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The Analysis of 1989, 7, 25-41

On the Relation Between Radical and the Science of Verbal Behavior Sam Leigland Gonzaga University

A fully-developed "science of verbal behavior" may depend upon a recognition of the implica- tions of Skinner's scientific system, , particularly as it relates to the nature of scientific research. An examination of the system and Skinner's own research practices imply, for example, that samples of vocal or written verbal behavior collected under controlling condi- tions may be observed as directly for the effects of controlling contingencies as in the traditional practice involving cumulative response records. Such practices may be defended on the basis of the pragmatic epistemology which characterizes radical behaviorism. An example of one type of exploratory method is described.

In a number of places in the writings of ," and what have such issues to B. F. Skinner, reference is made to a "science do with the analysis of verbal behavior? of verbal behavior" (e.g., Skinner, 1957). The To take a radical behaviorist view, reference appears to have been made first in "philosophy" is not regarded as some ration- Skinner's (1945) landmark paper on opera- alistic exercise which somehow stands apart tionism. This paper also marks what appears from ongoing human behavior and its to be Skinner's first published reference to products, but rather is a term which "radical behaviorism;' the scientific system describes certain verbal practices within a which has been identified with Skinner's cultural context. Issues of "philosophy" are work. While the scientific field with which thus important to the development of be- Skinner is identified is called the experimen- havior analysis insofar as such issues iden- tal analysis of behavior (or, more generally, tify or define the assumptions, rules, or behavior analysis), the purpose of this paper contingencies with which a scientist may is to examine the role of radical behaviorism, productively approach and interact with the as a scientific system, to the development relevant subject matter of the field. It may be and methodology of a science of verbal said that "radical behaviorism" describes a behavior as a specialized field. set of contingencies which may lead to effec- tive contact with behavioral ("psychological") RADICAL BEHAVIORISM AND phenomena, rather than a set of specific con- THE ANALYSIS OF BEHAVIOR ceptual or methodological prescriptions (e.g., Day, 1983). A full appreciation of the It could be argued that of all of Skinner's implications of radical behaviorism (as Skin- contributions, the most important is the sys- ner has described it; e.g., 1945) depends in tem of science which allows for a consistent, turn upon an understanding of the implica- systematic, comprehensive, natural science tions of Skinner's functional analysis of ver- of behavior. This is the system which charac- bal behavior. As it is hoped to be shown later, terizes Skinner's work over the past 50 years, the two are interdependent in Skinner's and which may be described as the "philo- full sophy of science" known as radical work and may be a key to the develop- behaviorism. But why should behavior ment of a science of verbal behavior. of "mere A great deal of space could be devoted to analysts be concerned with issues a discussion of the varieties of positions which go by the name of "behaviorism" (cf. Dedicated to the remembering of Willard F. Day, Jr. will Reprint requests should be sent to Sam Leigland, Moore, 1987), so the major points be de- Department of , Gonzaga University, veloped here by way of summary. This sum- Spokane, Washington 99258-0001. mary is based on those writings in which

25 26 SAM LEIGLAND Skinner has discussed radical behaviorism the emphasis was upon the control of behav- (e.g., Skinner, 1945, 1964, 1974, 1989), and ior, where the controlling relations were treatments of those writings (e.g., Day, 1980, made visible through the use of cumulative 1983; Moore, 1987). First, radical behaviorism records. In the case of the other book, sam- is frequently contrasted with a position ples of behavior and controlling conditions called "methodological behaviorism," which were presented as examples of controlling might be viewed as a kind of scientific or- contingencies, and in this sense the empha- thodoxy in contemporary psychology (e.g., sis was upon the interpretation of behavior. Day, 1983; Moore, 1987). The latter position In both cases, observers made discriminative might be summarized by the following: (1) statements about controlling contingencies, the definition of the (empirically-based) sub- where the statements were under the control ject matter as publicly-observable behavior of records made directly from the on-going (related to historical ties with logical positi- behavior of individual organisms. vism); (2) the focus upon the study of be- While it is clear that Skinner's research havior as a means of investigating internal, may be described in terms of both radical be- causal mechanisms of a conceptual nature haviorism and the research practices of the which form the basis of scientific explana- experimental analysis of behavior, it is also tion; (3) a commitment to the practice of clear that we may make a further distinction operational definitions in the traditional between these as well (e.g., Day, 1983). That sense (to be found described in virtually ev- is, the hallmark of the experimental analysis ery introductory psychology text in current of behavior is a particularly effective set of use); and (4) a position which has been methodological traditions; namely, the ex- described in terms of reductionism and perimental analysis of a representative oper- mechanism (e.g., Hayes, Hayes, & Reese, ant response class with an individual 1988). (typically but not exclusively non-human) or- The position which has come to be called ganism in a controlled setting. Such metho- radical behaviorism is different enough by dological strategies, however, do not specify contrast that some have argued strongly that nor require any particular scientific system or the label "behaviorism" in the description is orientation. One can employ such methods, both inappropriate and damaging (e.g., Lee, for example, in the investigation of operant 1988). Skinner (1989) has recently described behavior as a means of testing the "validity" radical behaviorism as a position in which of any sort of cognitive theory or model. Fur- behavior is treated as a subject matter in its ther, the lack of commitment of the metho- own right, apart from internal explanations, dological orientation to any particular mental or physiological. To elaborate some- scientific system has been supported by at what, the position has been called anti- least one of the past editors of the Journal of mentalistic, anti-dualistic, and anti- the Experimental Analysis of Behavior (Zeiler, reductionistic (Holland, 1988), and one in 1977). which a pragmatic epistemology joins with the Machian principle of "staying at the lev- el of your observations" (e.g., Skinner, 1931, VERBAL BEHAVIOR: 1974). An appreciation of radical behaviorism METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES gives us a perspective with which to view the Certainly there is more than one way to do breadth of Skinner's work; to take two scientific psychology, and even more than representative examples published in 1957, one way to formulate the field of "operant his book (with C. B. Ferster) Schedules ofRein- conditioning:" The point to be made here, forcement, and his book Verbal Behavior. though, is that the sort of "science of verbal While these two books may be regarded as behavior" which has been proposed by Skin- different in kind when viewed from the ner depends upon the system identified as traditional (methodological behaviorist) per- radical behaviorism. For example, perhaps spectives of experimental/theoretical psy- the most pervasive and persistent of the mis- chology, they are perhaps best understood guided criticisms of Skinner's analysis of ver- together as two examples of radical behavior- bal behavior (e.g., Chomsky, 1959; Koch, ist epistemology and scientific method (e.g., 1964) have taken the formulation to be rooted Day, 1976). In the case of one of the books, in methodological behaviorism or classical RADICAL BEHAVIORISM AND VERBAL BEHAVIOR 27 "S-R" psychology. Such critics have response) and over conditions, preferably in rightfully documented the limitations of some mechanical/automatic fashion. But such an approach, but have wrongfully what are the "units" to be recorded in ver- attributed the approach to Skinner, whose bal behavior as they occur in time? Early radical behaviorism promises a truly differ- studies began with the very reasonable ent and effective approach to the verbal field strategy of examining the occurrence of sen- when compared to the traditional orthodoxy tence constituents, such as plural nouns. A of "." more contemporary strategy might involve In addition, the system identified with the counting of instances of the mand and Skinner's approach to science may point the tact relation (Skinner, 1957) in a given verbal direction to the development of empirical context. The question remains a difficult one, and analytic methods appropriate to the ver- however; that is, are we to count instances of bal field. To be sure, many appropriate, some sort of unit of verbal behavior in time, effective, and important methodological and if so, what sort of "unit" should it be advances are currently in use and continue (e.g., sentence parts, sentences, functionally- to appear. For example, recent efforts in the defined types of verbal operants, etc.)? We experimental analysis of human behavior will return to this issue in the sections below. have made frequent use of a sort of metaphor A second question concerns the issue of of Skinner's original rat/lever/box "prepara- the objectivity of the measurement, once the tion" in that human subjects will press a but- type of measurement has been specified. ton or key which may produce a type of The general issue of "objectivity" in science contrived , where the interest is a difficult one, but some critiques of the is in rate of response, and so on. Many early methodological excursions into the additional methodological variations have analysis of on-going verbal behavior have appeared, potentially effective in the analy- closely associated the issue of "objectivity" sis of a wide range of complex human with the need for experimental control (e.g., behavioral phenomena (the reader is Azrin, Holz, Ulrich, & Goldiamond, 1961). referred to the 1989 Convention Program of The issues are not the same, however, since the Association for Behavior Analysis for the traditional emphasis upon experimental recent examples). control appears to be derived from the prag- The focus of Skinner's (1957) interpreta- matic character of Skinner's radical tions, however, was the verbal behavior of behaviorism (cf. Day, 1980; Hayes, Hayes, & the speaker. Early analyses of the verbal Reese, 1988; Skinner, 1974). Further, tradi- behavior of the speaker include the pioneer- tional conceptions of "objectivity" generally ing efforts of Greenspoon (e.g., 1955) and exclude private events from the subject mat- others as attempts were made to develop ter of a natural science, while Skinner has experimental procedures and measures rele- written extensively about the role of private vant to the analysis of verbal behavior. A events in a science of behavior, particularly number of difficulties appeared in this on those occasions when he was describing development, however, and studies attempt- his views on radical behaviorism (e.g., Skin- ing direct analyses of the ongoing verbal ner, 1945, 1953, 1964, 1974). behavior of the speaker became less frequent In the case of verbal behavior, one may (see Holz & Azrin, 1966, and Michael, 1984, speak of the need for "objectivity" in terms for reviews). It is not the purpose of this of the precision or reliability of measure- paper to provide a review of the research on ment, but again the issues are not so simple. verbal behavior, and space does not permit To take an extreme example, one might max- an exhaustive review of all the issues imize the precision and reliability of the involved, but it may be useful to briefly exa- measurement of verbal responding by the mine some of the key issues raised by this use of a mechanical device such as a voice- research. operated relay (e.g., Holz & Azrin, 1966). But First, there is a question of measurement. the convenience, precision, and relability of The traditional practice in the experimental such mechanical devices are purchased at analysis of behavior has been to identify an the cost of circumvention of the behaving operant response class and to count listener, and therefore at the cost of the con- instances of this class in time (as in rate of tingencies which make verbal behavior 28 SAM LEIGLAND interesting and important to begin with, if terms of the of verbal not the "verbal" character of the behavior behavior. For example, (and to make use of itself. Further, while the use of mechanical contemporary terminology; cf. Michael, devices generally in the analysis of non- 1988), verbal behavior is generally described verbal behavior has given rise to an extraor- as "objective" if the current discriminative dinarily effective laboratory science, the stimulus control of the verbal behavior is traditional use of such devices may have also strong relative to the effects of any specific es- given rise to confusion on the point of phys- tablishing operation. Such verbal relations icalistic reductionism in the analysis of are characterized as an important property behavior (cf. Day, 1977, 1980; Skinner, 1974). of scientific research practices, and Skinner's That is, the use of mechanical devices in the extensive interpretation is a first step in the study of operant behavior may appear to identification of some of the contingencies carry the implication that responses classes which bring scientific verbal behavior under may be reducible to the language of physics. the most direct control of observed environ- But a close examination of the issues leads to mental events (Skinner, 1957; for a recent, the conclusion that it is impossible to specify informative, and concise summary of the any response class, whether verbal or non- position as it relates to the issue of private verbal, in purely physical terms (for discus- events, see Skinner, 1989, p. 132). sions see Catania, 1984; Day, 1980; Schnait- This is also a useful perspective with which ter, 1984). to view the term as it appears in Skinner's To this point we might summarize the own work (e.g., 1953). One strategy which issue of objectivity from the standpoint of is helpful in this context is to trace through radical behaviorism as follows. First, the the examples in which Skinner employs emphasis upon experimental control in the mentalistic terms to illustrate traditional analysis of behavior is not based on a con- mentalistic "explanations" of behavioral cern for "objectively investigating the real phenomena (many such examples are found world of psychological laws" (to coin a in About Behaviorism, 1974). When Skinner phrase) as much as an interest in effective goes on to contrast such practices with an means of indentifying controlling variables analysis in terms of contingencies of rein- and contingencies. Second, the traditional forcement, Skinner frequently introduces linkage between "objectivity" and the exclu- the analysis with a phrase such as "the sim- sive study of public behavior does not apply ple fact is..." (1974, p. 52), "the basic fact to radical behaviorism, since the latter con- is. . ." (1974, p. 57), "the significant fact is. .: siders occurrent private events as directly (1974, p. 49), or ... although the observed observable and to be included in a complete fact was simply that. . ." (1974, p. 35). In these scientific formulation (although certainly not cases Skinner is clearly arguing for a more as causes of behavior). Third, while the effective scientific analysis, but when he re- effectiveness and precision of measurement formulates a mentalistic explanation into the is an important concern to any system of "observed facts" of a behavioral analysis, he science, it is possible that a concern for tradi- is also clearly arguing for a more "objective" tional conceptions of "objectivity" may in fact formulation, in the radical behavioristic lead one away from the questions of interest, sense. That is, he is arguing.for "staying at or may needlessly delay the development of the level of your observations;' or, for a scien- effective methods appropriate to the subject tific formulation which emphasizes means of matter (as indicated in the extreme case in increasing the stimulus control of observed which physical measures of verbal behavior events and interactions over the verbal and may be advocated on the basis of their unim- non verbal behavior of the scientist (and it is peachably objective nature). this connection, of course, which has led What then does the issue of "objectivity" some to point to relations between radical mean in the scientific context of radical behaviorism and phenomenology; cf. Day, behaviorism? Again, to understand the full 1969; Kvale & Grenness, 1967). implications of Skinner's scientific system is This very brief and oversimplified example to view it in the context of Skinner's analy- is chosen merely to illustrate a way in which sis of verbal behavior. Skinner (1957) radical behaviorism addresses traditional describes what we speak of as "objective" in issues of relevance to scientific method. RADICAL BEHAVIORISM AND VERBAL BEHAVIOR 29 Other issues raised by the critics of the early again the nature of Skinner's (1957) book as analyses of the speaker, such as the issue of a means of seeing possible ways to proceed the subject's "awareness" of the prevailing in the development of a science of verbal contingencies in a verbal behavior experi- behavior, since the direction to take and the ment (cf. Michael, 1984), may also be methods to use are not obvious from the productively addressed within the context of book itself (cf. McPherson et al., 1984), except radical behaviorism (e.g., Skinner, 1957, for some statements of a general nature (e.g., 1974). In summary, any traditional issue of "The ultimate aim is the prediction and con- importance to the verbal and non verbal trol of verbal behavior,' Skinner, 1957, p. 12). practice of science may be reformulated in One strategy is to view the book as a kind terms of a functional analysis of a special of theory, consisting of a series of rationally- kind of human behavior. The argument has derived hypotheses, which are in need of been made, however, that behavior analysis experimental confirmation in the laboratory. as a field has been slow in addressing the From this sort of perspective, the book is implications of such interpretations to the incorporated into the traditional arena of development of effective scientific methods, experimental psychology, and assessed and and in providing direct analyses of scientific evaluated within the context of methodolog- behavior as such (e.g., Day, 1979). ical behaviorism or other mentalistic systems In the following sections, a simple analo- of science. While variations on this perspec- gy will be drawn between Skinner's own tive might produce a body of interesting research practices (e.g., Ferster & Skinner, research (a kind of theory-testing approach), 1957; Skinner, 1938), as examples of radical an extreme version of such a perspective may behaviorist scientific methodology, and a be seen the notorious, inadequate, and possible methodological strategy for the rather perverse review of the book by direct analysis of the verbal behavior of the Chomsky (1959). In an important paper by speaker. One issue remains to be addressed, Eshleman and Vargas (1988), it was noted however, as an issue of methodological that prior to Chomsky's attack, "reactions relevance to a science of verbal behavior. seemed favorable though perhaps puzzled" (p. 23). Much of SkinnerAs work is indeed puzzling, if not impossible to understand, SKINNER'S VERBAL BEHAVIOR when viewed from traditional psychological AND A SCIENTIFIC PROGRAM perspectives. The issue of an appropriate scientific An alternative perspective is one which is agenda or program is relevant to both metho- compatible with the book itself. Rather than dology and the science of verbal behavior attempt to fit the book into traditional sys- more generally, and may be related to the tems, so to speak, the book may be taken as often-reported lack of research following the an example of a truly different kind of sys- 1957 publication of Skinner's Verbal Behavior tem. Viewing the book from the perspective (cf. McPherson, Bonem, Green, & Osborne, of the system it describes helps in under- 1984). To state the matter plainly: what are standing what Skinner was doing when he we to do, as researchers, with Skinner's was writing it, and the kind of method it (1957) book? What are the important empir- demonstrates (as noted in the comparison ical questions to be addressed? The difficult above with Ferster & Skinner, 1957). questions of appropriate research methods From a radical behaviorist perspective, then follow. Skinner brings a highly sophisticated dis- To be sure, many important questions have criminative repertoire to bear on a complex been and continue to be productively subject matter. This repertoire is largely the addressed in interesting research reported in product of an extensive history in the the Journal of the Experimental Analysis of experimental analysis of behavior. The Behavior, and especially The Analysis ofVerbal extraordinary number of examples and illus- Behavior, and many important questions trations that are presented in the book con- remain to be addressed, such as those listed stitute a kind of data, in that they are records in Jack Michael's (1984) review of the field. made directly from the verbal behavior of Without implying any criticism of current individual people, or arise from direct con- efforts, it might be useful to examine once tact with other verbal sources in the verbal 30 SAM LEIGLAND community. Terms such as "mand," "tact," have been effective in the analysis of non- and "intraverbal," among others, are not verbal behavior. For example, Skinner found terms which refer to theoretical entities it useful to display behavior changes in a (Skinner rejects traditional theories of mean- cumulative record because (a) it was a record ing and reference, and his interpretation made directly from the on-going behavior of "makes no appeal to hypothetical explana- an individual organism, and because (b), tory entities," 1957, p. 12), but are themselves joined with an experimental analysis, the use examples of extended and abstract tacts, con- of the cumulative record made controlling trolled in Skinner's verbal repertoire by contingencies visible and open to direct broad classes of observed controlling rela- inspection (cf. Ferster, 1978; Skinner, 1956, tions and contingencies. 1976, 1989). Such a characterization may seem either Following this theme, it is suggested that obvious or irrelevant, or perhaps both. But the appropriate role of basic research in the the perspective with which the book is laboratory, or in applied areas in which the viewed may carry with it a formulation for control of verbal behavior is conspicuous the development of the scientific field. Or to (e.g., psychotherapy research), would be to state it another way, alternative scientific sys- make controlling relations visible in the ver- tems involve rules for scientific behavior. An bal context under observation. In this way, interpretation of Skinner's verbal behavior in the discriminative repertoires of the observ- terms of the system he describes in the book ing scientist (or, for example, psychother- Verbal Behavior may be useful in formulating apist) may be refined such that effective the next steps in the scientific analysis. interaction with the subject matter may be From the point of view of radical be- increased, and so on. Progress is currently haviorism, the sorts of discriminations being made through a variety of methodo- reported in the book Verbal Behavior are not logical approaches, including the use of con- in need of "experimental confirmation" in the trived laboratory topographies with human traditional sense (the book does not offer a participants (e.g., key presses or button "model" or "theory" of "language"); they pushes), but I believe that Skinner's scientific stand on their own as interpretative exam- system points to a direct sort of analysis of ples from the verbal field. What would be the verbal behavior of the speaker, and that needed is a refinement and extension of dis- such direct analyses might form the basis of criminations of this sort, based on a function- a science of verbal behavior. al analysis of verbal behavior. A radical In the case of a laboratory preparation, for behaviorist assessment of the scientific value example, it is not difficult to arrange for an of the work would not be based on the experimental session in the following way. A degree of correspondence between deriva- human participant is brought to a room tions from the material and experimental which is free of visual or auditory distrac- confirmation from the laboratory (such an tions. Social consequences are arranged for epistemology is at the very heart of methodo- behaving verbally (perhaps differentially in logical behaviorism; see also Hayes, Hayes, the context of specific objects or events in the & Reese, 1988). An appropriate assessment manner of establishing discriminative con- would be based instead upon the degree to trol), given a large variety of additional sorts which the analysis allows us to deal more of controlled conditions. Such a situation effectively with the subject matter (i.e., the would be designed for the conspicuous con- prediction, control, and interpretation of ver- trol and observation of the verbal behavior bal behavior; e.g., Skinner, 1974). of an individual speaker, and would also closely approximate a "natural language" GENERAL RECOMMENDATIONS context. There is little doubt that experimen- tal conditions could be so arranged that the Based on these considerations, we may control of verbal behavior could be observed address the general issue of the programmat- under specifiable conditions. It would be a ic and methodological development of a relatively simple matter to arrange for per- functional analysis of verbal behavior. In manent records of the vocal or written ver- searching for methodological directions it bal behavior thus obtained. may be helpful to recall the practices which But the question arises as to what to do RADICAL BEHAVIORISM AND VERBAL BEHAVIOR 31 next. What are the "units" to be counted? Nonverbal behavior makes contact with Where or what is the "operandum" in such the contingencies of reinforcement through an operant preparation? How can we be mechanical interaction; an "operandum" "objective" about what we are observing? (e.g., the familiar lever or key, in the case of More generally, what are we looking for and the classical laboratory preparations). The how do we analyze such data? Each of these closest approximation to an operandum in questions will be addressed briefly. the case of verbal behavior, however, is the The question of "objectivity" may be listener, whose history in a given verbal com- solved largely in the same way that it was munity has produced a repertoire which solved in early operant preparations through allows for effective interaction with the the use of the cumulative recorder. That is, speaker. From the standpoint of radical through the use of records made directly behaviorism, the observing scientist may be from the behavior of the individual organ- viewed as a listener in this sense, whose ism. In this case, tape recordings provide behavioral repertoire includes both a histo- such a direct record, and the collection of ry in a common verbal community with the written samples of verbal behavior has the speaker as well as a specialized discrimina- advantage for some studies of making tran- tive repertoire arising from training in the scription unnecessary (e.g., Leigland, 1989). analysis ofbehavior. Verbal behavior operates Of course, the "directness" of any record will on the behaving listener, and there is no rea- depend upon the details ofrecording and the son why the scientist (or a group of behavioral features or dimensions to be independently-observing scientists) may not emphasized; the cumulative recorder may serve the function of listener-as-operandum vary in speed and in other ways as a means in the direct, functional analysis of on-going of revealing a finer grain or overall trends, verbal behavior. and a number of variations of recording and But what are dimensions ofbehavior to be transcription techniques are available to so analyzed? What are- the "units" to be those interested in the analysis of verbal counted? An interest in rate of response has behavior (and, in a point to be developed been important in the analysis of behavior below, a special task awaiting a science of for a variety of reasons, and these will not be verbal behavior is the development of new reviewed here. But if science is to be regarded variations which emphasize controlling con- as a "search for order, for uniformities, for tingencies). lawful relations between events in nature" Complete transcriptions of vocal record- (Skinner, 1953, p. 13), then I suggest that the ings obtained in an experimental session are question of appropriate "units" or dimen- probably a necessity in most cases, but for sions of verbal behavior to be analyzed is an the purposes of analysis may not be neces- empirically-based, functional or practical sary depending upon the focus of the experi- question, rather than a rationally-based, for- ment. The general issue was raised by mal or theoretical question. Skinner (1938) in Chapter 1 of The Behavior Skinner, of course, has always approached of Organisms when the point was made that the question of units functionally, and one the most complete record of the behavior of example can be seen in the following famous a rat in an operant chamber might be made passage from The Behavior of Organisms: with "a battery of cameras and a sound- "Before we can see precisely what a given act recorder," (p. 57), but that "much of the detail consists of, we must examine the changes it of a complete representation is unnecessary undergoes in strength .... A specification is and even inconvenient ... (in) ... an analytic successful if the entity which it describes and selective system" (p. 58). Skinner might gives smooth curves for the dynamic laws" have made movies of his rats, but for the sake (1938, p. 37). At the time this was written, of analysis and convenience, he chose "the rate of response was the means by which quick and comprehensive look at the fine orderly changes in behavior could be shown grain of behavior in the cumulative curve" as a function of contingencies of reinforce- (Skinner, 1976, p. 218). Analogous analytic ment. The same sort of functional approach and selective methods might be developed to units of analysis is frequently seen in Skin- in the case of verbal behavior as well, short ner's (1957) Verbal Behavior, but the complex- of complete transcription. ity and multiply-determined nature of verbal 32 SAM LEIGLAND behavior leaves open the question of effec- procedural variations aimed at the sharpen- tive measurement. ing of control in the verbal context; the Regarding the simple experimental setting modification of events or variables as proper- described above, the question of the dimen- ties of the speaker's verbal or nonverbal sions, properties, or units of analysis may be environment. addressed empirically. After samples of ver- An advantage of the cumulative record, bal material are collected under specifiable however, was that it permitted not only an controlling conditions, a beginning approach inspection of responding over time, but also might be made by engaging in a functional included some form of record of the events analysis of whatever changes in verbal controlling that responding (reinforcement behavior which may be systematically dis- pips, event pens, reset functions, records of criminated by observing scientists (e.g., concurrent responding, and so on). In this Dougherty, 1980). Some of the implications connection, one of the most important of radical behaviorism in such an analytic methodological tasks facing a science of ver- strategy are these: (1) we need not be delayed bal behavior is that of devising ways of mak- by fruitless attempts to specify the verbal ing contingencies of reinforcement visible in behavior or observed changes in "physical explicitly verbal contexts (that is, "visible" in terms" (as noted above, such an effort would the sense of conspicuous and more clearly probably be useless even in the case of the discriminable by observing scientists). A var- variations which constitute the response iety of methods which serve this function class called, "pressing a lever"); and (2) there already exist among the diverse basic and is no methodological requirement that applied fields of behavior analysis, the arche- demands the counting of the occurrence of type of which was the cumulative record (cf. specified units of behavior over time. Skinner, 1976). A recent and illustrative In terms of a systematic approach, the development in an applied field is seen in an pragmatic epistemology which characterizes important technique developed by radical behaviorism appears to be satisfied if Touchette, MacDonald, and Langer (1985) (1) the descriptions of the dimensions of ver- for the analysis of problem behaviors in bal behavior and observed changes, in applied settings. In this case, a relatively sim- whatever terms these are presented, are con- ple data-keeping system is used to generate trolled by direct records of actual verbal a scatterplot from which assessments of behavior; (2) the changes may be seen clearly stimulus control may be made. in the records; and (3) the observed changes To summarize, Skinner's "science of verbal may be shown to be a function of environ- behavior" is best conceptualized within the mental variables. Note that these characteris- context of Skinner's scientific system, and tics also apply to the work reported in Ferster there is no doubt that this system is radically and Skinner's (1957) Schedules of Reinforce- different from other approaches within tradi- ment, in that the detailed and extensive tional scientific psychology. Skinner's own descriptions of the effects (including such research practices (as examples of empirical effects as the "knee," e.g., p. 51) were con- work done in the context of this system) trolled by the presented cumulative records, imply that records made from the on-going and the changes were orderly, replicable, behavior of individual organisms may be and controlled by experimental manipu- studied directly for the effects of controlling lations. contingencies, when the records of the Additionalmethodological analogies might behavior are collected under environmental be drawn. If a possible effect is not clearly conditions allowing for prediction and con- seen in a cumulative response record, or if trol. One important methodological problem replications are ambiguous, the traditional is in devising ways of making the controlling strategy in the analysis of behavior is contingencies conspicuous for purposes of increased control in the experimental context analysis. One way of approaching this and systematic replication, until some clarifi- problem is to set up laboratory situations in cation of the controlling relations may be which verbal behavior is clearly controlled by observed (Sidman, 1960). Similarly, with environmental variables, and work with records of verbal behavior, ambiguous records of the verbal behavior and the con- changes in the verbal material would lead to trolling verbal or nonverbal events/variables RADICAL BEHAVIORISM AND VERBAL BEHAVIOR 33 towards increasingly effective ways of show- Presentations based on this work have been ing the effects that can be seen (or heard). In made at professional conferences such as the our functional analysis of verbal behavior, if Association for Behavior Analysis, however, we want to get to the complex and subtle and the general approach adopted by these contingencies involved, then we must some- researchers has taken on a variety of names; how go there. among these, "Reno methodology," "radical Certainly the control of verbal behavior is methodology," "behavioral phenomenology," observed on a daily basis by all of us-what and "behavioral hermeneutics." Examples of methods might be developed to make the the approach include McCorkle (1978), contingencies visible? The complexity of the Spooner (1981), and Dougher (1984), and field is daunting, but this may be balanced discussions of the general methodological against what Skinner has noted as the "many strategy may be found in Bennett (1988), favorable characteristics (of verbal behavior) Kohlenberg (1988), and Leigland (1986). as an object of study" (1957, p. 5). Among This research will not be reviewed here, these, (1) the fact that it is (almost by defini- but the general focus of the methodological tion) easily observed, (2) "the facts are sub- strategy is best described as the interpreta- stantial (careful observers will generally tion of verbal behavior. Generally, the agree as to what is said in any given in- methods are aimed at the interpretation of stance)" (Skinner, 1957, p. 5), and also (3) that written material, either transcribed verbal it is perhaps more easily and accurately interactions, such as a psychotherapy session recorded than any other type of (nonverbal) (e.g., McCorkle, 1978), or other textual behavior. material (e.g., Day, 1987). The interpretations Skinner's (1957) Verbal Behavior provided a normally involve the identification of func- remarkably rich interpretation of verbal con- tional classes of verbal behavior to be found tingencies with many examples drawn from in the transcribed or textual material, where many sources. Despite the many productive the classes are defined in terms of their func- efforts currently underway in the basic and tional effects upon the reader/researcher. applied analysis of verbal behavior (includ- Attempts at the assessment of controlling ing the very important work on related topics variables are then made with respect to the such as stimulus equivalency; e.g., Gatch & verbal material, as part of the process of Osborne, 1989; Hayes, 1989), there is little interpretation. The general process thus has doubt that a great deal of methodological much in common with the practices of con- work needs to be done in order to make con- temporary hermeneutic perspectives, in this tact with the realities of on-going verbal in- case derived from a radical behavioristic teraction. Appropriate functional-analytic epistemology (Day, 1988; Kohlenberg, 1988). methods may be developed through direct The focus of this paper, however, is the contact with such verbal behavior in labora- prediction and control of verbal behavior; in tory and applied contexts. Radical behavior- particular, the on-going behavior of the ism, as a scientific system, defines a scientific speaker. The purpose of this section is to direction and beyond this perhaps we need briefly examine some examples of explora- only "stay at the level of our observations" tory research which would illustrate some and take our cue (as did Skinner in the 1930s) possible approaches to the recommenda- from Pavlov: "control your conditions and tions made above. you will see order" (Skinner, 1956). In the early 1960s, Willard Day began a research project which was to be a first step in the development of an experimental EXPLORATORY STUDIES preparation for the analysis of the behavior The development of innovative methodo- of the speaker. The guidance for the so-called logical strategies for the analysis of verbal "Redbook" studies was found in Skinner behavior was a primary concern of Willard (1938, 1957) and Sidman (1960). The proce- Day and his students at the University of dure involved a volunteer subject in a stan- Nevada, Reno. A number of methods were dard experimental room where a contin- devised, although no results of these studies gency was arranged for simply talking. The have been published in sources accessible to initial instructions noted only that the ses- the larger behavior analytic community. sion would be over when a certain number 34 SAM LEIGLAND of "points" were collected (but did not of methodological proposals made above. In specify the relevant behavior or contingen- this context, the exploratory research is cies), and that the delivery of each point "playful" in the sense described by Ferster would be heard as an audible "click" in the (1978) in his characterization of the early experimental room. The clicks were pre- operant studies, and is obviously only one of sented at a relatively constant rate when the many possible ways of approaching the com- subject was talking. Tape recordings made plexity of the subject matter. during the sessions were transcribed. When initial attempts to deal with some In an early description of these studies, contingencies involved in verbal conversa- Day (1971) reported that over multiple ses- tion proved to be too complex, an effort was sions of this type with a given subject, a kind made to simplify conditions as much as pos- of baseline became evident in the "recogniz- sible. In keeping with the above recommen- ably consistent patterns" of verbal behavior dations, the general strategy was to simplify seen across sessions. A brief examination of the controlling conditions for a speaker by some of these records (Dougherty, 1980) setting up an experimental context where shows that these "patterns" involved certain orderly changes in (vocal) verbal behavior themes which were likely to appear in such may occur as a function of a given type of baseline sessions. In the case of one of the variable; for example, a simplified form of subjects, for example, a "typical baseline ses- functional consequences. Given records of sion" would include some talk regarding the verbal behavior and consequences, the sports, progress in school, family, and so on next step was to develop ways of showing the (Dougherty, 1980). changes in verbal behavior as a function of Once a given baseline was thus established controlling contingencies in some con- over sessions, manipulations were made in venient, visual format. the experimental space and their effects While these goals have not yet been examined in the verbal material obtained. achieved, some steps have been taken in this The manipulations involved a variety of direction. Five female undergraduate stu- objects or audience variables introduced into dents participated in the most recent study the room, such as a person who doesn't as part of an introductory psychology course speak, or speaks only minimally, and so on. extra-credit option. The small experimental The return to baseline conditions and recov- room contained a table, chair, tape recorder, ery of baseline patterns of verbal behavior and a small microphone and speaker. then followed in traditional operant fashion. The procedural sections of the printed The Redbook studies of Willard Day were instructions are reproduced as follows (in- an early attempt to follow the implications of formed consent was obtained from each radical behaviorism to a laboratory analysis subject): of the behavior of the speaker. Despite the The procedures for the session are as follows. Your task fact that these exploratory studies produced in the study is simply to talk to the person in the some interesting and unusual results (cf. next room. They will not be able to talk to you Day, 1971), they have never been published, directly, but they will be able to communicate with you by way of a small "beeping" device. and subsequent developments and circum- There is a particular "topic" that we would like stances eventually led Willard Day away you to talk about, but instead of telling you what from further development of the preparation it is, we would like you to find the topic (or figure (e.g., post-doctoral study in philosophy at out what it is) and then talk about it. You will hear the and editing of the jour- a short "beep" when you are talking about the topic Oxford, founding that we have in mind, orare close to the topic. The nal Behaviorism, and the developing interest "beeps" represent points, and we would like you in interpretative practices; Day, personal to collect as many as possible during the session communication). An overview and analysis (we will count them for you). of the Redbook studies may be found in a Again, the study concerns language as a form of communication. It is important that you try to master's thesis by Michael Dougherty (1980). find the topic and talk about it, and to collect as In our laboratory (with the assistance of many points as possible.... Kelly G. Wilson), some preliminary steps have been taken along similar lines. The The short "beeps" (approx. 1-sec duration) study to be reported here is offered only as were delivered via handswitch by an a modest, incomplete illustration of the sort experimenter in the adjoining room, and RADICAL BEHAVIORISM AND VERBAL BEHAVIOR 35 were presented in such way as to shape suc- presented to show changes in the fine grain cessive approximations of the verbal of behavior as a function of controlling con- behavior "toward" a pre-specified topic (such tingencies? While a number of procedural as the subject's "hometown"). The tape- issues need to be addressed in such a study, recorded sessions lasted from 10 to 20 it was clear that orderly changes in verbal minutes, and before debriefing the subjects behavior were obtained, and the tape record- were given a short post-session question- ings included the temporal location and ver- naire which, for example, asked the subject bal context of the presented beeps. The next to identify the topic being sought (or to make step involved the exploration of ways to their best guess as to what the topic was). present the effects observed. If and when a subject "reached" the desig- On the one hand, the sessions could sim- nated topic, the beeps were presented in ply be transcribed in their entirety, along such a manner as to maintain verbal with markers indicating the placement of responding on the topic. After a given beeps as events. Certainly this approach has presentation of a beep, the next delivery much to recommend it, since it would pro- occurred as soon as the listener was sure that vide the most direct and complete record of the topic was maintained by the speaker. In the events as they occurred (and transcrip- some cases the topic was not fully "shaped" tion techniques are available which make but only approximated, and as with more possible a very detailed and sophisicated standard situations, the (putative) reproduction of naturally-occurring verbal reinforcer was initially delivered (in most interaction; namely, those developed for cases) with respect to rather "remote" "conversation analysis" by ethnomethodo- approximations or verbal "topographies," logical sociologists; cf. Anderson & Fehr, and was occasionally used to "prime" the 1989). behavior, in the sense of increasing (or main- But despite the abundance of detail avail- taining) the variations in verbal behavior able from complete transcription, the ap- emitted by the subject. proach is not without its disadvantages, not By way of general comments, the proce- the least of which is the fact that the tran- dure produced several different patterns or scription process itself is a notoriously tedi- strategies across the five subjects. For exam- ous and time-consuming one. More to the ple, one subject (S3) spoke quite rapidly but point, the products of complete transcription in a kind of normal discourse, with topics present difficulties as a form of "data presen- flowing from one to the next in a rather tation," if for no other reason than sheer "natural" sequence. Another subject (S5) volume of material (even a 10-min session spoke rather reluctantly and carefully, with can produce a very large amount of verbal more frequent pauses, and with nearly,all of materal). As anyone who has read Ferster her verbal behavior emitted as a series of and Skinner's (1957) Schedules of Reinforce- questions (as if playing "20 Questions;" ment can testify, direct records of any kind of which the procedure resembled somewhat). behavior as it occurs in time will take up a As a third example, another subject (S4) fol- great deal of printed space, even if the lowed the sort of natural narrative pattern records allow for such techniques as reduc- which also characterized the behavior of S3, tion and "telescoping." but in this case began by rapidly listing a ser- To extend the analogy a bit further, Ferster ies of words which served the function of and Skinner (1957) found it useful to present "/general topic headings;' and was thus their cumulative records in a variety of ways shaped almost immediately to the designat- to emphasize different features of the be- ed topic, which was maintained (with slight havior and contingencies under analysis; procedural variations) for the remainder of they would sometimes present reduced the session. Most of the other subjects records from an entire session of many hours showed a more gradual "shift" in verbal in length, or would present "collected seg- behavior as the session progressed. ments" to illustrate a particular effect, and so More specific questions may be addressed. on. Similarly, those involved with the anal- What is the course of shaping over such a ysis of the behavior of the speaker may find complex dimension of behavior, and what occasion for reproducing records of complete does it look like? How might such effects be sessions through some sort of transcription 36 SAM LEIGLAND technique, while for other purposes a series systematic changes that can be seen, of "representative" sections or exerpts may described, replicated, and which open addi- suffice. We have explored a few of these tional avenues for the analysis of verbal be- strategies in the present study, but given the havior. The examples to be presented are quantity of written material resulting from only primitive examples of what might be complete transcriptions, quickly began to done in verbal contexts. A rationale for this look for an analogy to Skinner's (1938) "ana- kind of data presentation might by clarified lytic and selective system" in enabling a more by comparing it to an analogous context for convenient format for presenting the data. the shaping of nonverbal behavior. Suppose At what is perhaps the other end of a con- one were interested in a close examination of tinuum (from complete transcription), there the variation and selection dynamics of the may be ways of coding items or topics as they shaping process as it occurs with a rat in the are discriminated as such over time by in- standard lever/box preparation. One could dependent listener/researchers, and then or- easily set up a video camera and videotape ganizing the resulting "codes" in some the entire handshaping process from the be- fashion. Several variations of this type were ginning to the first few complete lever press- formulated for the present study, but while es. It could be made clear from the the coding itself was not thought to be an in- videotapes exactly when a food pellet was surmountable problem (since similar issues delivered, the variations in response topog- frequently arise in applied behavioral raphy which occurred, and the changes in studies; and, as Skinner has noted, "...care- topography over the shaping session ful observers will generally agree as to what through the selective action of rein- is said in any given instance," 1957, p. 5), the forcement. resulting products proved unsatisfactory for There are a variety of ways in which the a number of reasons. A more productive ap- results of such an exercise might be present- proach appeared to be in looking for ways of ed. The videotape itself is the most complete perserving direct transcription (and thus record, of course, but would present deal with direct records of the behavioral problems as a form of scientific communica- events), but in some selective and systemat- tion (as noted above). A much more con- ic way. venient form would be the presentation of One basis upon which to select function- copies of a sequence of videotape frames, in al "units" in such a situation is to simply a manner used previously by Robert Epstein identify those sections of the verbal materi- (e.g., 1985) in studies of the effects of com- al which controlled the switch-pressing (or bined behavioral repertoires in pigeons. Sup- "beep-presenting") on the part of the pose further that the contingencies of listener/experimenter in the adjoining room presenting the data were such that one were (that is, those sections or passages identified limited to the minimum number of such by the latter as having done so). Such an ap- videotape frames that one could choose in proach has the advantage of reducing the showing the progress of shaping; how amount of verbal material presented to those would one select the appropriate frames to verbal events which could be identified as show the progress of shaping in the most having participated in the direct control of selective manner? the shaping listener. Showing the changes in A case could be made that the videotape the sequence of such functionally-defined frames showing most clearly the response "units" over time as a function of conse- approximations which led the experimenter quences might reveal a kind of order in the to deliver a pellet would provide the most verbal interaction. Other properties of the concise record of the systematic changes in verbal material might be dealt with in other behavior. Such a record would be selective; ways. it would not, for example show any "missed Of course, the kind of "order" which might opportunities" for reinforcement, but would be revealed by such methods would not be include any occasions where, say, a of a quantitative sort. What is more impor- previously-established topographical ap- tant than a pretense of mathematical proximation were accidently reinforced, and sophistication is that the records of the would include entire segments in which the environment-behavior interactions show variations "regressed" for some reason, and RADICAL BEHAVIORISM AND VERBAL BEHAVIOR 37 necessitated re-establishment through differ- in Figure 1 were selected primarily on the ential reinforcement, and so on. basis of visual clarity, convenience, and size In other words, selecting such frames constraints (since, like a standard cumulative would mean the selection of those moments record, the present interest concerns pat- in which the organismfs behavior made con- terns, changes, and the relative placement of tact with the contingencies of reinforcement, events rather than quantitative formulation). as mediated by the behavior of the person In constructing the records, the experi- shaping. Of course, such a record would also menter involved in the shaping session show something of the changing behavior of listened to the tape recordings and identified the latter as well, and would thus document those passages which led to the delivery of the "mutual adjustments" over time as a the beep with which the passage is associat- function of mutual control. ed on the record. The passages were tran- In any case, such a rationale was applied scribed and placed directly on the "step" to the verbal material of the present study, preceding the increment marking the tem- and two examples of the resulting records are poral location of the subsequent beep. This shown in Figure 1. The top two lines of placement allows for passages of varying Figure 1 show a record from Subject 3, and lengths to be included on the record, and the bottom two lines a similar record for Sub- thus shows both the verbal "topography" ject 5. In both cases the session was approx- which functioned to control the delivery of imately 10 minutes in length, and the top a beep, as well as the temporal location of the and bottom portion of both records indicate delivered beep in the session. roughly five minutes of continuous session In some cases, the transcribed passages time. The delivery of each beep is shown as were abbreviated by "condensing" the ex- an increment on the record. Both the meter tended passage to its functional portions (for of time (taken from the tape recorder) and example, the passage, "There are six people the size of the increments are relatively in my family" is shown as "(6 in my) family"), arbitrary; the scales of those records shown with the supporting material indicated in

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I.I n proundforIt tha long t t * It ni * up athWniab ndiag ~1s ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~De the person wal olthd aidlot!schlgy*peisn? S5 Is it a person who would be walking out%ide on tho streetacket 1s~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ (r jus rsoon7£2 p94usln 944.un i al got4. t14...bt t1 thina Fig.(1.RecordsaiofshangYo sesion for two subjectsit thsitz~Issoinahl Can0""~ ~ ~ '10MINTE~ ~ 1 Ih startoil?Ioro ~~1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ O Yo -ant meso jus to tah abu thi perI ino Do-s~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ inid aeso knI hna,#r ( roim;.uldo' ~~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~I th ." ringea .h)'it£ ~peeson~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ tho peso in th.rremiddentofa schl p '&) ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~n brownn '>stwh [nu n 1s t * poson who 1^v@s here Xn Is te perso oanin ~(^nz~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~I the? P.,-sonon ~-ez~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ I thet person in thi building Drsn Doe MINTE Fig.~~~~~~~~~~~ml'1.Rcrso#hpn esosfrto sujets 38 SAM LEIGLAND parentheses. Another type of modification of (marked at "d"), and a brief section follow- the transcribed passages involved the edit- ing this in which the religious activities of the ing of some specific names and locations as family were described (marked at "e"). a way of preserving confidentiality (indicat- An inspection of the record for S3 shows ed by brackets). It should also be noted that a transition of the topics to that of the sub- the transcribed passages are not, of course, ject's hometown (the topic chosen for shap- "drawn to scale'" since even a long "sen- ing), and some statements were quite tence" of vocal responding could take up specific regarding this topic; for example, very little space on the session's time line. "I've lived here all my life," (note the "inad- The two subjects were chosen in part be- vertent" delivery of two beeps), and "(this cause of differences observed between the City) a real growing place for my family" The two sessions. As noted above, the verbal be- final section of the record concerned the in- havior of S3 could be described as generally volvement of the family in the preservation relaxed, fluid, narrative, and as having been and expansion of the family house itself, and "shaped" to the designated topic; in this thus appears to show a further "narrowing" case, the subject's "hometown." The verbal of the topic as the session progressed. On the behavior of S5, on the other hand, could be post-session questionnaire, the subject iden- described in general terms as somewhat tified the designated topic as, "Family - how careful (if not reluctant), and framed almost many, business, hobbies, religious." exclusively in terms of questions. The "shap- In looking more closely at the records for ing" was incomplete in the case of S5, for S5 (bottom records), the session began with whom the designated topic was the subject's a long pause eventually leading to the ques- "leisure activities." tion, "Can I start?" Between the first and se- In looking more closely at the records for cond deliveries of a beep (the latter occurring S3 (top records), the session began with a after, "Is it outside?"), the subject began a ser- pause, followed by a discussion of some of ies of rather general questions, as indicated the social adjustments experienced by the by the following exerpt: "Can I find out if it's subject in the transition from high school to a person, or a place, or thing? ... if it's the college (marked at "a"). After a brief pause, weather? ... if it's like trees, up in the sky, on this was followed by a brief description of her the ground?. . ." The designated topic in this current off-campus job (at "b"). Following a case was the subject's 'leisure activities," and somewhat longer pause, some comments following the second delivery (provided were made about the recently-televised primarily for the purpose of maintenance), presidential debate (at "c"). The first delivery a wide variety of questions occurred inter- of a beep occurred following a statement mittently (concerning such possible proper- about shopping, which was followed in turn ties of the hidden topic as colors) until a third by a long pause. beep was eventually delivered ("Is it a The second delivery occurred following thing?"). Following the third delivery, a "nar- the statement, "There are six people in my rowing" of the topic occurred rapidly lead- family," and (after a brief pause) this marked ing to the fifth delivery, which followed "Is the beginning of a near-continuous mono- it a person?" (toward further variations in the logue which might be described in terms of general direction of person-subject-activities- the following themes. Following the (1) gen- leisure, etc.). eral topics of the beginning of the session (to At this point it is useful to divide the ver- "(6 in my) family"), there were the themes of bal material of the session into three sections. (2) family descriptions (to "(family chosen) to Section 1 covers the material from the begin- be together"), (3) family backround (to "(Dad's ning to the fifth delivery, at "Is it a person?" Company) on (local street name)"), (4) fam- (approximately 3/4 ofthe upperportion ofthe ily business (to "(Business .., is fun ... ) we all record), Section2covers thematerialfromthis get to be together"), (5) family hometown (to pointtotheentry, "Isthepersonme?" (slightly "(this City) a real growing place for my fam- past the midpoint of the lower portion of the ily"), and (6) family home (to the end of the record), and Section3coversthe sectionfrom record). The only deviations from these this point to the end of the record. themes were in one section in which the fam- Section 2 contains some interesting effects, ily's interests in sports were described and some examples of what may be a "reluc- RADICAL BEHAVIORISM AND VERBAL BEHAVIOR 39 tance" on the part of the speaker. First, some may be seen in the decrease in rate of beep rather curious questions appear shortly after deliveries, as well as in the later statement, the identification of "person;" for example, ". . . I don't know what I'm supposed to say"). "Is it a person who would be walking outside Most of the remaining statements were self- on the street?" and "Does the person walk descriptive in the somewhat limited sense of outside a lot?" (note that "walking" may be tacts controlled by publicly-observable an approximation to a leisure activity, and properties of the individual and immediate that the appearance of "outside" may be an context. Eventually the subject again asked, effect of earlier reinforcement). Second, after "Now you want me just to talk about this the delivery following "person" there was person?" and this time a beep was delivered, another following the further specification of but a rather long pause followed and the ses- "just one person," (as opposed to more than sion was ended. In the post-session ques- one person), but the question requires fur- tionnaire, the designated topic was identified ther specification for the speaker when the with the single word, "me." question appears again. In this second case A number of questions may be raised (which actually involves asking the question about an exploratory procedure of this type. twice), "just one person" must be discrimi- First, it should be noted that the study was nated from "any type of person." not a complete analysis of the reinforcement Perhaps a more systematic trend may be function of the presented "beeps," although seen in the changes in questions from appropriate conditions for such an analysis roughly the beginning of the lower portion could be arranged. If the presented beeps are of the record up to the question, "Is the per- to be taken as a type of reinforcement, then son me?" The series of questions leading up the role of reinforcement in a situation such to the identification of herself as the focus of as this needs to be clarified. the topic takes approximately one-third of For example, in the case of S3 it is an in- the session time, and from early in the ser- teresting question, and not at all clear from ies it would appear to be evident that the the present data, whether the beeps (if serv- individual in question could be no one else ing as reinforcement) are serving a selection (since it is very unlikely, for example, that or a maintenance function. This question after the question identifying "a student may be re-formulated in the following way: here" that it would be some other student how sensitive was the on-going verbal be- with a common history to both speaker and havior of S3 to any specific, selective function listener). Further, the confirmed identifica- of the presented beeps? Another way to for- tion of "female" is followed by a pause and mulate the question is in terms of the units then a question clearly involving self- of analysis: was all of the verbal behavior description ("Does the person have long concerning "family" a relatively "coherent hair?"). The person is next identified as being unit" of verbal behavior in this context, for "in this building,' which would appear to which the presentation of the beeps served narrow the options still further. Neverthe- primarily to maintain or extend the unit in less, the next statement is a reappearance (in time, or were there particular variations slightly different form) of a question asked which were sensitive to the momentary moments before: "Is the person a girl? I for- effects of the delivered beeps as reinforce- got." This is followed by the further specifi- ment? In the latter case, what would be the cation to "in this room" and finally, "Is the functional relations between such properties person me?" of the on-going verbal behavior of the speak- This brings us to Section 3, in which the er and those properties which serve to con- session takes a different course. The first stat- trol the behavior of the listener-as-shaper? ment following "Is the person me?" was "So How different would the record of S3 be if, now you want me to talk about myself." No at some point, the beeps had been presented beep was presented in this instance, because randomly? of the possible aversiveness of certain kinds A number of other questions present of self-description for this individual in a themselves in the case of S5. The point to be research context. This in turn had the effect made is that many questions may be of making ambiguous the subsequent direc- addressed experimentally in simplified ver- tion of the shaping procedure (the joint effect bal contexts such as these, particularly (and 40 SAM LEIGLAND perhaps necessarily) if the procedures allow practices of psychotherapy, to take but one for multiple sessions with a given individual. example, then we must begin a direct, em- A great number of other procedural varia- pirical, functional analysis of verbal behavior tions are also possible. For example, some of as it is there to be observed in controlled set- the above questions may be analyzed in the tings. Radical behaviorism, as a natural context of additional variables, such as vari- science "system;' is inextricably linked to the ations in establishing operations (e.g., if the functional analysis of verbal behavior, and it beeps/points were exchangable for money), is only through an appreciation of the impli- or the effects of more specific instructions cations of the former will a "science of ver- concerning contingencies. A variety of issues bal behavior" be fully underway. concerning stimulus control or social inter- Given the complexity of on-going verbal actions might be addressed as well. behavior, is such a laboratory science rele- vant to the prediction and control of the individual speaker possible, or are we left CONCLUSION with interpretive analyses only? It might be There is no doubt that a great deal of assumed that a significant degree of order is progress has been made, and continues to be unlikely to be seen at the level of the indi- made in the functional analysis of verbal be- vidual organism in this case. But I submit havior. Recent examples may be seen in the that in the late 1920s and early 1930s, many continued refinement of the verbal practices of the period would have made with which we make contact with the verbal the same assumption regarding the behavior field (e.g., Michael, 1988), as well as a grow- of the individual, intact, freely-moving rat, ing number of studies which combine the in- until "a new world (was) opened to inspec- terests of both basic and applied science tion" through Skinner's cumulative records (e.g., Howard & Rice, 1988; Stafford, Sund- (Skinner, 1956). The world which awaits us berg, & Braam, 1988). 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