Task Force 3 Interim Report on Gender Equality

February 1, 2004

Coordinators Nancy Birdsall Amina J. Ibrahim Geeta Rao Gupta

Comments are welcome and should be directed to:

Note to the reader This Interim Report is a preliminary output of the Millennium Project Task Force on Education and Gender Equality. The recommendations presented herein are preliminary and circulated for public discussion. Comments are welcome and should be sent to the e-mail address indicated above. The Task Force will be revising the contents of this document in preparation of its Final Task Force report, due December 2004. The Final Task Force report will feed into the Millennium Project’s Final Synthesis Report, due to the Secretary-General by June 30, 2005

Disclaimer This publication does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), its Executive Board or its Member States.

The Millennium Project is the independent advisory body to United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan that is commissioned with recommending, by June 2005, operational strategies for meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). This includes reviewing current innovative practices, prioritizing policy reforms, identifying frameworks for policy implementation, and evaluating financing options. The Project’s ultimate objective is to help ensure that all developing countries meet the MDGs.

As a United Nations-sponsored initiative, the Millennium Project proceeds under the overall guidance of the Secretary-General and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Administrator Mark Malloch Brown in his capacity as chair of the United Nations Development Group (UNDG). Professor Jeffrey Sachs directs the Project, which brings together the expertise of world-class scholars in both developed and developing countries, United Nations agencies, and public, non-governmental, and private-sector institutions. Ten Task Forces carry out the bulk of the Millennium Project’s analytical work with support from a small secretariat based at UNDP headquarters in New York. The Task Forces and their Coordinators are listed below.

Task Force Task Force Coordinators • Mari Pangestu 1 - Poverty and Economic Development • Jeffrey Sachs • Pedro Sanchez 2 - Hunger • M.S. Swaminathan • Nancy Birdsall 3 - Education and Gender Equality • Amina Ibrahim • Geeta Rao Gupta • Mushtaque Chowdhury 4 - Child Health and Maternal Health • Allan Rosenfield • Agnes Binagwaho 5 - HIV/AIDS, Malaria, TB, Other Major • Jaap Broekmans Diseases and Access to Essential • Paula Munderi Medicines • Josh Ruxin • Burton Singer • Yolanda Kakabadse Navarro 6 - Environmental Sustainability • Don Melnick • Roberto Lenton 7 - Water and Sanitation • Albert Wright • Pietro Garau 8 - Improving the Lives of Slum Dwellers • Elliott Sclar • Patrick Messerlin 9 - Open, Rule-Based Trading Systems • Ernesto Zedillo • Calestous Juma 10 - Science, Technology and Innovation • Lee Yee Cheong

Additional information on the Millennium Project is available on its website at www.unmillenniumproject.org

Millennium Project Task Force on Education and Gender Equality

Interim Report

From Promises to Action: Recommendations for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women1

February 2004

1 This interim report was prepared by Caren Grown and Geeta Rao Gupta. The authors would like to thank Suzan Atwood, Eva Roca, and Zahia Khan for their assistance. The report incorporates significant passages from Task Force background papers by Carmen Barroso and Francoise Girard, Mala Htun, Joanne Vanek and from a paper commissioned by the World Bank by Caroline Moser and Annalise Moser. Please address comments to Caren Grown at [email protected].

Table of Contents

Page Executive Summary iii.

Section I. Introduction 1

Section II. The Task Force Perspective 4 Definition of Gender Equality 6

Section III. The MDGs and the History of Goal-Setting for Gender 7 Equality Targets to Achieve Goal 3 8

Section IV. Progress Toward the Goal 10 Primary Education 10 Secondary Education 14 Gender Parity in Non-Agricultural Wage Employment 16 Gender Parity in National Parliaments 18 Summary of Progress Made toward Gender Equality 19

Section V. Strategic Priorities: Sub-Populations and Issues 20 Strategic Priority #1: Strengthen Opportunities for Secondary Education 21 for Girls and Eliminate Gender Gaps at That Level Education and Women’s Empowerment 22 Labor Market Returns 23 Fertility and Mortality 23 Health and Physical Integrity 24 HIV/AIDS 26 Interventions to Increase Gender Parity in Secondary Education 26 Strategic Priority #2: Guarantee Sexual and Reproductive Rights and 27 Health Maternal Health and Sexually Transmitted Infections 28 Nutrition and Reproductive Health 28 Reproductive Health of Adolescents 29 Linkages between Reproductive Health and Other Domains of 31 Gender Equality Interventions for Sexual and Reproductive Rights and Health 33 Strategic Priority #3: Invest in Gender-Responsive Infrastructure to 37 Reduce Women’s and Girls’ Time Poverty Transport 37 Water and Sanitation 38 Energy 40 Interventions for Gender-Responsive Infrastructure 44

Page Strategic Priority #4: Guarantee Women’s Property and Inheritance 44 Rights and Reduce Discrimination in Labor Markets Property and Inheritance Rights 44 Rationale 44 Interventions for Property Rights 50 Reduce Gender Inequality in the Labor Market 52 Rationale 52 Interventions to Decrease Gender Inequality in Employment 56 Strategic Priority #5: Increase Women’s Representation in Political 58 Bodies Rationale 59 Interventions to Increase Political Representation of Women 60 Strategic Priority #6: End Violence Against Women 63 Rationale 63 Prevalence of Violence Against Women 64 Interventions for Reducing Violence Against Women 66

Section VI. Making It Happen 70 Enabling Environment at the National Level 71 Effective National Women’s Machineries 71 Increasing Women’s Representation in Legislative Bodies 75 Mechanisms for Assessing Progress and Holding Stakeholders 75 Accountable Knowledge of the Costs of Gender Inequality and Financing of 77 Interventions to Promote Equality and Women’s Empowerment An Enabling International Environment 83 Gender Mainstreaming in International Agencies 83 Mainstreaming Gender into Donor-Country Policy Processes 84 Donor Incentives for Institutionalizing Gender 85 Improved International Data Systems 85

Section VII. Conclusion 86

References 88

Annexes 114 Annex 1: Indicators for Tracking Progress Toward Goal 3 114 Annex 2: Tables A.2.1 and A.2.2 117 Annex 3: A Review of Women’s Political Participation 127

ii Executive Summary

Introduction

The Millennium Project Task Force on Education and Gender Equality, an expert advisory group commissioned by the UN Secretary-General, has been assigned to take a systematic look at the means to achieve significant improvements in gender equality and the empowerment of women in the developing world. This interim report, a main product of the Task Force’s deliberations, is an input to a longer-term project and builds on the analysis presented in the Task Force’s background paper, “Promises to Keep” (Grown et al. 2003). It is not the “final word” of the Task Force, but a channel through which the Task Force can convey its current thinking about priorities to be taken by donor countries, key international technical agencies, and developing country governments. The Task Force will consult with a wide range of stakeholders over the next year on the main recommendations in this report. The results of these consultations will inform the final report of the Task Force.

Over the past three decades women have made some gains, particularly in health and education. Despite these gains, it is clear that the first deadline for the MDG target of Goal 3 - eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education preferably by 2005 and at all levels of education no later than 2015 – will be missed. This will be the first visible MDG failure. But instead of serving as an opportunity to underscore the failures of the international community, 2005 should be used to issue a clarion call for re- energizing efforts so that the second deadline for the target -- 2015 -- is honored.

The Task Force Perspective

The Task Force has adopted an operational framework of gender equality that consists of three dimensions:

• The capabilities domain refers to basic human abilities as measured through education, health and nutrition. These are fundamental to individual well-being.

• The access to resources and opportunities domain refers primarily to equality in the opportunity to use or apply basic capabilities through access to economic assets (such as land, property or infrastructure) and resources (such as income and employment) as well as political opportunity.

iii

• The security domain is defined to mean reduced vulnerability to violence and conflict, which result in physical and psychological harm and lessen the ability of societies to fulfill their potential.

Task Force members affirm that gender equality is central to the achievement of all the Millennium Development Goals. Development policies and actions that fail to take gender inequality into account and fail to address disparities between males and females will have limited effectiveness and serious cost implications. The recommendations in this interim report, therefore, represent a necessary and minimum set of actions to achieve the third goal. But achievement of all the Millennium Goals depends on the direct integration of gender equality and women’s empowerment into the actions taken to achieve all those MDGs.

Targets to Achieve Goal 3

The MDG goal for gender equality has only one target: eliminating disparities in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and at all levels of education no later than 2015. The focus on education as the target for Goal 3 is justified by the evidence that investing in girls’ education yields high returns. Yet, education alone is insufficient to eliminate the range of gender inequalities or to empower women to participate in society because it ignores the other two domains of gender inequality as well as other components of capabilities. Gender equality and the empowerment of women can remain elusive goals without the opportunity to use that education to obtain decent employment or to participate fully in decision-making in the political arena. Nor can female education eliminate violence against women.

This has led the Task Force to suggest the inclusion at the country-level of selected additional targets and indicators for Goal 3 to cover the other domains of gender equality and women’s empowerment. These, and others like them, can be used at the country- level to focus efforts and monitor progress. Examples of such targets to be achieved by the year 2015 are:

• Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health services through the primary health care system;

• Eliminate gender inequality in access to economic assets and employment;

• Achieve a 30 percent share of seats for women in national parliaments;

• Reduce by half the lifetime prevalence of violence against women.

iv opportunities, and security to make strategic choices and decisions that affect important life outcomes. Empowerment is a process that marks change over a period of time and requires that the individual being empowered is involved as a significant agent in that change process) The core of the concept of empowerment lies in the ability of women to control their own destiny. Thus, empowerment is greater than the sum of the parts of gender equality, although achieving gender equality is a critical step in that process.

Progress Toward the Goal

The United Nations proposed four indicators for tracking progress toward Goal 3:

• The ratio of girls to boys in primary and secondary education; • The ratio of literate females to males among 15-24 year olds; • The share of women in wage employment in the nonagricultural sector, and; • The proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments.

Because of these indicators’ shortcomings, the Task Force recommends supplementing them with other indicators that provide a fuller picture of gender equality in the domains of capability, opportunity and agency:

• Completion rates for primary and secondary education; • Region-specific economic indicators such as gender gaps in earnings in paid and self-employment, sex-disaggregated unemployment rates, and occupational segregation by sex, and; • Prevalence rates of domestic violence in the past year.

Given current data limitations, the interim report examines progress on three of the indicators proposed by the UN (primary and secondary enrolment rates, the female share of paid non-agricultural employment, and the share of female-held seats in national parliaments), as well as completion rates for primary and secondary education. The analysis shows that, for the primary and secondary education enrolment indicators, few countries will achieve a ratio of 1.0– or gender parity – either by 2005 or 2015. Many countries that are on track to meet the target will do so in ways that are not empowering to girls because they will not increase overall female enrolment rates. With respect to the economic indicator, in 91 percent of countries the female share of non-agricultural wage employment is less than 50 percent. Regarding political representation, there has been remarkable progress made over the last decade, with the most significant gains being made in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa. Despite this, only 14 countries of the 171 countries for which there are data available have reached the target of 30 percent of women in legislative bodies.

Overall, then, by most indicators discussed in the report, women fare less well than men. In some regions, females do better than males, but only on some of the education indicators. The goal of gender equality is, therefore, still elusive.

Six Strategic Priorities

v The Task Force has selected six strategic priorities for international and national-level action that should be achieved by the year 2015. These six priorities represent first generation development problems that have not yet been solved. They are inter-related, and empowering women and gender equality entails action on all of them.

The first sub-population is poor women, both in the poorest countries and in countries that have achieved increases in national income, but where poverty remains significant. A focus on poor women is justified for several reasons. Gender inequalities exist among the rich and the poor, but they tend to be greater among the poor; this is especially true for inequalities in capabilities and opportunities. Moreover, the well being and survival of poor households depends on the productive and reproductive contributions of their female members, and increasing numbers of poor households are headed or maintained by women. A focus on poor women, therefore, would reduce the vulnerability and insecurity of these households.

The second sub-population is adolescents and youth, who currently constitute two-thirds of the population in the poorest countries and the largest cohort of adolescents in the world’s history. The sheer size of the current adolescent cohort in poor countries means that interventions to improve their lives will affect national outcomes. Additionally, adolescence is a formative time of transition - between childhood and adulthood - and is therefore amenable to interventions that can dramatically alter subsequent life outcomes. Within the adolescent cohort, the Task Force has given priority to the needs of adolescent girls because the overall social, economic, and health disadvantages they experience are greater than those of boys.2 Therefore, investments to help girls complete good quality secondary schooling, support the transition from education to work, develop healthy sexuality, and guarantee physical safety are urgently needed and can simultaneously accelerate progress toward several of the Millennium Development Goals.

Strategic Priority #1: Strengthen Opportunities for Secondary Education for Girls and Eliminate Gender Gaps at That Level

In order to achieve Goal 3, evidence suggests that among all levels of education, secondary education has the greatest pay-off for women’s empowerment. This implies that investments in primary education must be made in order to create the pipeline for secondary education. The actions that need to be taken to achieve gender equality in primary education are discussed in Task Force 3’s report on universal primary education. However, global efforts must not be limited to guaranteeing only primary education. The Task Force recommends that interventions to promote gender equality in capabilities must prioritize girls’ secondary education. Interventions proven to be effective for

2 The Task Force recognizes that there are cases where interventions must target boys, e.g., in those countries with reverse gaps in secondary education. In addition, boys and men must be included in interventions to promote gender equality and women’s empowerment.

vi increasing girls’ participation in primary school may also apply to the secondary level. These include: making schooling more affordable by reducing costs and offering targeted scholarships, building secondary schools close to girls’ homes, making schools girl-friendly, and improving the content, quality, and relevance of education.

Strategic Priority #2: Guarantee Sexual and Reproductive Rights and Health

Goal 3 cannot be achieved without the guarantee of sexual and reproductive health and rights for girls and women. Priorities for action are reducing persistently high rates of maternal mortality, strengthening women’s and girls’ ability to protect themselves from HIV infection, and providing adolescent girls with full access to sexual and reproductive health information and services. Interventions must occur both within and outside the health system. At a minimum, national public health systems must provide quality family planning, safe abortion, and emergency obstetric services. Other essential services include the prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted infections, including HIV, and interventions to reduce malnutrition and anemia. Outside the health system, comprehensive sexuality education programs are essential for laying the foundation for improved sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Ultimately, these interventions must be supported by an enabling policy and political environment that guarantees women’s and girls sexual and girls reproductive rights. Current threats to those rights must be opposed if Goal #3 is to be achieved.

Strategic Priority #3: Invest in Gender-Responsive Infrastructure to Reduce Women’s and Girls’ Time Poverty

Gender-responsive infrastructure investments are needed to reallocate women’s time and energy away from routine maintenance tasks to more productive and fulfilling activities. As long as poor rural women and girls are burdened with having to expend large amounts of time and energy on collecting water and fuel, they will find little time to attend school or work on adopting the new practices suggested by development programs. Investments in the appropriate infrastructure to relieve women’s time poverty are essential to maximize the impact of all the strategic priorities discussed in this report.

Strategic Priority #4: Guarantee Women’s Property and Inheritance Rights and Reduce Discrimination in Labor Markets

1. Property and Inheritance Rights

It is now widely recognized that ownership and control over assets such as land and housing provides economic security, incentives for taking economic risks which lead to growth, and important economic returns including income. Yet, women in many countries around the globe lack this right. Ensuring female property and inheritance rights empowers women and rectifies a fundamental injustice. The Task Force calls for immediate action to be taken, including legal reform, legal literacy, and recording women’s share of land or property. In the short term, institutional arrangements that allow women collective or individual lease and use rights are important first steps.

vii 2. Reduce Gender Inequality in the Labor Market

Gender inequalities in labor markets take multiple forms and are persistent, insidious, and not easily amenable to policy intervention. Yet, the Task Force underscores the importance of addressing this challenge in order to achieve Goal #3 because discrimination in labor markets contravenes women’s right to decent work and is costly for women, as well as their households and communities.

Strategic Priority #5: Increase Women’s Representation in Political Bodies

Without equality of opportunity for participating in decision-making in all political arenas, Goal 3 cannot be met. There has been noticeable progress made in women’s representation in political bodies in several countries since 1991. The experience of these countries has shown that gender quotas and reservations are the most effective policy tools to increase women’s representation in national and local legislatures.

Strategic Priority #6: End Violence Against Women

Violence against women exists in epidemic proportions in many countries around the world. Because it has serious health and development impacts and is a gross violation of women’s rights, it must be eliminated if Goal #3 is to be met. There is no single intervention for ending violence; rather, it requires a combination of infrastructural, legal, judicial, enforcement, educational, health, and other service-related actions aimed at prevention, protection, and punishment. Most importantly, ending this epidemic requires normative change in the acceptability of violence against women that can only be brought about through a global campaign, combined with a scaling-up of effective community- based interventions and analyses that documents the costs of violence against women.

Making It Happen

Ultimately whether gender equality and women’s empowerment are achieved is mostly in the hands of policymakers in the developing countries. The nature and composition of governance, public policy, spending decisions, and political will in those countries will determine whether and how the six strategic priorities are implemented. At the same time, the Task Force believes that even the best effort and policy change at the country level will not be enough. For the poorest countries in particular, that are most at risk of falling short on this and the other goals, the input, leverage and sustained commitment of the donor community is critical.

National Level Actions At the national level, an enabling national environment for gender equality consists of four components.

1. An effective national women’s machinery. Lessons learned from the implementation of NWMs over the past two decades shows that an effective NWM must have a strong mandate that is supported by legislation, goals and priorities, and coherent lines of responsibility and accountability; a policy oversight and advocacy role; an appropriate

viii location within the government that allows for cross-sectoral influence; an adequate budget that is commensurate with the mandate for monitoring and accountability; a technically qualified staff that has a wide range of sectoral skills and experience; links to national networks of civil society organizations to maintain legitimacy, credibility, and accountability; and finally, institutional autonomy that protects it from political interference and manipulation.

2. A strong presence of women in legislative bodies. The representation of women in legislative bodies serves as an indicator of society’s commitment to gender equality and women’s empowerment and has the potential to trigger more fundamental changes in gender relations and beliefs about appropriate gender roles.

3. Mechanisms for assessing progress and holding stakeholders accountable. The three most important mechanisms to hold stakeholders accountable for gender equality at the national level are: sex-disaggregated and statistics to assess progress made toward the gender equality targets discussed above, a legal framework such as offered by the Convention to Eliminate All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and strengthening the participation of women’s organizations in national-level budgetary processes.

Data are a critical tool for accountability. There are large gaps in data at the country level, particularly in women’s economic participation and violence against women. The Task force recommends focusing on data collection efforts in these two areas.

CEDAW provides a powerful mechanism for stakeholders at the country level to hold their governments accountable for meeting Goal 3. The Convention has had a positive impact on legal and other developments in countries throughout the world, including the strengthening of provisions in constitutions. Recommendations for strengthening the implementation and enforcement of CEDAW within countries will be developed by the Task Force for the final report.

In addition, the Task Force is developing recommendations on strengthening civil society participation in national level budgetary processes to ensure that budgets reflect national level policies on gender equality. These recommendations will be included in the Task Force’s final report

4. Knowledge of the costs of gender inequality and expenditures to promote equality and women’s empowerment. No study has attempted to estimate the costs of gender inequality across all domains because it is difficult to do so without addressing the underlying data requirements that are necessary for such analysis. Many methodological issues also need to be addressed; experimentation and innovation will be required to move this effort forward.

To date, there have been some estimates made of the costs of gender inequality in education to productivity and economic growth, the costs of poor reproductive health, and the costs of violence against women. The costs of gender inequality in these domains have been estimated in different ways. For instance, countries in which the ratio of

ix female-to-male enrolment in primary or secondary education is less than 0.75 can expect levels of GNP that are roughly 25 percent lower than countries in which there is less gender disparity in enrolments. In the arena of sexual and reproductive health, current estimates show that reproductive health problems account for 18 percent of the global burden of disease and 32 percent of the burden among women ages 15-44 worldwide. Finally, to give one example of the costs of violence against women, it has been estimated that in Chile, domestic violence reduced women’s earnings by $1.56 billion (more than 2 percent of GDP in 1996); in Nicaragua, earnings were reduced by $29.5 million (about 1.6 percent of 1996 GDP).

Because gender inequality is multi-dimensional and multi-sectoral, assessing the financial costs of efforts to reduce it are difficult to calculate. The Millennium Project is developing a model for estimating comprehensive costs for countries with different levels of gender inequality which will be reported in the final report of the Task Force.

International Level Actions An enabling international environment requires donor policies and programs that support gender equality in nation-states. An enabling international environment has four characteristics.

1. Gender mainstreaming within international agencies. Although most international agencies seek to integrate gender issues into their policies and sectoral activities, the rhetoric has not been translated into strong implementation because gender mainstreaming within these institutions has faced many of the same challenges as the experience of NWMs at the country level. The interim report discusses ways to overcome such obstacles as lack of budgeting for gender units or departments, inadequate technical and analytical skills and supervision during implementation, lack of commitment of mid-level operational staff, and policy evaporation.

2. Mainstreaming of gender into donor-country policy processes. By far the most common policy framework currently used in aid cooperation is the Poverty Reduction Strategy process. Recent reviews of the evidence to date on how well Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) have addressed gender issues and women’s empowerment are not very encouraging. The Task Force will be making specific recommendations in its final report on how PRSPs can be aligned with Goal 3.

3. Donor incentives for countries that institutionalize gender considerations. The Task Force is developing recommendations for mechanisms to provide incentives to “reward” countries that make progress on the six strategic priorities and take steps to create a national governance structure that is conducive to gender equality.

4. Improved international data systems. The Task Force recommends that donors commit to strengthening ILO and WHO efforts to work with countries in collecting, standardizing, and disseminating gender-disaggregated data and statistics in the areas of informal employment, gender wage gaps and prevalence rates of violence against women.

x Conclusion

Relative to the past, current international development rhetoric places gender inequality high among the list of development priorities. Having an independent MDG goal on gender equality is a reflection of this new emphasis. Achieving this goal, however, requires concrete steps to achieve all the Millennium Development Goals, but it cannot be business as usual. Each of the steps taken toward the MDGs must have a gender lens, and policies and programmatic interventions must be designed in ways that advance women’s empowerment. Moreover, for Goal 3 to be achieved, countries and donors must provide resources and coordinate efforts to achieve the six strategic priorities outlined in this interim report.

xi Section I. Introduction

How can the global community achieve the goal of gender equality and the empowerment of women? This question is the focus of the third goal in the Millennium Development Goals endorsed by world leaders at the UN Millennium Summit in 2000 – and of this report.

The Millennium Project Task Force on Education and Gender Equality, an expert advisory group commissioned by the UN Secretary-General, has been assigned to take a systematic look at the means to achieve significant improvements in gender equality and the empowerment of women in the developing world.3 The Task Force, one of 10 under the auspices of the Millennium Project, is charged with developing recommendations for the international community about how to accelerate progress toward the MDGs. The main audience for the gender equality work of the Task Force is United Nations agencies who provide resources and technical support, policy makers in developing countries who may find it useful to consider how the actions recommended can be adapted to their circumstances, and women’s organizations who can use this information to advocate for change. The Task Force’s work, comprising limited new research, a review of existing analytic work, deliberations and consultations, is being conducted from July 2003 – June 2005, with a final report due in December 2004.

This interim report, a main product of the Task Force’s deliberations, is an input to a longer-term project and builds on the analysis presented in the Task Force’s background paper, “Promises to Keep” (Grown et al. 2003). It is not the “final word” of the Task Force, but a channel through which the Task Force can convey its current thinking about priorities – and particularly priority actions to be taken by donor countries, key international technical agencies, and developing country governments. The Task Force expects to consult widely with civil society representatives, other experts, decision makers in international agencies, and other stakeholders on the main recommendations in this report. The results of these consultations will inform the final report of the Task Force.

It should be noted at the outset that due to the commitment and organized efforts of the international women’s movement, as well as the innovative responses from some governments and civil society organizations, significant improvements have been made in women’s and girls’ status since the first U.N. conference on women held in 1975 in Mexico City. Over the past three decades women have made some gains, particularly in health and education, as evidenced through decreased mortality rates, increased life expectancy, and reduced gender gaps in primary school education. Despite these gains, it is clear that the first deadline for the MDG target of Goal 3 - eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education preferably by 2005 and at all levels of education no later than 2015 – will be missed. This will be the first visible MDG

3 The Task Force is also responsible for examining ways to achieve improvements in education in the developing world. A companion interim report on education has been prepared by the Task Force.

1 failure.4 But instead of serving as an opportunity to underscore the failures of the international community, 2005 should be used to issue a clarion call for re-energizing efforts so that the second deadline for the target -- 2015 -- is honored. In doing so, countries should strive to achieve more than numerical parity, which may create the illusion of equality. The spirit of the goal – gender equality and the empowerment of women -- requires fundamental transformation in opportunities and outcomes for both men and women.

The Task Force has chosen six strategic priorities for international and national-level action that should be achieved by the year 2015 (see Box 1). The six priorities represent first generation development problems that have not yet been solved. They are interrelated, and empowering women and gender equality entails action on all of them. The Task Force struggled with narrowing this list of priorities even further but ultimately recognized that, because gender gaps are pervasive and cut across many sectors and issues, dropping any one of these priorities would compromise the achievement of Goal 3.

The selected priorities are based on Box 1. Six Priorities for Action an operational framework of gender equality that consists of Priorities for strengthening women’s capabilities are: three dimensions: • Strengthening opportunities for secondary education for girls and eliminating gender gaps • The capabilities domain at that level. refers to basic human • Increasing adolescents’ and women’s access to abilities as measured a broad range of sexual and reproductive health through education, health information and services.

and nutrition. Priorities for economic and political opportunity are: • Investing in gender-responsive infrastructure to • The access to resources reduce women’s time poverty. and opportunities domain • Guaranteeing girls’ and women’s property and refers primarily to equality inheritance rights and reducing discrimination in the opportunity to use or in employment by closing gender gaps in apply basic capabilities earnings, decreasing women’s reliance on through control over informal employment, and reducing economic assets (such as occupational segregation. land and property) and • Increasing women’s share of seats in national resources (such as income, parliaments and local government bodies.

employment) and through Priorities for women’s security are: political participation. • Ending violence against girls and women.

• The security domain is defined to mean reduced vulnerability to violence and conflict.

4 It is ironic that the 2005 date coincides with the tenth anniversary of the Beijing conference – an anniversary that will undoubtedly serve to draw attention to the MDG commitments and all promises made to women that have not been kept.

2 If these strategic priorities are addressed, they will lead to positive outcomes for women, as well as for households, communities, and national economies. These priorities were selected because they are especially important for adolescents and adult women who live in poverty in the developing world. The current cohort of adolescents is the largest in the world’s history, and success in addressing these priorities depends in large measure on the extent to which their lives and possibilities are improved. Moreover, because adolescents are on the threshold of adulthood, they will be the cohort to most immediately benefit from the achievement of these priorities. Poor women, too, will benefit directly from investments in these priorities. They have the greatest needs, suffer the greatest indignities and deserve the greatest attention.

Responding to these strategic priorities is particularly urgent for women in conflict and post-conflict situations. Situations of conflict have disproportionate impacts on women and children, who typically are the majority of displaced persons in refugee camps and conflict zones (UNIFEM 2002). In times of conflict, women and children are also more likely to be heads of households underscoring the need for them to receive special assistance in order to overcome typical gender barriers that might otherwise restrict their access to resources and threaten the survival of those households. Post-conflict periods, on the other hand, present a window of opportunity to reduce gender barriers and create a gender-equitable society, which is more likely to occur if the reconstruction process fosters the full participation of women. For example, in Rwanda the post-conflict period was used as an opportunity to right previous gender inequalities in access to resources and political participation.

Addressing the six proposed strategic priorities requires fundamental transformations in governance structures. At the national level, this includes:

• An effective national women’s machinery; • A strong presence of women in legislative bodies; • Mechanisms for assessing progress and holding stakeholders accountable, and; • Knowledge of costs of gender inequality and expenditures to promote equality and women’s empowerment.

At the international level, this requires donor policies and programs that support gender equality at the national level. Without such an enabling environment, discrete interventions to address the strategic priorities will have marginal impact and will not be sustained.

This report is organized as follows. The first several sections set the context for the Task Force’s strategic priorities and recommendations: an articulation of the overall perspective of the Task Force, a more detailed discussion of the conceptual framework for understanding gender equality, and a brief history of goal-setting on gender equality. The next section reviews progress made toward the goal and identifies some of the obstacles to progress. The following section sets out six strategic priorities of the Task Force, which serve as the foundation for the recommendations that follow. Each of the priorities is substantiated with data, as available. The last section of the report discusses

3 implementation issues that must be addressed in order for the priorities to be met and draws conclusions.

Section II. The Task Force Perspective

Task Force members affirm that gender equality is central to the achievement of all the Millennium Development Goals (see Box 2). Development policies and actions that fail to take gender inequality into account and fail to address disparities between males and females will have limited effectiveness and serious cost implications (World Bank 2003a, p. 4). The recommendations in this interim report, therefore, represent a necessary and minimum set of actions to achieve the third goal. But achievement of all the Millennium Goals depends on the direct integration of gender equality and women’s empowerment into the actions taken to achieve all those MDGs. Thus, this Task Force believes that ultimate success in achieving Goal 3 depends both on the extent to which the priorities suggested here are addressed, and the extent to which the actions taken to achieve the other MDGs integrate gender considerations. This report, however, focuses on only the former – the minimum set of priorities to achieve Goal 3.

4 Box 2. Gender Equality is Critical to the Achievement of all MDGs

Millennium Development Goals Importance of Gender Equality for Specific MDGs

Goals 1 and 2 • Gender equality in capabilities and access to Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger opportunities can accelerate economic growth • Equal access for women (as primary users) to basic transport and energy infrastructure (e.g. clean cooking fuels) can lead to greater economic activity • Gender equality in interventions helps increase agricultural production since women farmers form a significant proportion of the rural poor • Equal investment in women’s health and nutritional status contributes to reduce chronic hunger and malnourishment

Goal 3 • Interventions to reduce the differential burden of Achieve universal primary education household work on young and adolescent girls is necessary to allow them to attend primary and secondary schools

Goal 4 Reduce child mortality • Mothers education, income and empowerment has a significant impact on lowering child and maternal Goal 5 mortality Improve maternal health

Goal 6 • Greater economic independence for women, Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other increased ability to negotiate safe sex, awareness disease about the need to alter traditional norms about sexual relations and access to treatment, as well as support for the care function that women perform is essential for halting and reversing the spread of HIV/AIDS and other epidemics

Goal 7 • Gender equitable resource ownership policies Ensure environmental sustainability enable women (as primary users of these resources in many cases) to manage their resources in a more sustainable manner

Goal 8 • Greater gender equality in the political sphere may Develop a Global Partnership for lead to higher investments in development Development cooperation

Based on a presentation by Karen Mason, Director, Gender and Development, the World Bank

5 Definition of Gender Equality

Like race and ethnicity, gender is a social construct. It defines and differentiates the roles, rights, responsibilities and obligations of women and men. The innate biological differences between females and males are interpreted by society to create a set of social expectations that define the behaviors that are appropriate for women and men and that determine women’s and men’s differential social, economic and political power. Although the specific nature and degree of these differing expectations varies across societies and across time, at the beginning of the 21st century, they still typically favor men and boys, giving them more access than women and girls to the capabilities, resources, and opportunities that are important for the enjoyment of social, economic, and political power.

Nearly every country in the world has made a commitment to women’s equality by ratifying the Convention to Eliminate All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Signatory countries are legally obligated to meet the commitments specified in these conventions.5 Often described as the international bill of rights for women, CEDAW addresses in a single instrument areas such as the enjoyment of full political rights and nationality - where women have experienced considerable obstacles and continue to do so - situations where women are particularly at risk, such as trafficking, and non-discrimination in the enjoyment of the full range of rights. CEDAW provides for women’s equal enjoyment with men of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights, and is unique in establishing legal obligations for State parties to ensure that discrimination against women does not occur in the private sphere in addition to the public sphere.

As mentioned before, the Task Force proposes an operational framework of gender equality that consists of three dimensions:

• The capabilities domain refers to basic human abilities as measured through education, health and nutrition. These are fundamental to individual well-being.

• The security domain is defined to mean reduced vulnerability to violence and conflict. Violence and conflict result in physical and psychological harm and lessen the ability of individuals, households, and communities to fulfill their potential.

5 175 States from all regions of the world are party to the Convention, the most recent signatories being Timor Leste and the Syrian Arab Republic, which became party to the instrument in April and March 2003 respectively (Hannan 2003).

6 This framework has been revised through Task Force discussions of the original framework presented in the Task Force background paper, “Promises to Keep,” which included the domain of agency instead of security. The Task Force agreed that “agency” is both the process of participating in decisions regarding capabilities, opportunity, and security, as well as the outcome of access to each, some or all of these. As such, it is not a domain of equality in and of itself but is integral to the achievement of gender equality in capabilities, opportunity, and security.

These three domains of equality are inter-related and change in all three domains is therefore critical to achieving Goal 3. The attainment of capabilities increases the likelihood that women can access opportunities for employment or participate in political and legislative bodies but does not guarantee it. Similarly, access to opportunity has been found to decrease the likelihood that women will experience violence (although in certain circumstances, it may temporarily increase that likelihood).

Progress in any one domain to the exclusion of the others is insufficient to meet the goal of gender equality. For example, in many countries in Latin America, girls enroll in primary school at the same rate as boys and even outnumber them at the secondary school level. However, many studies in Latin America show that women are disadvantaged in the labor market relative to men with similar education and experience. Thus, investments need to be directed to interventions across all three domains in order to achieve the goal.

The Task Force recognizes that, ultimately, achieving gender equality and empowerment of women requires a fundamental transformation of societal institutions, norms, and practices. Conducting business as usual will not result in much progress. With strong, committed leadership, political will, and appropriate resources, the transformation required to bring about the necessary changes can be achieved.

Section III. The MDGs and the History of Goal-Setting for Gender Equality

Many decades of organizing and advocacy by women’s organizations and networks across the world have resulted in the global recognition of the contributions that women make to economic development and the costs to societies of persistent inequalities between women and men. The success of those efforts is evident in the promises made by nation states over the past two decades at UN conferences, such as the World Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna in 1993, the International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo in 1994, and the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing and the World Summit on Social Development held in Copenhagen, both of which occurred in 1995. The inclusion of gender-equality and women’s empowerment as the third Millennium Development Goal is a reminder that many of those promises have not been kept, while simultaneously offering yet another international policy opportunity to implement them.

7 Targets to Achieve Goal 3

At each of the conferences noted above, governments agreed to a number of time-bound targets, with 1990 as the base year, to serve as benchmarks of progress (Box 3). While most of these targets focus on education and health, the Beijing Platform for Action includes a target for increasing the representation of women in positions of power and decision-making. Targets for decreasing women’s poverty or increasing women’s economic equality are notable by their absence. Although poverty and women’s economic rights were key themes at both the Copenhagen and Beijing conferences, governments’ commitment to addressing these issues did not result in the formulation of specific targets.

Box 3. History of Goal 3* Commitment Target By the Year Conference Women in decision-making 30% 1995 ECOSOC (Reiterated at FWCW, 1995, Beijing) Gender equality for girls in Parity: ratio = 1 2000 FWCE, 1995, Beijing primary education

Close gender gap in primary Parity: ratio = 1 2005 ICPD, 1994, Cairo; and secondary education WSSD, 1995, Copenhagen; FWCW, 1995, Beijing Achieve equivalent levels of Parity: ratio = 1 2015 ICPD, 1994, Cairo education for girls and boys

*This box lists only selected commitments made by governments. The full list can be seen in UNIFEM 2000a.

The MDG goal for gender equality has only one target: eliminating disparities in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and at all levels of education no later than 2015. The focus on education as the target for Goal 3 is justified by the evidence that investing in girls’ education yields high returns. Yet, as noted in Grown et al. (2003), education alone is insufficient to eliminate the range of gender inequalities or to empower women to participate in society because it ignores the other two domains of gender inequality as well as other components of capabilities. Gender equality and the empowerment of women can remain elusive goals without the opportunity to use that education to obtain decent employment or to participate fully in decision-making in the political arena. Nor can female education eliminate violence against women.

These shortcomings of the single educational target have led the Task Force to suggest the inclusion at the country level of selected additional targets and indicators for Goal 3 to cover the other domains of gender equality and women’s empowerment. These, and others like them, can be used at the country-level to focus efforts and monitor progress. Examples of such targets to be achieved by the year 2015 are:

• Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health services through the primary health care system;

• Eliminate gender inequality in access to economic assets and employment;

8 • Achieve a 30 percent share of seats for women in national parliaments;

• Reduce by half the lifetime prevalence of violence against women.

The first suggested target, ensuring universal access to sexual and reproductive health services, corresponds closely to the target in paragraph 7.6 of the ICPD Platform for Action and therefore is an appropriate target for monitoring progress. It is an essential component of the capabilities domain of gender equality and is widely believed to be essential to human well-being and sexual and reproductive health and rights (discussed further in section V). Although two MDGs – Goal 4 to reduce maternal mortality and Goal 5 to combat HIV/AIDS – incorporate other essential elements of the ICPD Platform, they neglect access to family planning information and services, treatment for sexually- transmitted infections, and sexuality education. Therefore, the Task Force underscores the need to incorporate the provisions of the Cairo Programme of Action that were omitted from the MDGs into the setting of targets and indicators for the gender equality goal.

The U.N. member states did not set a target for gender equality in the opportunity domain. The second target suggested by the Task Force, “eliminate gender inequality in access to economic assets and employment,” can be used by all countries. However, since the precise form of gender asset or labor market inequality may vary with a country’s economic structure, the specific form of the target as well as the indicators for monitoring progress should be set at the country level.

The third target has been proposed by the Task Force in order to accelerate efforts to increase women’s participation in high-level decision-making in countries around the world. This target has already been endorsed by countries which signed the Beijing Platform for Action.

Finally, the Task Force recognizes that ending violence against women is necessary for attaining gender equality and women’s empowerment. However, within the context of the timeline of the MDGs, it may be more realistic for countries to set a target of “reducing by half the prevalence of violence of against women in 2015.” Especially in countries where the prevalence of violence against women is not established, this target can be a stimulus for a range of actions, including the collection of baseline data and the establishment of systems for monitoring progress over time.

The Task Force recognizes that even if all suggested gender equality targets were achieved, the second part of Goal 3, the empowerment of women, may still remain elusive. To be empowered, women must not only have equal capabilities (such as education and health), access to opportunities (economic and political), and security (freedom from violence), they must also have the agency to use those capabilities, opportunities, and security to make strategic choices and decisions that affect important life outcomes. Empowerment is a process that marks change over a period of time and requires that the individual being empowered is involved as a significant agent in that change process (Malhotra, Schuler and Boender 2002). The core of the concept of empowerment lies in the ability of women to control their own destiny (Kabeer 2001).

9 Thus, empowerment is greater than the sum of the parts of gender equality, although achieving gender equality is a critical step in that process.

Section IV. Progress Toward the Goal

The United Nations proposed four indicators for tracking progress toward Goal 3:

• The ratio of girls to boys in primary and secondary education; 6 • The ratio of literate females to males among 15-24 year olds; • The share of women in wage employment in the nonagricultural sector, and; • The proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments.

Because of these indicators’ shortcomings (discussed in Grown et al. 2003, pp. 8-13), the Task Force recommends supplementing them with other indicators that provide a fuller picture of gender equality in the domains of capability, opportunity and agency:

This section reviews progress toward Goal 3. Because of current data limitations, we report on three of the indicators proposed by the U.N.: primary and secondary enrolment rates, the female share of paid non-agricultural employment, and the share of female-held seats in national parliaments. The analysis of the enrolment indicators is supplemented by gender-disaggregated completion rates for primary and secondary education. Section 7 of this report discusses recommendations for accelerating data collection efforts so that the additional indicators recommended above can be used for tracking progress within the next five years. Annex 1 describes these additional indicators at greater length, as well as potential indicators to track progress toward the target of universal access to sexual and reproductive health services.

Primary Education

It is important to note that the indicators discussed in this section measure parity rather than equality. Gender parity and gender equality have different meanings (UNESCO 2003). Gender parity is a numerical concept; it means that boys and girls enter the education system and progress through the various cycles in the same proportion, relative to their respective age groups. Gender equality, by contrast, goes beyond numerical balance. It is defined in the EFA report as consisting of: equality of opportunities, with girls and boys having the same chance to access school; equality in the learning process, whereby girls and boys receive the same treatment and attention, follow the same curricula, enjoy teaching methods and tools free of stereotypes and gender bias, and

6 This section does not review progress made on this indicator because the available data have serious problems; see Grown et al. (2003) for a review.

10 benefit from the same quality and quantity of appropriate educational infrastructure; equality of outcomes, e.g., learning achievements, length of school career; and equality of results, reflected in job opportunities and earnings. Because most internationally comparable data reflect parity, this section of the report reports on progress toward gender parity in school enrolments and completion at the primary and secondary level.

Aside from their failure to measure equality, not just parity, the available education indicators have other limitations. First, enrolment parity says nothing about the absolute levels of schooling achieved by either boys or girls. Second, national averages mask sub- national and regional variation. National-level ratios also hide differences between groups of women as defined by income, race, ethnicity, caste, rural/urban, and so forth. Finally, few indicators exist to measure quality of progress toward the goal instead of just quantity of progress (see Grown et al. 2003 for elaboration on these points).

Gender Parity in Primary Enrolment: Gender parity in access to schooling (measured by enrolment) is the first step towards gender equality in education. However, the world is still far from achieving that first step. Worldwide, it is estimated that between 54-57 percent of all out-of-school children are girls.7

A regional comparison of gender parity in primary school enrolment rates indicates that the ratio of girls to boys in school is significantly below 1.0 in South and West Asia, Sub- Saharan Africa, and the Arab States. East Asia and the Pacific have seen progress toward gender parity: the percentage of girls among out-of-school children dropped from 71 percent in 1990 to 49 percent in 2000 (UNESCO 2003).8 The rapid progress toward gender parity observed in many countries over the past 10 to 20 years is evidence that such a goal is attainable with appropriate investments and government programs.

Figure 1 shows gross enrolment rates for developing countries with significant gender disparity. In almost all cases, gender disparities disadvantage girls. In one-third of the countries in the figure, all of them in Sub-Saharan Africa, the enrolment of females is significantly lower than males. The Arab States also register low enrolment for girls relative to boys. Gender disparities persist in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Cambodia, and Lao People’s Republic. In Latin America and the Caribbean, most countries have already reached gender parity or are close to reaching it.

7 UNESCO (2003) puts the figure at 54 percent while UNICEF (2003) estimates it is 57 percent. 8 At the same time, the reduction of girls as a percentage of out-of-school children was coincident with an absolute increase in the number of both boys and girls out of school.

11 Figure 1. Primary education gross enrolment ratio by gender in selected developing countries (2000)

Source: UNESCO, EFA Monitoring Report 2003.

Gender Parity in Primary Completion: Around the world, primary school completion rates for girls have improved substantially in the 1990s (see Table 1). However, currently only 76 percent of girls complete primary school compared to 85 percent of boys. In most regions of the world, completion rates are lower for girls than for boys, especially in

12 sub-Saharan Africa. Latin America is the exception, where reverse gender gaps, i.e., girls registering higher primary school completion rates than boys, have been observed.

Some countries that had severe gender disparities in primary completion have made progress toward parity only through declines in boys’ completion rates in the 1990s. This highlights the need to analyze what lies behind improved parity ratios because true gender equality can only be achieved through increases in overall rates of completion of both girls and boys. Other countries have improved gender parity through increases in girls’ completion rates, achieved through a variety of policy instruments (Tunisia, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka). As noted in Task Force 3’s companion report on education, there are also examples of local school reforms that have increased girls’ enrolment and completion (e.g., Balochistan Province in Pakistan).

Table 1. Primary completion by region and gender (population weighted averages) 1990 2000* Region Girls Boys Total Girls Boys Total Africa 43 57 50 46 56 51 East Asia and Pacific 92 97 96 98 98 97 Europe and Central Asia 85 95 90 93 95 93 Latin America and Caribbean 71 64 69 85 81 83 Middle East and North Africa 71 84 78 78 86 83 South Asia 59 77 68 63 84 74 All Developing Countries 65 79 73 76 85 81 Source: Bruns, Mingat, and Rakotomalala 2003, based on World Bank database on primary school completion * for some countries the last available year is 1999

Country Prospects for Meeting the Primary Enrolment Target: As Table 2 indicates, should present trends continue, 32 of the 124 countries for which data are available are expected to achieve gender parity or a reverse gender gap in 2005.9 Sixty-seven countries are on track to achieve this goal at a later date. The countries of sub-Saharan Africa are farthest from the target: six are off track, i.e. have enrolment ratios less than .7 (Benin, Chad, Ethiopia, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, and Niger) and eight countries have a ratio between .7 and .89. One country in South Asia – Pakistan - is also off track.

9 Projections for 2015 are contained in Table A.2.1 in Annex 2.

13 Table 2. Country Predictions By Region for Female To Male Gross Primary Enrolment Ratios, 2005 Number of countries in each ratio category Region Greater Ratio = 1 0.99-0.90 0.89-0.70 0.69 and Total than 1 below Dev'd 4 4 11 19 EAP 4 2 3 4 13 ECA 1 4 16 1 22 LAC 1 14 2 17 MENA 6 1 6 3 16 SA 3 1 4 SSA 4 1 14 8 6 33 Total 20 12 67 18 7 124 Source: UNESCO 1996; Note: Valid N=124.

As noted earlier, these predictions for 2005 are desirable only if increases in the female to male primary enrolment ratio are attained through increases in female enrolment rates. Of the 32 countries in Table 2 that are expected to achieve gender parity or a reverse gap by 2005, only 15 are predicted to do so through increases in female rates: Mauritania, Saudi Arabia, China, Sudan, Malawi, Kuwait, Albania, Tunisia, Lithuania, Philippines, Sweden, Bulgaria, Japan, Republic of Korea, and Malaysia. Fourteen countries are expected to achieve a ratio of 1.0 or greater either because of declines in male rates, with female rates remaining constant, or declines in both female and male rates, with male rates declining faster than female rates.

Secondary Education

Gender Parity in Secondary Enrolment: Across the world, there is greater variation in enrolment rates at the secondary than at the primary level. Enrolments are generally higher in Latin America and the Middle East and North Africa than elsewhere, but are less than 30 percent in 26 countries, primarily in sub-Saharan Africa.

According to the analysis in Grown et al. (2003), 72 of 191 countries in 1999/2000 had female-to-male secondary enrolment ratios of one or greater, implying gender parity or a reverse gap in favor of females at secondary level (see Figure 2). Despite this seemingly favorable picture, most of those 72 countries had low overall female secondary enrolment rates. Only 30 countries had high rates of female enrolment - above 90 percent.10 Four of the 72 countries which achieved a ratio of 1.0 or more in secondary enrolment in 2000 had very low rates of secondary female enrolment: Sudan (36 percent), Lesotho (32 percent), Djibouti (17 percent) and Maldives (44 percent).

10 The 30 countries are: Sweden, St. Lucia, Uruguay, UK, Brazil, Belgium, Brunei, Malaysia, Finland, Iceland, Ireland, Argentina, Portugal, Spain, Bahrain, New Zealand, Luxembourg, Denmark, Barbados, Greece, Estonia, Norway, Canada, Japan, Hungary, USA, France, Australia, Israel, and the Republic of Korea.

14 Figure 2. Female to Male Secondary Enrolment Ratios, 2000 40

20 F>M 0 Dev'd EAP ECA LAC MENA S. Asia SSA F=M

No. of countries of No. F>M 1651318824 F

Source: UIS 2000; N=191

UNESCO (2003) recently compared the patterns of gender disparity between primary and secondary enrolment. Countries with large disparities in favor of boys in primary education have even larger disparities in secondary education. Most of these countries are in sub-Saharan Africa, but they also include India, Nepal, and Pakistan from South Asia, Cambodia, Lao PDR and Mongolia from East Asia, and Iraq. Countries with moderate disparities in favor of boys in primary education appear to have reduced those gaps in secondary education; these countries include some in the Middle East and North Africa (such as Algeria, Tunisia, and Egypt), and several in East Asia and the Pacific (such as the Philippines and Malaysia). Countries very close to parity or with low disparities in favor of girls at the primary level tend to close the gap or reinforce the female advantage in secondary education; this is most pronounced in Latin America and the Caribbean (UNESCO 2003, p. 70).

Reverse gender gaps in Latin America and the Caribbean have been hypothesized to be caused by norms of masculinity that pressure young boys to earn an income at an early age rather than “waste” their youth in school. There is also the hypothesis that boys in some social groups see schooling as emasculating rather than empowering. These hypotheses need to be tested, in order to determine interventions that could be most effective in increasing boys’ enrolment in secondary school.

Gender Parity in Secondary Completion: In every region except sub-Saharan Africa, female secondary completion rates are lower than female secondary enrolment rates and are lower than male secondary completion rates (see Figure 3).

15 Figure 3. Comparison of Secondary Enrolment and Completion Ratios, 2000 (Female rate < male rate) 20

10 F

Source: Barro and Lee 1996; UIS 2000; N=78.

Country Prospects for Meeting the Secondary Education Target: Should present trends continue, five of 118 countries with data available are likely to achieve a ratio of 1.0 in gross secondary enrolments by 2005; 54 are predicted to have a reverse gap (Table 3).11 Thirty-two countries are expected to be falling behind or off track: seven countries in Africa are falling behind and 11 are off track; two countries in Europe and Central Asia are falling behind; three countries in East Asia and the Pacific are falling behind and one is off track; three countries in the Middle East and North Africa are falling behind and one is off track; and one country in South Asia is falling behind and one is off track.

Table 3. Country Predictions By Region For Female To Male Gross Secondary Enrolment Ratios, 2005 Number of countries in each ratio category Region Greater Ratio = 1 0.99-0.90 0.89-0.70 0.69 and Total than 1 below Dev'd 11 2 7 2 22 EAP 8 3 3 1 15 ECA 10 7 2 19 LAC 10 2 12 MENA 7 1 4 3 1 16 SA 1 1 1 1 4 SSA 7 2 3 7 11 30 Total 54 5 27 18 14 118 Source: UNESCO 1996; N=118.

Gender Parity in Non-Agricultural Wage Employment

Data for women’s share of the non-agricultural labor force are compiled by the ILO. Compared to the education indicators, there are far fewer data available for this indicator than for the education and literacy indicators. Even where information is available, it is

11 Projections to 2015 are contained in Table A.2.2 in Annex 2.

16 not up-to-date for many countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa and North Africa.12

Table 4 provides a picture by region of women’s share of the non-agricultural labor force in the most recent year available. In only nine of 105 countries in the late 1990s was the female share of non-agricultural wage employment 50 percent or greater. In another 81 countries, the share was between 25-49 percent. South Asia and the Middle East and North Africa had the lowest female shares of non-agricultural employment (three of four countries in South Asia and five of six countries in the Middle East and North Africa).

Table 4. Share Of Women in Non-Agricultural Wage Employment, by Region (1995-2000) Share Region High Medium Low Total (50+) (25-49.9) (0-24.9) Dev'd 24 24 EAP 10 10 ECA 6 13 1 20 LAC 3 26 29 MENA 1 5 6 SA 134 SSA 6 6 12 Total 9 81 15 105 Source: LABORSTA, ILO 2000; N=105.

Of 124 countries which have data for both the early and late 1990s, 66 have seen increases in the female share of non-agricultural employment and 19 have seen declines. Most of the declines were in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa, which experienced economic slowdowns during this period. In ten countries, the share remained constant over the decade.

A focus on this indicator alone obscures important dimensions of women’s work. Around the world, women remain primarily in sex-segregated occupations and jobs with lower pay and less job security than the jobs held by men (Anker 1998). Women are also a higher proportion of the informal labor force than are men, and they provide the majority of unpaid care work within households (United Nations 2000). They also constitute a significant share of the agricultural labor force, which this indicator ignores.

Table 5 provides a breakdown of the share of informal employment, both waged and self- employed, by sex in non-agricultural employment in the 1990s for several developing countries. In sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and India women’s informal employment as a percentage of their non-agricultural employment is higher than that of men. In several countries – Benin, Chad, Guinea, and Kenya – most of the female non- agricultural labor force is in informal employment.

12 Because there is no target for women in wage employment in the non-agricultural sector, we do not predict values for future years.

17 Table 5. Informal Employment in Non-Agricultural Employment, by Sex, 1994-2000 Region/Country Women’s Informal Men’s Informal Employment as % of Employment as % of Non-Agricultural Non-Agricultural Employment Employment North Africa 43 49 Algeria 41 43 Morocco 47 44 Tunisia 39 53 Egypt 46 57 Sub-Saharan Africa 84 63 Benin 97 87 Chad 95 60 Guinea 87 66 Kenya 83 59 South Africa 58 44 Latin America 58 48 Bolivia 74 55 Brazil 67 55 Chile 44 31 Colombia 44 34 Costa Rica 48 42 El Salvador 69 46 Guatemala 69 47 Honduras 65 74 Mexico 55 54 Dominican Republic 84 63 Venezuela 47 47 Asia 65 65 India 86 83 Indonesia 77 78 Philippines 73 71 Thailand 54 49 Syria 35 43 Source: ILO 2002b.

Gender Parity in National Parliaments

Regional and country breakdowns for women’s representations in national parliaments are based on data provided by the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Table 6 provides a picture of women’s share of seats in parliament in 1990/1991 and the most recent year available.

18 Table 6. Share of Women Held Seats in National Parliament, 1991 and 2003 Rank Region High Medium Low Very Low Total (30+) (20-29.9) (10-19.9) (0-9.9) 1991 2003 1991 2003 1991 2003 1991 2003 1991 2003 Dev'd 4 9 4 8 5 7 9 5 22 29 EAP 2 5 512101420 ECA 6 4 12 24 11 28 29 LAC 3 810 14 19 8 29 33 MENA 13711814 SA 11 6677 SSA 1 2 1 8 9 16 15 16 26 42 Total 5 14 7 36 30 57 92 67 134 174 Source for 1991: IPU 1991; N =134. Source for 2003: IPU 2003; N=174.

Around the world, women are largely absent from these decision-making bodies. In 2003, in only 14 of 174 countries did women hold 30 percent or more of seats in the national parliament: Rwanda, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Cuba, Belgium, Costa Rica, Austria, Germany, Argentina, Iceland, and Mozambique. In another 36 countries, women held between 20 to 29 percent of seats in 2003.13 Yet, women have made notable progress in political life since 1991. Of the 128 countries that have longitudinal data, women have increased their share of seats in parliament in 97 countries, compared to 16 countries where women’s representation declined over the decade and 15 countries which experienced no change.14

An example that is particularly noteworthy is that of Rwanda, where women now hold 45 percent of seats in the national parliament. Several other countries – including Timor- Leste and Mozambique -- have also taken advantage of the post-conflict reconstruction period to implement measures to increase women’s political representation. These measures will be discussed later in Section V.

Summary of Progress Made toward Gender Equality

To summarize, the predictions for the primary and secondary education enrolment indicators show that few countries will achieve a ratio of 1.0– or gender parity – either by 2005 or 2015. Many countries that are on track to meet the target will do so in ways that are not empowering to girls because they will not increase overall female enrolment rates. With respect to the economic indicator, in 91 percent of countries the female share of non-agricultural wage employment is less than 50 percent. Regarding political

13 These countries are: the Seychelles, New Zealand, South Africa, Viet Nam, Spain, Australia, Bulgaria, Timor-Leste, Turkmenistan, Trinidad and Tobago, Switzerland, Uganda, Canada, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Tanzania, Eritrea, Namibia, Mexico, Latvia, Monaco, Pakistan, Poland, Saint Lucia, Nicaragua, Croatia, China, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the Bahamas, Guyana, Slovakia, Guinea, Senegal, Portugal, Estonia, and Dominica. 13 The countries which saw declines included the Seychelles, Finland, Sweden, Cameroon, Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Zimbabwe, Sao Tome and Principe, Bangladesh, Honduras, Uzbekistan, Russian Federation, Madagascar, Kazakhstan, Niger, and Yemen.

19 representation, there has been remarkable progress made over the last decade, with the most significant gains being made in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa. Despite this, only 14 countries of the 171 countries for which there are data available have reached the target of 30 percent of women in legislative bodies.

Overall, then, by most indicators discussed in this section, women fare less well than men. In some regions, females do better than males, but only on some of the education indicators. The goal of gender equality is, therefore, still elusive.

Section V. Strategic Priorities: Sub-Populations and Issues

Based on the analysis in the preceding sections, this interim report suggests specific issues that should be given priority and recommends actions and strategies that the international community and individual nations can adopt in order to hasten progress toward Goal 3. The strategic priorities and recommendations are not new. They represent a subset of those outlined in previous documents, including the Beijing conference Platform for Action and the Cairo conference Programme of Action. However, they have yet to be systematically implemented across countries. Among the recommendations contained in those documents, the Task Force has identified priorities that are essential for the achievement of gender equality and women’s empowerment by the year 2015. With leadership, political will, sufficient resources, and sustained action, these priorities can leverage the change that is needed.15

The description of each strategic priority begins with the rationale for its selection, which typically includes the dimensions of the problem it addresses and the linkages it has to other aspects of gender equality and women’s empowerment (in order to establish that investments in each strategic priority can leverage changes in other priorities). That is followed by a discussion of discrete policy and program interventions that have been carried out to address each strategic priority. The Task Force recognizes the need for systemic changes to occur in national and international economic environments and regulatory frameworks in order for many of these interventions to have maximum impact. This interim report does not address these broader economic and regulatory issues, but they will be included in the final report of the Task Force.

The Task Force has identified two sub-populations for whom the strategic priorities have the greatest relevance. These sub-populations need priority attention and must receive preference in terms of the implementation of the strategic priorities and the allocation of resources. The first sub-population is poor women, both in the poorest countries and in countries that have achieved increases in national income, but where poverty remains significant. The second sub-population is adolescents and youth, who currently constitute two-thirds of the population in the poorest countries and the largest cohort of adolescents in the world’s history.

15 The selection of these priorities does not diminish the importance of other interventions to achieve gender equality.

20 Poor women have the greatest needs; investments in them will produce the greatest results. It is often suggested that a greater number of women live in poverty than do men. Although no current estimates of the relative proportion of women and girls that live in poverty in both rich and poor countries are available, the most recent research suggests that women are overrepresented among the poor (Quisumbing, Haddad and Peña 2001). A focus on poor women is justified for several reasons. Gender inequalities exist among the rich and the poor, but they tend to be greater among the poor; this is especially true for inequalities in capabilities and opportunities (World Bank 2001; Filmer 1999). Moreover, the well being and survival of poor households depends on the productive and reproductive contributions of their female members and increasing numbers of poor households are headed or maintained by women (Bruce et al. 1995). A focus on poor women, therefore, would reduce the vulnerability and insecurity of these households.

Investing in the health, education, safety and economic well-being of adolescents, especially adolescent girls, must also be a priority. Adolescence is a formative time of transition – between childhood and adulthood -- and is therefore amenable to interventions that can dramatically alter subsequent life outcomes. Additionally, the sheer size of the current adolescent cohort in poor countries means that interventions to improve their lives will affect national outcomes. One example illustrates this point well. If the mean age of childbearing in Bangladesh were to rise by five years, approximately 40 percent of the country’s population growth would be averted and the well being of young women would most certainly improve (Mensch et al. 1998, p. 3). Within the adolescent cohort, the Task Force has given priority to the needs of adolescent girls because the overall social, economic, and health disadvantages they experience are greater than those of boys.16 Therefore, investments to help girls complete good quality secondary schooling, support the transition from education to work, develop healthy sexuality, and guarantee physical safety are urgently needed and can simultaneously accelerate progress toward several of the Millennium Development Goals.

Strategic Priority #1: Strengthen Opportunities for Secondary Education for Girls and Eliminate Gender Gaps at That Level17

Summary

16 The Task Force recognizes that there are cases where interventions must target boys, e.g., in those countries with reverse gaps in secondary education. In addition, boys and men must be included in interventions to promote gender equality and women’s empowerment. 17 This section parallels the analysis in TF3 Interim Report on Achieving Progress in Universal Primary Education.

21 increasing girls’ participation in primary school may also apply to the secondary level. These include: making schooling more affordable by reducing costs and offering targeted scholarships, building secondary schools close to girls’ homes, making schools girl-friendly, and improving the content, quality, and relevance of education.

Rationale

The Millennium Development Goals call for elimination of gender disparity at all levels of education by 2015. While endorsing that target, the Task Force wishes to underscore the critical importance of secondary education for women’s empowerment. The research literature suggests that secondary schooling has far more important positive effects than primary education on women’s own outcomes - their health and well-being, position in family and society, economic opportunities and returns, and political participation. The evidence presented here focuses on the ways in which secondary education leads to or leverages changes and impacts in the other domains of gender equality and in empowerment.

Education and Women’s Empowerment: Data from around the world show that increased education is associated with the empowerment of women (Malhotra, Pande and Grown 2003). Educated women become more effective at improving both their own well-being and their family’s welfare. They are better equipped to extract the most benefit from available services and existing opportunities, and to generate alternative opportunities, roles and support structures. These empowering effects of women’s education are manifested in a variety of ways, including increased income-earning potential, ability to bargain for resources within the household, decision-making autonomy, control over their own fertility, and participation in public life.

Any such impacts, however, are highly dependent on the context. They are strongly conditioned by a number of factors such as level of economic development, depth of the labor market and, in particular, the degree of gender stratification in the prevailing setting. The impact of women’s education is greater in settings that are already relatively more egalitarian. Under such conditions, even modestly educated women are more likely to participate in important family decisions, to work in non-farm occupations and to control economic resources.

In areas that are more gender-stratified, where women are far more likely than men to be denied access to resources and prevented from exercising their own autonomy, education alone will not necessarily be transformative in the absence of other normative shifts and changed power relations. In such settings, it takes more education to reach thresholds of change.

Consider fertility as an example. Increases in women’s education are associated with declines in fertility around the globe. But how much education is needed to achieve an effect? A review of 59 studies from many different countries (Jejeebhoy 1996) found that the levels of women’s education associated with a 10 percent decline in the fertility rate varied with the degree of gender stratification. In the most non-egalitarian settings (which are in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia), a 10 percent decline in fertility was

22 attained only among women with some secondary education, or not at all, in 73 percent of the studies. In moderately egalitarian settings, a 10 percent decline was attained by women with some primary schooling in half the studies. And in the most egalitarian settings – in Latin America – a 10 percent decline was attained by women with some primary school in 57 percent of the studies.

Thus, the impact of women’s education depends on the context. Absent a change in the context of gender stratification, education alone cannot be expected to overcome barriers to women’s full participation in economic, social, and political life. Women’s education interacts with many other factors, which also need to be confronted.

Labor Market Returns: Studies conducted in Latin America, Asia and Africa show that higher levels of education increase the probability that women will engage in formal paid employment (Birdsall and Behrman 1991; Cameron, Dowling and Worsick 2001). Higher levels of employment increase the gains for women from formal labor force participation more so than they do for men (Deolalikar 1994; Aromolaran 2002; Birdsall and Fox 1985). Psacharopoulos and Patrinos (2002) review the latest estimates and patterns in the literature on returns to investment in education. They report that, overall, women receive somewhat higher returns to their schooling investments (10 percent) than men receive (9 percent). Returns vary, however, by level of schooling. The returns to primary education are much higher for men (20 percent) than for women (13 percent). Women, on the other hand, experience higher returns to secondary education (18 percent) than do men (14 percent).

Fertility and Mortality: Female secondary education is a critical component of lowering fertility and mortality. Subbarao and Rainey (1995) conducted a cross-country study examining fertility and secondary school attainment among women in 65 low and middle-income countries in 1985 that collectively covered 93 percent of the population of the developing world. In countries where few women had a secondary education, family size averaged more than five children, of whom one to two died in infancy. In countries where half the girls were educated at the secondary level, the fertility rate fell to just over three children and child deaths were rare. Subbarao and Rainey calculate that in these 65 countries, doubling the proportion of girls educated at the secondary level from 19 percent to 38 percent, holding constant all other variables (including access to family planning and health care), would have cut the fertility rate from 5.3 to 3.9 and the infant mortality rate from 81 to 38. In percentage terms, it would have reduced births by 29 percent and infant deaths by 64 percent compared to their actual 1985 levels.

Another study summarizing sample surveys across the developing world (Schultz 1993) compares female education and fertility by region. The higher is the level of female education, the lower is desired family size and the greater is success in achieving it. Further, each additional year of a mother’s schooling cuts the expected infant mortality rate by 5 to 10 percent (see Table 7).

Table 7. Total Fertility Rate and Desired Family Size by Years of Schooling, Across World Regions Years of Schooling Total Fertility Rate Desired Family Size Africa (8 countries) 0 7.0 6.9 1-3 7.2 6.4 4-6 6.2 5.9 7 or more 5.0 5.0 Latin America (13 countries) 0 6.8 4.8 1-3 6.2 4.7 4-6 4.8 4.2 7 or more 3.2 3.7 Asia and Oceania (13 countries) 0 7.0 5.4 1-3 6.4 4.3 4-6 5.8 4.2 7 or more 3.9 4.0 Source: Schultz 1993

Health and Physical Integrity: Women’s health is critical to sustaining their survival and enhancing their development and again, higher levels of education play an important role in their health. Studies have found that “it is only at secondary or higher levels of schooling that education has a significant beneficial effect on women’s own health outcomes for risks of disease or their attitudes and behavior regarding female circumcision” (Malhotra, Pande, and Grown 2003). Higher levels of education—at least 6 years or more, or secondary schooling—always have a positive effect on a woman’s use of prenatal and delivery services and postnatal care, and the effect is always much larger than is the effect of lower levels of schooling (Elo 1992; Bhatia and Cleland 1995; Govindasamy 2000).18

Profiles of nine African countries found that the traditional practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) was more prevalent among uneducated women (Population Reference Bureau 2001). Women with primary or no education are more likely to have been cut than those who have received secondary level instruction. In the Central African Republic, for example, 48 percent of women with no education and 45 percent with primary education have been cut, while only 23 percent of women with secondary education have been subjected to the practice. Another study by the World Health Organization (1998a) reports that in the Ivory Coast, 55 percent of uneducated women had been cut, compared with 24 percent of women with a primary or higher level of education.

18 For lower levels of education, the existence of a positive effect varies by type of outcome, such that primary education tends to show more of an impact on the use of prenatal services compared to delivery or postnatal services (Elo 1992; Bhatia and Cleland 1995).

24 Women’s education also affects their attitude toward the genital mutilation of their daughters. A study in Kenya (Demographic and Health Survey – Egypt 1995) found that women who had some secondary education were four times more likely to oppose FGM both in general and for their daughters and granddaughters as were women who had never completed primary school. In Burkina Faso, the 1998 WHO study found that educated women were 40 percent less likely to have their daughters subjected to FGM. While 78 percent of girls whose mothers had not graduated from primary school had been cut, only 48 percent of girls whose mothers had received some secondary educated allowed their daughters to be cut (WHO 1998a).

There is also a strong relationship between education and age at marriage. Data show that girls with fewer than seven years of schooling are more likely to be married by age 18 than those with higher levels of schooling (Population Reference Bureau 2000). Figure 4 shows that enrolment of young women in secondary school is inversely related to the proportion of girls married before the age of 18. Other multi-country studies confirm that girls who drop out of school and marry in their early teens typically begin childbearing before their bodies are mature and continue with closely spaced births. The result is high mortality, among both children and mothers. Evidence also consistently shows that women with no or less than primary schooling tend to have earlier ages at marriage or first birth and higher subsequent fertility than those who have completed primary schooling (Herz and Measham 1987; Ainsworth et al. 1996). Early marriage is associated with women’s lack of bargaining power and decision-making in the household.

Figure 4. Proportion ofProport Women ion of womenMarried married by by ageAg 18e and18 grossand enrollment Gross Enrolmentin secondary school in Secondary School

16 0

14 0

South Africa 12 0

10 0 Kazakhstan

60 Viet nam

40 Guatemala Yemen

20 Mali

0 0 102030405060708090100

% of women married by age 18 Sour ces: PRB 2000 State of the Wor l d's Youth; DHS data si nce 1990; AGI 1998 Into a New Wor l d Sources: Population Reference Bureau 2000; DHS data since 1990; Alan Guttmacher Institute 1998

There is a similar relationship between higher levels of education and the incidence of violence against women. Female education can play a critical part in reducing violence against girls and women and enhancing their control over their own bodies (although it does not eliminate violence). Data from India and elsewhere indicate that higher levels of

25 education among women are associated with a lower lifetime incidence of violence against women (Duvvury and Allendorf 2001).

HIV/AIDS: The HIV infection rate in many developing countries is growing fastest among teenage and young adult females. Education for girls may be critical to breaking that pattern, by increasing their understanding of risks and their capacity to avoid them. As Herz and Sperling (2003, p. 20) argue,

“Girls who attend school are far more likely to understand the risks involved in risky behavior, not believe the myths associated with sex, and (in the case of good school programs) even know effective refusal tactics in difficult sexual situations. Equally as important, education helps girls gain the economic clout and the standing in society to avoid high-risk behaviors and save their own lives. While education is not a fool-proof solution to sexual violence and the transmission of HIV/AIDS, it is widely seen as the most fundamental contributor to giving women more voice and standing in their families and communities.”

A 32-country study found that women with post-primary education are five times more likely than illiterate women to know facts about HIV/AIDS. For example, illiterate women are three times more likely to think that a healthy-looking person cannot be HIV positive and four times more likely to believe that there is no way to avoid AIDS (Vandemoortele and Delmonica 2000). Another study in rural Uganda found that, over the course of the 1990s, people who finished secondary education were seven times less likely to contract HIV—and those who finished primary education half as likely—as those who received little or no schooling (De Walque 2002).

It must be noted, however, that because secondary schools are also sites where sexual assaults of adolescent girls occur, they need to be made safer so that these education benefits can accrue.

Interventions to Increase Gender Parity in Secondary Education

If the international community is to meet the target for Goal 3, “Eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005 and at all levels no later than 2015, current efforts must be scaled up. A range of interventions have been tried and lessons have been learned over the past two decades; these insights and experiences must be applied and interventions brought to scale in the next twelve years.

There is ample understanding of how to remedy the problem of lack of girls’ education. Herz and Sperling (2003) identify four approaches that work in increasing girls’ participation in primary school which presumably could apply to secondary school as well. However, there are fewer rigorous evaluations of which interventions have the greatest impact on increasing girls’ equality in secondary education and more research at this level is needed to fill gaps in current knowledge. Nonetheless the following strategies have all been effective at the primary level in a range of countries:

• Making girls schooling more affordable by reducing fees and offering targeted scholarships; • Building schools close to girls’ homes, involving the community in school management, and allowing flexible scheduling; • Making schools girl-friendly by improving the safety of schools, the design of facilities (e.g., the provision of latrines for girls) and instituting policies that promote girls’ attendance (such as permitting married adolescents to attend), and; • Improving the quality of education by training more female teachers for secondary level, providing gender-responsive textbooks, and developing a curriculum strong in math and sciences and one that projects gender equality.

Interventions must give highest priority to marginalized and excluded populations of girls, such as those who belong to ethnic minority groups or to poor communities within countries. Many of the national averages on girls’ enrolment and completion rates mask the disadvantage that continues among excluded groups. In Latin American countries, for example, it is important to invest in the education of girls from poor households and indigenous populations.

Strategic Priority #2: Guarantee Sexual and Reproductive Rights and Health19

Summary

Rationale

The goal on maternal mortality (Goal 4) and the one on HIV/AIDS (Goal 5) cover only limited aspects of sexual and reproductive rights and health (SRRH). Yet, a large body of evidence shows that sexual and reproductive health and rights are central to women’s ability to build their capabilities, take advantage of economic and political opportunities, and control their destinies. Conversely, gender inequality that restricts women’s access to

19 This section draws on Barroso and Girard (2003), a background paper commissioned by the Task Force.

27 economic productive resources compromises their sexual and reproductive autonomy. For this reason, the Task Force has identified guaranteeing sexual and reproductive health and rights as a strategic priority for achieving gender equality and the empowerment of women.

In doing so, the Task Force opposes the political ideologies and religious fundamentalisms that have sought to erode women’s reproductive rights guaranteed through numerous international conventions. These forces have persuaded some national governments, including the U.S., to pursue three strategies: limiting or withdrawing funding from effective programs that support women’s sexual and reproductive autonomy; censoring or distorting information and research on comprehensive health interventions and issues; and reneging on previous international agreements involving sexual and reproductive health and rights. These tactics threaten to choke the progress that has been made in the last ten years to improve women’s reproductive health and may worsen the inferior reproductive health status of poor women around the world.

Maternal Health and Sexually Transmitted Infections: It is estimated that half a million women die every year - and 18 million are left disabled or chronically ill – from preventable complications of pregnancy and childbirth. Women in the developing world have a one in 61 chance of dying from pregnancy-related causes while in developed countries that ratio is one in 2,800 (WHO/UNICEF/UNFPA 2003). In addition, although global contraceptive use has increased steadily (rising from 14 percent of married women of reproductive age in 1965 to more than 50 percent today), WHO estimates that about 120 million women who wish to space or limit further childbearing are not using contraception mainly because of a lack of access to information and family planning services (WHO 1998b). Often the result is unsafe abortion. Among the 20 million unsafe abortions that occur annually worldwide, an estimated 70,000 result in death, contributing 13 percent to the overall maternal mortality rate (WHO 1998b).

Sexually transmitted infections further exacerbate women’s poor reproductive health. WHO (2003) estimates that 340 million new sexually transmitted infections occur annually. Sexually transmitted infections increase the risk of HIV infection, which continues to devastate many parts of the developing world. At the end of 2003, 40 million people were estimated to be living with HIV/AIDS, 90 percent of them in developing countries (UNAIDS/WHO 2002). Fifty percent of all those infected with HIV worldwide are women, and in sub-Saharan Africa the proportion is 58 percent. Yet, worldwide, fewer than one in five people at risk of HIV infection today have access to prevention programs (UNAIDS 2003). Fewer than four percent of people in need of antiretroviral treatment in low- and middle-income countries were receiving the drugs at the end of 2001. And less than 10 percent of people with HIV/AIDS have access to palliative care or treatment for opportunistic infections (UNAIDS/WHO 2002).

Nutrition and Reproductive Health: Within reproductive health, the nutritional status of women and adolescent girls is often overlooked. Yet malnutrition significantly increases the risk of poor reproductive health outcomes in women and girls; and heavy reproductive burdens further aggravate malnutrition (Christian 2003; King 2003). Malnutrition weakens immune function; malnourished women are therefore less resistant

28 and prone to frequent infections (Reed et al. 2000). Further, chronic malnutrition in childhood leads to inadequate growth and stunting, which for women and girls can subsequently increase the risk of obstructed labor (Konje and Ladipo 2000). In South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, the prevalence of low body mass index in women (<18.5 kg/m2), a measure of chronic malnutrition in adults, is 34 percent and 18 percent, respectively; in developed countries the prevalence is 4 percent (Christian 2003; ACC/SCN 2000). These data are particularly significant because low body mass index is a known risk factor for adverse pregnancy outcomes (Allen and Gillespie 2001).

Iron-deficiency anemia is also widespread, affecting 50-70 percent of pregnant women in developing countries (ACC/SCN 2000). Severe anemia has been shown to be associated with postpartum hemorrhage and is thought to be an underlying factor in maternal mortality, though more studies are needed to substantiate this (Christian 2003; Reed et al. 2000). Similarly, other nutritional deficiencies are thought to be widely prevalent and have adverse effects on reproductive outcomes (Christian 2003). Improving the nutritional status of women and girls is therefore a prerequisite for them to achieve health and well-being.

Many poor women have been malnourished from childhood, and as malnourished adults are at risk of having low birth weight infants and experiencing infant and maternal mortality and morbidity (Allen and Gillespie 2001). Thus, much like gender inequality and poor reproductive health, poor nutrition is a continuous life-cycle phenomenon, in which the deficits of each life cycle stage compound the deficits of the next stage. Interventions to improve female nutrition need to recognize this life-cycle dependency.

Reproductive Health of Adolescents: Reproductive health problems are particularly acute for adolescent girls, married and unmarried, because they have the highest levels of unmet need for contraception and are the most vulnerable to unwanted pregnancy and STIs, including HIV infection. HIV infection rates among young women ages 15-24 are approximately twice as high as those among young men (UNAIDS 2003). Many adolescents who are sexually active do not use contraception. Of the roughly 260 million women aged 15-19 worldwide, married and unmarried, about 11 percent (29 million) are sexually active and do not want to become pregnant, but are not using a modern method of birth control. Every year, approximately 14 million young women become mothers (Alan Guttmacher Institute 1998). In addition, an estimated one to four million young women aged 15 to 19 have induced abortions each year, many of which are unsafe (Family Care International and the Safe Motherhood Inter-Agency Group 1998).

Approximately 17 million adolescent girls are married before the age of 20 (Alan Guttmacher Institute 1998). As Figure 5 shows, rates of early marriage are highest in West Africa, South Asia, and East and Central Africa, where approximately 30 percent or more of girls aged 15-19 are married. Early marriage contributes to a series of negative consequences both for young women and the societies in which they live.

29 Figure 5. Percentage of Girls Aged 15-19 Who Are Currently Married

Percentage of girls (aged 15-19) who are currently married

West Africa

South/Central Asia

East/Central Africa

Caribbean

Central America Region Middle East

North America

East Asia

Western Europe

0 1020304050 Percentage Source:Source: Population Population Reference BureauReference 2000. Bureau 2000.

Early marriage almost always translates into early childbearing. As Figure 6 shows, 24 to 45 percent of women in such countries as Guatemala, India, Mali, and Yemen have given birth by age 18, as compared to only one percent in Germany and two percent in France.

Figure 6. Percentage of Women Aged 20-24 Married and Giving Birth by Age 18

Percentage of women, aged 20-24, married and giving birth by age 18

Percent of women, aged 20-24, giving birth by age 18 Percent of women, aged 20-24, married by age 18

Germany France United States

Bolivia Dominican Republic Guatemala

Philippines Thailand* India Countries Kazakhstan Egypt Yemen

South Africa Togo Ethiopia Uganda Mali

0 20406080100 Percentage * Percent of females aged 15-19 who are currently married Source: DHS data since 1990; Population Reference Bureau 2000.

* Percent of females aged 15-19 who are currently married. Source: DHS data since 1990; Population Reference Bureau 2000. 30 Underdeveloped physiology, combined with a lack of power, information, and access to services, means that young married women experience much higher levels of maternal mortality and morbidity than do women who bear children when they are older (see Figure 7). Morbidity levels are also higher among young mothers. Severe complications, such as obstructed labor and the fistula that may result, occur most commonly among young women (UNFPA and EngenderHealth 2003; Jarret 1994; The Lancet 2004).

Young women who enter into marriage have little negotiating power and are exposed to greater risk of infection, especially in the common instance of having partners who are much older and more sexually experienced. In Kenya and Zambia, for example, data show that young married women are more likely to be HIV positive than their unmarried peers because they have sex more often, use condoms less often, are unable to refuse sex, and have partners who are more likely to be HIV positive (Bruce and Clark 2003; Luke and Kurz 2002).

Figure 7. Maternal Mortality by Age

Maternal mortality by age

1400

1200 20-34 years

15-19 years 1000

800

600

400

Maternalmortality 100,000 (per births) live rate 200

0 Ethiopia Indonesia Bangladesh Nigeria Brazil United States Country Source: Family Care International 1998; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2002. Source: Family Care International 1998; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2002.

Linkages between Reproductive Health and Other Domains of Gender Equality: Sexual and reproductive health and rights are important for other domains of gender equality.

SRRH and Education: Within the capability domain, the linkages between secondary education and reproductive health have been discussed above. However, it is also important to note that early marriage reduces girls’ access to education and anticipation of marriage often precludes education for girls (Huq and Amin 2001).

31 SRRH and Opportunity: Access to reproductive health is also, in many cases, a pre- condition for opportunity (access to economic assets and resources). Access to family planning, for example, can allow women to balance the size of their family and timing of their children with their need and desire to earn wages. Research has found that use of family planning can improve a woman's prospects for wage employment, which can result in both economic and other personal benefits. Family planning may also allow women to seek education or additional training, preparing them for better employment or to take part more fully in a range of other desirable activities (Family Health International 1998). Certainly, use of contraception can prevent unwanted adolescent pregnancies, thereby facilitating completion of studies and access to better paying work. Research has shown that women who begin childbearing before age 20 complete less schooling than women who delay having children until they are in their 20s (Population Reports 1999b).

The causal relationship can also go the other way, with women who have access to wage income deciding to have fewer children because of the "opportunity cost" of using their time to care for children as compared to working. In either case, having access to information about family planning and the means to control fertility can be an important element in determining women’s employment.

In addition, family planning is related to the type of employment. Women's employment in the agricultural and informal sectors is less likely to be correlated with the use of family planning than is women’s formal employment because women in agricultural and informal work can more easily combine child bearing and rearing with this kind of work (Shapiro 1992). Nevertheless, the world over, women in all kinds of situations - rich or poor, urban or rural, educated or illiterate - are increasingly seeking to reduce the number of children they bear (Casterline and Sinding 2000).

Women’s economic dependency and vulnerability also affect their vulnerability to HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. Research from around the world has shown that when women are economically vulnerable they are less likely to be able to negotiate the use of a condom or other forms of safer sex; less likely to be able to leave a relationship that they perceive to be risky; and more likely to increase their risk by selling sex to multiple partners in exchange for money or goods (Rao Gupta and Weiss 1994).

SRRH and Security: Sexual and reproductive health is also associated with women’s security. Physical and sexual abuse lie behind some of the most formidable reproductive health problems: unwanted pregnancies, HIV/AIDS and other STIs, and other complications of pregnancy (Population Reports 1999). A large scale survey of married men in Uttar Pradesh, India, for example, showed that men who admitted to forcing their wives to have sex were 2.6 times more likely than other men to have caused an unplanned pregnancy. Abusive men were also more likely to expose their wives to sexually transmitted infections because they were also more likely to have engaged in extramarital sex than were non-abusive men (Martin et al. 1999). Across 13 Demographic and Health Surveys, an average of nine percent of married women with unmet need for contraception cited their husbands disapproval as the main reason that they did not use contraception (Bongaarts and Bruce 1995).

32 Similarly, data from a study conducted in Tanzania suggest that for some women the experience of violence could be a strong predictor of HIV. In that study, of the women who sought services at a voluntary counseling and testing service center, those who were HIV positive were 2.6 times more likely to have experienced violence in an intimate relationship than those who were HIV negative (Maman et al. 2000). Finally, violence appears to increase women’s risk of gynecological disorders, including chronic pelvic pain, irregular vaginal bleeding, vaginal discharge, pelvic inflammatory disease, and sexual dysfunction (Population Reports 1999a).

Studies have shown that, around the world, one woman in four is physically or sexually abused during pregnancy (Population Reports 1999a). Violence before and during pregnancy can have serious health consequences for women and their children. Some studies indicate that women battered during pregnancy run twice the risk of miscarriage and four times the risk of having a low birth weight baby compared with women who are not battered (Stark et al. 1981; Bullock and McFarlane 1989). Violence may also be linked to a sizable portion of maternal deaths. In India, a recent study of all maternal deaths in over 400 villages in three districts in Maharashtra revealed that 16 percent of all deaths during pregnancy were caused by domestic violence (Ganatra 1996).

SRRH and Empowerment: Finally, access to reproductive and sexual health is a pre- condition for women’s empowerment. Making choices about the course of her own life is a part of woman's fundamental dignity. Lack of control over reproduction and sexuality has dire consequences for women, and severely limits their potential. This is why the human rights conventions guarantee women the right to control their fertility and sexuality (United Nations 1994). Without this right, women cannot realize their other rights - whether to obtain an education, run for office or participate in the cultural life of their community.

For all these reasons, guaranteeing women and girls their sexual and reproductive rights and health is critical for meeting the goal of gender equality and the empowerment of women.

Interventions for Sexual and Reproductive Rights and Health

Interventions for sexual and reproductive rights and health must occur both within and outside the health system. Within the health sector, countries should prioritize policies that promote universal access to reproductive health services, including family planning, safe abortion, prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted infections, and nutrition interventions, as well as policies that enable women to give birth safely by ensuring that all deliveries are attended by appropriately skilled health personnel and that all women have access to health facilities providing emergency obstetric care in the event of life- threatening obstetric complications (Freedman et al. 2003).

Family Planning and Safe Abortion Services: Access to quality family planning services that provide women with a range of contraceptive options and informed choice help reduce high risk pregnancies associated with increased parity and help women avoid unwanted and unsafe abortions (Lule et al. 2003). In developing countries, family

33 planning programs were responsible for approximately 43 percent of the decline in fertility between 1960 and 1980 (Bongaarts and Bruce 1995). If the unmet need for contraception were to be met, and women were to have only the number of pregnancies and at the interval that they want, it is estimated that overall maternal mortality would drop by 20 to 35 percent (Doulaire 2002; Maine 1991).

Safe abortion services can prevent at least 13 percent of maternal deaths (WHO 1998b). In almost all countries, the law permits abortion to save a women's life. In more than three-fifths of countries, abortion is also permitted to preserve the physical and mental health of the woman and, in 40 percent of countries, abortion is allowed in cases of rape, incest or fetal malformation. One-third of countries allow abortion on socio-economic grounds, and a quarter allows abortion on request (United Nations Population Division 1999). Still, in the many cases where abortion is legal, safe services are often not available (WHO 2003).

STI and HIV/AIDS Interventions: STI/HIV counseling, prevention, and treatment services should be integrated with other reproductive health services and should be made accessible through the primary health care system. The primary health care system is most likely to reach the populations most in need, such as adolescents and the poor. Single-purpose STI programs almost always fail to reach women because many women are asymptomatic, and seeking treatment in such services is socially stigmatized.

In addition, women urgently need a female-controlled method of prevention for STIs including HIV. The male condom, the only widely available method of prevention, requires the cooperation of the male partner. Women worldwide report that male opposition is a significant hurdle to using a condom; consequently, programs need to target men, as well as women, for STI prevention and treatment. The female condom, now available in industrialized countries and in some countries in the developing world, needs to be made more accessible and affordable. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need to invest in the research and development required to produce a safe and effective microbicide that can be applied by women to protect against a wide range of sexually transmitted pathogens, including HIV. So far there are almost 60 different compounds in the pipeline that have potential microbicidal properties, but substantial additional funding is required to bring those products rapidly through the pipeline and test them for their efficacy in humans. The additional funding would be worthwhile. Researchers at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (Public Health Working Group 2002) have estimated that the impact of introducing a microbicide in 73 lower income countries could be enormous. Using conservative assumptions – that the product is used by 20 percent of individuals who can be reached through existing services, and that it is used in 50 percent of sex acts when condoms are not – the researchers estimate that over a period of three years, a microbicide that is 60 percent effective against HIV and STIs could avert 2.5 million HIV infections in women, men and children.

In recent efforts to ramp up the availability of antiretroviral treatment in the poorer nations of the world, very little attention has been paid to women’s gender-based needs and constraints in accessing services. WHO’s recent campaign to make antiretroviral treatment available to 3 million people by the year 2005 (the 3 by 5 campaign) must

34 include monitoring systems to track the extent to which women, as compared to men, receive treatment. Experience with the provision of antiretroviral treatment for the prevention of mother to child transmission of infection has shown that, even when the drugs are made available, women choose not to access them because of the fear of the stigma that is associated with AIDS. Research conducted in Ethiopia, Zambia, and Tanzania has revealed that the consequences of stigma for women are often more severe than for men (Nyblade et al. 2003). It is important, therefore, to ensure that services that provide treatment be combined with community education and stigma reduction interventions, and that service providers pay particular attention to the constraints to service utilization experienced by women because of the multiple demands on their time and their economic vulnerability.

Interventions to Prevent Maternal Mortality and Morbidity: Because nearly half of all maternal deaths in the developing world occur during labor, delivery or in the immediate post-partum period, access to skilled care and emergency obstetric services during these periods is critical. About two-thirds of all births worldwide occur outside health facilities (WHO 1997a); it is essential that women have access to emergency care that can save their lives in the case of life-threatening complications. That care includes skilled attendants who can reduce maternal mortality by using safe and hygienic techniques, plus the drugs and equipment that are necessary, thereby reducing approximately half of infection-related deaths; and by managing emergency cases either through referral or direct intervention.

Since approximately 15 percent of pregnant women require medical care above the minimum level, improving the availability of health facilities that provide emergency obstetric care is a necessary component in the package of interventions to reduce maternal deaths (see Freedman et. al. 2003). Many emergency procedures can effectively be performed by health personnel other than specialists if they are adequately trained and work in well-equipped conditions. Examples include the use of medical assistants in Tanzania, assistant anesthetists in Burkina Faso and Malawi and nurses in the Democratic Republic of Congo (cited in Lule et al. 2003).

Skilled birth attendants and emergency obstetric services must be closely linked and placed within a strong health system to have maximum impact in improving reproductive health. Strong health systems, in turn, depend on adequate infrastructure, including good roads and transportation networks, electricity, and clean water.

In addition to improving the supply of emergency obstetric care, increased efforts are needed to ensure that women seek such care. Signs of a difficult labor can be taught to women, especially through ante-natal care, but others in the family involved in decisions to leave the home, seek transport, and spend money on services must also know the signs. Life-threatening delays can occur because women and other family members do not seek care or seek it too late.

Nutrition Interventions: Historically, nutrition interventions for women and girls aimed to improve reproductive health outcomes have focused mainly on pregnancy and the post-partum period. Program efforts have included providing women with iron-folate

35 supplements. However, the emphasis on pregnant and post-partum women has only had a limited impact in reducing the prevalence of malnutrition in women and children. Current research suggests that this is not the ideal point of intervention for improving women’s nutritional status or their reproductive health outcomes. Increasingly, research studies show that the pre-conception period is critical; being underweight prior to the onset of pregnancy and during pregnancy both carry independent and additive risks for poor pregnancy outcome (Allen and Gillespie 2001). It is now clear that program efforts need to extend further back and incorporate a broader range of strategies that target non- pregnant women and adolescents. A second approach is to decrease nutrient depletion by reducing early and unwanted fertility, which has positive impacts on both reproductive health outcomes and nutritional status, e.g., by increasing the age of marriage, increasing the age of first birth, and increasing women’s access to methods that space and limit their births. A third approach focuses on increasing nutritional intake by improving the diet through food security, diet diversity, and reducing infections such as intestinal worms.

Adolescent-friendly Interventions: All the above health services and interventions should be designed for married and unmarried adolescents as well as adults. Young married and unmarried girls are among the most underserved groups, and yet those with perhaps the most pressing needs. Many service providers—including doctors, nurses, midwives, and traditional birth attendants— do not recognize this age group, particularly unmarried adolescent girls, as one in need of advice, information, or services. Existing adolescent programs are small and have limited coverage. They need an infusion of resources which can be used to scale up services and expand population coverage.

Interventions Outside the Health Sector: Reproductive and sexual health improvements can also be achieved through interventions outside the health sector. As mentioned earlier, improvements in reproductive and sexual health can be achieved through investments in girls’ education, primarily through the formal education system, but also in informal education settings in communities. Schools can also serve as an appropriate venue for providing life skills education, including information on health, nutrition, and sexuality. Ideally, such curricula should be introduced in primary schools and continue through secondary level. Evaluations of comprehensive sexuality education programs conducted in the U.S. found that such programs were associated with delayed sexual initiation and reduced abortion and birthrates among the participants (Jorgensen et al. 1993; Kirby et al. 1997). Other evaluations of programs worldwide indicate that such programs increase knowledge among youth about HIV/AIDS prevention and increase the confidence of young people to practice safe behaviors such as refusing sexual intercourse or using condoms. Program impact is usually greatest among girls and younger youth (Grunseit 1997; Kirby 1997).

Interventions to Build Political Consensus: Finally, both health and non-health sector interventions require an enabling policy and political environment. Within the current political environment, stronger and more visible efforts to advance the Cairo Programme of Action are required. This can take several forms. Policymakers should be urged to base decision making on scientific evidence rather than ideological principle (The Lancet 2004). Technical agencies like the WHO and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in the U.S. should document the costs of misrepresentation of scientific

36 evidence and actively disseminate accurate scientific evidence. Greater financial support should be provided within countries to women’s organizations working to promote reproductive rights for women, and donor funding should target the real needs of recipients, with political strings reduced to a minimum (The Lancet 2004). Finally, the diversity of bilateral donors for SRRH should be broadened so that when a leading donor country restricts its funding, there can be alternative sources of support to compensate for the gap.

Strategic Priority #3: Invest in Gender-Responsive Infrastructure to Reduce Women’s and Girls’ Time Poverty

Summary

Rationale

The provision of infrastructure in rural and urban areas benefits both poor men and women. Yet, the lack of adequate physical facilities (roads, utility supply systems, communication systems, water and waste disposal systems etc.) and under-provision of services flowing from those facilities contributes to women’s heavier time poverty and differential use of these services. Three types of infrastructure are particularly critical to reduce women’s time poverty: transport, water and sanitation, and energy. This section reviews the limited evidence on gender-differentiated access to and use of transport, water and sanitation systems, and energy.

Transport: Interest in the gender aspects of transportation provision is relatively recent (World Bank 1999; Masika and Baden 1997). Studies have largely focused on rural areas in sub-Saharan Africa.

In both rural and urban areas in Africa, women and girls are allocated the role of household transporters and are responsible for the bulk of load carrying (Bryceson and Howe 1993). A World Bank study in 1994 of three African countries showed that domestic transport (for which women are largely responsible) accounted for between 31 and 63 percent of the total time women spent on travel (Malmberg-Calvo 1994b), although other transport activities, such as headloading agricultural produce, were also significant; see Figure 8. Barwell (1998) found that women make frequent trips to the field for cultivation and harvesting activities and that, beyond the time they spend on transport, women carried more than three times the ton-kilometers per year as did men.

37 Figure 8. Distribution of Transport Tasks (In Hours per Year per Household)

Source: Malmberg-Calvo 1994b.

Roads can greatly reduce women’s burden and expand their opportunities, especially when combined with accessible and affordable transportation. In rural areas, access to paved roads increases the economic and social integration of a village to the larger economy. Women may find employment or training outside the village if they have access to roads and transportation. They may be able to sell their goods, even firewood, outside the village. Supportive social networks become easier to foster. Similarly, access to nearby schools increases the likelihood that girls and women will go to school or attend literacy classes. Access to towns and district headquarters makes it easier for women to participate in various kinds of economic activities, get health care, or make representations of their problems to governmental and nongovernmental agencies.

Although development planners are beginning to recognize the importance of a gender analysis to the sector, change is slow. A review of transport project supported by the World Bank, for instance, found that in 2002, just four percent of projects included a gender component or gender actions (compared to 21 percent of water supply projects and 35 percent of agriculture projects) (World Bank 2003).

Water and Sanitation: Men and women often play different roles in water management and use. Studies of water management in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia find that, generally, men play a greater role in community-level decision-making, finance, and construction of facilities while women are less involved in decision-making, but are heavy users of water for both productive and domestic purposes. In Nepal and Sri Lanka, for instance, women use water in their capacity as co-farmers (with their husbands or independently) to cultivate irrigated crops (Zwarteveen 1997). Girls often help their

38 mothers in domestic water collection and management. 20 In some countries, because water is seen as the women’s responsibility, women may also be expected to pay the pump tariffs.

Figure 9 reports the results of a three country study of gender and rural infrastructure (Malmberg-Calvo 1994b). Women spend far more hours collecting water per year than men in all three countries; they also collect a higher volume of water than that collected by men. Women spent over 700 hours per year on water provision in Ghana, over 500 hours in Tanzania, and just under 200 in Zambia.

Figure 9. Water Provisioning

Source: Malmberg-Calvo 1994b.

Although women play important roles in water management, they are often disadvantaged in water rights. A water right can be defined as an authorized claim to a benefit stream of a water source. Water rights are typically obtained either through access to land in the command area of the irrigation system or through labor contributions to original construction works of the system. In large canal irrigation systems, water rights are most often linked to the land, but there are also surface irrigation systems that allocate water rights to persons. Women’s lack of property rights (discussed in the next section) often restricts their rights to water. Moreover, allocation policies in new irrigation systems often give water rights to heads of households, typically defined as a male. Thus, in order to obtain access to water, women use informal or illegal methods.

20 For instance, in Yemen, where water is often scarce, women are the primary managers of household water use. They save the cleanest and freshest water for drinking, personal washing, cooking and washing cooking utensils; the gray water for washing clothes and watering plants; and water that has been used for washing food is given to poultry and cattle. They also ensure that water used for clothes is reused to clean floors and wash dishes.

Gender differences also exist in sanitation. Men and women have been found to have different roles in household hygiene management and different preferences for sanitation facilities (Masika and Baden 1997). For instance, women tend to be more concerned with privacy and safety, and may prefer well-enclosed latrines in or near the house (IRC 1994). An evaluation of communal sanitation block projects in countries such as Nigeria, India, Sudan, Zambia and Egypt revealed such problems as high incidences of attacks on women using the facilities, the difficulty of ensuring hygiene and cleanliness, and lack of agreement over who is entitled to use the facilities, which in some countries, excluded women from minority groups (Allély et al. 2002).

Because women play key roles as users and managers of water and sanitation facilities, taking their perceptions and opinions into consideration is critical when developing policies on water provision and costing. Research has shown that women are seldom involved in essential planning activities, although as primary collectors of water they know about seasonal availability from various sources, about water quality, and about individual and communal rights to those sources (Fong et al. 1996; van Koppen 1990).21 Many local projects proved ineffective in the long run because women stopped using or were unable to use those sources (Zwarteveen 1997).22 At the same time, a World Bank study found that women’s participation was among the variables strongly associated with project effectiveness in the sector (Fong et al. 1996).

In many parts of the world, the trend in water policy is toward privatization. Some observers argue that such policies risk marginalizing female farmers from the benefits of irrigation services (Zwarteveen 1997; WEDO 2003), although the evidence for this is limited. More empirical information about the gender implications of water privatization and women’s participation in water markets is needed before firm conclusions can be drawn. This is an area where the Task Force recommends additional work.

Increasingly, international and regional water supply and sanitation networks are beginning to address women’s roles in water management, including the Global Water Partnership, the International Water Management Institute, the International Water and Sanitation Center, and Water and Sanitation Collaborative Council (IRC 2003). Donors have also begun to recognize the welfare and efficiency gains of addressing gender issues, but their efforts have not gone far enough. The recommendations prepared by various agencies, including the IRC, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, need to become the basis for all project planning, design, and implementation.

21 When some projects have addressed women’s needs, this has included incorporating domestic water uses in the design of irrigation systems, most obviously in the form of washing and bathing (Zwarteveen 1997). Although this recognition is important, planners have ignored women’s need for water for productive purposes. Zwarteeveen (1997), for instance, cites a 1990 study of an irrigation project in Burkina Faso where 3,00 women farmers, organized into groups of 40, received water rights in only one percent of the total command area. 22 In one study of Nepal, women complained their water collection time increased after they received the “improved” water services. This was because the tap-stands and tube-wells were located along the roadside where they could not bathe and wash their clothes comfortably. As a result, their labor time in water collection increased, as they carried water to their homes several times each day.

Energy: The sources of energy used by households in most rural areas in the developing world include biofuels (firewood, cowdung, and agricultural residues), kerosene, LPG, and, infrequently, electricity. Several studies have examined women’s energy needs, especially for cooking, a time-consuming household task in many countries.

Women are the primary collectors of firewood in most rural communities around the world. Women spend long hours collecting fuelwood: over 800 hours per year in Zambia, and about 300 per year in Tanzania and Ghana (see Figure 10).

Figure 10. Wood Fuel Provisioning

Source: Malmberg-Calvo 1994b.

In a comparison of women’s time use across tasks – collecting water, gathering fuelwood, and grinding maize meal or flour, Malmberg-Calvo (1994b) found that water and fuelwood collection were by far the most time-intensive activities. In Zambia, the collection of fuelwood took the most time, followed by water collection, while in Tanzania and Ghana, collecting water took more time than the collection of fuelwood (see Figure 11).

41 Figure 11. Women’s Minutes/Day by Task

Source: Malmberg-Calvo 1994b.

Increasing scarcity of locally available biofuels, especially wood fuels in developing countries has led to an increase in the time spent on the collection of fuels (Barnes and Sen forthcoming). Reviews of various studies on firewood collection in India found that the distance women traveled averaged between 4 and 10 kilometers in search of firewood, depending on the ecological environment. In forested areas, the collection may be done once in four days, while in depleted areas it was a daily activity.

The declining availability and quality of fuelwood in many countries has had several negative consequences, including increasing the net weight to be carried as well as the smoke pollution emitted by lower quality fuels (Barnes and Sen forthcoming). Smith (1998), for instance, notes that in trying to cope with these conditions, women adopt cooking practices – such as reducing the number of meals, cooking less thoroughly, or changing the type of food cooked -- that lower the nutritional status of the family. The large and heavy physical loads carried by women may further impair their health.

Traditional biofuels also have other negative health impacts. Recent studies of traditional stoves using biomass fuels have found that prolonged exposure to the smoke has severe detrimental effects on the lungs and eyes of anybody in the proximity to such stoves. Women who cook on indoor open fires using biofuels also suffer from chronic obstructive pulmonary diseases (Ostro, Aranda, and Eskeland 1995; Parikh and Laxmi 2000; Smith 1987, 1998; Smith and Mehta 2000; NFHS 1995, all cited in Barnes and Sen forthcoming).

Cooking fuels such as kerosene and LPG are recognized as good substitutes for traditional biofuels because of their higher thermal efficiency and the relative lack of pollutants. But in addition to these qualities, the use of such fuels saves women time to pursue more productive tasks. Commercial fuels eliminate the need to walk long

42 distances and gather wood or dung, thus reducing the drudgery in women’s lives. They also reduce cooking time substantially. Time saved can be used either for income-earning pursuits or for additional leisure (Barnes and Sen forthcoming).

While replacing traditional fuels with commercial fuels such as kerosene and LPG is desirable, poverty and lack of access to infrastructure make such a shift difficult in rural areas. In India, Barnes and Sen (forthcoming) report that the government has instead focused on promoting cooking devices that are fuel-efficient. Improved stoves not only have a much higher thermal efficiency, but also alleviate the indoor air pollution (IAP) problems created by the use of traditional stoves.

Rural electrification is probably the most desirable alternative to biofuels. However, the high cost and limited availability of electricity in developing countries restricts household use of it for some tasks, including cooking. In the India study cited above, Barnes and Sen (forthcoming) note that electrification is used primarily for lighting, running fans, and entertainment. It is noteworthy, though, that women from households with electricity clearly lead a life that is more balanced between work and leisure activities. Compared to households without electricity, women from households with electricity spend less time collecting fuels, fetching water, and cooking and instead spend more time on earning an income, reading, and watching television (Barnes and Sen forthcoming). They also spend somewhat more time engaged in housework and other miscellaneous activities.

Table 8. Women’s Time Allocation by Electrification Status of Households Mean time spent (hours) Households Households Activities Without electricity with electricity All With TV N = 2,012 N = 3,036 N = 1,249 Collecting fuel 0.90 0.53 0.32 Fetching water 1.00 0.88 0.71 Cooking 2.93 2.58 2.53 Other housework 5.75 5.83 6.01 Earning income 1.86 1.93 1.38 Reading 0.03 0.20 0.32 Watching TV 0.06 0.76 1.63 Other leisure 10.49 10.46 10.42 Miscellaneous 0.52 0.72 0.60 Source: Barnes and Sen (forthcoming) based on ORG Household Survey 1998.

An even more interesting finding in the Barnes and Sen study is the impact of electricity on the time rural women spend reading. In all income groups, women who live in electrified households read more than their peers in non-electrified households (Figure 12). Electricity may thus help to address gender gaps in capability.

43 Figure 12. Time Spent Reading by Household Income

0.35 No Electricity Electricity 0.30 0.25 0.20 0.15

Time (hours) 0.10 0.05 0.00 <9 9-18 18-32 32-42 42-60 >60 Household Annual Income Groups (Rs. 000/household/month)

Source: Barnes and Sen (forthcoming).

Interventions for Gender-Responsive Infrastructure

This section is not complete. The Task Force will be discussing policies and programmatic interventions in this area.

Strategic Priority #4: Guarantee Women’s Property and Inheritance Rights and Reduce Discrimination in Labor Markets

1. Property and Inheritance Rights

Summary

Rationale

Throughout the developing world, women are frequently denied the right to inherit property. Women’s lack of official title to land and property significantly restricts their economic options and security (particularly with respect to housing security), and provides them with virtually no collateral with which to obtain loans and credit. These

44 factors exacerbate women’s generally low status and high levels of poverty when compared to men. Furthermore, women’s lack of property and inheritance rights has been increasingly linked to development-related problems faced by countries across the globe, including poverty, HIV/AIDS, and violence.

Bina Agarwal (2002) notes that effective and independent land rights for women are important on at least four counts: welfare, efficiency, equality and empowerment.

Property Rights and Welfare: Land and home ownership, and secure tenure rights, improve women’s welfare. Land and home ownership confer such direct benefits as use of and proceeds from crops, trees, and vegetable gardens, as well has having a secure place to live. Indirect advantages include women being able to use land or houses as collateral for credit or as mortgageable assets during a crisis. Land (whether owned or controlled by women) also increases women’s probability of finding supplementary wage employment. Chadha (1992) found that those with land generate much higher rural non- farm earnings from self-employment than those without land.

Beyond the obvious economic impact, property ownership can act as a protective factor for women against domestic violence. Research in Kerala, India, found that 49 percent of women with no property reported physical violence, whereas only seven percent of women with property reported physical violence, controlling for a wide range of other factors (Panda 2002).

Assets in the hands of women have other welfare impacts. Some studies have found that they increase the share that households spend on children’s well-being. In Bangladesh, for instance, where husbands control most household resources, Quisumbing and Maluccio (2000) found that in households where women owned assets, expenditures on children’s clothing and education were higher and the rate of illness among girls was reduced.

Conversely, women’s inability to own and inherit property has negative welfare implications, the most critical being in high HIV/AIDS prevalence countries. The inequality between women and men in accessing economic resources, such as housing and land, employment, income, and credit, greatly increases women’s and girls’ vulnerability to infection and their ability to cope with the impact of the disease if they themselves or their family members become infected (Drimie 2002). In the context of HIV/AIDS, ownership and control over economic assets, such as housing and land, can save women from total and complete destitution (FAO 2003). When they are unable to inherit land after the death of a father or husband due to AIDS, women are rendered powerless and unprotected just when they most need protection and support. Additionally, there is anecdotal evidence to suggest that, without access to economic assets such as property, women have diminished leverage to negotiate safer sex with their male partners.

Property Rights and Efficiency: In addition to welfare gains, Agarwal (2002) shows that more gender-equal land rights could also enhance productive efficiency. Property ownership may confer incentives to work harder or take greater economic risk. Land title

45 can also serve as collateral, improving women’s access to credit, which in turn can increase output. This can be especially crucial in situations where women are the principal farmers, for example, where male out-migration is high, where widows (or wives) are cultivating separate plots still formally owned by kin (Agarwal 2002), or where women farm independently of men, as in much of sub-Saharan Africa.

Property Rights and Empowerment: Equality in land rights is a critical element in women’s economic empowerment. Agarwal (2002) provides an illustrative example from Bihar, India, where in the late 1970s, women and men of landless households jointly agitated for ownership rights in the land they cultivated, which was under the illegal possession of a local temple-monastery complex. Women demanded independent land rights and, in two villages, they received them. In the villages where men alone received titles women’s insecurity grew, with an increase in men’s tendency to threaten wives with eviction in situations of domestic conflict, while in the villages where women were given titles, women had greater bargaining power (Agarwal 2002).

The Gender Asset Gap Across Regions and Countries: Little empirical evidence exists on the magnitude of gender asset gaps within and across countries, although they are thought to be substantial. Deere and Leon (2003) have recently attempted to compile a rough approximation of the distribution of land by gender in five Latin American countries. Table 9 shows that the gender distribution of land ownership is extremely unequal, with women representing one quarter or less of land owners in the five countries.

Table 9. Distribution of Landowners by Gender, Various Years (%)

Source: Deere and Leon 2003.

46 Unfortunately, there is less systematic evidence from countries in other regions, although some country studies report land distribution data for sub-populations or selected geographic areas.23

Channels of Acquiring Land: Women need effective and independent rights in land, including in law and in practice. Land rights can be in the form of ownership or usufruct (rights of use), and can encompass differing degrees of freedom to lease out, mortgage, bequeath, or sell. In addition, there are myriad ways that men and women acquire land: through inheritance, purchase in the market, and transfers from the state through land reform programs, resettlement schemes for those displaced by large dams and other projects, or anti-poverty programs. The literature shows that each of these has a gender bias, which interventions will need to address.

Inheritance: In Latin America, inheritance has been found to be the primary means through which women become landowners while the land market is the most important means of land acquisition for men (Deere and Leon 2003); see Table 10.

Table 10. Form of Acquisition of Land Ownership by Gender (%)

Source: Deere and Leon 2003.

23 Articles in Tinker and Summerfield (1999) provide partial information on the gender distribution of property rights in parts of China, Laos, and Vietnam.

47 Compared to other developing regions, Latin America has the most favorable legal traditions and relatively egalitarian gender inheritance norms. In spite of favorable norms, however, inheritance has historically been skewed to boys, in part because agriculture is defined as a male activity and because of male privilege in marriage conferred by legal headship status (Deere and Leon 2003). However, the pattern is changing, and wives are increasingly inheriting their husbands’ property, due in part to higher levels of legal literacy, smaller family size, migration of children, and growing land scarcity.

In South Asia, land is also acquired through inheritance, which in most places is passed through the male line although there are areas where ancestral property is passed through the female line.24 During the twentieth century, women’s organizations teamed up with lawyers and social reformers to advocate for more gender-equitable inheritance laws. Yet in both Hindu and Muslim communities in India, notable inequalities remain. For instance, Hindu women's inheritance in tenancy land depends on state-level tenure laws, which in most northwestern states specify an order of devolution that strongly favors male heirs. Likewise, the Shariat Act of 1937, applicable to Muslims in India and based on interpretation of Sharia law, excluded all agricultural land (both tenanted and owned) from its purview (Agarwal 2002).

Inheritance laws and practice throughout the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region are also based on Sharia law which defines the shares that go to each member of the family: the woman's share is half that of a man when there are both male and female heirs. However, there is a difference between Sunni and Shi’a inheritance regulations; according to the latter, where there are no male heirs, the wife (or wives) and daughters share the inheritance (Hijab and El-Solh 2003). Religious law does not prevent women from owning assets which may be given to them by a father or brother during their lifetimes.

Although many sub-Saharan African countries have adopted legislation guaranteeing non-discrimination in property ownership and inheritance based on sex, very often policies or customary practices (as well as biased attitudes, unresponsive authorities, ineffective courts, and other obstacles) restrict women’s ability to inherit property.25 For example, in Uganda, the constitution and land laws were amended in the 1990s to provide greater legal protection against property rights abuses, but in practice, many Ugandan women cannot realize their legal rights. Under statutory law, a widow is entitled to one- third of a man’s estate if he dies without a will and if they had children. If there were no children, she is entitled to half of the whole estate (Human Rights Watch 2003a).

In Kenya, women obtain property through their relationships with husbands, fathers, brothers, or sons. When that relationship ends through death, divorce, or other estrangement, women often lose their land, homes, and other property. Some widows are

24 Matrilineal inheritance can be found in northern and central Kerala in south India and Meghalaya in the northeast (Agarwal 1994, 1995), and in parts of Sri Lanka. 25 Land tenure systems in sub-Saharan Africa are too complex and diverse to summarize here and are changing due to economic and social processes; see Lastarria-Cornhiel (1997) and Platteau (1997) for detailed treatment of the topic.

48 forced to undergo customary “wife inheritance” or “cleansing” rituals (often involving unprotected sex) to keep their property. Kenya’s land law system is in the process of being overhauled, which presents an opportunity for incorporating women’s equal property and inheritance rights.

The case of Rwanda provides a picture of promising change. Serious gender inequalities in land rights were rectified during post-conflict reconstruction. As a result, the Law of Matrimonial Regimes, Succession and Liberalities was passed, which enshrines the principle that women may own property and inherit on an equal basis to their brothers. It also requires couples registering for marriage to make a joint commitment to a choice of options for the shared ownership and disposition of marital property.

Land Markets: Evidence from many parts of the world shows that land markets have been a weaker means of transferring property to women than is inheritance. In Latin America, for instance, Deere and Leon (2003) note that land markets are not gender- neutral; men are more likely than women to participate successfully as buyers. Evidence from their ethnographic work suggests that discrimination against women is prevalent. Deere and Leon (1990) found that in hacienda land sales in Peru in the 1950s and 60s, women tended to buy smaller parcels and paid higher prices than men for land of similar size and quality, reflecting women’s lower bargaining power. Some landowners refused outright to sell to women. Moreover, inequalities in labor and credit markets produce gender-biased failures in land markets. The case studies profiled in Deere and Leon (2001) demonstrate that explicit, enforced public policies are needed to help women participate in land markets.

Women potentially could gain from land sales through the market. In India, for instance, Agarwal (2002) reports that external support to women would improve access. For instance, in parts of South Asia, groups of landless women have been using subsidized credit provided by the State for leasing or purchasing land in groups, and cultivating it jointly. Through these types of collective ventures, land through the market could well prove an important supplementary means for women to acquire land, even if not the primary means. However, this has not yet happened on a large scale.

Government Initiated Land Reforms and Resettlement Schemes: Although it would seem that government land redistribution programs would offer an opportunity to equalize property rights between men and women, this has not happened in many countries. In India, Agarwal (2002 p. 8) concludes that, “irrespective of the program under which the transfers occur, typically the land is allotted almost exclusively to males, even in communities which traditionally practiced matrilineal inheritance, such as the Garos of northeast India.”

In some Latin American countries, such as Costa Rica and Colombia, the experience has been somewhat better. However, land reforms in other countries – such as Bolivia and Ecuador -- failed to address women’s land rights. Although most agrarian reform laws were gender neutral, the legal beneficiaries were household heads, defined culturally as the male (Deere and Leon 2003). The lessons from these reforms are discussed below.

49 Interventions for Property Rights

Since 1995, there has been growing awareness and policy attention to women’s property and inheritance rights drawing upon evolving human rights-based frameworks. Within countries, attention must be focused on the task of identifying and eliminating those points at which discriminatory practices come into play, since this is often complicated by complex or archaic legal systems, deep-rooted social and cultural norms, and persistent lack of awareness about individual rights and legal protections (for men and especially for women). There are also complications in how to approach property and inheritance rights in situations where some informal or traditional practices (e.g., traditional access to communal lands) might offer more security to women than newer market-oriented practices that formalize ownership and establish title to land/property (although this is not invariably the case). Finally, it is important to recognize how privatization of property (whether through purchase, inheritance, or other means), affects men and women differently, especially within gender discriminatory legal regimes.

National Actions: At the country level, three types of legal changes are necessary: amending laws, promoting legal literacy, and recording women’s share of land or property (especially important in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa). There has been a proliferation of national-level efforts (of varying impact) to review and reform relevant law (including constitutional, marital, property, family, gender equality, etc.). This has included efforts to apply provisions of CEDAW to interpreting relevant laws as well as changing legal practices concerning land and property titling. Several diverse countries have established paralegal services that can help women pursue and defend their property and inheritance rights. Related to this is a host of community- and national-level activities involving human rights training and legal training (of advocates, judges, registrars, police, elders, etc.). From most accounts, these appear to be successful and particularly vital, yet there are widespread concerns about sustainability and ensuring consistent standards (at least among services within a given nation). These activities deserve greater support because they have the potential to transform gender-biased social and cultural norms.

Legal Reforms: In Latin American and the Caribbean, a major advance has been joint adjudication and titling of land to couples (Deere and Leon 2003). Joint titling, which establishes that land rights are vested in both the man and the woman, helps to guard against capricious decision-making on the part of one spouse, protects against the dispossession of women due to abandonment, separation, or divorce, and increases women’s bargaining power in household and farm decision-making. Between 1988-95, five countries - Colombia, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, and Brazil - made provisions in their agrarian legislation for the joint adjudication or titling of land to couples. “In those countries where mechanisms of inclusion have been adopted and implemented, the share of female beneficiaries has increased notably compared with outcomes of past agrarian reforms” (Deere and Leon 2003, p. 937).

In India, however, joint titling has had mixed effects (Agarwal 2002). Joint titles are usually favoured in the limited cases where women’s claims are recognized. Although having some land is better than none, joint titles also present women with several potential

50 problems. Social norms and customary practice have prevented women from gaining control over the produce of the land, from bequeathing the land as they want, or from claiming their shares in case of marital conflict. Also, with joint titles wives cannot easily exercise their priorities in land use if these priorities happen to differ from those of their husbands. Most importantly, joint titles constrain women from exploring alternative institutional arrangements for cultivation and management. Individual titles, by contrast, give women greater flexibility and control over the land. At the same time, women as individuals often lack funds for equipment or inputs, and where holdings are very small, individual investment in equipment can prove uneconomical. Individual women also face considerable pressure from male relatives who want to acquire or control the land.

Agarwal (2002) identifies four types of institutional solutions to these problems. One approach is to help women who own individual holdings (whether obtained through inheritance, purchase, or from the government) to invest in capital inputs jointly with other women, while managing production individually. A second type of arrangement is where women purchase land jointly while owning it individually and farming it collectively.26 A third possibility lies in women leasing land as a group and cultivating it jointly.27 A fourth type of institutional arrangement is of women's groups managing and overseeing cultivation on land owned by men. Finally, a fifth type of arrangement is one where poor rural women could hold group rights over land distributed by the government, or otherwise acquired by them (Agarwal 2002).28

International Actions: At the international level, the scale and energy of efforts focused on women’s property and inheritance rights has grown in the last 3-4 years, spurred on by expansion of the internet to distant places and the continuous efforts within and across women’s and rights-oriented networks. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against women (CEDAW) has focused on equality in property as one of its important directives. The United Nations Conference on Human Settlements at its Istanbul meeting in 1996 also focused centrally on women and land. Since then the Huairou Commission in conjunction with the UNDP, UN-HABITAT, WEDO and the Women’s Caucus of the UN Commission on Sustainable Development has held several

26 One of the most interesting examples of this is of the Deccan Development Society (DDS), an NGO working with poor women's collectives in some 75 villages in Medak district, a drought-prone tract of Andhra Pradesh (AP) in southern India. DDS has helped women from landless families establish claims on land, through purchase and lease, using various government schemes (Menon 1996; Satheesh 1997; and also Agarwal 2002 for a detailed discussion). 27 Under one of DDS's programs, women in AP lease land from private owners. Initiated in 1989, the program is now said to cover 623 acres across 52 villages. Under another of DDS's efforts, women's groups have used loan money available via the government's poverty alleviation scheme, DWACRA (Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas), for leasing in land. Committees of women examine the lease proposals, assess land quality, keep records of each woman's work input, and ensure equitable distribution of wages and produce. 28 Effectively, women would be stakeholders in a kind of land trust. Each woman in the group would have use rights but not the right to alienate the land. The daughters-in-law and daughters of such households who are resident in the village would share these use rights. Daughters leaving the village on marriage would lose such rights but could re-establish them by rejoining the production efforts, should they return as a result of divorce or widowhood. In other words, land access would be linked formally with residence and working on the land, as was the case under some traditional systems when land was held collectively by a clan (Agarwal 2002).

51 discussions with women’s groups worldwide, to examine regional progress in enhancing women’s access to land and property. The Huairou Commission is also requesting support for a global campaign to promote women’s claims in land and property, and in housing rights for the urban poor under the auspices of the United Nations Center for Human Settlements. The UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Adequate Housing has given content to specific human rights such as the right to adequate housing. And the UN has passed a number of increasingly specific resolutions over the last 7-8 years concerning women’s right to ownership of, access to, and control over land, housing, and other property (UN Commission on Human Rights 2003; CESCR 1991). All these efforts deserve greater support.

2. Reduce Gender Inequality in the Labor Market

Summary

Rationale

Access to paid employment is critical for gender equality and women’s empowerment. Employment gives women access to income which benefits them and their households. A large literature has found that, women, compared to men, tend to spend a higher proportion of income under their control on goods such as food, education, and health care that enhances their own well-being and the capabilities of their children (Guyer 1988; Thomas 1992; Haddad et al. 1997).

Moreover, there is convincing evidence that women’s access to jobs improves their self- esteem and bargaining power within the household in such disparate environments as the Dominican Republic and Bangladesh (Safa 1995, Kabeer 2000). For instance, women in the Colombian cut flower industry report being eager to get jobs on local flower farms because it presents them with increased opportunities to challenge patriarchal structures at the household level (Sanchez-Friedemann 2000). Increased employment opportunities can also lead to women’s increased mobility and enable them to seek and access reproductive health care (Amin et al. 1995). Moreover, it can expose them to new ideas and knowledge and broaden the community with which they engage. As Kabeer (2000) notes, however, the ability of paid employment to expand women’s range of choices and influence within the household is related to the types of jobs that women have access to, the level of pay, the security of payment, and other factors.

Labor Market Discrimination: Women’s status in the labor market is significantly different from men’s according to several key indicators, including unemployment rates, occupational distribution, and wages. Many economists attribute this differential status to labor market discrimination, which is differential treatment of individuals with similar

52 or equivalent characteristics – such as education, experience, and job tenure. Discrimination against women in employment can take several forms, including discrimination in hiring, assignments and promotions, remuneration, and sexual harassment, among others.

Occupational Segregation: In the labor force, women and men typically perform different tasks and are located in different industries and occupational sectors. Most cross-country studies conclude that occupational segregation by sex is extensive in both industrialized and developing economies (Anker 1998). Approximately half of all workers in the world are in occupations where at least 80 percent of workers are of the same sex (Anker 1998). Occupational segregation by gender is greatest in Latin America and the Caribbean, followed by North Africa and the Middle East, the OECD countries, Eastern Europe, sub-Saharan Africa and East Asia (Deutsch et al. 2002). In many countries, occupational segregation is significantly higher for the least educated than for those with higher education (Anker 1998; Deutsch et al. 2002). Occupational segregation has significant costs, including rigidities in the labor market, higher male-female wage gaps, underutilization of women’s labor (allocative inefficiency) and lower levels of output and future growth rates, as a result of lower than optimal investments in female education (Anker 1998; Deutsch et al. 2002). There is also increasing evidence that feminization in an occupation negatively affects the overall wage rate in the occupation (Goldin 2002).

Wages and Income: The principle of equal pay for work of equal value has gained wide acceptable in recent years and is reflected in many ILO Conventions. Yet, gender gaps in earnings are among the most persistent forms of inequality.29 There has been some narrowing of gender wage gaps in some countries in recent years (Tzannatos 1999; Artecona and Cunningham 2002; Oostendorp 2002). In agriculture, women’s earnings have improved in those areas of non-traditional agricultural export (NTAE) production where they have access to or control over land. One such case is Uganda (Fontana, Joekes, and Masika 1998), although reduced wage gaps in the NTAE sector do not appear to have affected the wide gender gap in earnings in other sectors of the economy where women’s wages are roughly 40 percent below those of men (Appleton, Hoddinott, and Krishnan 1996).30 In other countries over the same period, gender wage gaps have widened (see Standing 1989, 1999; Mehra and Gammage 1999). In the East Asian countries which have grown rapidly, relying on exports produced by female labor, gender wage gaps remain persistently large and have worsened in some cases (Seguino 2000).

29 Neoclassical human capital theory argues that wage differentials result from individual productivity differences, resulting from employees different investments in education, training, tenure on the job, and other factors. However, human capital theorists have only been able to explain about 50 percent of the gender wage gap with human capital variables. 30 A second case of women’s increased earnings from, NTAEs is Vietnam. Trade liberalization and a reduction in government subsidies for modern health care (Sowerine 1999) led to increased demand for medicinal plants. This has had a positive effect on women’s income since they are dominant along the chain of production of medicinal plants. This evidence however is overshadowed by other studies suggesting that gender inequality has increased in Vietnam (Long, Hung, Truitt, Mai, and Anh 2000).

53 Informal Employment: In developing and transitional economies, the bulk of new employment has been in the informal economy. Informal employment is market-oriented employment in small workshops, family businesses, subcontracted work undertaken in the home ('homeworking'), and domestic work for others. As noted earlier, informal employment is generally a larger source of employment for women than for men, especially in the developing world.31 Other than in North Africa where 43 percent of women workers are in informal employment, 60 percent or more of women workers in the developing world are in informal employment.

Informal employment is often characterized by undefined workplaces, unsafe and unhealthy working conditions, low levels of skills and productivity, low or irregular incomes, long working hours and lack of access to information, markets, finance, training and technology. Compared to workers in the formal economy, workers in the informal economy are characterized by varying degrees of dependency and vulnerability. Although most at risk and therefore most in need, informal workers have little or no social protection and receive little or no social security, either from their employer or from the government (ILO 2002a).

The expansion of informal employment has led to a widening income gap, especially for women. Incomes of both men and women are lower in the informal economy, and the gender gap in incomes appears to be higher in the informal economy than in the formal economy. Within the informal economy, incomes tend to decline from self-employed to casual wage worker to subcontracted worker (ILO 2003).

Gender and Conditions of Work: Employment - both formal and informal - has become increasingly flexible in the recent process of globalization (Standing 1989, 1999). A notable trend is the expanded use of women as subcontracted or home workers in manufacturing.32 This trend extends to the agricultural sector where seasonal employment in agricultural exports has expanded (UNDP 1999). In the case of Chilean and South African export grape industries, women are the preferred source of temporary workers and hold a small share of permanent jobs (Barrientos 2001). Men are affected by these trends as well, as the jobs they hold take on the character of women’s jobs (temporary or casual status, limited job mobility, few or no benefits), but the percentage of women in “flexible” jobs greatly exceeds that of men (UNDP 1999; Standing 1999).

Gender and Unemployment: Gender differences are also apparent in unemployment. A number of countries also have very high relative rates of female unemployment. Unemployment data are of questionable use due to measurement problems and limited

31 Informal employment is comprised of both self-employment in informal enterprises (i.e., small and/or unregistered) and wage employment in informal jobs (i.e., without secure contracts, worker benefits, or social protection). In all developing regions, self-employment comprises a greater share of informal non- agricultural employment than wage employment: specifically, self-employment represents 70 per cent of informal employment in sub-Saharan Africa, 62 per cent in North Africa, 60 per cent in Latin America, and 59 per cent in Asia (WIEGO 2002).

32 On this topic, see Fernandez-Kelly and Sassen (1993), Carr, Chen, and Tate (2000), Sayeed and Balakrishnan (2002), and Balakrishnan (2002).

54 significance in low-income economies where the majority of the population engages in some form of economic activity, usually informal employment or self-employment. However, Caribbean economies provide a more accurate picture of women’s and men’s job access, due to the way unemployment is measured. Women’s unemployment rates there remain almost double men’s already very high rates. Similarly, in transition economies, women have experienced declines in access to jobs relative to men (Bridger, Kay, and Pinnick 1996).

Gender Inequality in Leisure and Caring Labor: Time use data are sparse, and trend data are lacking, but available evidence indicates that women tend to have a greater combined labor burden consisting of paid and unpaid activities in the world economy (UN 2000). Some studies suggest that the time intensity of women’s labor has increased (Floro 1995). Men’s performance of unpaid labor does not appear to have increased enough to compensate for the increase in women’s paid employment, suggesting a decline in female leisure.

The responsibilities assigned to women for unpaid care labor underpins much labor market inequality. Studies from around the world indicate that the presence of young children and the lack of childcare options severely constrain women’s choices of employment. Conversely, childcare enables women to take permanent, full-time jobs rather than seasonal, part-time, or temporary work (Alva 1999; Chang and Kim 1999; North-South Institute 1999; Connelly et al. 1996; Folbre 1994; Kula and Lambert 1994; Doan and Popkin 1993). Access to some form of childcare, therefore, is critical to remedying labor market inequalities.

Migration, the breakdown of extended families, and changing social arrangements make extended families a less reliable source of care and necessitate other types care services. These may take a range of forms; they may involve paid providers or unpaid relatives and neighbors, or be based on reciprocal or exchange arrangements with friends (Connelly et al. 1996; Evans 1995; Chatterjee and Macwan 1992; Himes et al. 1992; Leonard and Landers 1991; Myers and Indriso 1986; Evans and Myers 1995; OEF 1979a, b).33 Childcare may be provided in private homes, at community centers, or at work sites, e.g., plantations, factories, or offices. Care can range from custodial to a full range of services that support children’s health, growth, and development and respond to women’s needs, e.g., for flexible hours (Evans 1995). Yet, in most developing countries and some developed countries, the reach of both formal and informal programs is inadequate, often covering only certain age groups (e.g., excluding infants), operating at specific times of day, being incompatible with women’s working hours, and being located in inconvenient locations underserved by safe and affordable transportation services.

Adolescent Employment: Of the roughly 250 million younger adolescents and children aged 5-14 working for pay in some capacity, approximately 110 million girls are girls and 140 million are boys. In some regions - sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and large parts of Latin America - only a fraction of young people are employed in the formal sector. The large majority works in informal sector activities as shop assistants, farm

33 In the worst case scenario, mothers may leave their children alone at home when they go to work.

55 hands, clerical assistants, typists, stewards and cooks in hotels and restaurants, street traders, and casual labor (ILO 2002b). Female adolescents work as hairdressers, dressmakers, petty traders, domestic servants, and so on. They are far more vulnerable to unfair treatment in the workforce, as gender socialization teaches girls docility and obedience from an early age (Population Council 2000).

Interventions to Decrease Gender Inequality in Employment

Interventions to improve women’s access to employment take many forms. On the supply side, strategies include increasing women’s access to education and their advancement from primary to tertiary levels. Once in school, it is especially important to boost women’s participation in science, engineering, technology and other fields to prepare them for the new labor market opportunities in the global economy. Outside the formal education system, various program interventions include improved job training and placement services and social marketing campaigns (Deutsch 1998).

Demand side policies must also be brought to bear. Employment-targeted economic growth is a prerequisite for low-income countries coupled with social policy that eliminates discriminatory employment barriers. Equity in earnings is also needed, with both women and men able to earn wages sufficiently high to permit adults to adequately provide for their families. Provisioning of families requires relatively secure income sources. Women frequently are breadwinners but, even when part of two-adult households, secure earnings are an important means to improve their bargaining power for a more equitable distribution of resources and unpaid labor. A further requirement is the equitable distribution of public resources that close gender gaps in economic and social well-being, such as health care and training, which can redress gender inequalities (Seguino and Grown 2003).

Interventions to improve pay and working conditions have primarily taken the form of legislation.34 Such measures have been implemented in a growing number of industrialized and developing countries over the past several decades (Rodgers 1999). They include working hour restrictions with differential coverage for men and women, family leave policies, equal pay and equal opportunities laws and policies, and other anti- discrimination legislation. Empirical evidence of the impact of each of these on women’s employment and on relative wages is mixed for industrial countries and scant for developing countries.

For instance, among developing countries, evidence indicates that changes in Costa Rican legislation to lengthen maternity leave duration had little impact on wages and employment until after a new enforcement mechanism was created in 1990 (Gindling and Crummet 1977). With improved enforcement and stricter penalties on firms that violated the law, women’s wages fell significantly while their employment did not change. The evidence on equal pay and equal opportunity policies suggests they have been successful

34 In common law countries, the judiciary has played an important role in developing anti-discrimination law. India, for instance, a Supreme Court ruling included guidelines prohibiting sexual harassment in the workplace. In Zimbabwe, a Labor Court supported a claim of sexual harassment despite the lack of relevant legal provisions (ILO 2003).

56 in improving women’s relative wages in economies where collective bargaining is common (Australia, Britain, and Canada) but less successful in countries with decentralized wage setting practices such as the United States.35 Enforcement is an obstacle, especially in developing countries that have neither the resources nor the institutional infrastructure to monitor employment practices (Rodgers 1999). Nor do equal pay laws address lower earnings resulting from occupational segregation whereby men and women are concentrated in different occupations and economic sectors. Some countries have passed laws stipulating equal pay for work of comparable value; others have tackled occupational segregation by promoting employment redistribution through legislation that improves women’s access to occupations in which they were formerly absent. Closely related measures that prevent discrimination on the basis of marital status or family responsibilities have similar objectives, but their impact has not been rigorously evaluated.

Legislation and policies to protect migrant women workers - a particularly vulnerable group in the labor market - have worked in some countries. For instance, the Jordanian and Philippine governments have agreed to a minimum set of standards for migrant worker contracts, embodied in a “Special Working Contract for Non-Jordanian Domestic Workers.” This contract provides migrant women workers with benefits including life insurance, medical care, rest days, as well as workplace protections.

For countries with large informal economies, one of the highest priorities should be given to the provision of social protection for the workers in that sector.36 Unfortunately, social protection and safety net programs all too often exclude women by failing to account for gender differences in labor market participation, access to information, unpaid care responsibilities, and property rights. When programs do not account for these gender differences, women are more vulnerable to poverty and risks associated with economic and other shocks to household livelihoods (Lund and Nicholson 2003).

Greater recognition of informal sector workers is changing the way that social protection is provided in some countries. Thailand, South Africa, and Chile, all middle-income countries, now extend state benefits to non-standard or informal workers and have introduced new social protection schemes. In addition, the concept of social protection has been recently expanded to include schemes provided through innovative public- private partnerships, consisting of unions, community-based associations and workers networks representing and targeting vulnerable workers (Lund and Nicholson 2003). Donor support is essential for developing and extending gender-responsive social protection schemes in low-income countries.

A final necessary set of national policies and programs involve support for care – of children, the disabled, and the elderly. Public policy debates focus on the degree to which governments should guarantee universal availability of services, what form government subsidies should take (e.g., direct subsidies to parents or public provision of

35 Voluntary actions by firms to change pay grading structures seem not to have much impact (Rubery 2002). 36 Social protection consists of health insurance, disability through work, unemployment insurance, child maintenance, social security and old age pensions.

57 services), the degree of public regulation of service quality, and the need for public support of training and quality improvements. Governments of most industrialized countries accept some public responsibility for sharing the cost of rearing their nations’ children and many have developed comprehensive family policies (Helbrun 1999). European countries provide publicly supported child care and other programs that encourage families to incur the costs of raising children and make it easier for women to juggle employment and care for children. Nordic countries have made the greatest commitment to family policies to support working parents through good quality, inexpensive care for children over one year old, and parental leave policies that compensate parents for loss of income and guarantee the parent’s job.

Governments in many developing countries also support child care and early education services, recognizing the value of early education, especially targeted to poor children. In India, as early as 1944, a commission of the pre-independence government recommended that the states establish free preschools. Today a variety of federal, private and voluntary programs exist (although coverage is far from universal). Institutionalized child care is provided in China, where more than 90 percent of young mothers are employed, along with grandmothers and aunts. Yet, no single country provides the investment in care services that is required to meet the needs of women and their children.

At the international level, a framework exists for promoting equal access to and treatment in employment – the ILO Decent Work initiative. This initiative has four interrelated objectives: fostering of rights at work, employment, social protection and social dialogue. The primary goal of the initiative is “to promote opportunities for women and men to obtain decent and productive work, in conditions of freedom, equity, security and human dignity” (Anker et al. 2002) The gender-sensitivity of the decent work framework, and the gender-disaggregated indicators it proposes for monitoring country performance, make it suitable for tracking country’s progress toward eliminating gender inequalities in labor markets. The Task Force recommends that the ILO be given the resources and authority to take the leadership in providing data and monitoring progress for this initiative.

Strategic Priority #5: Increase Women’s Representation in Political Bodies

Summary

58 Rationale37

Increasing women’s representation in political office is now a widely held development goal and is one of the four indicators for tracking progress toward Goal #3. As noted earlier, the Task Force recommends that countries set a target of 30 percent share of seats for women in national parliaments to be achieved by the year 2015. The Task Force recognizes that a target of 30 percent is only a first step toward gender equality in political participation because true gender equality and empowerment requires 50 percent representation by women and the agency to shape decisions and outcomes.

There are three reasons why the Task Force has selected political participation as a strategic priority. Countries where women’s share of seats in political bodies is less than 30 percent are seen as less inclusive, less egalitarian and less democratic. Only 14 countries have achieved even the low level of 30 percent of representation by women. Second, women often bring new perspectives to political debates, introducing proposals related to women’s rights, and presenting gender-specific negotiation and leadership styles. Moreover, women’s presence is thought to bring substantive improvements to democratic politics. A poll conducted by Gallup and the Inter-American Dialogue in five Latin American countries in 2000, for example, revealed that the vast majority of those surveyed believe that having more women in power improves government and that women are better able than men to handle a wide range of policy issues. Three studies find a positive correlation between increased women’s participation in public life and a reduction in the level of corruption.38

Third, although women are not a homogenous category and female politicians have religious, ideological, and other differences, they tend to be somewhat more active in supporting laws benefiting women, children, and families than similarly-situated men. The likelihood that women will promote such laws is increased when there is a critical mass of women leaders and when there are opportunities to institutionalize collective action through mechanisms such as women’s caucuses or multi-party women’s alliances. Research carried out in the U.K. in 1996 found that although both women and men prioritized economic issues, women were more concerned about part-time work, low pay and pensions, while men were more concerned about unemployment. In the U.S. it has also been shown that female and male legislators have different policy priorities (Thomas 1991; Carroll 2001).

In general, women’s opportunities to exercise power tend to be greater at the local than at the national level, and in the legislative as opposed to the executive branch of

37 This section is based on the paper written by Mala Htun commissioned for the Task Force. 38 An October 1999 study by Kaufman, Kraay and Zoido-Lobatón found “a strong, negative and statistically significant relationship between the proportion of women in a country’s legislature and the level of corruption as measured by the International Country Risk Guide corruption index.” Using a large cross-section of countries, Dollar, Fisman, and Gatti (1999) find that the greater the representation of women in parliament, the lower the level of corruption. Another study using several datasets shows that corruption is less severe where women comprise a larger share of labor force, and where women hold a larger share of parliamentary seats (Swamy et al. 2001).

59 government. Therefore, the more local governing bodies are created, the more opportunities there may be for aspiring women leaders. In federal countries where power is devolved to the local level and these local bodies are popularly elected, women have greater opportunities to gain access to political office (see Table 11). In Brazil, India, and France, policies to increase women’s political participation are applied to local legislative elections. In France and India, these policies have produced massive growth in women’s presence in local office.

Table 11. Levels of Women’s Representation in some Federal Countries Country % women in national % in state legislatures % in city councils congress Brazil 9% 13% 12% France 12% ? 48% (cities over 3,500 inhabitants) India 9% 9% (average across 22 1/3 of local seats states in late 1990s) reserved for women Mexico 16% 4.5% 12% United States 14% 23% 29% in California in 1995 Source: Htun 2003.

Some countries that have recently decentralized have at the same time introduced provisions for women’s representation at local levels. In Pakistan, the Devolution of Power Plan (adopted in March 2000) reserves 33 percent of the local legislative seats for women at the union, tehsil (municipality) and district level. When India adopted the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments in 1993, intended to decentralize power to states and strengthen systems of local governance, it also required that one-third of seats in local councils (panchayats) be reserved for women.

In India, studies of women in the panchayati raj (village councils) attest to the myriad ways women’s presence has changed local politics. There are reports that women have made the panchayats more responsive to community demands for infrastructure, housing, schools, and health. Women officials have helped improve the implementation of various government programs, and their presence has made women citizens more likely to take advantage of state services and demand rights. These effects take time to register, however, since in the early stages of women’s reservations many women councilors seemed merely to act as the surrogates of their male relatives (Kudva 2001). When women are the heads of panchayats, there is a greater likelihood that policies that are sensitive to women’s needs will be implemented (Chattopadhyay and Duflo 2001).

Interventions to Increase Political Representation of Women

Gender quotas and reservations are the most effective policy tools to increase women’s representation in political bodies. Gender quotas can be either statutory or voluntary. Statutory gender quotas require that a minimum number of candidates fielded by political parties for legislative election be women. The Argentine Ley de Cupos (1991), for example, states that each party list should contain a minimum of 30 percent women. In addition, political parties can adopt quotas on a voluntary basis rather than by legal

60 statute. Reservations or reserved seats are mechanisms to set aside a percentage of legislative seats for women. These seats may be filled through competitive election or by appointment. In Taiwan, women who receive the most votes in general elections are granted the seats; in Tanzania, each party has the right to appoint a number of women in proportion to the votes it receives (Htun 2003).

In 2003, 35 countries had gender quotas or reservations (see Table A.3.1 in Annex 3). Of these 35 countries, 22 have statutory gender quotas, and 13 reserve seats in national legislatures and/or local councils for women. An additional 33 countries have political parties that apply gender quotas on a voluntary basis (that is, in the absence of national legislation). Quotas are used in rich and poor countries, developed and developing countries, and old and new democracies.

Countries with statutory quotas or reservations come from all the world’s regions, but two region-specific patterns stand out. The first is in Latin America: in the 1990s, eleven Latin American countries adopted national gender quota legislation and a twelfth, Colombia, introduced quotas for senior posts in the executive branch. The Latin American experience highlights the influence of the regional diffusion of quota policies. The second regional pattern is the Balkans, where gender quotas were introduced in every new electoral regime except for Croatia (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Serbia and Montenegro). The Balkan experiences show that the crafting of electoral institutions in the wake of civil war or the founding of a new state opens a window of opportunity for international organizations and the norms they uphold - including norms of gender equity - to shape quota policies. However, there is tremendous variation in women’s legislative representation in countries with quotas (see Table A.3.2 in Annex 3).

From the experience of those countries, a number of lessons have been learned on how to make quotas work effectively to enhance women’s representation in political bodies. The first lesson is that the impact of quotas varies significantly according to a country’s electoral system (Htun 2003). Quotas work best in closed-list, proportional representation (PR) electoral systems with placement mandates and where electoral districts tend to be larger (that is, where many candidates are elected from each electoral conscription, and parties can expect several candidates running in the district to gain a seat). In such a system, voters vote for a party list, not for individual candidates, and party leaders control the placement of candidates on the list. The number of votes received by the party determines how many candidates from the rank-ordered list will be elected. The placement mandate requires that women be placed in ‘electable’ positions (e.g. women’s positions alternate with men’s on the party list). In this system, there is a reasonably direct relationship between the number of women candidates and the number of women elected.

Second, placement mandates are critical to the success of quotas in closed-list PR electoral systems. Since candidates are elected from party lists depending on the order in which they appear, one’s placement on the list determines one’s chances of being elected. Placement mandates require parties to place women in high positions on party lists. Without these mandates, political parties tend to comply with quotas in the most “minimalist” manner permitted by law, that is the lowest possible places on the list (Jones

61 1998). For the first two elections it was applied, for example, the Costa Rican quota law contained no placement mandate and parties complied with the quotas by placing many women near the bottom of party lists from which they stood no realistic chance of getting elected. When the Costa Rican Supreme Court issued a ruling requiring parties to adopt placement mandates, women’s presence in the Costa Rican parliament jumped from 19 to 35 percent.

Third, quota laws must be specific and specify details of implementation. When quota laws are vague, they leave considerable discretion to political parties to apply - or fail to apply - quotas as they see fit. For example, the first Mexican quota law (approved in 1996) failed to specify whether the quotas should apply to regular candidates, to alternates, or to both. As a result, political parties ended up largely complying with the 30 percent gender quota by including women as alternate candidates. In Mexico’s national elections of 2000, 70 percent of alternate candidates were women. Mexico’s law, which was revised substantially in 2002, also fails to specify how the quota law is supposed to be applied in the 300 single-member districts that elect three-fifths of the Mexican Chamber of Deputies.39

Finally, for quota laws to be effective, parties must face sanctions for noncompliance. The strongest sanction is to have a party’s list of candidates declared invalid and for the party to be forbidden from contesting the election. These sanctions require that judges be willing and able to monitor party compliance, and that groups are willing and able to challenge noncompliant lists in court. When a quota law was first applied in Argentina in 1993, for example, very few party lists complied with the 30 percent women’s quota. In response, networks of women politicians and feminist activists, spearheaded by the National Women’s Council of the executive branch, appeared in court to challenge party lists. In most cases, electoral judges refused to validate the lists and sent them back to political parties (Durrieu 1999).

There are other factors - related to the national political culture - that play an important role in affecting women’s political participation. Welfare states - such as the Nordic countries and Cuba - have been found to be more conducive to women’s leadership. By offering generous provisions for child care and other forms of family support, welfare states make women’s gender roles less of an obstacle to participation in public life. A recent cross-national study of women’s presence in parliaments in 190 countries found that those governments that make the provision of welfare (or “care work” for children, the sick, and the elderly) an “affirmative duty of the state” tend to elect around 5 percent more women to national legislatures than countries without these policies (holding all other factors constant) (McDonagh 2002). The same study found an even more powerful interactive effect between constitutionalized care-work policies and policies upholding democratic civil rights. Countries with both sets of policies could be expected to have 7 percent more women in their national legislatures than other countries.

39 Though the text of the Mexican law suggests that the quota applies to both the PR and the plurality elections, sanctions for noncompliance are administered only for PR elections.

62 In the final analysis, women’s political representation can be increased through party quotas, statutory quotas, or reservations. State policies that institutionalize care responsibilities may also facilitate women’s participation in political bodies. The presence of women in power serves as an indicator of a society’s fairness and has the potential to trigger more fundamental changes in gender relations and beliefs about appropriate gender roles.

Strategic Priority #6: End Violence Against Women40

Summary

Rationale

Gender inequality perpetuates violence against women and, in turn, violence against women restricts women’s ability to use their capabilities and exploit opportunities, thereby further accentuating gender inequality. Worldwide, it has been estimated that violence against women is as serious a cause of death and incapacity among reproductive-age women as cancer, and is a greater cause of ill-health than traffic accidents and malaria combined.

Violence exists on a continuum, from violence in the private sphere to violence as a weapon of war. It is now widely recognized as an important development constraint that retards economic growth and poverty reduction (Moser and Moser 2003, Fajnzylber et al. 1998). Gender-based violence is the most widespread manifestation of the many interrelated categories of daily violence. Yet this type of violence is still relatively invisible, because it typically occurs within the private domain and is often viewed as a routine feature of gender relationships (Kelly and Radford 1998).

The health costs associated with gender-based violence are well recognized (Heise et al. 1994; World Bank 1993), but in the past decade important evidence has shown that, over and above this, gender-based violence is an important development constraint.41 Economic hardship exacerbates gender-based violence because there are links between violence and poverty, capital assets, capabilities, and insecurity. National governments,

40 This section draws heavily on Moser and Moser (2003). We are grateful to Caroline Moser and Annalise Moser for their permission to reproduce several sections of their work. 41For comprehensive overviews of current gender-based violence debates identifying such issues, see Pickup (2001); WHO (2002); Buvinic et al (1999); UNIFEM (2000).

63 women’s organizations and the UN now recognize violence against women as a basic human rights abuse; atrocities such as rape committed against women during armed conflict are acknowledged as a ‘weapon of war’ and a gender-based crime; and social violence in the home is closely interrelated with economic crime, as well as with political and institutional violence at the local and national level.

The Task Force has chosen to focus on two important types of violence: intimate partner violence––which occurs in the home within marriage or other intimate relationships, and whose manifestations include rape and other forms of sexual violence, physical violence, and psychological abuse; and non-intimate sexual violence, defined as abuse by non- intimate partners or strangers within the wider community. Its manifestations include rape and sexual assault in public spaces. In conflict situations, women are at increased risk of this type of violence. Whether in conflict or non-conflict settings, women are primarily the victims of non-intimate partner sexual violence and men primarily the perpetrators. Regardless of socio-economic, religious or ethnicity, there is very high prevalence of both types of violence against women around the world.

Prevalence of Violence Against Women: Accurate statistical data on the prevalence of gender-based violence is constrained by the combination of under-reporting by victims and under-recording of cases by police.42 In the absence of systematic global data on this type of violence, existing evidence almost certainly represents minimum levels of the phenomenon. Few national statistical bodies collect data on the topic, and many of the available studies yield information which is incomparable across countries or regions.43

Where population-based surveys are available, however, they typically find that violence against women cuts across socio-economic, religious, and ethnic groups, and across geographical areas.44 Evidence from diverse contexts reveals that women living in poverty are especially vulnerable to gender-based violence (WHO 2002; KfW 2002; Bid et al. 2002; Omorodion and Olusanya 1998), as are adolescent girls.

Poor women are at risk of violence when carrying out essential daily survival strategies - walking or taking public transport to work, collecting water or firewood - especially when these activities are undertaken early in the morning or late at night. Using public transport can make women especially vulnerable to rape, as reported in Papua New Guinea (Sen 1998), India (Bid et al. 2002), and in Zambia, where girls are at risk of sexual abuse by school bus drivers (Human Rights Watch 2002). Isolated or unlit areas such as dark paths, isolated bus stops, or public latrines are also frequent locations of rape (KfW 2002; Louw and Shaw 1997; Human Rights Watch 1995). A study in metropolitan

42 The most common reasons for under-reporting include fear of retaliation by the attacker, cultural stigma, and the view that such violence is a legitimate aspect of a woman’s role (Pickup 2001; UNICEF 2000). Under-recording often occurs where gender-based violence is not considered to be a crime. 43 Most systematic studies have been carried out in the North, with those undertaken in the South generally very localized. 44 Gender-based violence is, however, not inevitable. An ethnographic study of 90 societies around the world revealed that there are some societies in which gender-based violence appears not to exist (Levinson, 1989).

64 South Africa found that 15.5 percent of incidents of sexual abuse occurred in outdoor public places (Bollen et al. 1999).

Adolescent girls are also at risk of violence, often experiencing sexual violence in schools and other educational facilities. This problem is particularly acute in Africa. An Africa Rights report identified cases of teachers gaining ‘sexual favors’ in return for good grades in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Nigeria, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Zambia and Zimbabwe (Omaar and de Waal 1994). Studies also estimate that one third of schoolgirls in Johannesburg have been subjected to sexual violence at school (cited in Hayward 2000).45

Statistics from 48 surveys around the world report that between 10 and 69 percent of women were physically assaulted by an intimate male partner at some time in their lives (Heise et al. 1999; see Annex 4). In regional terms, 10 - 35 percent of women across Latin America, and 13 - 45 percent of women in sub-Saharan Africa have experienced physical intimate partner violence (Buvinić et al. 1999; Heise et al. 1999). Smaller-scale studies show similar levels of violence against women, with 66 percent of women in Bangladesh (villages), 67 percent in rural Papua New Guinea, 59 percent in Japan, 52 percent in Nicaragua, 35 percent in Egypt, and 41 percent in Uganda reporting having been physically abused by an intimate partner (Schuler et al. 1998; Sancho-Liao 1993; UNICEF 2000).

Intimate partner rape is also common. Global surveys identify 10 - 15 percent of women reporting being forced to have sex with their intimate partner (Heise et al. 1994). Local level data reinforce this finding. A study in Guadalajara, Mexico found that 23 percent of women reported having been the victim of a rape by a partner in their lifetime, and similar figures have been recorded in North London, England (23 percent), Lima, Peru (23 percent), Georgia, United States (42 percent) and Midlands, Zimbabwe (25 percent) (WHO 2002; Kalichan et al. 1998).

Non-intimate partner sexual violence, the second important form of gender-based violence, also shows high global prevalence, with at least one in five women suffering rape or attempted rape during their lifetimes (WHO 1997b).46 At the country level, South Africa has the highest reported rape rate, with a woman raped every 90 seconds (Coomaraswamy 1994). In Papua New Guinea, one study found that 55 percent of women had been raped (IRNVAW 1998). Crime victim surveys reveal that the percentage of women reporting having been sexually assaulted in the previous five years ranges from 1.6 percent in Beijing, China, to 8 percent in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and 6 percent in Tirana, Albania (WHO 2002). Studies also show that many young women experience forced sexual initiation, with figures at 48 percent in Caribbean countries (WHO 2002), 21 percent in the Central African Republic (Heise et al. 1999), and 32

45 An extreme case occurred in 1991 at a school in Meru, Kenya, when 71 teenage girls were raped by their classmates and 19 others were killed (cited in WHO 2002). The school’s principal stated: ‘The boys never meant any harm against the girls. They just wanted to rape’ (Toronto Star, cited in Green 1999). 46 Figures on rape are likely to be conservative. In Chile, for example, around 615 cases of rape are reported to the police each year, but the actual number of estimated rapes is closer to 20,000 (Seager 2003).

65 percent of pregnant adolescents in an antenatal clinic in Cape Town, South Africa (Jewkes et al. 2001).

An International Rescue Committee study suggests that sexual violence has been a strategy of armed conflict in virtually all recently concluded and current armed conflicts (Ward 2002). Documentary evidence of this phenomenon comes from Argentina, Guatemala, El Salvador, Afghanistan, Korea, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Algeria, Kuwait, Sudan, Angola and South Africa.47 While wartime rape may be an end in itself, it can also be used as a means of subverting community bonds, both as ‘war booty’ and ‘asset stripping’ as in Mozambique (Turshen 2001), or as a tool of ‘ethnic cleansing’ as in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Cockburn 1998) and Rwanda (WHO 2002). In post-conflict contexts, women are also extremely vulnerable to rape in refugee camps. One study found that 26 percent of Burundi women in a Tanzanian camp had experienced sexual violence since becoming a refugee (Nduna and Goodyear 1997), while in the Rwandan camps in 1994, it was reported that virtually every women and girl past puberty had been sexually assaulted (Coomaraswamy 1998).

Interventions for Reducing Violence Against Women

The scale and complexity of gender-based violence means there are no blueprint global solutions to this development constraint. Only multi-disciplinary strategies that deal with the complex and intersecting dynamics that perpetuate violence will be effective. Extraordinary progress has been made in the last ten years in addressing this issue. Documented evidence reveals an extensive range of interventions - from those that seek to prevent gender based-violence, to support for survivors of abuse, to those that punish its perpetrators.

Moser and Moser (2003) provide a systematic categorization of current solutions by classifying the main policy and programmatic approaches in terms of objectives, level and the main type of intervention, as shown in Table 12. These interventions may be separate gender-based violence initiatives, or components within sector-wide programs. As with any categorization, these are ideal types; in reality policy makers and practitioners are shifting towards more integrated approaches, as well as ‘mainstreaming’ gender-based violence interventions into cross-sector violence reduction strategies.

47 See Leslie (2001); WHO (2002); Seager (2003); Brunet and Rousseau (1998); and Kumar (2001).

66 Table 12. Sector Level Interventions to Address Gender-based Violence Sector policy or Objective in terms of Level of Type of intervention program addressing gender-based intervention violence Human Rights Legal enforcement by states, International Global human rights documents and other social actors and policies Criminal Justice Deterrence and control National state laws Gender-based violence laws National/ municipal Legal reform programs Conciliatory mechanisms Training of police and judiciary Women’s police stations Health Prevention and victim support State/municipal Training & procedures programs Crisis services for victims Programs for perpetrators Education Prevention and reduction National/ School-based education Municipal/NGOs programs Communication campaigns Community- Victim support and Community through Shelters & hotlines driven empowerment of perpetrators municipal /national Peer partnerships Development programs Community-based protection Conflict Addresses GBV in International UN guidelines prevention and reconstruction National Services for refugees reconstruction Municipal Task force on humanitarian abuse Urban upgrading Deterrence and reduction by Municipal Land use planning and environmental improvements Transport infrastructure Water and sanitation Source: Moser and Moser 2003.

Human Rights Instruments: In the past decade a series of critical human rights treaties have defined violence as a human rights violation. In 1992, the prohibition of violence was incorporated into the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) (United Nations 1979), obliging states to report on measures to reduce gender-based violence. In June 1993, the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action incorporated a special emphasis on gendered forms of violence. In December 1993, the UN Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, addressing abuse of women at home, in the community, and by the state, and including the recognition of the state’s duty to prevent, investigate and punish acts of violence against women (United Nations 1993). These advances were reinforced by the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (United Nations 1995).

Although these treaties represent important achievements, fundamental limitations to the human rights mechanisms and instruments remain at the international level. Human rights treaties are difficult to enforce because this depends on individual governments, rather than global civil society, and because many women are unaware of their rights and few are in a position to claim them.

National, Sectoral and Local Interventions: National governments have attempted to overcome these constraints through two principle actions. First, they have adopted new legislation - although to date the track record on implementation is mixed. Second, they have developed national plans for the elimination of violence against women, although

67 these plans have often proved more valuable as symbols of commitment than as an instigator of change.

Throughout the 1990s, countries around the world adopted new legislation on intimate partner violence, as well as reforming laws relating to rape. To date, 45 nations (28 in Latin America and the Caribbean) have adopted specific legislation against domestic violence, 21 more are drafting new laws, and many countries have amended criminal assault laws to include domestic violence (UNIFEM 2003a). This legislation addresses such issues as broadening the definition rape to include that by intimate partners; reforming rules on sentencing; facilitating the granting of restraining orders; and removing requirements to corroborate a victim’s account or prove her lack of consent. Despite significant advances, considerable challenges remain in terms of consistent and effective implementation and enforcement of the legislation.

Complementing national level initiatives are an extensive range of policy and programmatic interventions that target gender-based violence at the sector level. Criminal justice, with its emphasis on deterrence and control, is an accepted institutional approach to combating gender-based violence. Legislation criminalizing and deterring such violence - complementing the national legislative reform discussed earlier - forms the top tier of criminal justice interventions. Other more recent innovations include alternative conciliatory mechanisms, judicial and police training, and all-women police stations.

The health system is often the first entry point for victims of abuse. Most women victims of partner or sexual violence visit health care service providers at some point in their lifetime, while often resisting contact with the police or other services (Heise et al. 1994). A range of interventions can be identified in this sector - intended both to provide victim support as well as to deter additional violence. Common interventions include training protocols for health care providers, integrated victim service centers, referral systems that link health care settings with legal and law enforcement services, and programs for perpetrators.

Education provides another important entry-point for combating or preventing gender- based violence. Educational interventions include both school-based programs, and broader communication campaigns aimed at raising awareness of the entire community or of targeted groups such as violent men. Communication campaigns are widely used to raise awareness and change behavior, especially relating to intimate partner violence. Media such as pamphlets, radio, television and theatre serve to educate and promote change, and can reach large audiences. Posters can also be effective: after a poster campaign to combat domestic violence was launched in New York’s subways and buses, calls to the advertised hotline increased by 14 percent (UNIFEM 2001).

Communities play an important role in defining solutions to violence and providing support to victims of abuse. Crisis shelters, telephone hotlines, community-based networks, and locally devised and implemented dispute resolution processes are examples of local-level interventions.

68 Infrastructure-Related Interventions: Because violence occurs in unsafe public spaces, interventions to improve public infrastructure also can contribute to reducing violence against women. Urban areas around the world have already adopted transport sector interventions. To address the problem of violence in unsafe streets and on public transport, the City of Montreal, for instance, introduced the ‘Between Two Stops’ bus service, allowing women to get off the bus at nighttime at a location closer to their destination. Another public transport intervention, ‘The Lady Bus’, implemented in May 2000 by the Bangkok Mass Transit Authority, is a response to women’s complaints of sexual harassment and violence while commuting. The Lady Bus only accepts women passengers, with male bus drivers and conductors intended to protect the women passengers in case of emergency. On salary payment days (the most risky period for women using public transport), every third bus is the Lady Bus—a service that will be increased if the project proves to be successful (UNCHS 2001). Mumbai commuter trains similarly include women-only cars.

Women’s security using public latrines has been addressed with varying degrees of success. For instance, the sanitation component of an Oxfam urban development program in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia designed latrines (to be used by women and men alike) with inadequate doors and no electric light. Local women perceived these as unsafe and inappropriate, and therefore did not use them (Tadele 1996). In India, by contrast, the National Slum Dwellers’ Federation and the women’s organization Mahila Milan built a new community toilet managed by local women on a pay-and-use system. With 20 seats, plus 10 for children, the facilities have improved conditions of safety and cleanliness (UNCHS 2001).

Urban upgrading has been identified as an important entry point to address various types of violence, including sexual abuse. The recent ‘Violence Prevention through Urban Upgrading’ project, for instance, responds to extreme violence levels in the Khayelitsha township, Cape Town, South Africa through an interlinked ‘triangle’ of urban renewal strategies for better environmental arrangements (to reduce opportunities for violence), criminal justice measures (to discourage potential violators), and public health and conflict resolution interventions (to support victims of violence) (KfW/City of Cape Town 2002). The project feasibility study demonstrated a strong relationship between levels of violence and crime, and inadequate infrastructure provision. Extreme levels of rape were exacerbated by narrow paths, open fields, distant communal latrines, unsafe transport hubs, poor lighting, empty shacks, and proximity to shebeens (bars or pubs).

Global Initiatives: Although the global community has rallied to address other epidemics (such as HIV and tuberculosis), it continues to fail to respond in the same way to the epidemic of violence against women. For instance, while the U.N. General Assembly resolution 50/166 established a Trust Fund to End Violence Against Women at UNIFEM, country needs and requests far outstrip the Fund’s current resources. The Trust Fund receives about $15 million in requests annually, but has only $1 million to disburse. Given its visibility and track record, the Trust Fund could serve as an important mechanism for a strong global response.

69 There are other global initiatives that have sought to change the norms that support violence against women. The most visible examples are (i) The 16 Days of Activism to End Violence against Women, celebrated each year from 25 November48 through 10 December (International Human Rights Day), which involves tens of thousands of (mostly) women’s NGOs in nearly every country worldwide, and (ii) the V-Day Campaign, that uses Valentine’s Day in February to raise the issue of intimate partner violence against women.

The Task Force seeks to complement these global and other national efforts by calling for a global campaign to end violence against women, spearheaded by the UN Secretary- General and endorsed by the General Assembly. The Task Force recommends that the campaign draw links between violence against women and women’s vulnerability in the HIV/AIDS epidemic, highlighting yet another reason to bring about the normative and on-the-ground change required to end violence against women, and building on the leadership that the U.N., and the Secretary-General, in particular, have already provided in the fight against the global AIDS epidemic. The goal of the global campaign would be to mobilize leadership at all levels, local, national, and international, to generate action to make violence against women unacceptable. It will consist of a mass media campaign, support for efforts to generate country-level data on the prevalence of violence against women, and an infusion of resources to the UNIFEM Trust Fund to allow for a larger number of small grants to be distributed for evaluating and expanding local interventions, increasing the visibility of those interventions that reduce the levels of violence against women, and disseminating best practices. The campaign will also include a global call to enlist communities and leaders to address this gross violation of women’s rights. The plans for such a campaign are already underway under the umbrella of the Global Coalition for Women and AIDS, established by UNAIDS and its co-sponsoring agencies.

Section VI. Making It Happen

In the discussion above the Task Force has outlined six strategic priorities for adoption by local and national governments, donors, the international policy and technical community, and civil society organizations. In the end, whether gender equality and women’s empowerment are achieved is mostly in the hands of policymakers in the developing countries. The nature and composition of governance, public policy, spending decisions, and political will in those countries will determine whether and how the strategic priorities discussed above are implemented.

At the same time, the Task Force believes that even the best effort and policy change at the country level will not be enough. For the poorest countries in particular, that are most at risk of falling short on this and the other goals, the input, leverage and sustained commitment of the donor community is critical.

48 The day commemorating the execution of the Mirabel Sisters in Dominican Republic and now celebrated as the International Day to End Violence against Women.

70 Sustainable implementation of the six strategic priorities therefore requires the creation of what can only be termed “women-friendly” governance structures at the national and international levels.

Enabling Environment at the National Level

The characteristics of an enabling national environment include:

1. Effective National Women’s Machineries.

One component of a women-friendly state is an effective national women’s machinery (NWM) that integrates gender considerations into national policies and programs across all sectoral ministries and departments. The Task Force recommends strengthening NWMs to make them more effective. To know how to make NWMs more effective requires us to draw from the lessons learned over the past two decades since NWMs were first introduced.

At the First World Conference on Women, which launched the UN Decade for Women in 1975, NWMs were seen as the most effective way to improve the position of women. Defined by the UN as “a single body or complex organized system of bodies, often under different authorities, but recognized by the government as the institution dealing with the promotion of the status of women,” NWMs were seen then as an effective transitional measure for accelerating equal opportunities for women, in the hope that over time, women’s considerations would be fully integrated into all development planning and implementation, negating the need for a separate entity within national governments to address women’s disadvantage.

After two decades, despite the vision of NWMs as a short-term strategy, NWMs are here to stay. This, in some sense, constitutes a failure. While the establishment of NWMs has contributed to the development of some innovative approaches to address women’s needs, they have not, on the whole, met the expectation of integrating gender concerns into the policies and programs of all ministries and departments. Their limited effectiveness has been attributed to low budgets, lack of appropriately qualified staff, and lack of stature and influence within the government. Moreover, some have argued that the creation of separate institutions has led to a marginalization or “ghettoization” of women’s issues in the social and welfare sectors rather than an integration of these issues into all development policies and programs.

Thus, twenty years later, in 1995 there was a change in the conception of the role of NWMs as endorsed by the Beijing Platform for Action. In this new form, NWMs are expected to go beyond the mere adding-on of women’s perspectives to existing polices

71 and programs to a more ambitious goal of institutionalizing or mainstreaming gender concerns across all development planning and implementation at the national level. This shift from integration to institutionalization requires NWMs to have the power to influence other ministries and departments, rather than merely implementing projects or programs for women. To do this effectively, requires NWMs to draw from lessons derived from the evaluations of existing NWMs.

The Task Force draws on these evaluations to suggest that NWMs must have the following features in order to meet the goal of gender equality. a. A strong mandate

In order for NWMs to have sufficient status to promote changes in government policy, it is important for them to have established mandates supported by law or decree, defining their powers and roles. NWMs themselves must have specific goals and priorities, with coherent lines of responsibility and accountability. In addition, it is crucial that the goal of gender equality is integrated into national policy objectives overall, otherwise any initiatives established by a NWM will be viewed as a drain on resources rather than contributing to meeting the goals of other ministries. b. A policy oversight and advocacy role

In the past, NWMs have experienced a conflict between their policy advisory, oversight and advocacy roles and direct involvement in project and program implementation. Each of these requires different skills and institutional cultures and when NWMs struggle to do them all, they are overburdened with multiple agendas and fail to have an impact in any single area. The Task Force recommends that direct involvement in project implementation should not be a central part of the activity of NWMs. In order to mainstream gender, policy oversight and advocacy must be their key role. Project implementation should only be done in conjunction with the relevant specialized ministries, unless there is a need for the implementation of innovative demonstration projects to make the case for a different approach. c. An appropriate location within the government

Given its cross-sectoral nature, there is no obvious location for an NWM. In some countries the gender and development unit is merged with a social welfare ministry as in Cameroon, or grouped together with residual issues such as Youth and Culture, as in Uganda. In a survey of 34 Commonwealth countries in 1993, 65 percent of those who reported having a NWM had the department located within ministries whose title did not include any reference to the women’s affairs portfolio (Obang 1993). To be effective, an NWM must be placed within a ministry or department that provides it with the necessary influence to effect change in the national planning and budgeting process. The recommended option is for the NWM to be constituted as a central advisory body within the President’s or Prime Minister’s office, (such as in the Philippines and Tonga) or within a single ministry that has the most power to influence macro-policy changes, such

72 as the Planning Ministry (such as SERNAM in Chile) or the Ministry of Finance (such as in Zambia).

d. An adequate budget

There is wide consensus that all women’s machineries are severely under-funded and that women’s concerns are marginal in budgetary planning. As a result, policy commitments often fail to be implemented and NWMs are forced to adopt strategies to focus on just one activity or a number of small projects (Ashworth 1994). Given the resource constraints, NWMs are often forced to rely on external funding. Although there are problems associated with an increased dependency on external donors, it is noteworthy that even middle-income countries like Chile and the Philippines increasingly rely on external funding sources (Byrne et al. 1996). The Task Force recommends that budgets for NWMs be made commensurate with the mandate for monitoring and accountability, with funds coming from the country’s own revenues (supplemented where necessary by donor resources), in order to create the institutional structure at the country-level to meet the goal of gender equality. Using budgetary appropriations for other cross-sectoral ministries (such as the environment) may be a good benchmark for measuring the success of NWMs. e. Technically qualified staff

The size and technical capacity of the staff defines the ability of NWMs to institutionalize gender within government policies and programs. A 1990 survey of Caribbean countries revealed that NWMs had an average staff size of four (with the exception of Jamaica, which had 15) and that the average age of the head of the NWM was 37, suggesting that the job was a relatively low-status job (Moser 1993). In contrast, NWMs in Chile and the Philippines have at least 40 full-time staff plus field- level workers.

The cross-sectoral nature of the work of NWMs requires staff that have a wide range of skills, from a conceptual clarity on the meaning of the term gender to skills in gender analysis, project design, implementation and evaluation, and policy analysis. Crucially, as Goetz (1995) points out, there is also a need for NWM staff to have financial skills to ensure that policy commitments are followed through in national and ministerial budgets. f. Links to national networks of civil society organizations

To be effective, NWMs must have legitimacy and credibility with women’s organizations and NGOs representing women’s interests within the country. They must create informal or formal structures through which they can regularly hear from, consult with, and respond to the needs and concerns of women’s organizations. Such mechanisms range from informal discussions, to seats for NGO representatives on government committees, or the holding of public hearings. A system of formal representation is likely to exclude small and lesser known organizations. Therefore, in settings where women’s organizations are diverse, public hearings combined with informal consultations may be more effective. Setting such direct links with their constituency - women’s organizations - can also help to maintain the accountability of NWMs. In some cases, though, there

73 may be a conflict of interest between the different constituencies of a NWM. The demands of women’s organizations, international donors, government agencies, and political parties may be very different, and, in some cases, may contradict one another. For example, the Bangladesh Ministry of Women has had to balance the conflicting expectations of Western and Islamist donors, while simultaneously responding to the inputs from Bangladeshi women’s organizations and NGOs (Goetz 1995). Such conflicts can be fruitful if carefully managed. Donors, for instance, should be encouraged to fund the strengthening of the relationship between NWMs and NGOs, as they so effectively did in the lead up to the Beijing conference in 1995. That process greatly strengthened the legitimacy and credibility of many NWMs both in the eyes of their donors and of women’s organizations and NGOs in-country. g. Institutional autonomy

The institutional weakness of NWMs typically makes them vulnerable to political interference and manipulation. Ministers of NWMs are often relatives of heads of state or other important political figures. Such connections greatly undermine the legitimacy and autonomy of NWMs and can significantly affect relationships with women’s organizations within the country. Institutional autonomy and technical credibility are therefore key for the success of a NWM.

Overall, efforts to strengthen NWMs can greatly benefit from being integrated with programs of civil service and administrative reform that are being implemented in many countries. Reform and restructuring efforts provide a new opportunity for the institutionalizing of gender as part and parcel of the reform package, through the redirection of resources, introduction of new mechanisms for gender training, and enhanced control mechanisms to ensure the effectiveness of gender integration procedures.

Transitions to democracy and periods of post-conflict reconstruction also provide opportunities to institutionalize gender. These are periods of relatively rapid and dramatic change where different players jockey for power and organizations review and often re-set their mandates, providing an opportune moment that can be grasped by activists to promote women’s interests. For instance, Chile’s NWM - SERNAM - was born in the transition to democracy, when a coalition of women’s organizations (Concertacion de Mujeres por la Democracia) successfully demanded that a Ministry for Women be incorporated into the electoral program of the Coalition. If not taken advantage of, however, transitional periods can also result in the deinstitutionalization of gender issues.

74 2. Increasing Women’s Representation in Legislative Bodies.

How to increase women’s representation in political bodies was discussed as Strategic Priority #5 earlier in this report. It is worth reiterating here that the presence of women in power serves as an indicator of society’s commitment to gender equality and women’s empowerment and has the potential to trigger more fundamental changes in gender relations and beliefs about appropriate gender roles.

3. Mechanisms for Assessing Progress and Holding Stakeholders Accountable.

In addition to effective national women’s machineries and a sizable number of women legislators, women-friendly nation states also must have mechanisms to hold various governmental stakeholders accountable. These include appropriate data for civil society and government to monitor progress, and a strong legal framework and mechanisms to enforce it.

a. Assessing Progress - Sex-Disaggregated Data and Statistics49

Without sex-disaggregated data, it is difficult to know where to target interventions. Data are a critical tool for accountability. There are big gaps in data at the country level, which makes it hard to advocate for change or trumpet successes. Gaps are greatest in women’s economic participation and violence against women, which is why the Task Force recommends focusing on data collection efforts in these two areas. (Annex 1 describes in detail the indicators that should be used for tracking progress on women’s status at the country level).

Work to prepare new indicators on women’s economic participation and on violence have been supported by key recommendations of the international women’s conferences, as well as by other international legislative mandates over the past two decades. The development of new statistical series as part of the official data of countries, which in turn are the basis of data in the international system requires substantial resources of time and money. New statistical series are the result of a long process of development and change, including discussions between producers and users of statistics, pilot work and testing, review of this experience, development of methodological guidelines and assistance to countries to undertake new data collection efforts. Substantial funding is required to undertake the requisite methodological work to prepare guidelines for data collection, to build the capacity of countries to collect and compile these data, and for staff to coordinate these activities in the appropriate international and regional organizations.

Fortunately, much work has already been undertaken and methods are available which countries can adopt for collecting data and preparing indicators on informal employment and on incidence of domestic violence. The Task Force recommends additional

49 This section has been informed by a research conducted by Joann Vanek for the Task Force.

75 resources and support be given to countries for such data to be gathered systematically over time and made available for international comparative purposes. b. Accountability Mechanisms - The Legal Framework

The Convention to Eliminate All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) provides a powerful mechanism for stakeholders at the country level to hold their governments accountable for meeting Goal 3. The reporting obligation established in the Convention, and the work of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women – the body of 23 experts that monitors implementation of the Convention, provide, in tandem with civil society efforts, a context in which discrimination against women can be eliminated and in which women can de facto fully enjoy their rights.50 Frequently, the reporting process has created partnerships between Government, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and United Nations entities, which work together to achieve the goals of the Convention.

Good practices exist in many countries with respect to reporting and following-up on the reports and the ensuing recommendations. In the Netherlands, the Government is required to report to Parliament every four years on the implementation of the Convention before the State party’s report is submitted to the Committee, and the concluding comments of the Committee are also presented to the Parliament. Some Parliaments, such as in Uruguay, organize a session in Parliament on follow-up to the Committee’s recommendations and call on members of the Government to come and discuss them. Some States parties, including Mexico and Sweden, convene seminars or special meetings to discuss the Committee’s concluding comments. Many States parties publish their reports, together with the Committee’s concluding comments, in order to give wide publicity to the Convention and its implementation.

With the entry into force on 10 December 2000 of the Optional Protocol to the Convention, the mandate of the Committee was expanded to consider individual complaints by or on behalf of individuals or groups of individuals who claim to be victims of a violation of rights set forth in the Convention, and to inquire into grave or systematic violations of the Convention’s terms. As of May 2003, 51 States were parties to the Optional Protocol. The Optional Protocol is the most visible means for women to seek redress at the international level when domestic judicial systems are faulty and discriminatory laws against women still exist. It strengthens existing national mechanisms that seek to ensure women’s full enjoyment of their rights, not only because it opens the path to relief for individual grievances, but also because it is a tool for improving understanding by States and individuals alike of the obligations imposed by the Convention.

The Convention has had a positive impact on legal and other developments in countries throughout the world. Such developments include the strengthening of provisions in Constitutions of many countries guaranteeing equality between women and men and

50 This section of the paper relies on material prepared for the Task Force by Carolyn Hannan, Director, UN Division for the Advancement of Women.

76 providing a constitutional basis for the protection of women’s human rights. For example, the revised Brazilian Constitution includes extensive guarantees reflecting the Convention, and the South African Constitution contains significant provisions guaranteeing women’s equality. Judges have also used the Convention in their decision- making. For example, the Botswana Court of Appeal relied on international treaties, including the Convention, to uphold a challenge to the provisions of the nationality law which at the time did not permit a Botswanan woman married to a non-Botswanan national to pass on her nationality to her children. The Supreme Court of Nepal relied on the Convention in deciding to order the Government to introduce a bill to Parliament to address discriminatory laws providing that while a son was entitled to a share of his father’s property at birth, a daughter was only able to obtain a share when she reached the age of 35 and was unmarried. The Supreme Court of Canada also drew on the Convention and the Committee’s general recommendation no. 19 on violence against women in a case of alleged sexual assault.

The Task Force is developing several recommendations for strengthening CEDAW implementation and enforcement within countries that will be discussed in the final report.

c. Strengthening Women’s Organizations Participation in National-Level Budgetary Processes

The Task Force will be discussing specific ideas with country stakeholders in the coming months which will be elaborated in the final report.

4. Knowledge of the Costs of Gender Inequality and Financing of Interventions to Promote Equality and Women’s Empowerment.

Estimating the costs of gender equality is a difficult and complex terrain and there are many definitional and methodological issues that need to be addressed. One important issue is how to define gender equality. Most studies that estimate the costs of gender inequality restrict themselves to only one domain - for instance, inequality in capabilities, defined as gender parity in education. Some recent studies, discussed below, have attempted to estimate the cost of reproductive health problems and the costs of violence against women. Even the estimates from these partial approaches show the great costs associated with gender inequality. However, no study has attempted to estimate the costs of gender inequality across all domains because this is difficult to do without addressing the data requirements that are necessary for such analysis.

In addition, there are many methodological issues that need to be addressed. Standard methodologies may not work for costing gender equality. Experimentation and innovation are required to move this effort forward. a. The Costs of Gender Inequality

These include the costs in terms of loss of economic efficiency and poor reproductive health, as well as the social, health, and economic costs of violence against women.

i. The Costs of Gender Inequality in Education to Productivity and Growth The World Bank (2001a) reports the results of a series of studies in the 1990s that estimated the costs of gender equality tin education to economic growth and productivity in selected sectors (World Bank 2001a, Chapter 2). Those findings will be not repeated here. Suffice to note a few highlights.

Research on education and economic growth shows that failing to invest in girls’ education lowers GNP. Hill and King (1995) estimate that, everything else being equal, countries in which the ratio of female-to-male enrolment in primary or secondary education is less than 0.75 can expect levels of GNP that are roughly 25 percent lower than countries in which there is less gender disparity in enrolments. Research on gender inequality in the labor market shows that eliminating gender discrimination in occupation and pay could increase not only women's income, but also national income. Tzannatos (1991), for instance, estimates that, if gender inequality in the labor market in Latin America were to be eliminated, not only could women's wages rise by about 50 percent, but national output could rise by 5 percent.

More recently, Abu-Ghaida and Klasen (2002) show that countries that fail to meet the goal of gender parity in education will face considerable costs, both in terms of foregone economic growth as well as reductions in fertility, child mortality and malnutrition. Further, without appropriate action, these costs will increase over time. They estimate that countries that are off track in female primary and secondary school enrolment might lose from 0.1-0.3 percentage points in annual economic growth between 1995 and 2005 and an average of 0.4 percentage points between 2005 and 2015. ii The Costs of Poor Reproductive Health A recent report by the Alan Guttmacher Institute and UNFPA synthesizes current evidence for the costs (and benefits) of sexual and reproductive health care. The health costs are expressed in disability-adjust life years (DALYs).51 According to the WHO’s 2001 estimates, sexual and reproductive health problems account for 18 percent of the global burden of disease and 32 percent of the burden among women ages 15-44 worldwide (AGI/UNFPA forthcoming). More specifically:

• Pregnancy and delivery-related complications – hemorrhage, sepsis resulting from childbirth, obstructed labor, pregnancy-related hypertensive disorder and unsafe abortion – account for two percent of all DALYs lost and 13 percent of all DALYs lost among reproductive-aged women; • Perinatal conditions (low birth weight, birth asphyxia and birth trauma) account for seven percent of all DALYs lost; • HIV/AIDS accounts for 5 percent of all DALYs lost and 14 percent among women ages 15-44, and;

51 DALYs represent the sum of two components: the cumulative number of years lost as a result of premature death and the cumulative number of healthy years of life lost to disability. They are further adjusted for age and stage of life in which the disease or disability emerges.

78 • Other sexual and reproductive health conditions – STIs other than HIV/AIDS, iron-deficiency anemia among women, genitourinary diseases, and breast, ovarian, cervical and uterine cancer - account for three percent of all DALYs lost and five percent among women ages 15-44.

By comparison, respiratory illnesses account for 11 percent of all DALYs lost, cardiovascular diseases for 10 percent, and neuropsychiatric conditions for 13 percent.

The report also notes that investing in reproductive and sexual health services is cost effective. An early study in Mexico found that for every peso the Mexican social security system spent on family planning services during 1972-1984, it saved nine pesos for treating complications of unsafe abortion and providing maternal and infant care. Every dollar invested in Thailand’s family planning program saved the government more than $16. And, an analysis in Egypt found that every dollar invested in family planning saved the government $31 (all studies cited in AGI/UNFPA forthcoming, p. 11). Beyond these savings, reproductive and sexual health services deliver other medical, social and economic benefits, including prevention of morbidity and mortality, improvements in women’s social position, and increases in macroeconomic investment and growth. iii. The Costs of Violence Against Women The health-related, economic and social costs of violence against women - on women themselves, on their families, and on social and economic development - are thought by many researchers to be substantial. Most of the data that exist on the costs of violence refer to the experiences of Western industrialized countries such as Canada, United Kingdom, Finland, Australia, and New Zealand, where systems of information and services are well-developed. A few recent studies, however, have estimated the costs of violence against women in countries in Latin America.

Estimates of the costs of violence against women distinguish four types of costs: direct, non-monetary, economic multiplier effects, and social multiplier effects. 52

52 The following discussion of the four different kinds of costs is adapted from Buvinic, Morrison, and Shifter (1999), pp. 13-14.

79 Table 13. Estimated Cost Of Violence Against Women Country/ Total Cost Estimate Year Type of Violence Types of Costs included in Region (USD) Estimate New South $US1,000,000,000 1991 Domestic violence Individual, Government, Wales, of women at various Employer and Third Party – Australia (A$ 1.524.820.000) stages. Health care, Legal, Criminal justice, Social welfare, Employment, Child care, and Housing53

Canada $US2,750,000,000 1995 Physical violence, Individual, Government, and Sexual assault, rape, Third party - Social services & (C$ 4.225.000.000) incest, child sexual education, Criminal justice, Labor abuse & work, Health & medical54 Netherlands $US80,000,000 1997 Physical and sexual Police and justice, Medical, domestic violence Psychosocial care, Labor and (f 165.900.000) against women social security55

Source: Buvinic and Morrison, eds. 2000.

Direct costs refer to the value of goods and services used in preventing violence, treating victims, and apprehending and prosecuting perpetrators (Buvinic and Morrison 1997). For example, the direct annual cost of violence against women in Canada has been estimated to be Canadian $684 million in the criminal justice system and $187 million for police. Counseling and training in response to violence is estimated at $294 million, for a total of over Canadian $1 billion a year.56 Table 23 summarizes some of the estimates of other studies.

Non-monetary costs include increased suffering, morbidity and mortality; abuse of alcohol and drugs; and depression. A 1993 World Bank study estimated that annual rates of rape and domestic violence translated into nine million years of disability adjusted life years (DALY) including years lost to premature mortality as well as the actual time lost because of disability or illness (World Bank 1993). In a study in Mexico City, violence against women was found to be the third most important cause of lives lost (Lozano 1999).

The broader economic effects of violence against women, described as economic multiplier effects, include such aspects as increased absenteeism, decreased labor market participation, reduced productivity, lower earnings, investment and savings, and lower inter-generational productivity. Morrison and Orlando (1999) calculated the effects of violence against women on women’s earnings. In Chile, domestic violence reduced women’s earnings by $1.56 billion (more than 2 percent of GDP in 1996); in Nicaragua, earnings were reduced by $29.5 million (about 1.6 percent of 1996 GDP). In both countries, abused women earned far less than non-abused women, controlling for a

53 New South Wales Women’s Coordination Unit (1991). 54 L. Greaves, O. Hankivsky and J. Kingston-Riechers (1995). 55 D. J. Korf et al. (1997). 56 Ibid., p. 15

80 number of factors likely to affect earnings. In Nicaragua, women in paid employment lost US$29.5 million because of domestic violence, the equivalent of 1.6 per cent of the 1996 GNP. Research conducted in India estimated that women lost an average of 7 working days after an incident of violence (International Center for Research on Women 2000).

Beyond effects on women’s earnings, there are effects on children’s schooling. A study in Nicaragua noted that 63 percent of children of female victims had to repeat a school year, and left school an average of 4 years earlier than other children (Larraín et al. 1997).

Social multiplier effects are the impact of violence on interpersonal relations and quality of life. These include the effect on children of witnessing violence, reduced quality of life, and reduced participation in democratic processes. Children who witness abuse, or who are victims themselves, tend to imitate that behavior and perpetuate the cycle of abuse (Larraín et. al. 1997). Women who have been abused by intimate partners are often socially isolated, often at the partner’s insistence. This prevents a woman from participating in community and income-earning activities, but perhaps most important of all, robs her of the social interaction that might help her end the abuse (Buvinic, et al. 1999, p. 21).

b. The Financial Costs of Interventions to Achieve Gender Equality

Because gender inequality is multi-dimensional and multi-sectoral, assessing the financial costs of efforts to reduce it are difficult to calculate. Apart from a recent effort piloted by the Millennium Project, we are not aware of any attempts to derive an algorithm to estimate comprehensive costs for countries with different levels of gender inequality or development.

i. Financing of Interventions to Achieve Gender Equality in Education There have been efforts to estimate the financing requirements to achieve gender-equality outcomes in specific sectors, notably education and health. The World Bank (2001a) estimates that in South Asia and the Middle East and North Africa, achieving gender equality in primary education by promoting universal primary education would require increases in public spending on primary education of just more than 3 percent, on average. The costs of achieving universal primary education in Sub-Saharan Africa would, however, require increases in public spending on primary education of about one third. These figures would be reduced to 2 and 20 percent, respectively, if universal primary enrolment for girls only were to be achieved. The report notes that ensuring equity in secondary education would add to these costs, but still makes this goal eminently affordable for the majority of countries that are currently off-track.

81 ii Financing of Reproductive Health Services AGI and UNFPA review various estimates of financing necessary to achieve universal access to sexual and reproductive health services.57 They report that

“for the year 2000, the estimated worldwide cost of providing family planning services was $10.2 billion (in 1993 dollars). Sixty-five percent of this cost ($6.6 billion) was for maintenance and improvement in the service delivery infrastructure, which would benefit all components of sexual and reproductive health care. In addition, the cost of other reproductive health programs undertaken as part of primary care was estimated to be $5.0 billion in 2000. And HIV/AIDS prevention, consisting of mass media, school education and condom distribution efforts, cost an estimated $1.3 billion.” (AGI/UNFPA forthcoming, p.13).

Some of the above estimates are believed to be understated. AGI and UNFPA developed a new methodology for estimating the costs of family planning services. Their estimates cover the provision of contraceptives for current contraceptive users as well as for those whose needs are unmet. The total is $11 billion (in 2003) dollars; $7.1 of this amount is for costs of providing modern contraceptive services to current users while $3.9 billion per year would address unmet needs. These estimates are higher than some because they include labor, overhead and capital, as well as contraceptive supplies (AGI/UNFPA forthcoming).

iii. A Comprehensive Approach to Costing Interventions to Achieve Gender Equality The comprehensive approach followed by the Millennium Project involves several steps: identifying the interventions, the necessary infrastructure, human, and financial resources required (or what is often referred to as "absorptive capacity") to support a scale-up interventions through to 2015; developing a transparent, "open-source" approach to MDG planning that countries and organizations can use and adapt for their own long-term planning towards achieving the MDGs; and outlining a simple financing strategy for achieving the MDGs in a particular country, including an assessment of the resources that can be mobilized domestically by governments and households.

The MP approach identified gender-specific interventions within all sectors included in the overall exercise, as well as other interventions not captured by the sectoral approach. The former included interventions in health, education, nutrition, and infrastructure.58 Beyond sector-specific interventions, the exercise added interventions to increase women’s access to assets, equal access to and treatment in work, political representation, prevention of and protection from violence, as well as systemic capacity building for national ministries and administrative capacity at all levels of government. The complete

57 The costs consist of four components: family planning services, other reproductive health services, HIV/AIDS prevention, and research on population issues. 58 Examples of gender-responsive interventions includes: awareness campaigns and education about sexual and reproductive health and rights, legislative and community-based interventions aimed to prevent harmful practices harmful to sexual and reproductive health, provision of comprehensive sexually education in schools and through community programs, and so forth.

82 set of interventions involved in the exercise is discussed in www.unmillenniumproject.org/html/mdgcasestudiesjan1704.html .

The exercise was conducted for Bangladesh, Cambodia, Ghana, Tanzania, and Uganda. Because most of these interventions are not currently in place in these countries, information on local unit costs was not available and were therefore approximated. The coverage rates for most interventions were also based on assumptions estimates of the target population as a proportion of the total population.

(Additional information estimates of the costs of interventions at the country-level will be added when the analysis done by the Millennium Project secretariat has been completed).

An Enabling International Environment

An enabling international environment requires donor policies and programs that support gender equality in nation-states. The characteristics of such an international environment include:

• Gender mainstreaming within international agencies; • Mainstreaming of gender into donor-country policy processes; • Donor incentives for countries that institutionalize gender considerations, and; • Improved international data systems

Without such an enabling environment, discrete interventions at the country-level to address the strategic priorities will have marginal impact and will not be sustained.

1. Gender Mainstreaming in International Agencies.

The Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995 established gender mainstreaming as the internationally agreed strategy for international development organizations to promote gender equality (Derbyshire 2002). Gender mainstreaming represented an attempt by gender equality advocates to address some of the challenges inherent in earlier efforts to promote gender equality and women’s empowerment.

Gender mainstreaming within international institutions has faced many of the same challenges as NWMs at the country level. Several studies of mainstreaming within institutions such as the World Bank, UNDP, ILO and other agencies, suggest that although most donor agencies seek to integrate gender issues into their policies and sectoral activities, the rhetoric has not been translated into strong implementation. Obstacles include lack of budgeting for gender units or departments, inadequate technical and analytical skills and supervision during implementation, lack of commitment of mid- level operational staff (Razavi 1995), and policy evaporation (Derbyshire 2002).

As a cross-cutting theme, gender mainstreaming requires organization-wide responsibility. Yet, as Razavi (1995) points out, pursuing a cross-cutting mission in highly sectorally-divided bureaucracies presents formidable obstacles. The designation of a gender focal point (either a unit or an individual) has had mixed results. Although

83 the focal point mechanism has been useful for advocacy work, gender focal points have typically not had the authority or seniority to promote gender issues with senior management. Because they combine multiple responsibilities - for project design, appraisal, monitoring, evaluation and training staff on gender issues - their focus and energy is fragmented and their effectiveness is often diluted. Several years of experience with this strategy in different institutions suggests that to be truly effective, the gender focal point or unit must be well-placed institutionally to influence policy (as in the UNDP gender unit) and that the organization acquire expertise on gender policy analysis (as in the World Bank, ADB, and Inter-American Development Bank) (Razavi 1995).

2. Mainstreaming Gender into Donor-Country Policy Processes.

By far the most common policy framework currently used in aid cooperation is the Poverty Reduction Strategy process. A Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) describes a country's macroeconomic, structural, and social policies and programs to promote growth and reduce poverty, as well as associated external financing needs, and therefore, provides a strategic entry point for meeting Goal 3. PRSPs are prepared by governments through a participatory process involving civil society and development partners, including the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). They consist of several components: analysis of the poverty situation in the country, a strategy for poverty reduction given the analysis, the commitment of budgetary resources to implement the strategy, adoption of a monitoring framework to assess how well the strategy is working, and consultations at every phase with key stakeholders in country. A review of the evidence to date on how well PRSPs have addressed gender issues and women’s empowerment is in order to maximize future efforts.

Kabeer (2003) notes that the experience of the first round of PRSPs was not very encouraging with respect to integrating gender. The WB’s gender unit reviewed 15 interim PRSPs and three PRSPs completed by 2001 and found that less than half discussed gender issues in any detail in their poverty diagnosis. Even fewer integrated gender analysis into their strategy, resource allocation, and monitoring systems. If gender issues were not included in the diagnostic stage, it was less likely that they appeared in the strategy or other stages.

Some sectors - notably health and education - predictably paid more attention to gender issues. Passing reference to gender was sometimes included in other sectoral discussions. The PRSP in Burkina Faso illustrates this point, where the strategy section refers to eliminating gender disparities in the health and education sectors but there is no discussion of how the design of transport, water, sanitation, and other infrastructure might affect women and men differently.

Although the experience of the majority of countries in terms of developing gender- responsive PRSPs has been less than positive, there are signs of change. Rwanda, Malawi and Zambia have been singled out for developing the most gender-responsive PRSPs of those produced to date (Zuckerman and Garrett 2003). In these countries, gender ministries and women’s organizations participated in participatory consultations, and the PRSP identified women as a group vulnerable to poverty, contained sex-

84 disaggregated data and analysis, and supported the establishment of a gender budget process (Zuckerman and Garrett 2003). The Task Force recommends that lessons from best practice in these countries be incorporated elsewhere.

In response to such feedback, donors often make the point that recipient countries are often not receptive to the gender mainstreaming agenda, and donor agencies are therefore unwilling to impose conditions in their grants and loans for this purpose. To be sure, national ownership of a gender equality agenda is critical to the successful implementation of any strategy. Yet, some donors have found innovative ways to address this issue. (Examples to be cited, such as the Asian Development Bank and its loan covenants that have done this will be provided here.)

3. Donor Incentives for Institutionalizing Gender.

This section has yet to be discussed by the Task Force and will include the potential incentives to “reward” countries that make progress on the six strategic priorities and take steps to create national governance structures that are conductive to gender equality. (Examples: countries that effectively use the CEDAW mechanism to monitor progress toward Goal 3 should be rewarded by the international donor community. Or, selection criteria for countries that are eligible for assistance from the new U.S. Millennium Challenge Account should include the extent to which countries are “women-friendly,” as one indicator of good governance).

4. Improved International Data Systems.

Considerable advances have been made in improving gender statistics over the last decade. Data users know much more today about how women’s and men’s situations differ. Further, users of data are asking more questions and increasing the demand for statistics. Yet, cross-country data are still lacking on many topics that are key to assessing inequality of women and men at the national level and within countries.

As noted earlier, planning and programming required to implement the targets of the Millennium Project on gender require strengthening the statistical capacity of countries to improve the quality and availability of data relating to gender. This in turn requires improvements in the basic statistical series underlying the indicators and the supplementary indicators.

The Task Force recommends that donors commit to strengthening ILO and WHO efforts to work with countries in collecting, standardizing, and disseminating gender- disaggregated data and statistics in the areas of informal employment, gender wage gaps and prevalence rates of violence against women. The ILO has laid the groundwork for a comprehensive program to develop statistics on informal employment. It has assisted a number of countries, including India, Mexico, and South Africa in collecting these data. Based on this work, it has developed guidelines concerning a statistical definition of informal employment, compilations of the available data, and methodological materials. Important support for this work has come from the International Conference of Labour Statisticians meeting in November-December 2003, which endorsed the guidelines.

85 International donors should support the ILO Bureau of Statistics to work with a critical mass of countries to develop a regular program of gender-disaggregated statistics on employment and earnings in the informal economy.

The development of data for preparing indicators on sex differentials in income from employment and on the scope of status in employment is at an earlier stage. Work is required to develop and test questions in countries and prepare methodological guidelines before any large scale collection of data can be made. The Task Force recommends that donors further support the ILO to develop statistics on sex differences in income from employment.

With respect to data on domestic violence, substantial work has been undertaken by various international agencies. Demographic and Health surveys in many countries now include a module on intimate partner violence. In addition, the WHO has prepared a database on the incidence of violence against women and supported international research to explore the dimensions, health consequences, and the risk and protective factors of violence against women eight countries.59 WHO is currently collaborating with a number of organizations - the Economic Commission of Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the European Women’s Lobby, and the U.S. Centers for Disease Control - to improve data on this issue. Each of these organizations is undertaking or proposing new work. Consolidating the methodological experiences of the surveys conducted in countries is required now in order to develop guidelines and move forward. The Task Force recommends providing additional resources to the WHO for this purpose.

Section VII. Conclusion

The MDGs offer an opportunity to attend to the unfinished business of development by fulfilling the promises made by world leaders to reduce poverty, end hunger, improve health and eliminate illiteracy. Gender inequality fuels many of these ubiquitous challenges and is exacerbated by them. Conversely, gender equality and the empowerment of women can secure the future of women themselves, their households, and the communities in which they live.

To reiterate a point made at the beginning of this report, the achievement of gender equality requires concrete steps to achieve all the Millennium Development Goals. But it cannot be business as usual. Each of the steps taken toward the MDGs must have a gender lens, and policies and programmatic interventions must be designed in ways that advance women’s empowerment.

Relative to the past, current international development rhetoric places gender inequality high among the list of development priorities. Having an independent MDG goal on gender equality is a reflection of this new emphasis. Years of advocacy and political mobilization by the international women’s movement, and debates at U.N. conferences

59 The countries are Bangladesh, Brazil, Japan, Namibia, Peru, Tanzania, Thailand, and Samoa. The research has also been replicated in six other countries: Chile, China, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Serbia, New Zealand, and Vietnam.

86 over the past three decades have contributed to making gender inequality more visible in international discourse. The challenge now is to convert that rhetoric into action.

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113 Annex 1 Indicators For Tracking Progress Toward Goal 3

The United Nations has suggested four indicators to measure Goal #3:

• the ratio of girls to boys in primary, secondary and tertiary education, • the ratio of literate females to males among 15-24 year olds, • the share of women in wage employment in the nonagricultural sector, and • the proportion of seats held by women in national parliaments.

Although these indicators represent all three domains of gender equality, they all have drawbacks.60 This led the Task Force to suggest supplementing the UN proposed indicators with other indicators better suited for tracking progress toward the MDG gender targets in the domains of capability, opportunity, and security.

In the capability domain, other important indicators of capability are related to reproductive health, including contraceptive prevalence and unmet need. In the opportunity domain, the ILO has proposed a series of indicators for equality in access to and fair treatment in employment as part of the ILO’s decent work initiative (Anker 2002). These indicators include gender-disaggregated unemployment rates, the female to male wages or earnings ratio (divided by years of school which controls for human capital), and occupational segregation by sex (the percent of non-agricultural employment in male-dominated and female-dominated occupations and the index of dissimilarity).61 Finally, in the security domain, a critical indicator is the prevalence of physical violence in the past year experienced by women aged 15-49 at the hands of an intimate partner.

Strong justification for several of these supplementary indicators is found in the Millennium Declaration itself (Resolution A.RES/55/2). In Part V. Human Rights, Democracy and Good Governance no. 25, the General Assembly resolved: to combat all forms of violence against women and to implement the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). This includes eliminating violence against women, as well as eliminating discrimination in employment, in income from employment and in social protection or social security (article 11 of CEDAW). In its proposed indicator on domestic violence, the Task Force brings a key aspect of the Declaration into the monitoring process. And in its proposed indicators on informal employment and employment status it provides for a focus on the “working poor” (Part III. no. 20).

This annex describes these alternative indicators in greater detail.

60 Described in Grown et. al. 2003. 61 The index of dissimilarity is an inequality statistic whose value must be between 0 (no segregation) and 1 (complete segregation) although in practice national values are found to range from about .35 to .75.

114

Capability Indicators: Reproductive Health

At the ICPD+5 conference all governments agreed on a set of indicators to measure progress toward the ICPD Platform for Action. In para 53, they agreed that: "Governments, with assistance from the international community, should develop and use indicators that measure access to and choice of family-planning and contraceptive methods and indicators that measure trends in maternal mortality and morbidity and HIV/AIDS and use them to monitor progress towards the Conference's goal of universal access to reproductive health care.” In para 58, they further agreed that: "Where there is a gap between contraceptive use and the proportion of individuals expressing a desire to space or limit their families, countries should attempt to close this gap by at least 50 per cent by 2005, 75 per cent by 2010 and 100 per cent by 2050."

The Task Force recommends using two indicators - contraceptive prevalence and contraceptive options - to track progress toward universal access to reproductive health care. The U.N. Population Division maintains data on contraceptive prevalence for 142 countries or areas. (Contraceptive prevalence is defined as the percentage of women of reproductive age who are using or whose partner is using a contraceptive method at a particular point in time.) Data are compiled from nationally representative surveys based on samples of women of reproductive age. In some surveys, questions are asked of all women regardless of marital status, while in others they question only married women. The indicator of contraceptive prevalence is also included in all Demographic and Health (DHS) surveys and includes modern, traditional and other methods in the definition. It is currently tabulated for currently married women ages 15-49, but can be tabulated for other sexually active groups.

Opportunity Indicators: Because of multiple data and other problems, it is difficult to recommend one global indicator to measure progress toward eliminating gender inequalities in access to assets and employment. Unemployment rates, for instance, are an important indicator of labor market performance in industrialized countries, but are of much more limited significance in low-income economies where the majority of the population engages in some form of economic activity – usually informal employment or self-employment. Occupational segregation indicators may not cover informal employment, and in some countries, they may not be correlated with other indicators of labor market disadvantage. And finally, data on the gender earnings gap – in both paid and self-employment -- are currently not available for many countries.

Of these three indicators, the gender earnings gap is probably the best marker of gender equality in the labor market. Therefore, for the long-term, we strongly recommend that countries collect data, at a minimum, on gender wage gaps in paid and self-employment, and use that information for monitoring progress toward the proposed target. In the interim, as an alternative to one single global indicator, we recommend the development of region-specific indicators for this target, especially since the forms of gender inequality vary with a country’s economic structure. Regional agencies or country governments would decide which indicators are the most appropriate to track. The Economic Commissions for Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean have already

115 begun to gather data and identify a range of indicators to monitor gender disparities in the labor market.

Security Indicators: Measuring the true prevalence of gender-based violence presents several challenges. To accurately measure true prevalence of physical violence, the questions used to gather data must disaggregate specific acts of physical violence such as kicking, beating, hitting and slapping, information which can be hard to obtain because of its sensitive nature. Statistics available through the police, hospitals, women's centers, and other formal institutions often underestimate the levels of violence because of under- reporting.

It should be noted that measuring domestic violence is difficult and estimates will have large margins of uncertainty. For this reason it will not be possible to monitor year to year trends in domestic violence in the foreseeable future. Nonetheless it is important to develop indicators on the prevalence of domestic violence. The situation with this indicator is analogous to that of another important indicator for MDG monitoring, maternal mortality. The WHO’s World Report on Violence and Health, which presents data from 48 population-based surveys conducted in 35 developed and developing countries, and WHO’s recent multi-country study on women’s health and domestic violence lay a strong foundation for larger-scale data collection initiatives.

116

Annex 2

Table A.2.1 Gross Primary Enrolment Rates and Ratios for Females and Males, 1990-1999/2000 and Projections for 2005 and 2015 Country Female Female Female Male Male Male Female Female Female to Value Rank Value Rank rate rate rate rate rate rate to to male ratio, in in in in 1990 1996 1999/ 1990 1996 1999/ male male 1999/2000 2005 2005 2015 2015 2000 2000 ratio, ratio, 1990 1996 Angola 88 . 59.86 95 . 69.02 0.93 . 0.87 . . . . Afghanistan 19 32 . 35 64 . 0.54 0.5 . 0.44 4 0.36 4 Albania 100 108 108.74 100 106 109.7 1 1.02 0.99 1.05 1 1.08 1 Algeria 92 102 109.58 108 113 118.95 0.85 0.9 0.92 0.98 2 1.06 1 Argentina . 113 119.02 . 114 118.85 . 0.99 1 . . . . Armenia ...... Australia 107 101 101.24 108 101 101.13 0.99 1 1 1.01 1 1.03 1 Austria 102 100 102.61 102 100 103.67 1 1 0.99 1 1 1 1 Azerbaijan 113 105 99.2 114 108 97.42 0.99 0.97 1.02 0.94 2 0.91 2 Bahamas 103 . . 102 . . 1.01 ...... Bahrain 110 106 102.71 110 105 102.23 1 1.01 1 1.02 1 1.04 1 Bangladesh 66 . . 77 . . 0.86 ...... Barbados 93 . 108.01 93 . 109.43 1 . 0.99 . . . . Belarus . 96 109.22 . 100 111.8 . 0.96 0.98 . . . . Belgium 101 102 104.48 100 104 105.37 1.01 0.98 0.99 0.94 2 0.89 3 Belize 110 119 125.07 113 123 129.76 0.97 0.97 0.96 0.96 2 0.95 2 Benin 39 57 69.09 78 98 102.69 0.5 0.58 0.67 0.7 3 0.84 3 Bolivia 90 . 114.7 99 . 116.56 0.91 . 0.98 . . . . Bosnia and ...... Herzegovina

Botswana 117 108 . 109 107 . 1.07 1.01 . 0.91 2 0.81 3 Brazil . . 161.94 . . 169.84 . . 0.95 . . . . Brunei 112 104 104.35 119 109 110.2 0.94 0.95 0.95 0.97 2 1 2 Darussalam Bulgaria 96 98 102.12 99 100 104.9 0.97 0.98 0.97 1 2 1.01 1 Burkina Faso 26 31 35.21 41 48 50.53 0.63 0.65 0.7 0.66 4 0.68 4

Burundi 66 46 55.53 79 55 69.38 0.84 0.84 0.8 0.84 3 0.84 3 Cambodia . 100 95.18 . 119 109.47 . 0.84 0.87 . . . . Cameroon 93 84 83.86 109 93 98.24 0.85 0.9 0.85 0.98 2 1.06 1 Canada 102 101 98.75 104 103 98.49 0.98 0.98 1 0.98 2 0.98 2 Cape Verde . 147 . . 150 . . 0.98 . . . . . Central 51 . . 80 . . 0.64 ...... African Republic

Chad 34 39 53.12 75 76 87.38 0.45 0.51 0.61 0.6 4 0.7 3 Chile 99 100 104.5 101 103 109.17 0.98 0.97 0.96 0.96 2 0.94 2 China 120 123 107.76 130 122 105.16 0.92 1.01 1.02 1.14 1 1.28 1 Colombia 109 112 112.43 95 113 112.57 1.15 0.99 1 0.76 3 0.5 4

117

Country Female Female Female Male Male Male Female Female Female to Value Rank Value Rank rate rate rate rate rate rate to to male ratio, in in in in 1990 1996 1999/ 1990 1996 1999/ male male 1999/2000 2005 2005 2015 2015 2000 2000 ratio, ratio, 1990 1996 Comoros 63 . 76.35 87 . 90.97 0.72 . 0.84 . . . . Congo, Rep. 124 109 79.45 141 120 88.2 0.88 0.91 0.9 0.95 2 1 2 Costa Rica 100 103 105.97 101 104 108.99 0.99 0.99 0.97 0.99 2 0.99 2 Côte d’Ivoire 56 60 65.59 79 82 88.16 0.71 0.73 0.74 0.77 3 0.8 3

Croatia 84 87 89.4 85 88 90.5 0.99 0.99 0.99 0.99 2 0.99 2 Cuba 96 104 101.83 99 108 106.09 0.97 0.96 0.96 0.95 2 0.94 2 Cyprus 105 100 82.87 105 100 82.19 1 1 1.01 1 1 1 1 Czech 97 103 103.76 96 105 104.39 1.01 0.98 0.99 0.94 2 0.89 3 Republic Dem. Rep. of 60 59 . 81 86 . 0.74 0.69 . 0.6 4 0.51 4 the Congo

Denmark 98 101 101.68 98 102 102.04 1 0.99 1 0.98 2 0.96 2 Djibouti 32 33 31.16 45 44 42.54 0.71 0.75 0.73 0.81 3 0.87 3 Dominican . 94 122.99 . 94 126.35 . 1 0.97 . . . . Republic Ecuador . 119 113.53 . 134 114.28 . 0.89 0.99 . . . . Egypt 86 94 95.99 101 108 103.75 0.85 0.87 0.93 0.9 3 0.93 2 El Salvador 82 96 . 81 98 . 1.01 0.98 . 0.93 2 0.88 3 Equatorial . . 112.41 . . 137.2 . . 0.82 . . . . Guinea Eritrea . 48 55.13 . 59 67.31 . 0.81 0.82 . . . . Estonia 109 93 100.88 112 95 104.64 0.97 0.98 0.96 0.99 2 1 2 Ethiopia 26 30 56.71 39 55 84.77 0.67 0.55 0.67 0.36 4 0.16 4 Fiji 126 . . 126 . . 1 ...... Finland 99 99 100.19 99 98 100.82 1 1.01 0.99 1.03 1 1.04 1 France 108 104 104.51 109 106 105.78 0.99 0.98 0.99 0.97 2 0.95 2 French ...... Polynesia Gabon . . 151.04 . . 151.94 . . 0.99 . . . . Gambia 52 67 71.18 76 87 79.06 0.68 0.77 0.9 0.9 3 1.04 1 Georgia 97 88 98.49 97 89 98.53 1 0.99 1 0.97 2 0.95 2 Germany 99 104 105.18 98 104 105.53 1.01 1 1 0.98 2 0.97 2 Ghana 68 74 . 82 84 . 0.83 0.88 . 0.96 2 1.04 1 Greece 98 93 98.86 98 93 99.24 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Guatemala 76 82 93.99 86 93 105.29 0.88 0.88 0.89 0.88 3 0.88 3 Guinea 24 41 50.71 50 68 74.51 0.48 0.6 0.68 0.79 3 0.99 2 Guinea- 38 45 66.34 70 79 99.07 0.54 0.57 0.67 0.61 4 0.65 4 Bissau Guyana 97 96 . 98 97 . 0.99 0.99 . 0.99 2 0.99 2 Haiti 46 . . 49 . . 0.94 ...... Honduras 110 112 . 105 110 . 1.05 1.02 . 0.97 2 0.92 2

118

Country Female Female Female Male Male Male Female Female Female to Value Rank Value Rank rate rate rate rate rate rate to to male ratio, in in in in 1990 1996 1999/ 1990 1996 1999/ male male 1999/2000 2005 2005 2015 2015 2000 2000 ratio, ratio, 1990 1996 Hong Kong 103 95 . 102 93 . 1.01 1.02 . 1.04 1 1.06 1 SAR Hungary 95 102 102.58 95 104 104.21 1 0.98 0.98 0.95 2 0.92 2 Iceland . 98 100.67 . 98 101.96 . 1 0.99 . . . . India 84 90 92.39 110 109 108.88 0.76 0.83 0.85 0.92 2 1.02 1 Indonesia 114 110 106 117 115 109.71 0.97 0.96 0.97 0.93 2 0.9 2 Iran, Islamic 106 95 85.79 118 102 89.4 0.9 0.93 0.96 0.98 2 1.04 1 Republic of

Iraq 102 78 91.3 120 92 111.41 0.85 0.85 0.82 0.84 3 0.84 3 Ireland 103 104 119 103 105 119.76 1 0.99 0.99 0.98 2 0.96 2 Israel 96 . 113.52 93 . 114.59 1.03 . 0.99 . . . . Italy 103 100 101.24 103 101 101.57 1 0.99 1 0.98 2 0.96 2 Jamaica 101 99 101.87 102 100 95.64 0.99 0.99 1.07 0.99 2 0.99 2 Japan 100 101 101.22 100 101 101.31 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Jordan . . 100.98 . . 100.64 . . 1 . . . . Kazakhstan . 98 96.42 . 97 95.93 . 1.01 1.01 . . . . Kenya 93 85 . 97 85 . 0.96 1 . 1.06 1 1.13 1 Kuwait 59 77 84.31 62 78 85.28 0.95 0.99 0.99 1.04 1 1.1 1 Kyrgyzstan 111 103 100.25 111 105 103 1 0.98 0.97 0.95 2 0.92 2 Lao People's 92 101 105.97 118 123 124.29 0.78 0.82 0.85 0.88 3 0.95 2 Dem. Rep.

Latvia 94 93 100.4 95 98 102.01 0.99 0.95 0.98 0.89 3 0.82 3 Lebanon 116 108 97.98 120 113 102.34 0.97 0.96 0.96 0.94 2 0.92 2 Lesotho 123 114 108.2 100 102 98.96 1.23 1.12 1.09 0.95 2 0.76 3 Liberia . . 99.27 . . 136.7 . . 0.73 . . . . Libyan Arab 102 . . 108 . . 0.94 ...... Jamahiriya Lithuania 88 96 100.46 93 99 101.21 0.95 0.97 0.99 1 1 1.04 1 Luxembourg 94 . 101.17 87 . 99.48 1.08 . 1.02 . . . . Macau 96 . . 101 . . 0.95 ...... Madagascar 103 91 99.79 103 92 103.85 1 0.99 0.96 0.97 2 0.95 2 Malawi 62 127 158.32 74 140 157.9 0.84 0.91 1 1.01 1 1.13 1 Malaysia 94 101 100.45 94 101 102.38 1 1 0.98 1 1 1 1 Maldives . 127 134.23 . 130 133.22 . 0.98 1.01 . . . . Mali 19 40 . 34 58 . 0.56 0.69 . 0.89 3 1.1 1 Malta 108 107 . 112 108 . 0.96 0.99 . 1.03 1 1.07 1 Mauritania 41 75 81.83 56 84 86.84 0.73 0.89 0.94 1.13 1 1.4 1 Mauritius 109 106 108.58 109 106 108.32 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Mexico 112 113 112.83 115 116 114.07 0.97 0.97 0.99 0.97 2 0.97 2 Mongolia 98 91 100.36 96 86 96.7 1.02 1.06 1.04 1.11 1 1.18 1 Morocco 54 74 82.55 79 97 98.04 0.68 0.76 0.84 0.88 3 1.01 1

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Myanmar 105 . 90.51 108 . 91.39 0.97 . 0.99 . . . . Namibia 135 132 114.08 123 129 112.38 1.1 1.02 1.02 0.91 2 0.79 3 Nepal 81 96 111.74 132 129 140 0.61 0.74 0.8 0.94 2 1.16 1 Netherlands 104 107 106.73 101 109 109.07 1.03 0.98 0.98 0.91 2 0.83 3 Netherlands . . 110.73 . . 114.86 . . 0.96 . . . . Antilles New ...... Caledonia New Zealand 105 99 100.72 106 99 100.96 0.99 1 1 1.01 1 1.03 1

Nicaragua 96 103 104.79 91 100 104.07 1.05 1.03 1.01 0.99 2 0.95 2 Niger 21 23 25.95 37 36 38.69 0.57 0.64 0.67 0.75 3 0.86 3 Nigeria 79 87 . 104 109 . 0.76 0.8 . 0.86 3 0.92 2 Oman 82 74 71.4 90 78 75.15 0.91 0.95 0.95 1.01 1 1.07 1 Pakistan 39 . 73.9 82 . 116.71 0.48 . 0.63 . . . . Panama 104 . 108.24 108 . 111.4 0.96 . 0.97 . . . . Papua New 66 74 . 78 87 . 0.85 0.85 . 0.86 3 0.86 3 Guinea Paraguay 103 109 111.41 107 112 115.42 0.96 0.97 0.97 0.99 2 1.01 1 Peru 116 121 126.9 119 125 128.2 0.97 0.97 0.99 0.96 2 0.95 2 Philippines 109 113 . 113 115 . 0.96 0.98 . 1.01 1 1.04 1 Poland 98 95 99.5 99 97 102.4 0.99 0.98 0.97 0.96 2 0.95 2 Portugal 120 124 119.98 126 131 125.32 0.95 0.95 0.96 0.94 2 0.93 2 Puerto Rico ...... Qatar 94 86 . 101 87 . 0.93 0.99 . 1.08 1 1.17 1 Republic of 105 94 99.27 105 94 98.01 1 1 1.01 1 1 1 1 Korea Republic of 93 97 . 93 98 . 1 0.99 . 0.97 2 0.96 2 Moldova Romania 91 103 101.12 91 104 102.99 1 0.99 0.98 0.98 2 0.96 2 Russian 109 107 84.49 109 108 85.08 1 0.99 0.99 0.98 2 0.96 2 Federation Rwanda 69 . 120.89 70 . 123.82 0.99 . 0.98 . . . . Samoa 127 100 100.75 117 101 104.23 1.09 0.99 0.97 0.85 3 0.69 4 Saudi Arabia 68 75 67.1 78 77 69.68 0.87 0.97 0.96 1.13 1 1.3 1 Senegal 50 65 67.89 68 78 78.42 0.74 0.83 0.87 0.98 2 1.14 1 Sierra Leone 41 . 62.7 60 . 67.82 0.68 . 0.92 . . . .

Singapore 102 93 . 105 95 . 0.97 0.98 . 0.99 2 1 1 Slovakia . 102 102.19 . 102 103.48 . 1 0.99 . . . . Slovenia . 98 . . 98 . . 1 . . . . . Solomon 78 89 . 91 103 . 0.86 0.86 . 0.87 3 0.89 3 Islands

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Spain 108 108 104.55 109 109 105.24 0.99 0.99 0.99 0.99 2 0.99 2 Sri Lanka 105 108 . 107 110 . 0.98 0.98 . 0.98 2 0.98 2 St. Lucia . . 111.34 . . 117.47 . . 0.95 . . . . Sudan 45 47 50.61 60 55 59.33 0.75 0.85 0.85 1.01 1 1.19 1 Suriname ...... Swaziland 109 114 121.17 114 120 127.96 0.96 0.95 0.95 0.94 2 0.93 2 Sweden 100 107 110.77 100 106 108.05 1 1.01 1.03 1.02 1 1.04 1 Switzerland . . 107.03 . . 108 . . 0.99 . . . . Syrian Arab 102 96 . 114 106 . 0.89 0.91 . 0.92 2 0.94 2 Republic Tajikistan 90 94 100.55 92 96 108.52 0.98 0.98 0.93 0.98 2 0.98 2 Tanzania 69 66 63.18 70 67 62.91 0.99 0.99 1 0.98 2 0.98 2 Thailand 98 . 91.24 100 . 95.72 0.98 . 0.95 . . . . The FYR of 98 98 . 100 100 . 0.98 0.98 . 0.98 2 0.98 2 Macedonia Togo 86 99 108.77 132 140 138.65 0.65 0.71 0.78 0.79 3 0.88 3 Trinidad and 96 98 103.4 97 99 104.66 0.99 0.99 0.99 0.99 2 0.99 2 Tobago Tunisia 107 114 114.96 120 122 121.21 0.89 0.93 0.95 1 2 1.07 1 Turkey 96 104 96.2 102 111 105.52 0.94 0.94 0.91 0.93 2 0.92 2 Turkmenistan ......

Uganda 66 68 136.08 83 81 145.66 0.8 0.84 0.93 0.91 2 0.98 2 Ukraine 89 . . 89 . . 1 ...... United Arab 103 87 94.2 106 91 94.64 0.97 0.96 1 0.93 2 0.91 2 Emirates United 106 116 99.23 103 115 99.12 1.03 1.01 1 0.98 2 0.94 2 Kingdom United States 101 101 99.46 103 102 101.18 0.98 0.99 0.98 1 1 1.02 1

Uruguay 108 108 111.3 109 109 112.78 0.99 0.99 0.99 0.99 2 0.99 2 Uzbekistan 81 76 . 82 79 . 0.99 0.96 . 0.92 2 0.88 3 Vanuatu 94 . 121.56 98 . 113.08 0.96 . 1.07 . . . . Venezuela 97 93 100.95 94 90 102.74 1.03 1.03 0.98 1.04 1 1.04 1 Viet Nam . 111 104.32 . 115 111.07 . 0.97 0.94 . . . . Yemen . 40 . . 100 . . 0.4 . . . . . Yugoslavia 73 70 66.55 71 69 65.35 1.03 1.01 1.02 0.99 2 0.97 2 Zambia . 86 76.08 . 91 81.33 . 0.95 0.94 . . . . Zimbabwe 115 111 95.01 117 115 98.09 0.98 0.97 0.97 0.94 2 0.91 2 Source: UNESCO, 1996 and UIS, 1999/2000 Note: Rank in 2005 and 2015 are defined as follows: 1 = ratio of 1 or greater (Achieve) 3 = 0.7- 0.89 (Falling behind) 2 = 0.9- 0.99 (On track) 4 = 0- 0.69 (Off track)

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Table A.2.2---Gross Secondary Enrolment Rates and Ratios for Females and Males, 1990-1999/2000 and Projections for 2005 and 2015 Region/Country Female Female Female Male Male Male Female Female Female to Value Rank Value Rank rate rate rate rate rate rate to to male ratio, in in in in 1990 1996 1999/ 1990 1996 1999/ male male 1999/2000 2005 2005 2015 2015 2000 2000 ratio, ratio, 1990 1996 Angola . . 13.43 . . 17.51 . . 0.77 . . . . Afghanistan 9 12 . 18 32 . 0.5 0.38 . 0.19 4 -0.02 4 Albania 72 38 77.01 84 37 74.59 0.86 1.03 1.03 1.28 1 1.56 1 Algeria 54 62 69.21 67 65 64.69 0.81 0.95 1.07 1.18 1 1.42 1 Argentina . 81 96.9 . 73 90.56 . 1.11 1.07 . . . . Armenia . 79 . . 100 . . 0.79 . . . . . Australia 83 148 156.67 80 149 156.21 1.04 0.99 1 0.93 2 0.85 3 Austria 100 102 97.03 107 105 101.03 0.93 0.97 0.96 1.03 1 1.09 1 Azerbaijan 90 81 80.33 90 73 79.99 1 1.11 1 1.27 1 1.46 1 Bahamas 94 . . 94 . . 1 ...... Bahrain 101 98 105.01 98 91 99.16 1.03 1.08 1.06 1.15 1 1.22 1 Bangladesh 13 . 55.9 25 . 51.7 0.52 . 1.08 . . . . Barbados . . 103.14 . . 99.18 . . 1.04 . . . . Belarus . 95 92.71 . 91 95.68 . 1.04 0.97 . . . . Belgium 103 151 152.61 103 142 138.43 1 1.06 1.1 1.16 1 1.26 1 Belize 44 52 71.61 39 47 71.69 1.13 1.11 1 1.07 1 1.04 1 Benin 7 11 13.54 17 26 30.07 0.41 0.42 0.45 0.44 4 0.46 4 Bolivia 34 . 75.73 40 . 81.19 0.85 . 0.93 . . . . Bosnia and ...... Herzegovina

Botswana 45 68 85.43 41 61 78.23 1.1 1.11 1.09 1.14 1 1.17 1 Brazil . . 108.66 . . 98 . . 1.11 . . . . Brunei 71 82 115.86 66 72 105.16 1.08 1.14 1.1 1.23 1 1.34 1 Darussalam Bulgaria 77 76 90.92 74 77 93.11 1.04 0.99 0.98 0.91 2 0.82 3 Burkina Faso 5 . 7.77 9 . 12.19 0.56 . 0.64 . . . .

Burundi 4 . . 7 . . 0.57 ...... Cambodia 19 17 12.2 45 31 22.22 0.42 0.55 0.55 0.74 3 0.95 2 Cameroon 23 22 . 33 32 . 0.7 0.69 . 0.67 4 0.66 4 Canada 101 105 103.39 101 105 101.85 1 1 1.02 1 1 1 1 Cape Verde . 56 . . 54 . . 1.04 . . . . . Central African 7 . . 17 . . 0.41 ...... Republic

Chad 3 4 5.07 13 15 17.94 0.23 0.27 0.28 0.32 4 0.38 4 Chile 76 78 88.41 71 72 86.57 1.07 1.08 1.02 1.1 1 1.12 1 China 42 66 59.5 55 74 65.86 0.76 0.89 0.9 1.08 1 1.3 1 Colombia 53 66 74.65 47 57 67.35 1.13 1.16 1.11 1.2 1 1.25 1 Comoros 14 19 18.48 21 24 22.64 0.67 0.79 0.82 0.98 2 1.19 1 Congo, Rep. 44 45 . 62 62 . 0.71 0.73 . 0.75 3 0.78 3

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Region/Country Female Female Female Male Male Male Female Female Female to Value Rank Value Rank rate rate rate rate rate rate to to male ratio, in in in in 1990 1996 1999/ 1990 1996 1999/ male male 1999/2000 2005 2005 2015 2015 2000 2000 ratio, ratio, 1990 1996 Costa Rica 43 49 53.94 41 45 48.09 1.05 1.09 1.12 1.15 1 1.22 1 Côte d’Ivoire 14 16 . 30 34 . 0.47 0.47 . 0.48 4 0.48 4

Croatia 80 83 85.64 73 81 82.64 1.1 1.02 1.04 0.92 2 0.8 3 Cuba 95 85 83.7 83 76 80.17 1.14 1.12 1.04 1.08 1 1.04 1 Cyprus 83 99 84.79 83 95 81.06 1 1.04 1.05 1.11 1 1.18 1 Czech Republic 90 100 88.71 93 97 87.2 0.97 1.03 1.02 1.13 1 1.23 1

Dem. Rep. of 14 19 . 28 32 . 0.5 0.59 . 0.73 3 0.89 3 the Congo

Denmark 110 122 131.28 109 120 125.31 1.01 1.02 1.05 1.03 1 1.04 1 Djibouti 9 12 16.59 14 17 12.9 0.64 0.71 1.29 0.8 3 0.91 2 Dominican . 61 73.31 . 47 59.87 . 1.3 1.22 . . . . Republic Ecuador . 50 57.12 . 50 56.22 . 1 1.02 . . . . Egypt 68 70 80.69 84 80 86.23 0.81 0.88 0.94 0.97 2 1.08 1 El Salvador 27 36 . 26 32 . 1.04 1.13 . 1.25 1 1.4 1 Equatorial . . 19.19 . . 43.2 . . 0.44 . . . . Guinea Eritrea . 17 23.15 . 24 33.19 . 0.71 0.7 . . . . Estonia 107 109 108.46 98 99 105.49 1.09 1.1 1.03 1.11 1 1.13 1 Ethiopia 13 10 4.2 16 14 6.15 0.81 0.71 0.68 0.57 4 0.4 4 Fiji ...... Finland 127 125 130.22 106 110 119.01 1.2 1.14 1.09 1.04 1 0.94 2 France 101 111 108.85 96 112 108.53 1.05 0.99 1 0.9 3 0.8 3 French ...... Polynesia Gabon ...... Gambia 12 19 22.98 25 30 31.13 0.48 0.63 0.74 0.86 3 1.12 1 Georgia 94 76 78.32 96 78 77.08 0.98 0.97 1.02 0.97 2 0.96 2 Germany 97 103 98.54 100 105 99.53 0.97 0.98 0.99 1 2 1.02 1 Ghana 28 . . 45 . . 0.62 ...... Greece 92 96 96.06 94 95 93.22 0.98 1.01 1.03 1.06 1 1.11 1 Guatemala . 25 30.36 . 27 34.9 . 0.93 0.87 . . . . Guinea 5 7 . 15 20 . 0.33 0.35 . 0.38 4 0.4 4 Guinea-Bissau . . 14.38 . . 26.42 . . 0.54 . . . .

Guyana 86 78 . 81 73 . 1.06 1.07 . 1.08 1 1.09 1 Haiti 20 . . 21 . . 0.95 ...... Honduras 37 . . 29 . . 1.28 ...... Hong Kong 82 76 . 78 71 . 1.05 1.07 . 1.1 1 1.13 1 SAR Hungary 79 99 99.01 78 96 98.17 1.01 1.03 1.01 1.06 1 1.09 1

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Region/Country Female Female Female Male Male Male Female Female Female to Value Rank Value Rank rate rate rate rate rate rate to to male ratio, in in in in 1990 1996 1999/ 1990 1996 1999/ male male 1999/2000 2005 2005 2015 2015 2000 2000 ratio, ratio, 1990 1996 Iceland 98 102 113.09 101 105 104.75 0.97 0.97 1.08 0.97 2 0.98 2 India 33 39 40.22 55 59 58.91 0.6 0.66 0.68 0.75 3 0.85 3 Indonesia 40 48 53.5 48 55 56.23 0.83 0.87 0.95 0.93 2 1 2 Iran, Islamic 46 73 76.83 64 81 83.11 0.72 0.9 0.92 1.17 1 1.48 1 Republic of

Iraq 36 32 29.08 57 51 47.12 0.63 0.63 0.62 0.62 4 0.61 4 Ireland 105 122 127.43 96 113 119.01 1.09 1.08 1.07 1.06 1 1.03 1 Israel 89 87 93.09 82 89 92.85 1.09 0.98 1 0.82 3 0.64 4 Italy 83 95 90.67 83 94 94.78 1 1.01 0.96 1.03 1 1.04 1 Jamaica 67 . 82.01 63 . 85.1 1.06 . 0.96 . . . . Japan 98 104 102.65 96 103 101.48 1.02 1.01 1.01 0.99 2 0.97 2 Jordan . . 88.95 . . 86.43 . . 1.03 . . . . Kazakhstan 99 91 87.19 97 82 86.73 1.02 1.11 1.01 1.24 1 1.39 1 Kenya 21 22 . 28 26 . 0.75 0.85 . 0.99 2 1.15 1 Kuwait 51 65 56.09 51 65 55.07 1 1 1.02 1 1 1 1 Kyrgyzstan 101 83 . 99 75 . 1.02 1.11 . 1.24 1 1.38 1 Lao People's 19 23 29.27 31 34 41.66 0.61 0.68 0.7 0.77 3 0.88 3 Dem. Rep.

Latvia 93 85 89.98 93 82 87.76 1 1.04 1.03 1.09 1 1.15 1 Lebanon 76 84 81.6 71 78 74.91 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.09 1 1.1 1 Lesotho 30 36 32.37 20 25 23.62 1.5 1.44 1.37 1.35 1 1.25 1 Liberia . . 18.37 . . 26.64 . . 0.69 . . . . Libyan Arab ...... Jamahiriya Lithuania . 88 70.73 . 85 115.3 . 1.04 0.61 . . . . Luxembourg . 90 97.83 . 85 92.8 . 1.06 1.05 . . . . Macau 68 . . 62 . . 1.1 ...... Madagascar 18 16 . 18 16 . 1 1 . 1 1 1 1 Malawi 5 12 . 11 21 . 0.45 0.57 . 0.75 3 0.94 2 Malaysia 58 69 103.7 55 59 94.19 1.05 1.17 1.1 1.34 1 1.53 1 Maldives . 60 44.17 . 59 41.36 . 1.02 1.07 . . . . Mali 5 8 . 9 17 . 0.56 0.47 . 0.34 4 0.2 4 Malta 81 82 . 87 86 . 0.93 0.95 . 0.99 2 1.02 1 Mauritania 9 11 15.41 19 21 21.4 0.47 0.52 0.72 0.6 4 0.68 4 Mauritius 53 66 106.27 53 63 108.35 1 1.05 0.98 1.12 1 1.2 1 Mexico 54 64 74.85 53 64 72 1.02 1 1.04 0.97 2 0.94 2 Mongolia 88 65 71.05 77 48 57.97 1.14 1.35 1.23 1.67 1 2.02 1 Morocco 30 34 34.95 41 44 43.58 0.73 0.77 0.8 0.83 3 0.9 2 Mozambique 6 5 11.29 10 9 16.62 0.6 0.56 0.68 0.49 4 0.41 4

Myanmar 23 30 . 23 29 . 1 1.03 . 1.09 1 1.14 1

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Region/Country Female Female Female Male Male Male Female Female Female to Value Rank Value Rank rate rate rate rate rate rate to to male ratio, in in in in 1990 1996 1999/ 1990 1996 1999/ male male 1999/2000 2005 2005 2015 2015 2000 2000 ratio, ratio, 1990 1996 Namibia 49 66 63.35 39 56 56.33 1.26 1.18 1.12 1.06 1 0.93 2 Nepal 20 33 44.86 46 51 62.26 0.43 0.65 0.72 0.97 2 1.32 1 Netherlands 115 134 121.51 124 141 126.64 0.93 0.95 0.96 0.98 2 1.02 1 Netherlands . . 87.85 . . 78.52 . . 1.12 . . . . Antilles New Caledonia ......

New Zealand 90 117 116.06 88 111 109.96 1.02 1.05 1.06 1.1 1 1.15 1

Nicaragua 47 60 65.39 34 50 55.16 1.38 1.2 1.19 0.93 2 0.62 4 Niger 4 5 5.13 9 9 7.83 0.44 0.56 0.66 0.72 3 0.91 2 Nigeria 21 30 . 29 36 . 0.72 0.83 . 1 2 1.18 1 Norway 105 116 118.43 101 121 115.58 1.04 0.96 1.02 0.84 3 0.7 3 Oman 40 66 67.27 51 68 68.3 0.78 0.97 0.98 1.25 1 1.56 1 Pakistan 15 . 31.86 30 . 45.79 0.5 . 0.7 . . . . Panama 65 . 70.99 60 . 66.54 1.08 . 1.07 . . . . Papua New 10 11 . 15 17 . 0.67 0.65 . 0.62 4 0.58 4 Guinea Paraguay 32 45 58.01 30 42 55.82 1.07 1.07 1.04 1.08 1 1.09 1 Peru . 67 . . 72 . . 0.93 . . . . . Philippines 73 78 . 74 77 . 0.99 1.01 . 1.05 1 1.1 1 Poland 83 97 98.13 80 98 98.75 1.04 0.99 0.99 0.92 2 0.84 3 Portugal 72 116 115.76 62 106 108.42 1.16 1.09 1.07 0.99 2 0.88 3 Puerto Rico ...... Qatar 85 79 . 77 80 . 1.1 0.99 . 0.81 3 0.62 4 Republic of 88 102 97.23 91 102 97.61 0.97 1 1 1.05 1 1.1 1 Korea Republic of 83 82 . 77 79 . 1.08 1.04 . 0.98 2 0.91 2 Moldova Romania 92 78 80.76 92 79 79.62 1 0.99 1.01 0.97 2 0.95 2 Russian 96 . 84.78 91 . 79.12 1.05 . 1.07 . . . . Federation Rwanda 7 . 11.8 9 . 12.41 0.78 . 0.95 . . . . Samoa 56 66 79.52 46 59 72.92 1.22 1.12 1.09 0.97 2 0.81 3 Saudi Arabia 39 54 64.84 49 62 71.95 0.8 0.87 0.9 0.98 2 1.11 1 Senegal 11 12 . 21 20 . 0.52 0.6 . 0.71 3 0.84 3 Sierra Leone 13 . 21.55 22 . 26.37 0.59 . 0.82 . . . .

Singapore 66 . . 70 . . 0.94 ...... Slovakia . 96 87.43 . 92 85.79 . 1.04 1.02 . . . . Slovenia . 93 . . 90 . . 1.03 . . . . . Solomon 11 14 . 17 21 . 0.65 0.67 . 0.7 4 0.73 3 Islands Somalia ......

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Spain 108 123 116.17 101 116 109.67 1.07 1.06 1.06 1.05 1 1.03 1 Sri Lanka 77 78 . 71 72 . 1.08 1.08 . 1.08 1 1.08 1 St. Lucia . . 103.55 . . 84.82 . . 1.22 . . . . Sudan 21 20 36.15 27 23 21.69 0.78 0.87 1.67 1.01 1 1.16 1 Suriname 56 . . 48 . . 1.17 ...... Swaziland 43 54 . 44 55 . 0.98 0.98 . 0.99 2 1 2 Sweden 92 153 171.52 88 128 135.08 1.05 1.2 1.27 1.42 1 1.67 1 Switzerland . . 96.16 . . 103.46 . . 0.93 . . . . Syrian Arab 44 40 . 60 45 . 0.73 0.89 . 1.12 1 1.38 1 Republic Tajikistan . 74 69.99 . 83 81.78 . 0.89 0.86 . . . . Tanzania 4 5 4.87 6 6 5.68 0.67 0.83 0.86 1.08 1 1.36 1 Thailand 30 . 79.85 31 . 78.06 0.97 . 1.02 . . . . The FYR of 55 62 . 56 64 . 0.98 0.97 . 0.95 2 0.93 2 Macedonia Togo 12 14 22.16 35 40 50.23 0.34 0.35 0.44 0.36 4 0.37 4 Trinidad and 82 75 81.91 78 72 75.01 1.05 1.04 1.09 1.03 1 1.01 1 Tobago Tunisia 40 63 76.2 50 66 73 0.8 0.95 1.04 1.19 1 1.44 1 Turkey 37 48 47.72 57 68 67.26 0.65 0.71 0.71 0.79 3 0.89 3 Turkmenistan ......

Uganda 10 9 . 17 15 . 0.59 0.6 . 0.62 4 0.64 4 Ukraine ...... United Arab 72 82 79.84 63 77 69.59 1.14 1.06 1.15 0.95 2 0.82 3 Emirates United 88 139 169.26 83 120 145.81 1.06 1.16 1.16 1.31 1 1.47 1 Kingdom United States 94 97 94.99 93 98 94.29 1.01 0.99 1.01 0.96 2 0.92 2

Uruguay . . 98.96 . . 84.44 . . 1.17 . . . . Uzbekistan 95 88 . 104 100 . 0.91 0.88 . 0.83 3 0.77 3 Vanuatu 14 . 25.82 19 . 31.04 0.74 . 0.83 . . . . Venezuela 40 46 64.63 29 33 54.23 1.38 1.39 1.19 1.42 1 1.44 1 Viet Nam 31 46 61.42 33 48 67.69 0.94 0.96 0.91 0.99 2 1.02 1 Yemen . 14 . . 53 . . 0.26 . . . . . Yugoslavia 64 64 62.06 62 60 59.26 1.03 1.07 1.05 1.12 1 1.18 1 Zambia . 21 . . 34 . . 0.62 . . . . . Zimbabwe 46 45 42.5 53 52 48.09 0.87 0.87 0.88 0.86 3 0.86 3 Source: UNESCO, 1996 and UIS, 1999/2000 Note: Rank in 2005 and 2015 are defined as follows: 1 = ratio of 1 or greater (Achieve) 3 = 0.7- 0.89 (Falling behind) 2 = 0.9- 0.99 (On track) 4 = 0- 0.69 (Off track)

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Annex 3 A Review of Women’s Political Participation

Table A.3.1. Countries with Gender Quotas or Reservations Country Policy Argentina 30% of candidates Armenia 5% of party lists for PR elections Belgium 1/3 of candidates Bolivia 35% of candidates for Chamber; 30% for Senate Bosnia and Herzegovina 1/3 of candidates Brazil 30% of candidates China around 30% seats reserved? Costa Rica 40% of candidates Djibouti 10% of parliamentary seats reserved Dominican Republic 33% of candidates Ecuador 30% of candidates for Chamber of Deputies France 50% of candidates Guyana 33% of candidates Indonesia 30% of candidates Kenya 6 of 12 parliamentary seats nominated by president Kosovoa 33% of candidates Macedonia 30% of candidates Mexico 30% of candidates Morocco 30 of 325 parliamentary seats reserved Nepal 5% of candidates for lower house; 20% of local seats reserved North Korea 20% of parliamentary seats reserved Pakistan 17% of seats reserved in national assembly; 33% at local level Panama 30% of candidates for Chamber of Deputies Paraguay 20% of candidates Peru 30% of candidates Philippines Some parliamentary seats reservedb; 1 seat reserved per council Serbia and Montenegro 30% of candidates in Serbia Sudan 10% of national assembly seats reserved Taiwan 10% of legislative seats reserved at all levels Tanzania 15% of parliamentary seats reserved; 25% of local councils Uganda 56 parliamentary seats reserved; 33% of local councils a Kosovo is a province of Serbia administered by the United Nations b 20% of seats in the Lower House of Congress are reserved for "marginalized sectors" of society, including women

Local Level Only Bangladesh reserved seats at local levelc Greece 33% of candidates India 33% of seats reserved Namibia 33% of candidates c Information on the number of reserved seats was not available Source: Htun 2003.

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Table A.3.2. Results of Quotas % women in lower Level of quota house or unicameral % women in Country or reservation chamber Senate Argentina 30% 31% 33% Armenia 5% 3% Belgium 33% 23% 28% Bolivia 35%/ 30% 19% 15% Bosnia and Herzegovina 33% 17% 0 Brazil 30% 9% 12% China around 30%? 22% Costa Rica 40% 35% Djibouti 10% 11% Dominican Republic 33% 17% 6% Ecuador 30% 16% France 50% 12% 11% Guyana 33% 20% Indonesia 30% 8% Kenya 3% 7% Kosovo 33% 28% Macedonia 30% 18% Mexico 30% 16% 16% 1 woman of Morocco 10% 11% 270 Nepal 5% 6% n/d North Korea 20% 20% Pakistan 17% 22% 17% Panama 30% 10% Paraguay 20% 3% 18% Peru 30% 18% Philippines some 18% 13% Serbia and Montenegro 30% Sudan 10% 10% Taiwan 10% 22% Tanzania 15% 22% Uganda 18% 25% *All percentages have been rounded off Source: Htun 2003.

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