, any time of the morning, and phone any of those volunteers, and they will wake up and pray with me. They understand the spiritual side of it and have experienced it with us.

The volunteers’ willingness to assist her at any time encouraged Cindy to continue seeking help from them. She was confident to approach the volunteers, as they did not judge her. They understood the spiritual nature of SRA and were comfortable dealing with her alter personalities. Many of the volunteers observed strange activity and, therefore, she states that they experienced it ‘with’ her (them). She explains that, at certain times during the year, inexplicable things happened. During these times, the volunteers supported her. She says, for example, “I would be standing and talking to them and the next moment there are cuts (demonically induced) all over my body. So they have an understanding of where I am and where I stand”.

The researcher noted the matter-of-fact manner in which Cindy described these inexplicable events and yet, the ‘appearance’ of cuts is far removed from the norm of everyday living. This one instance helps one to see why it is so important for participants to be surrounded by people who believe and understand what happened to them and, apparently, may still happen to them after leaving the coven.

Some volunteers adopted a mentoring role towards Cindy. She mentions one, in particular, who significantly impacted her life as a mother figure.

It is pretty amazing for someone who doesn’t really know me … she is not blood- related, but that compassion, that motherly compassion is there. When I am with her, she would hold me and let me cry … do things that I never did with my mom.

Having a healthy role model brought healing to Cindy, especially regarding her perceptions of a mother. Her biological mother initiated the SRA and, therefore, Cindy did not have any frame of reference regarding what a mother’s love in a normal environment would look like. The volunteer who took on the mothering role unconditionally accepted and nurtured her, and demonstrated real love to her. Cindy claims that her interaction with volunteers taught her how to deal with people, to communicate and to conduct herself in a proper manner.

Consequently, in helping survivors of SRA, one needs to teach them skills they did not learn in the occult. Examples of skills include: doing basic duties like making food; boundaries; conflict management; communication and problem-solving.

Debbie also found it beneficial that Shirley (the volunteer with whom she resided) understood DID and the spiritual aspects of SRA. Debbie mentions that she did not have to concentrate hard not to switch (let other personalities take control) and was allowed to be herself without fear of judgment or rejection.

It is not the role of family, friends or volunteers to be solely responsible for the healing and skills development of survivors, but they should work in conjunction with the therapist.

4.7.6. Therapist

The participants’ opinions and experiences regarding beneficial aspects of their own participation in counselling, the approach used by the therapists and the qualities of the therapists are discussed below.

In order to benefit effectively from therapy, the participants needed to be committed. Abby explains, “If I am not committed to therapy, he would be unable to help me effectively”. She recognises that this commitment allowed her to take ownership of her future. She states, “This leaves me responsible for my future.”

By acknowledging her responsibility to participate in therapy, she takes ownership for her life and healing, and demonstrates the insight required to successfully build a working therapeutic relationship with the therapist. This realisation is empowering, as she is not a victim or subservient to anyone, but makes a choice and is, thereby, a step further towards functioning independently.

Apart from the participants’ responsibility to engage in therapy, the therapists with whom they persisted demonstrated therapeutic approaches beneficial to their therapeutic journey. The most successful therapists were also those that helped them feel believed. Abby explains, “I need people who believe in what I say because what I feel and what I experience is real to me.”

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Debbie reiterates, “He believes us (alter personalities), which is a big thing that other people could never do.” Charmaine concurs, “Because he believed the story.” Abby’s experience aligns with the above. “The best thing was that my therapist did not think I was crazy, although I thought I was.” Therefore, all the participants emphasised the importance of their respective therapists believing them and considered it a contributory factor to them remaining in therapy.

When their respective therapists believed they were being truthful, trust developed. This trust was further enhanced by the therapists’ client-centred approach. Furthermore, the counsellors not only believed the participants when they disclosed SRA, they also responded appropriately. Cindy responded positively when she came to the realisation that the therapist’s objective was to assist in her healing. “It wasn’t about his ego or curiosity: his goal was purely and utterly to get me free.” This statement is powerful, as it illustrates that the counsellor had no ulterior motives. The occult is characterised by its control over members, brainwashing and torture — all with the goal to create fear and dependence. When considering the survivor’s frame of reference, the impact of the therapist’s approach is profound. When Cindy realised that the therapist’s intention was only to help her, it led to a deep trust in the person and an acknowledgement of herself as a worthy individual. Cindy had every reason to distrust professional people after being sexually assaulted by a psychiatrist, but the therapist’s acceptance, professional boundaries and approach allowed her to start trusting again.

Their therapists’ understanding and acceptance created the confidence for participants to disclose their experiences as illustrated in Debbie’s narrative:

He understands, he is willing to walk the road with us (alter personalities). He is amazing, he understands, he is an example, he is compassionate and he accepts us. He’s got knowledge.

Abby concurs,

After certain sessions, I thought to myself that whatever happened in his office was so bad and embarrassing that I would never return for counselling, but his love and understanding pulled me.

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The therapists’ knowledge of SRA and DID contributed to the survivors feeling understood, and trusting the therapists’ competence to be able to assist them effectively. Cindy states that her therapist made a vast difference, as she (they) is no longer as dissociative or introverted from the outside world. Thalith (2008, p. 85) recalls, “I was hungry in my soul to be understood and accepted for the person I was. How could I run away from love? I wouldn’t!”

The counsellor’s knowledge of SRA and DID appears to be one of the most definitive features relating to beneficial help-rendering. Moreover, it seems more powerful when the knowledge is accompanied by compassion, understanding, love and acceptance, thereby demonstrating the quote by Theodore Roosevelt, “Nobody cares how much you know, until they know how much you care”. Charmaine describes how her therapist’s approach to her DID and personality alters assisted her.

The second time I went to see him, I had an experience of dissociation. While I was there, this alter personality came forward that just showed herself. He acknowledged her. I had no idea, no idea. At the end of the session, when I was 'there' and conscious of my surroundings … he explained what happened. But it was not as bad because there was someone who knew what he was talking about. We walked very carefully and very gently, but when I was there, it was a very safe environment, a very safe setup. That's the main thing: because he believed my story, alter personalities felt they could show themselves. There came some closure for them (alter personalities) and, as the parts healed and as I learnt to accept this new truth, in the end, they integrated, they became part of me again because it wasn't necessary anymore for them to carry what they carried.

After the alter personalities discussed the trauma and emotions they held, the memories were shared with Charmaine and integration started taking place. The safe environment assisted with processing all the information and emotions. She could relax, knowing the therapist was able to facilitate the healing process with the alter personalities.

Again, this highlights the importance of trust, which is facilitated by the therapist creating a safe environment for the participant. At times, the participants were not fully aware of what

102 was happening in therapy when other personalities were talking to the therapist. The therapists’ management of the alter personalities contributed to the improvement of participants. The therapists would provide feedback to the participants regarding what had transpired with the alter personalities. This open communication promoted trust and, ultimately, the participants’ healing.

Abby expresses gratitude to her parts for helping her to survive and deal with the SRA. She explains how her therapist facilitated the process and the impact it had on her.

Previously, their voices were hushed whispers, like they were afraid that the wrong person would hear them, but suddenly their voices were clear and very loud. It was as if they were waiting for someone to acknowledge their existence and their pain. Finally, someone was listening to them and reached out to help (Thalith, 2008, p. 91). During the first months of counselling, we only worked with the memories that were the cause of existence of the personalities. I wasn’t aware of most of the information, but my therapist debriefed me after each session on who came out and why they existed. The moment I realised I could trust Mr S, the rest of my parts followed. I got comfortable enough to allow the other voices in me to surface and speak. This was definitely the most difficult thing I’ve ever done in my life (Thalith, 2008, p. 87). The first time I was told that ‘someone else’ spoke through me, I totally freaked out! I knew second-hand what happened to me because my therapist told me, but I did not have conscious memories about most of the trauma. Later, I started to have floods of traumatic memories. These memories were so real, like a recorded image being burnt into my mind (Thalith, 2008, p. 93). For many years, my life was divided into personalities inside me containing certain memories of my life. As they received their healing and deliverance, their memories became my memories and I got certain parts of my life back. Sometimes, I was blessed by the chance to say goodbye (Thalith, 2008, p. 122).

Once trust was established, the parts (alter personalities) were willing to interact with the therapist, which later led to integration. Trust-building took place when the parts were given the opportunity to share the memories they held. Abby recognised the important role her alter personalities played in her life, and during therapy, she started communicating

103 with them and ‘got to know them’. She felt a great sense of gratitude towards them and acknowledged the magnitude of their contribution to her survival. Eventually, she needed to grieve their departure when they integrated (were no longer separate identities) with her. Once again, the therapist guided her through her bereavement process.

Therapists helped participants to recognise the functionality of the personality alters they had created to protect themselves and, although these parts formed part of their own psyche, they forged a symbiotic relationship. Once the alter personalities shared the traumatic memories with the core person and the need for dissociation had decreased, the participants became more appreciative of the parts that had allowed them to cope and function normally by holding the painful memories.

Dealing with the trauma is a long-term process and being exposed to the repressed memories can be traumatising to the survivor. Therefore, it takes time for the participants to come to terms with the events. Therapists who created a safe environment for participants to work at their own pace during therapy were most effective. Charmaine states, “He was interested in my life. He didn't mind going over things again. If we talked about a memory and I needed to talk about it again, he didn't mind.” Charmaine confirms that treatment requires long-term commitment and that there are no ‘quick fixes’. The therapists’ patience and commitment to therapy permitted the survivors to also devote themselves to the therapeutic process.

The participants all viewed prayer and Christianity as an important aspect of therapy and felt it needed to be incorporated in therapy. Abby explains, “SRA and Satanism is not a passive religion sometimes … I need a more aggressive prayer to help me cope with spiritual issues.” Debbie’s therapist was also a qualified pastor, and was able to distinguish between demons and alter personalities, and handle the situation accordingly. When working with SRA and DID, which has a strong spiritual connotation, it seems that the therapist needs to discern between demons and alter parts. Spirituality is intertwined in their being and, as Cindy states, “The spiritual realm is more of a reality than the physical”.

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Participants felt that the spiritual aspect of survivors could not be ignored in therapy, as it was an intricate part of the survivor’s daily life. As Abby states, “I honestly don’t know how any person can be healed without the presence of Jesus”.

For Abby, the opposing alternative to Satanism is Christianity. For her, freedom came from Christ. She considers it of great importance that prayer and deliverance form part of the therapeutic process. By replacing the bad with the good, the participant thinks differently, and Christian cognitive behavioural therapy can be applied by using positive Biblical references and implementing them in their daily lives (Tan, 2007).

Cindy agrees with Abby regarding the importance of addressing the spiritual dimension of SRA in therapy. She is of the opinion that the psychological, emotional and spiritual effects of SRA are intertwined, and that a balanced approach is required to ensure that survivors are assisted effectively. Survivors need to be guided through therapy on various facets of life that have been impacted by SRA to assist them in caring for themselves: physically, by living a healthy lifestyle; socially, by establishing and maintaining healthy relationships; psycho- emotionally, by dealing with past traumas, empowerment and life skills; and, finally, spiritually, by learning new values, belief systems and strategies.

All the participants in this study’ therapists (counsellors and psychologists) were also qualified clergy and were, therefore, able to address the psychological and spiritual aspects. Although the need for prayer during therapy sessions was expressed by the participants, the question remains whether it is really the role of the therapist to address spiritual issues. Most therapists are not qualified spiritual counsellors and do not necessarily possess the knowledge to address the spiritual needs of a survivor. However, therapy needs to be based on the needs of the client (Casement, 1991). Therefore, if this is the client’s need, from a social work perspective where an ecological and systemic approach is the foundation of all work – that is, a person needs to be assisted holistically at every level – including spiritual, then there is no reason why a therapist cannot address the spiritual. The issue is rather whether the therapist and client could adequately address the spiritual aspect, if they came from different religions and spiritual spaces. Would they be able to do this without the assistance of someone who came from the same spiritual or religious community? Therefore, working in partnership with the client’s spiritual advisor may be a possibility.

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However, it would have to be explored whether it would be as effective as a therapist who is a pastor. The study would have to be conducted with a different set of participants who may have had this experience.

In conclusion, there are a number of particular factors that have emerged as pertinent for effective therapy. Firstly, the commitment of the survivor is a necessary precondition to laying the foundation for counselling, from the side of the participant. On the side of the therapist, some factors that the participants found beneficial to their help-seeking are as follows: therapists should help them feel believed; not label them as crazy; be responsive to the needs of the survivor; work at the pace of the client; be understanding; and have knowledge of SRA and DID, in conjunction with displaying qualities of compassion and love. Through the interviews, it became apparent that survivors were able to reach a point of acceptance and prepare themselves for a new life, if they were assisted in therapy. Moreover, a therapist who has a holistic approach that addresses the physical, spiritual and social aspects is of crucial importance to ensure that survivors receive optimal assistance. These criteria are similar for psychiatrists, where a holistic approach was highlighted as essential for the recovery from SRA, as discussed next.

4.7.7. Psychiatrists

The psychiatrist’s knowledge, approach, medication and willingness to network with the participant’s therapist contributed to the participant’s continued help-seeking from this resource. Abby was diagnosed with DID by a psychiatrist when she was 19 years old. This diagnosis brought her relief and reassurance. She reflects, “What a relief — it gave me a sense of freedom to finally have a name for what I feel and knowing that I was not crazy, after all.” Once diagnosed by the psychiatrist, Abby could put a name to all her symptoms and was then able to deal with them appropriately.

Similarly, Debbie declares that the psychiatrist she consulted understood DID and was, therefore, comfortable communicating with the different personalities. She related to each one of them individually, as they were important to her survival. Hence, Debbie and her personalities were willing to co-operate with the psychiatrist. “She understands the rest of us.” It was one of Debbie’s personality alters who participated in the researcher’s interview.

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Survivors highlight that being acknowledged and understood is an important element of healing with regard to all mental health professionals.

Psychiatric knowledge of the way in which participants functioned was critical, in order to pick up manipulation, avoidance and other ‘tricks’ survivors have learnt to survive. Debbie admits to previously manipulating psychiatrists to obtain medication to escape her circumstances. Her current psychiatrist confronted Debbie when she attempted to manipulate to obtain more medication. She knew what medication was appropriate, but did not overmedicate Debbie. This allowed Debbie to function optimally and she could, therefore, participate effectively in her own treatment.

Moreover, her psychiatrist communicated with her therapist, thereby ensuring that she received multidisciplinary treatment, since the various support systems were working together towards the same goal. By accepting her DID, the psychiatrist won her trust to the extent that Debbie co-operated and, therefore, benefited from treatment. Similarly, for Abby, an accurate diagnosis contributed to her receiving the correct treatment. This complements what Debbie states regarding psychiatrists’ understanding of DID and their acknowledgement of the other personality alters.

Overall, it seems that survivors considered it helpful when psychiatrists had knowledge of SRA and DID; gave an accurate diagnosis, and prescribed suitable and appropriate dosages of medication, as well as working in a multidisciplinary approach. This also motivated continued help-seeking from the psychiatrist. Next, the participants’ positive experiences when seeking help from medical staff are discussed.

4.7.8. Medical services

Both Cindy and Debbie had access to doctors and nurses who completed training on assisting survivors of SRA. These doctors were willing to assist participants because they had an improved understanding of SRA. Their knowledge of the spiritual aspects (demonically induced injuries) reassured the participants, as they did not have to offer explanations, or fear being institutionalised. Debbie explains,

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They are nice people and never ask too many questions. They bring in humour when interacting with her, and are comfortable with the various personalities and make use of humour, but not at our expense.

The doctors related to them as human beings and set them at ease by talking to them, joking with them and communicating with the personality alters as individuals.

Debbie and Cindy were reassured by the doctors who had received training in SRA, as they did not have the added pressure of trying to explain the origin of the injuries, and did not have to be concerned that they would be referred to a psychiatric institution that might not understand their situation. Communication between the doctors, therapists and psychiatrist is, therefore, crucial and, if institutionalisation is necessary, it should be conveyed to the survivors via the professionals who they know and trust. Furthermore, they appreciated the light-hearted interaction with the doctors, which allowed them to relax and engage.

4.7.9. Criminal justice system

Since the disbanding of the occult unit, a new unit within the SAPS, now referred to as the Unit against Harmful Religious Practices, has been re-established. Cindy was the only participant who had a positive experience with the police. She states that when she left the coven, there were many attacks and threats on her life. She was also kidnapped on numerous occasions and these policemen “didn’t think twice to get into their cars and physically come and fetch me wherever I was”. She further expresses her gratitude by stating, “I am quite amazed and quite privileged to know policemen in the occult unit who understand these things”.

She recalls one incident when a policeman found her naked and covered in blood. When she woke up in hospital, he was sitting next to her. She describes his compassion as ‘immense’. He found her outside his jurisdiction and still assisted her, demonstrating commitment, understanding and care. Her experience with this specialised unit motivated Cindy to seek help from the CJS. Therefore, the entry point for SRA survivors to use the CJS is a specialist unit that focuses on dealing with this type of field, which would be difficult for the average police officer to deal with and believe. Specialist units are critical. Next, the use of safe houses is explored.

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4.7.10. Safe houses

Cindy and Debbie were both placed in a safe house for SRA survivors shortly after starting therapy. Cindy asserts that this helped her to get back on her feet. They received threats of kidnapping and the safe house provided protection. The volunteers were trained regarding SRA and DID, and assisted them with physical, emotional, social and spiritual support. These volunteers were described as helpful and encouraging. Debbie adds, “They understood the spiritual attacks and knew what to pray.” Cindy makes the powerful observation that, “I think more people in the coven would be alive today (referring specifically to those who tried to leave the coven), if there were more safe houses available as a means of support”. Hence, safe-houses have an important role to play in helping people escape SRA.

Unfortunately, the only safe house that existed for SRA survivors has now closed down and there are currently no other SRA safe houses. Although Cindy later ended up in the SRA safe house, she found refuge at a shelter for destitute people when she initially escaped from the coven. The shelter was run by a pastor who showed her love. He believed in Cindy and arranged an administrative job for her at the shelter. The pastor demonstrated concern for Cindy’s wellbeing by referring her for therapy. This is the same therapist she was still seeing at the time of the interview.

Although the pastor did not possess knowledge of DID, he made Cindy feel loved and accepted. He believed in Cindy and gave her administrative responsibilities, thereby empowering her and building her self-esteem. The pastor’s attitude towards Cindy appeared to have a greater impact on her life than the physical security. Yet, because she was physically safe, her psycho-emotional needs could be addressed,

Once Cindy had settled, the pastor, knowing the limitations of his scope of practice, referred Cindy to an equipped therapist to receive the required help. The importance of a referral system that is knowledgeable about SRA and DID, as well as the need for multidisciplinary intervention in SRA, is highlighted as critical.

The safe houses were effective because they addressed the combination of the physical, emotional and spiritual needs of the survivors, in conjunction with keeping them safe.

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Feeling understood and not judged also encouraged the survivors to make use of the safe house. Finally, safe houses are an important source of referral for further help-seeking.

4.7.11. Educational institutions

Unfortunately, very little was said pertaining to assistance received from educational systems while the participants were still at school. Only Cindy commented on a teacher in reform school who always responded positively and patiently with her. She recalls, “She never gave up: everybody else gave up on me my whole life … but she never gave up.”

The teacher’s love, care and unconditional acceptance touched Cindy’s life. Her not giving up on Cindy proved to her that she had worth and that there were people who did not want to hurt her. Although there was no practical intervention, the attitude with which the teacher approached Cindy had a positive impact.

Similarly, for Debbie, when her teacher noticed her withdrawal in class and showed concern for her, it had a positive effect on Debbie. She felt noticed and it made her realise that perhaps there was hope of finding help. Teachers identifying and noticing them had a greater impact on the participants than they (the participants) might initially have realised. Apparently, being noticed was enough to provide them with a sense of hope and self-worth.

Next, the participants’ words of advice to survivors and helpers of survivors are recorded. This important section demonstrates the participants’ struggles, as well as their courage and hope, which contributed to the terminology of ‘survivorship’ rather than ‘victim’. The researcher did not add her own interpretation to their words, as they were sharing their hearts. In many ways, the following section summarises the positive aspects of helping, as articulated above.

Advice from survivors to other survivors and helpers

4.8. Advice to helpers

The survivors identified three important elements in their advice to helpers. Believing them seems to be the most critical aspect in SRA healing. Secondly, survivors highlighted that the help they needed had to be integrated and addressed on all the various levels that they

110 were harmed: physical, emotional, spiritual, psychological and safety. Finally, they highlighted the need for love and acceptance as important to healing and integration. Their advice to helpers is provided below:

Debbie states, “Believe them: that’s the big number one. Don’t minimise what they are feeling just because you don’t believe, or because you are sceptical.”

Abby continues by declaring that survivors of SRA should not be judged. “I believe someone coming out of SRA needs in-depth therapy… and I believe they need prayer.” She adds that survivors need spiritual help, psychological help and training in ‘soft skills’, such as communication, anger management and job skills. These skills are important to help them adapt to normal functioning. Abby then emphasises the importance of taking survivors out of their environment, in order to establish a good support system and provide them with the opportunities to develop skills which they never learnt.

Cindy specifies that people who want to help survivors of SRA need to understand that they have to be committed, open-minded, understanding and caring. If DID is present, the healing process takes even longer. “The worst thing that you can do to a person with SRA is not to believe them. Be to the SRA survivor what they never had by being willing, supportive — and just be there.”

Charmaine states,

Love the people. Love goes a very long way. The boundaries can still be in place in that you don't have to step over them. It is not a clinical thing: some problems you can deal with in a very clinical way, but this is not one of those. This is one where the people who want to help will have to have love, they will have to have compassion and they must stick it out. It is traumatic for someone that has been through SRA, that has been deceived so many times already, or DID: it is traumatic if you find someone to help you, and that person just takes off and leaves. So, if you are wanting [sic] to help people, do it. If you are not sure, wait. Don't start it and then leave the people. Just make sure it is what you really want to do.

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4.9. Advice to other survivors

Abby’s advice to people seeking help for SRA and who are experiencing dissociative symptoms, is to find someone reputable, with regard to SRA and DID, trustworthy and in this field. She feels that their support system can be anyone and they can just read a book or two to gain an understanding of DID. The big message from all the participants is that it is critical to seek help and they reinforce that there is a way out of the occult, as difficult and complex as it may seem, as the narratives below highlight:

There is help out there, seek it and try to grasp it with everything in you because there is help, there is hope and there is a way out. — Cindy

It’s possible. Tell them it’s possible. It may be a fight, and you might have to fight the same fight over and over, but eventually you will get there, even if you go very slow [sic]. — Debbie

I would say that they need to find someone who is prepared to walk with them out of it. I don't think it is possible to walk out of it on your own. I won't say it is impossible, I will just say it is very hard. I had support and it was hard. — Charmaine

4.10. Conclusion

At the subsystems level, survivors have to overcome their own programming and fears of retaliation to even begin the process of looking for help. Extreme life-changing events such as the loss of loved ones were the motivation for participants to overcome their fears and seek help.

Friends and family forming part of the informal supra-systems provide the most effective support by caring about, accepting and befriending survivors. Friends and family model healthy relationships, and assist participants with developing new coping mechanisms and skills to function optimally. In order for informal systems to support survivors optimally, it is vitally important that boundaries remain in place and that partners do not try to take on the role of therapist. However, they could also be an important link to professional support. What was interesting and different from cases where women were abused by their intimate

112 partners, was that when survivors lacked informal networks, they searched for help from formal systems.

From the above, it is clear that one of the main challenges at the supra-system level is finding professionals who have knowledge of SRA and DID. The themes throughout this chapter regarding hindrances to help-seeking are the fear of not being believed, unrealistic expectations from helpers, inconsistent boundaries, fear of being rejected, fear of the coven’s retaliation, and lack of understanding and knowledge of SRA and DID.

Factors encouraging engagement with help-seeking include professional helpers being knowledgeable of SRA and DID; believing the participants’ narratives; accepting them and being comfortable to work in this area. To further improve help-seeking, organisations need to have their own protocols in place and ensure that compassionate, yet competent services are delivered.

A comprehensive summary regarding the findings, conclusion and recommendations is discussed in greater detail in the following chapter.

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Chapter 5. Conclusion and Recommendations

5.1. Introduction

This study endeavours to explore the help-seeking experiences of survivors of SRA, who were all diagnosed with DID. The objectives are to understand what led the participants to seek help from the formal and informal systems; to discuss the challenges they faced while seeking help and, finally, to examine which aspects of the assistance they received were most beneficial.

This chapter addresses these issues. Firstly, the systems theory framework is explained and how it relates to the survivor; secondly, ritual abuse and satanic ritual abuse are defined; thirdly, the research methodology is discussed and the survivors’ help-seeking experiences within the various systems are summarised and, finally, recommendations and suggestions for future research are put forward.

5.2. Systems theory framework

The various systems forming part of the survivors’ lives and that influenced help-seeking for SRA are explained based on a combination of the descriptions of the systemic framework provided by Pincus and Minahan (1973), and Robbins et al. (2010). These systems include: the macro, supra and subsystems of which the survivor is the focal system of the research (Robbins et al., 2010). The subsystem, which is internal to the focal system, includes the survivor’s physical, cognitive, emotional and spiritual aspects (Robbins et al., 2010; Van Niekerk, 2001). Systems external to the survivor are referred to as the supra-system (Robbins et al., 2010). The supra-system can further be divided into two groups: the formal system, such as schools, religious institutions, hospitals, support groups, and the police; and the informal system, of which family, friends and colleagues are an example (Pincus & Minahan, 1973). The final system is the macro-system, which includes the person’s culture, beliefs and the society in which they were raised.

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Diagram A: The Systemic Framework (Pincus & Minahan, 1973; Robbins et al., 2010)

Diagram B (1) Diagram of the Survivor’s Subsystem

(2) Diagram of the Survivor’s Supra-system and Macro-system

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5.3. Macro-system

The Satanic occult utilised indoctrination, social isolation, threats and intimidation, while simultaneously creating a sense of belonging to manipulate and gain control of the survivors’ beliefs about themselves, the occult and society and, ultimately, their belief systems, thereby exerting power over their macro-system.

5.4. Sub-system

The SRA severely affected the survivors’ subsystems, which include their physical, cognitive, emotional and spiritual functioning. SRA caused extreme physical harm through torture, various forms of sexual assault and rape. The abuse also caused intense psychological and cognitive damage to the participants by utilising the physical torture and psychological abuse to establish mind control, and instil various programs in the participants. The participants consequently developed DID, in order to survive and cope with the abuse.

SRA resulted in emotional turmoil for the survivors. They experienced extreme fear: fear of retaliation from occult members for leaving; fear that their loved ones would be harmed; fear of rejection; fear that they would not be believed, or accepted; and fear of being labelled as crazy. Furthermore, they felt immense guilt and shame, not only for what they had experienced, but also for their participation in rituals. Spiritual abuse occurs through indoctrination and utilisation of spiritual forces such as demons: disobedience or betrayal of the occult results in demonic retaliation and harm. The core belief of Satanism is to counter Christian beliefs.

5.5. Supra-system

The influence of SRA on the participants’ macro and subsystems laid the foundation for seeking help from different resources within the supra-system. In order to deal with the spiritual abuse, the participants approached churches and Christian therapists for assistance. They sought help from psychologists, counsellors and psychiatrists to address the psychological, cognitive and emotional consequences of SRA. The physical harm caused by the occult steered them towards seeking help from health services and searching for

116 respite at safe houses. The CJS was also approached for assistance. The role of educators assisting participants was mentioned. These are the formal systems, within the supra- system, which the participants approached for assistance. The role of the participants’ informal systems such as their partners, parents and friends was discussed, as each individual had a significant influence on the participants.

The following definitions provide the reader with information regarding how the participants’ paradigms and belief systems were shaped.

5.6. Definitions

Ritual abuse is comprised of a religious ceremony conducted in a prescribed manner: it is ongoing, methodical and brutal, as well as secret. Ritual abuse is aimed at gaining complete power and control over a person through torture, and systematically brainwashing the victim through physical, sexual, psychological, emotional and spiritual abuse. The perpetrators indoctrinate their victims to respond in specific ways and to hold specific beliefs; and they destroy basic human values, and inculcate their own belief system by gaining control of the victims’ thought processes and behaviour. The perpetrators utilise strong fear responses to distort the victims’ sense of self and their reality, to such an extent that the victims feel responsible for the abuse (Friesen, 1996; Oksana, 2001; De Young, 1997; Peach, 1997; Knight & Getzinger, 1994; Joubert, 1998).

SRA includes all aspects of ritual abuse, but is more specific and extreme. It occurs within an organised cult which worships and serves Satan, and is an anti-Christian cult that inverts basic Christian beliefs. The purpose of SRA is to indoctrinate victims to ensure that they adopt satanic beliefs and practices. SRA includes persecution from demons and those believed to control the demons. Extreme abuse is used to induce psychopathology (such as DID or post-traumatic stress disorder), although structured dissociation and occult integration are utilised to compartmentalise the victim’s mind into multiple personalities, in order to incapacitate and control the victim (Peach, 1997; Els & Jonker, 2000; Ivey, 1993; Patton, n.d.; Hector, 1990; Pulling & Cawthon, 1992, p. 66). In the case of SRA, there is a strong link between the macro and subsystems. The occult indoctrination has a significant impact on the internal functioning, as well as the physical wellbeing of the survivor, which in

117 turn, determines whether a survivor will seek help or not. The impact of SRA necessitates intervention at various levels from various resources.

5.7. Help-seeking

The data analysis chapter explores the challenges the participants experienced within the macro-system, namely the normalisation of SRA, security and belonging, threats and intimidation. Secondly, the motivators leading the participants to seek help were examined and then, the motivating factors that promoted help-seeking, as well as the factors hindering help-seeking within the supra-systems (formal and informal systems), were explored.

5.7.1. Macro-system

Firstly, hindrances to seeking help, which were established within the survivors’ macro- system through SRA, were expounded on. Survivors’ belief systems and worldviews are directed by the occult through the normalisation of SRA, creating a sense of belonging, and threats and intimidation. The coven normalised SRA, particularly for the three participants born into multigenerational Satanist families: these participants were raised to believe that SRA was normal, acceptable practice, since they did not know any alternative. Secondly, a sense of belonging is created through strong group cohesion, sharing similar norms and values, providing for the members’ physical and financial needs, as well as through the use of double binds, social isolation and socialisation within the coven.

Thirdly, due to the isolation from the rest of society, they do not have many informal (friends and family) or formal (medical, therapy, criminal justice system, churches) resources they can turn to for assistance. Moreover, if the members leave, they are left without housing or any means of financial support, further enhancing financial and emotional dependence on the occult.

Fourthly, the occult threatens to harm their members and their loved ones, should they choose to leave. Loved ones of two participants were killed by the occult after leaving. In one case, it was her baby and, in the other, her fiancé. After they tried to escape, the coven carried out their threats, thereby reinforcing tremendous fear in the participants, as well as

118 other occult members, with regard to leaving, or disclosing information pertaining to the occult.

Finally, the occult does its utmost to ensure that members suffer emotionally, psychologically, spiritually and physically through torture, indoctrination and mind control. Consequently, this makes it exceedingly difficult for survivors to find formal or informal helping systems that understand and appropriately assist them with the complex symptoms that manifest.

5.8. Motivators toward help-seeking

Despite the obstacles to help-seeking, the participants were able to find innovative ways to flee the occult, but not without consequence. Usually, survivors only leave when there are life-changing events that contribute to them obtaining the courage and motivation to do so.

Participants experienced life-changing events that provided them with the courage to leave. For one survivor, it was falling pregnant and wanting to protect her baby from life and abuse within the occult. For another, it was when the occult killed her fiancé, and the third participant left after she had a powerful encounter with Christ. Jesus Christ, representing the opposite of Satanism, presented an opportunity to be free from the occult and receive healing from the abuse. The fourth participant did not willingly join the occult, but was subject to rituals when she was ill in hospital. She sought help from therapists for symptoms related to post-traumatic stress and depression before she started recalling the SRA.

In the case of the first three participants, only life-changing events contributed to their decision to leave the occult and begin considering various sources that could help them escape the repressive occult environment. The participants’ experiences with therapists, psychiatrists, the CJS, medical personnel, school personnel, social workers and shelters are summarised below. Responses varied from supportive to unhelpful and stigmatising.

5.8.1. Family

Within the informal supra-system, family relationships and support were critical to participants utilising both formal and informal support systems. As in the case of the

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Church, mentioned below, when family responded positively, it encouraged further help- seeking and the ability to leave, while families who were entrenched in the coven, or did not believe the participants, deterred further help-seeking from formal systems.

Parents who respond positively to survivors’ disclosures, validate their experiences and make them feel comfortable to approach them for help on other occasions. Participants found it beneficial when family provided emotional and practical support, for example, child-minding.

Parents who were in the occult could not be approached for assistance to leave because they were responsible for the participant’s involvement in the occult in the first place and were also instigators of the SRA. It was found that when parents who were informed of sexual abuse responded with a ‘get over it’ attitude, it prevented further disclosure and caused reluctance to approach them for help on other occasions. When family members do not accept survivors’ diagnosis of mental illness, or show no interest in assisting with the diagnosis, it causes survivors to withdraw from family, which adds to feelings of isolation.

Positive experiences regarding family support were mostly received regarding spouses who accepted survivors unconditionally; did not pressure them to get better; independently researched DID to obtain knowledge of the condition; and attended therapy for spouses to gain knowledge and guidance, and support for themselves. When participants experienced the stability and commitment of spouses, it caused them to make huge progress because they felt safe and accepted. The participants also found it helpful when their spouses assisted with domestic chores and shared household responsibilities to help them cope better.

5.8.2. Friends

The support the survivors received from friends had a powerful impact in enabling and encouraging them to continue with their formal help-seeking process. Friendships that contribute to help-seeking are characterised by acceptance, emotional support, understanding SRA and DID, and allowing the survivor to feel safe, knowing that they can rely on friends. When looking at the positive effect friendships have, it is understandable that the coven attempts to prevent friendships from being formed. Therefore, most

120 participants were isolated by the occult and never allowed to establish friendships outside the occult. Furthermore, in order to protect potential friends from being recruited and harmed by the occult, participants refrained from making friends.

The participants, therefore, rarely formed friendships outside the occult, as this is contrary to the culture in the occult. Hence, friends are not an option as a helping resource, especially for survivors coming from multigenerational satanic families. Participants also fear disclosing SRA and/or DID to people outside the occult, in case they might be labelled as crazy. A participant experienced change in the behaviour of friends, once the SRA or DID was disclosed, resulting in feelings of hurt and betrayal. She withdrew from them and did not utilise them as an informal support system again.

It is also important that informal systems equip themselves with general knowledge of SRA and DID. However, they should not take on the role of therapist and only lend support according to their knowledge and skill. Partners play an important role in modelling relationships for survivors of SRA and are important in helping them develop life skills. Therefore, parents, spouses and friends of the survivors can play a vital role in assisting them, thereby either promoting or deterring them from seeking help from informal systems.

5.8.3. Volunteers

Volunteers bridge formal and informal helping systems: they received training regarding SRA and DID from a psychologist, in order to equip themselves to provide efficient informal support to survivors. Some of the roles they play are befriending survivors, praying with them and 24-hour crisis intervention support. Volunteers appear to play a positive role in the lives of the survivors, provided their motives are sincere, they are committed and they respect boundaries. In cases where volunteers might engage in a romantic relationship with a survivor, consequences for the survivor can be immense, as they may feel betrayed by people representing the opposite of the occult. Emotional boundaries should also be in place to prevent co-dependent relationships between survivors and volunteers, which might prevent the survivor from functioning independently and realising their potential. Since trust, acceptance and being believed are important to the survivor, the onus is on the volunteers to act responsibly in modelling different types of relationships.

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Positive aspects of volunteers being involved with the survivor are modelling positive behaviour; physical, psychological, emotional and spiritual support; acceptance; understanding; and building healthy relationships. It is most beneficial to the participants when volunteers work hand-in-hand with the therapist, as it helps keep the volunteers accountable and assists the therapist in guiding the therapeutic process. The volunteers provide survivors with a strong social support structure, which motivates survivors towards help-seeking and maintaining the helping process. This form of support complements therapy and the holistic wellness of the survivor.

5.9. Formal supra-system

5.9.1. Church

Spiritual support, experiences of wellbeing, and connectedness to people within the spiritual (or at times, religious) community of prayer and worship are crucial to healing survivors of SRA (Gallagher, 2001; Peach, 1980; Oksana, 2001). Healthy spirituality appears to provide survivors with purpose and meaning in life. Krause, Ellison, Shaw, Marcum and Boardman (2001) postulate that positive, spiritual support from religious institutions increases positive, religious coping responses. As Pfeifer (2000) points out, “Spiritual attributions call for spiritual solutions”. Examples of these solutions include prayer, confession, Communion, blessings, imagery, prophecy and deliverance or exorcism. These solutions can only be properly applied, if church leaders and congregation members are trained regarding SRA, mind control, DID and deliverance, and in utilising specific spiritual or psychological solutions, when appropriate. Tan (2007) indicates that prayer and scripture can be ethically and effectively used in Christian CBT.

Participants were met with diverse reactions from churches, clergy and congregation members. On the one hand, negative responses included those from pastors who were afraid to become involved, as they felt the need to protect their congregation from the survivors. On the other hand, participants were met with disbelief when they disclosed their involvement in Satanism and requested assistance.

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There were occasions when the clergy and congregation members believed the participants and, since they had knowledge of spiritual matters such as demonic possession, felt it necessary to exorcise the demons. Unfortunately, they were unaware of DID and, subsequently, treated the personality alters as demons and tried to perform exorcism/deliverance, resulting in frustrated survivors, as the psychological elements cannot be dealt with by addressing demons. At times, deliverance was conducted in a harsh, abusive manner, causing further physical, emotional and spiritual harm to the survivor. Some churches referred them for counselling with lay counsellors from the church, who possessed limited knowledge of psychopathology, and the survivors experienced their approach as rigid and felt that they set unrealistic therapeutic expectations.

Besides the responses of the pastors and congregation members, mind control programs instilled in the participants’ cognitive subsystems by the occult, were activated to prevent participants from seeking help from churches. These programs were meant to trigger participants to infiltrate and attempt to destroy churches, self-destruct, or switch to different personality alters who did not want the participant to be helped. Moreover, some participants related that demons caused them physical pain when they entered churches as punishment for attending church.

There were some participants who reported positive experiences with churches that facilitated help-seeking. These experiences include being believed, embraced, understood and accepted by church members and the clergy. Congregation members who possessed knowledge of SRA and DID were able to support and help participants to feel understood. This acceptance created a sense of belonging, which offered an alternative to the occult. Faith in God and Christ provided participants with strength, a positive worldview and motivation to strive towards self-actualisation within the Christian framework, allowing them to find meaning in their suffering. As Krause et al. (2001) suggests, people who are more religious tend to enjoy better health than individuals not involved in religion. From the narratives of participants, it emerged that the Church is one of the most powerful resources for survivors, as it provides an alternative to the occult and can address the negative influences of the occult on both the participants’ macro-systems (belief systems) and spiritual subsystem.

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5.9.2. Therapy

Receiving therapy required participants to face some serious internal issues located within their subsystems. The participants’ commitment to therapy and taking responsibility played just such an important role as that of the therapist. The participants feared that they would not be believed, or would be considered crazy, and were, therefore, reluctant to confide in a therapist. They also had to confront their feelings of shame: shame for what they had experienced as victims, as well as their shame for abusing and hurting others during rituals. Once they had addressed these fears and took ownership for their healing, help-seeking progressed.

A hindering factor to help-seeking experienced within the formal supra-system was finding a suitable therapist. Since SRA and DID are controversial subjects, many therapists are reluctant to become involved, as they fear scrutiny from the professional community (Rudikoff, 1997). Other therapists found working with SRA survivors disturbing, difficult and complicated, thereby making it problematic for survivors to access their services. The participants struggled to find therapists who had knowledge of SRA and DID, and this presented a challenge. Charmaine and Abby both experienced that their therapists stagnated in their therapeutic approach and did not adjust the therapy process to their changing needs.

The participants responded positively to therapists who utilised a client-centred approach and were committed to long-term therapy. The participants developed trust in their therapist, once they realised that they believed them and were equipped to help them. The therapist’s love, acceptance, understanding and compassion motivated the participants towards continuous engagement in therapy, while open communication created an environment in which the participants felt safe enough to deal with the severe trauma of SRA.

Participants also consider prayer a necessity during therapy. Since many therapists are not trained to provide spiritual counselling, networking with spiritual or church leaders may be beneficial to survivors’ therapy. Therefore, a multidisciplinary approach to working with

124 survivors will ensure that their physical, cognitive, emotional and spiritual (subsystem) needs are met.

5.9.3. Psychiatrists

The participants’ experiences with psychiatrists as role-players in this holistic approach were explored. A difficulty psychiatrists experience when dealing with survivors of SRA is that some clients sabotage their own treatment by purposefully misleading them. Two of the participants sabotaged their own treatment by attempting to manipulate or mislead the psychiatrist. This is problematic, as trust is essential as an entry point, if psychiatrists are to effectively diagnose DID and intervene with survivors of SRA. Diagnosis is a complex process and three of the participants were initially misdiagnosed and, consequently, either prescribed medication that did not alleviate any symptoms, or overmedicated, causing them to feel like ‘zombies’. Hence, appropriate diagnosis and medication are critical. Misdiagnoses caused them to be wary of psychiatrists, especially since they were met with disbelief by psychiatrists who had no knowledge of SRA and/or DID. Knowledge of DID and SRA is, therefore, essential for effective intervention by psychiatrists.

Participants found it beneficial when psychiatrists communicated with other mental health professionals to ensure optimal treatment. Participants also responded well to psychiatrists who recognised and understood DID, and were comfortable communicating with the alter personalities. Psychiatrists are critical to the healing of DID and integration of the alter personalities. Therefore, correct diagnosis, appropriate medication and support from this resource is essential.

5.9.4. Medical services

Participants were reluctant to seek assistance from medical staff, as they were often met with disbelief, cynicism and non-sympathetic attitudes from staff members. Participants feared having to provide explanations for injuries, as these injuries were often demonically induced, or owing to torture by the occult, and they struggled to explain this to medical personnel and feared that they might disclose the SRA. Some found medical staff unsympathetic, and this made them reluctant to seek medical assistance. In most instances, injuries by the occult were treated by medical experts within the occult. When survivors 125 eventually left the occult, finding doctors who had received training in SRA was crucial. Firstly, these doctors understood that their injuries did not always have a logical explanation, so the participants did not have the added pressure of trying to explain the origin of the injuries, or the uncertainty that they might be referred to a psychiatric institution. Since they were unable to provide plausible explanations, there were occasions when they were referred to psychiatric institutions for being considered a suicide risk, which is regarded as a logical deduction from the type of injuries presented. Secondly, they also appreciate the light-hearted interaction with the doctors, since it allows them to relax and engage. It is clear, therefore, that dealing with SRA is complex and sensitive.

5.9.5. Criminal justice system (CJS)

Three of the participants were afraid to seek help from the CJS, as they had participated in criminal activities while being involved in the occult. The occult blackmailed them with evidence of their involvement, should they report SRA to the police. The participants were, therefore, reluctant to seek help for fear of prosecution. When they did report SRA to the police, they were met with disbelief. In some cases, police were unsympathetic, clinical, insensitive, unapproachable and fearful of SRA, and lacked knowledge of how to deal with these crimes appropriately. In one case, information was lost and the police displayed incompetence.

The problem with reporting SRA is that many of the occult members are influential members of society and members of the CJS. Lack of consistency, disappearing evidence, incompetence and insensitivity were contributory factors leading to survivors fearing seeking assisting from the police. According to Lanning (1989), “If officers must be, or are assigned, they will need the power of their own spiritual belief system, in order to deal with the superstition and religious implications of these cases and should provide spiritual strength and support for them, but not affect the objectivity and professionalism of the investigation.” A new, specialised unit was established a couple of years after the disbanding of the occult unit. This new unit was perceived as understanding, caring and prepared to go the extra mile to assist. Specialist units may be the answer to dealing with SRA.

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5.9.6. Safe houses

Two of the participants were accommodated in a safe house, following threats from the occult. This was a positive experience for them, as they were physically safe and were supervised by volunteers who had received training regarding SRA and DID. These volunteers understood the participants’ emotional, social and spiritual challenges and could assist them accordingly. The participants described them as helpful and encouraging. Unfortunately, the safe house closed down and there are currently no SRA-specialised safe houses. One participant resided in a home for destitute people and, although they did not have knowledge of SRA or DID, they treated her with kindness, saw potential in her and gave her responsibilities. They realised she needed therapy and referred her to a therapist. Their guidance, acceptance and referral for professional help motivated her to empower herself and continue accepting assistance. The study findings demonstrate the important contribution that safe houses make to protecting and empowering survivors of SRA. Unfortunately, there are currently no specialist safe houses available to these survivors. Staff members of other safe houses may not be appropriately trained to deal with the issues SRA survivors present. However, just offering survivors a safe place, acceptance and referral can be impactful in helping them to remain free from the occult.

5.9.7. Education system

The participants attended school during the timeframe in which the SRA took place, but they were reluctant to disclose the abuse to teachers because they feared retaliation from the coven. Although participants felt that many of the teachers did not notice visible signs of abuse, there were two teachers who did notice differences in the survivors. Their perceptiveness alone was important to survivors. However, when teachers identify the symptoms, it is important that they respond appropriately and have access to referral systems.

5.10. Conclusions

It is evident from the interviews with participants, as well as the literature study, that, regardless of the type of institution or persons being approached for help, being believed,

127 accepted and understood was required from the helping sources. Being believed, accepted and understood negates the survivors’ fear of being labelled as crazy and not being believed, thereby forming a foundation for help-seeking. Overall, it seems that help-seeking for SRA is very complex, owing to the serious psychological consequences of the torture and abuse which often results in DID. Some therapists are unable to manage this disorder and the criminal nature of the acts committed by survivors as part of the occult. According to the participants, in order to assist survivors of SRA effectively, it is essential that helpers believe them, not judge them, love them, are compassionate, are committed to long-term therapy, and have knowledge of SRA and DID.

It is, however, clear that, despite the difficulties of leaving the coven, some make an effort to leave when they experience a life-changing event. Positive responses by helpers to survivors who disclose SRA enable them to leave the occult and engage in various forms of help-seeking. Negative responses, and lack of knowledge and understanding of SRA and DID were serious obstacles to survivors seeking help and, subsequently, breaking away from the occult. Sadly, a lack of knowledge and understanding, and especially disbelief and horror, are common responses to disclosure of SRA. Survivors are, therefore, in a precarious situation, with few options for getting out because, even when they leave, their lives are under constant threat.

A need exists for a more integrated and holistic response to the needs of survivors. It may be deduced that a multidisciplinary approach is required from highly skilled and specialised personnel. It would seem that there needs to be a strong referral system of professionals in the supra-system that can effectively deal with survivors of SRA. In combination with DID, SRA is so complex and induces so much fear, that the professional who is untrained in DID and SRA would be unable to adequately assist this highly vulnerable group.

5.11. Recommendations

Flowing from the above, interventions are required to address the barriers to help-seeking and support survivors who have disclosed SRA. Recommendations are proposed within the supra-systems, both the formal and informal supra-systems, to bring about positive change in assisting survivors of ritual abuse. Finally, since this is an exploratory study and little is

128 known about SRA survivors’ help-seeking behaviour, recommendations are made for further research, in order to generate more knowledge and understanding of this sensitive area of study.

5.11.1. Formal supra-systems

The following is recommended:

 When working with survivors of SRA, a multidisciplinary approach, comprising spiritual leaders, therapists, psychiatrists, police officers, lawyers, educators and medical practitioners, is required to ensure that the survivor receives optimal care.  Lay counsellors should receive more in-depth training regarding psychopathology or, alternatively, liaise with a qualified psychologist to ensure the survivor receives optimal assistance.  A team approach within the Church is required. Firstly, the minister and his wife should stand in relationship with the survivor as leaders and authority figures showing God’s grace. Secondly, interpersonal relationships should be encouraged through the attendance of smaller cell groups/Bible studies within the church.  A list of therapists who have knowledge of SRA and DID, and who are willing to commit to long-term therapy with survivors of SRA, should be compiled for effective referral systems to be in place. These therapists should also be comfortable working with DID alter personalities and programming, and have knowledge of the spiritual aspects of SRA and the ability to guide the therapeutic process.  Therapists should have a broad spectrum of therapeutic approaches and adapt these approaches to meet the needs of the client to prevent stagnation.  Police officers should be trained to work with SRA to provide a competent service to victims. They will need the power of their own spiritual belief system, in order to deal with the superstition and religious implications of these cases, but this belief system should not affect the objectivity and professionalism of the investigation.  Safe houses with multidisciplinary staff qualified to work with survivors should be established to assist survivors on a physical, psychological, social and spiritual level.  Formal institutions forming part of the supra-systems should obtain knowledge regarding SRA and DID to effectively assist survivors of SRA. 129

 Educators should be educated regarding signs and symptoms of abuse (whether SRA or other forms of abuse) to ensure that they can identify a learner in need of assistance. They should also be made aware of appropriate referral systems.  Appropriate resources and services that are able to deal with SRA should be available to the professional community, and referral channels made clear to ensure accessibility to survivors of SRA seeking assistance.  Regular communication and networking between the various systems are required to ensure that the survivors’ needs are best met on all levels.

5.11.2. Informal supra-systems

 Significant others should obtain knowledge of SRA and DID to ensure that they gain understanding, and can support the survivor effectively.  Significant others should attend therapy sessions to ensure that they also receive support and guidance.  Significant others should be in regular contact with the therapist to ensure that they are aware of the survivor’s progress and challenges, and know how to approach difficult situations.

5.12. Future research

Research is required regarding the help-seeking experiences of survivors of SRA who have not sought help from the Church.

Further research is needed regarding how SRA, mind control and DID are interrelated, to develop an effective psychological and spiritual treatment framework.

The spiritual aspects regarding SRA and treatment, from a therapeutic approach, should also be researched to establish a treatment framework.

The experiences of informal support networks living with survivors of SRA need to be explored to gain an understanding of the challenges encountered, in order to ensure that they too receive adequate support and guidance.

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The experiences of formal helping professionals assisting survivors of SRA need to be studied to understand the complexity of providing help to victims of SRA.

Research should be conducted to ascertain the resources and services available to survivors of SRA, thereby ensuring that systemic referral protocols for assisting survivors of SRA are in place.

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APPENDIX A

LETTER OF INTRODUCTION

To Whom It May Concern:

My name is Yvette Badenhorst. I am a student at the University of Johannesburg. I am conducting research for my Master’s Degree in Clinical Social Work.

The purpose of the research is to explore the help-seeking experiences of survivors of satanic ritual abuse (SRA). My research entails interviewing survivors of SRA to gain an understanding of the challenges experienced when seeking help. Due to the sensitive nature of SRA and potential psychological implications thereof, it was deemed necessary to approach therapists to assist in identifying suitable candidates for the research. Could you please put me in touch with candidates who have been in therapy for a period of not less than one year and they need to be emotionally stable enough to be interviewed. In a case where Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID) has been diagnosed the participant must have progressed in therapy and be able to function normally with DID or be in the process of integration. I would prefer to interview someone who is currently in therapy so that they will have support if they are affected emotionally by the interviews. However, every precaution will be taken not to upset the participant and avoid asking intrusive questions,

The interview will take place at a venue chosen by your client. He / she can have a person they feel safe with to accompany them during the interview to ensure he/she feels safe and is comfortable to talk to me.

The interviews will be recorded and later transcribed. An alternative name will be used for the participant and every attempt will be made to ensure that the participant will not be recognizable in the findings presented. Efforts will be made to maintain confidentiality except if the person is a danger to themselves or others. Would you be willing to please assist me by approaching relevant clients who may be suitable? Would you also be willing to assist me with arranging a meeting with clients who are willing to participate in the research? Your assistance in this regard would be appreciated.

If you have any further queries please do not hesitate to contact me on 0795089783.

Thanking you kindly,

Yvette Badenhorst

I, ______(therapist) hereby grant permission for

______to participate in the research.

Signature:______Date:______

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APPENDIX B

CONSENT FORM

Dear Madam

My name is Yvette Badenhorst. I am a student at the University of Johannesburg. I am conducting research for my Master’s Degree in Clinical Social Work.

My research entails interviewing people who have survived satanic ritual abuse to gain an understanding of the challenges experienced when seeking help after experiencing the abuse. Your therapist indicated that you may be interested in participating in the research. This letter is to confirm that you are willing to talk to me. Just to remind you, there will be no consequences whatsoever if you choose not to participate or answer any questions. You can tell me at any time if you are tired, would like to have a break or if you would like to continue another time. You are also free not to answer a question if you feel uncomfortable doing so.

This interview will be conducted at the venue of your choice. You are welcome to bring a person you are comfortable and feel safe with to the interview. However, I would prefer it if you tell me your story and they accompany you but do not engage in the interview. Confidentiality is ensured as none of the information will be shared with the therapist or any other person without your permission. The combined results of the various interviews however, will be disclosed to the University of Johannesburg in a written report, but you will remain anonymous. An alternative name will be used in the report and every attempt will be made to ensure that you will not be recognizable in the presented findings.

I would also like to gain your permission to record the interviews. I will write the information down and destroy the tapes once I have completed my masters. The tapes and written information will be kept separate from this page.

If you have any further queries please do not hesitate to contact me on 0795089783.

Thanking you kindly,

Yvette Badenhorst

The purpose of the study has been explained to me and I am willing to participate in the study.

I am aware that the sessions will be recorded and give permission to the researcher to do so.

Signed:______Date:______

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APPENDIX C

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

Good day, my name is Yvette Badenhorst, I am a student at the University of Johannesburg. I am conducting research for my Masters Degree. The purpose of the interview is to find out what it was like for you to get help after experiencing SRA. I am interested in finding out who was most helpful to you and what was unhelpful to you when you wanted to get help to deal with it. The reason I am doing this research is because I would like to make recommendations to people who work with others trying to deal with SRA about what are the best ways to respond and help under similar circumstances. Everything you say will be kept as confidential as possible. That means I will not discuss it with your therapist or anyone else, unless you reveal something that could potentially harm you or someone else, in which case I am legally bound to do something. I will make every attempt to protect your anonymity. So I will not use your name in writing up my research and will try to refrain from including any identifying information. Do you have any questions about this? (Give them a chance to answer).

I think your therapist asked you if you would be comfortable talking with me and helped me to find a time to talk to you. Is that correct? (Give the interviewee a chance to answer). If yes, would you mind signing this form to say that you are okay for me to interview you? I would also like to record the interview so that I can transcribe the information. I want to give an accurate description of your experiences by doing so. The information will be stored by me until the finalization of my masters degree, thereafter the tapes and transcriptions will be destroyed. The findings however, will be documented in the dissertation and will be available at the University of Johannesburg, without your name in any documentation. If you are comfortable with that can you please sign the form? An alternative name will be used for the research – do you have a preference?

I mentioned that I am interested in finding out who was most helpful to you and what was unhelpful to you when you wanted to get help to deal with SRA. When I refer to “help’ this may include, assistance with financial, emotional, practical support provided by friends, family, psychologists, social workers, police, lawyers, doctors, spiritual / religious leaders, counselling services, teachers, neighbours or anyone else you can think of that I have not mentioned.

1. General information / Demographics

1. Age 2. Gender 3. Race 4. Which province do you live? Have you always lived there? Did you have to move to a new place because of escaping the occult? 5. Age became involved in the occult 6. Marital Status? How long?

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7. How long have you been with your current therapist? 8. Age became involved in the occult.

2. GUIDING QUESTIONS

1. Can you maybe tell me about a time you felt most helped?

- What was helpful in the situation? - Tell the story of how the person helped? - How did you get to this person?

2. Tell me about a time you felt least helped.

3. What were the reasons for you not feeling helped?

4. Did you ever go to the police? (Explain reasons / experiences)

5. Did you seek help at any religious institution? ( Where did you go? What made you decide to seek assistance there? Describe experiences.)

- Do you think spirituality plays a role in your choice to seek help? Explain

6. Did you ever seek medical assistance for injuries? - Describe what happened when you were assisted by medical staff members/ did you disclose the nature of the cause of the injuries? Explain

7. Did you ever seek legal help to assist with the SRA? Explain

8. At school did you ever approach any of the school staff members for assistance? – Did any of them notice anything wrong and approach you?

9. Were there ever social workers involved with you or your family? - Explain their involvement - How did you experience this?

10. Have you ever approached any of your friends for help? - How did they respond?

11. Did you ever approach your family for help? - What was their reaction?

12. Did you ever consult with psychologists or psychiatrists? Tell me about your experiences.

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13. Did you ever seek help with lay counsellors? Why did you choose to see them and describe your experiences.

14. Where are your kids now and how, if at all, did having children affect help-seeking?

15. Was any help available to you as a child or teenager? (If yes, explore).

16. As a child did anyone ever suspect something was happening and did they try to help?

17. In your opinion, what can people do to assist survivors of SRA?

18. Who would you have liked to help you? - What would you have liked them to do?

19. Would you say it was difficult for you to get help to deal with SRA?

- What made it difficult? - What made it easy?

20. What would you say to someone who is experiencing SRA? (and wants to get out?)

21. Is there anything you would like to add?

Thank you for your time and sharing your experiences with me. Your participation and insight is greatly appreciated.

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