1 ''1

1 ^^1 M m " I] | ■ " ^ 41 REASONS YOU SHOULD JOIN AFSA

Voice of Foreign Affairs Community Champions Proposed Legislation The Association is the only professional-employee organiza¬ • Health Insurance. AFSA urged that legislation be passed tion—completely independent of the U.S. Government— that would increase the Government’s share of health that articulates the aims of the foreign affairs community. plan insurance programs up to 100% instead of the 40% In a vigorous and organized way it acts to achieve those aims just approved. on behalf of everyone in that community, regardless of rank, status, category or agency. Thus, U.S. Government action, (laws, policies, rules) that affect AFSA members, immedi¬ ately engages the Association’s talents; it proceeds forcefully. • Overtime. The Association asks that 10% overtime be paid to employees on standby duty. This would partic¬ ularly benefit mail, file, security, cryptographic and secre¬ tarial personnel. Also, AFSA recommended payment for Activist in Achieving Important Goals for the overtime to all Staff Corps personnel overseas at the Membership FSSO-5 level and below. AFSA does more than react. It initiates moves that benefit the membership; in the process, non-members also benefit. But the more members we have, the stronger our voice and • Retirement for AID Personnel. The Association holds the greater the benefits. Thus all personnel should carefully that AID people should have the same retirement bene¬ consider the following examples of AFSA initiatives, specu¬ fits as other members of the foreign affairs community. late how much and more could be achieved if all foreign affairs personnel supported AFSA. Scholarships and Counseling • Ombudsmen. AFSA recommended that these welfare More than $73,000 in scholarships went to children of for¬ and grievance officers be appointed in AID, State and eign service people last year. AFSA’s Scholarship Fund ac¬ USIA. The result: approval. AFSA’s Members’ Inter¬ counted for $63,000 of the total. ests Committee collaborates with the Ombudsmen, or Educational counseling continues as an important part of works separately, on a wide variety of pocketbook and AFSA’s service to members: some 300 families a year take other issues. advantage of this free service rendered by AFSA through a highly skilled specialist. The unusual needs of handicapped children are covered in this service. • Health Insurance. Premiums for the U.S. Government- American Foreign Service Protective Association health plan were greatly reduced at AFSA’s instigation. The saving to an AFSA member who is a participant in that Provident Fund plan is three to six times his annual AFSA dues. This fund is being established with a substantial initial loan from the Bonn/Bad Godesberg American Community Asso¬ ciation. Its purpose is to provide immediate financial help to • Travel and Transfer Allowances. This is another area in anyone in the foreign affairs community overseas confronted which AFSA made the will of its members felt. Travel by an emergency that cannot be met by government assist¬ advances now are paid in full, travel and transfer allow¬ ance. Loans have also been received from other posts and ances substantially increased. AFSA has also recom¬ the Fund will be operative in the near future. mended transfer allowances of up to $800 and has the Department’s approval. The necessary legislation and budgetary machinery has been set in motion. Various Insurance Programs AFSA has arranged with insurance agencies to write short¬ • Support for Staff Corps. Staff Corps personnel have the term automobile insurance for personnel on home leave; be¬ strongest possible backing of AFSA in promoting their fore such coverage was virtually unobtainable. interests to the end of retaining the Staff Corps as a powerful and effective arm of the foreign service and to AFSA also has low-rate group insurance programs available reduce or eliminate inequities between Officer and Staff only to its members: high limit accidental death and specific corps personnel, including overtime, free entry, allow¬ loss; long-term income protection; and extra cash hospital- ances, quarters, etc. As a result of the Staff Corps Ad¬ indemnity plan. visory Committee recommendations the next inspector The Foreign Service Protective Association provides group vacancy will be filled by a member of the Staff Corps. life insurance, family coverage and accidental death.

This outline of AFSA’s activities is designedly brief, but the Association will gladly expand on any point. AFSA welcomes suggestions from members as to what it should be doing in addition to its ongoing programs and proposed courses of action on new issues. FOREIGN §ERVICEj|)l|[||j)|

AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION NOVEMBER, 1970, VOLUME 47, No. 11 THEODORE L. ELIOT, JR., President JOHN E. REINHARDT, First Vice President C. WILLIAM KONTOS, Secend Vice President 19 The Nixon Doctrine and Beyond BOARD OF DIRECTORS Thomas Perry Thornton CHARLES W. BRAY, III, Chairman WILLIAM HARROP, Vice Chairman BARBARA GOOD, Assistant Secretary-Treasurer 22 Perspective from Asia DONALD EASUM Robert G. Neumann ERLAND HEGINBOTHAM GEORGE B. LAMBRAKIS PRINCETON LYMAN 26 Implications of a Foreign Policy of Restraint ROBERT NEVITT MICHAEL PISTOR Wayne Wilcox THOMAS M. TRACY 40 East Asia and the Guam Doctrine STAFF Jerome K. Holloway THOMAS S. ESTES, Executive Director MARGARET S. TURKEL, Executive Secretary 43 New Problems of Social Development CLARKE SLADE, Educational Consultant LOUISE H. FEISSNER, Personal Purchases Covey T. Oliver

JOURNAL EDITORIAL BOARD 46 America and Asia DAVID T. SCHNEIDER, Chairman Senator Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. ARCHIE BOLSTER, Vice Chairman AMBLER MOSS CLINT E. SMITH M. TERESITA CURRIE JAMES D. CONLEY OTHER FEATURES: Communication re: George Kennan’s Advice, JOHN F. LIPPMANN by John W. Tuthill, page 6; Ambassador Grew Writes, page 12; Eugene, by Molly Stephens, page 14; Poems, by P.B., page 49. JOURNAL SHIRLEY R. NEWHALL, Editor DONALD DRESDEN, Editorial Consultant MCIVER ART & PUBLICATIONS, INC., Art Direction DEPARTMENTS

ADVERTISING REPRESENTATIVES 4 Editorials SASMOR AND GUCK, 295 Madison Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017 (212) 532-6230 27 AFSA News ALBERT D. SHONK CO., 681 Market St., San Francisco, Calif. 94105 (415) 392-7144 JOSHUA B. POWERS, LTD., 5 Winsley Street, London 50 The Bookshelf W.l. 01-580 6594/8. International Representatives.

59 Letters to the Editor ©American Foreign Service Association, 1970. The Foreign Service Journal is published twelve times a year by the American Foreign Service Association, 2101 E Street, N.W., Washington, D. C. 20037. PHOTOGRAPHS AND ILLUSTRATIONS: Ruth Boynton, “Thatta, Pak¬ Second-class postage paid at Washington, D. C. istan,” cover; Henry Paoli, cartoon, page 53; S. I. Nadler. “Life Printed by Monumental Printing Co., Baltimore. and Love in the Foreign Service,” page 60.

THE FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL is the journal of professionals in foreign affairs, published twelve times a year by the American Foreign Service Association, a non-profit organization. Material appearing herein represents the opinions of the writers and is not intended to indicate the official views of the Department of State, the United States Information Agency, the Agency for International Development or the United States Government as a whole. Membership in the AMERICAN FOREIGN SERVICE ASSOCIATION is open to the professionals in foreign affairs serving overseas or in Washington, as well as to persons having an active interest in, or close association with, foreign affairs. Dues are $30 annually for members earning over $15,000; for those earning less, dues are $15.00. For subscription to the JOURNAL, one year (12 issues); $6.00; two years, $10.00, For subscriptions going abroad, except Canada, add $1.00 annually for over¬ seas postage. About This Issue EDITORIAL

N■ » o theme has been so pervasive in discussion of American foreign policy in the last several years as the emergence of a new, lower posture. The press, the aca¬ demic community and many within the government have A Professional Association stressed this trend—especially since the President’s Guam press conference and the publication of his foreign policy report in February of this year. Indeed, the “Nixon Doctrine” has become a sort of shorthand EXECUTIVE ORDER 11491 on Labor-Management Re¬ designation of the new “low posture” policy although, lations in the Federal Government presents an extraordi¬ of course, the two are not identical but only overlap. nary challenge to the Foreign Service and the American Too often, however, the phrases “Nixon Doctrine” Foreign Service Association. and “low posture policy” have been little more than The Board of Directors has sent to all members the ritual incantations that absolve the speaker from finding results of our thorough study of the issues raised by this out what they really mean, much less doing anything executive order and by the current drive of an AFL-CIO to implement them. We were therefore pleased when affiliate to obtain exclusive recognition rights for Foreign Thomas Thornton, a member of the Department’s Service personnel. The Board has concluded that we Planning and Coordination Staff, proposed that this have no real choice: AFSA must itself seek exclusive special issue of the JOURNAL be devoted to an explora¬ recognition as a “labor organization” for all Foreign tion of the problems and opportunities posed by these Service personnel. new and still largely undefined concepts. The contrib¬ This decision was reached after consultations with high utors to this issue offer a wide range of experience officials of State, AID, and USIA; with the AFL-CIO within the Department and in the academic community affiliate; with the Department of Labor, the Civil Service (several have substantial reputations in both) and their Commission, the Federal Labor Relations Council, the experiences result in approaches that differ markedly. National Federation of Professional Organizations, with It is interesting but not surprising, for instance, that scores of our members in Washington, with DACOR Ambassador Neumann and ex-Ambassador Oliver take members, with our legal advisers, Covington and Burling. a cautious view of multilateral economic assistance and We urge members to read carefully the explanatory ma¬ Professor Wilcox—a battle-scarred veteran of Columbia terial they have received. The explanation is longer than University—is acutely sensitive to the domestic restraints we would have liked, but the problem is intricate and on our policy. Jerome Holloway, a scarcely less scarred cannot be glossed over. veteran of service in the East Asia Bureau during the We believe our members will reach the same conclu¬ Cambodian crisis, raises substantial questions concerning sion as the Board, and we urge that you sign the required the relationship of overall policy and the exigencies of form and return it without delay. We rely upon mem¬ crisis situations, and Senator Mathias reflects many of bers to seek the signatures of Foreign Service colleagues, the concerns about the substance and guidance of Amer¬ whether AFSA members or not. The Association legally ican policy that have troubled him and his colleagues must have the signed forms of 30 per cent of total person¬ in recent months. Mr. Thornton is concerned about the nel in Foreign Service (FSO, FSSO, FSS, FSIO, FSR, need within the foreign affairs community for a compre¬ FSRU) before it can move ahead. Our competitor— hensive approach to the problems facing the country the AFL-CIO affiliate—has already requested elections in the 1970s. in five offices of State and AID which include Foreign Since we hardly expected to find a single “blueprint” Service personnel. The AFL-CIO may prove to be the for US policy in a changing environment, we welcome appropriate representative of Civil Service personnel; this diversity of approach and analysis. Complicated the Association should speak for the Foreign Service. issues such as the ones raised here must first be ap¬ The Board of Directors proposes no compromise of proached cautiously—like the proverbial German cat AFSA's traditional mission as a professional association. circling the hot porridge—before they can be attacked The Board pledges jealously to protect AFSA’s profes¬ directly. Also, of course, these are issues about which sional character and goals. The Board is persuaded that honest men can reasonably differ. We offer this issue, AFSA’s future as a professional association in fact de¬ then, as a contribution to a debate—one in which our pends upon its future as an effective spokesman for the readers will have to be active participants. ■ economic and personnel interests of its members. H

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George Kennan’s Advice

JOHN W. TUTHILL

I would like to take issue with one part of George Kennan’s interview as published in the August number. In answer to the question as to his advice to a “promising student” interested in the Foreign Service, Kennan states “if he was very ambitious and competitive as well as being bright, I would not suggest that he enter the Foreign Service at the bottom and make it a career. The realistic advice . . . is to tell him to become a successful lawyer or businessman and plan later to enter diplomacy at the top.” This is not the advice I give nor can I believe that Kennan is as cynical about the Foreign Service and the role of its members as his response would seem to imply. Actually my advice to “promising students” is consistent with Kennan's up to a point. I strongly advocate that all Foreign Service officers learn a trade and work at it before entering the Service. The basis for my recommendation however is quite different from Kennan’s. The United States government needs a Foreign Service that is composed of independent individuals. I seek the FROM WASHINGTON TO KABOUL, through more than independence which comes from the knowledge and assur¬ 200 offices in over 80 countries, AIU offers you superior service ance that the officer is capable of supporting himself and his —with nearly 50 years' international insurance experience to family with dignity and satisfaction in some other trade. I’m back it up. not choosy about the “trade.” It can be law, business, teaching, journalism, banking or truck driving, but it should be a trade that the officer has worked at before entering the AIU PERSUNAL INSURANCE OVERSEAS Foreign Service. includes — There is a related justification. I must admit a horror of Automobile liability protection and coverage of damage to your young men and women entering the Foreign Service direct own car ...in policies that satisfy all local legal requirements. from university work. While I realize that the universities of today are hardly "cloistered” from the events of our time, Accident and sickness coverages... from a single-day trip policy to an annual policy covering 24 hours every day. nevertheless I think that officers should know more of their country than they are likely to learn from an adult life Property insurance of almost any kind you can think of...on limited to the Foreign Service and the universities. your personal effects and household effects ...on jewelry, furs, The basic reason, however, is that I want officers who are fine arts . ..or even your overseas residence. fiercely independent in their judgments and who are quite prepared to leave the Service for another trade if their independent views lead to career difficulties. It is an enor¬ mously dangerous world in which we live and there should be no doubt about the integrity, personal balance, courage A1U PERSONAL INSURANCE OVERSEAS and, of course, judgment of those reporting events back to may be obtained through brokers arid agents, or any AIU office. the United States Government and making policy recom¬ In Washington, call (Area 202) 737-6855 mendations in connection therewith. There is another, and related, point of difference with Kennan. In response to a question regarding reform of the Foreign Service, Kennan states “I know that the State AMERICAN 1 02 MAIDEN LANE Department has to be larger today than when I first entered Government service in 1925, because among other things we INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK have relations with so many more countries now.” I would place much more emphasis upon the "other things” than UNDERWRITERS 10005 : . upon the enlarged number of embassies that we have abroad. Offices, Agents, and Representatives throughout the world. The fact is that, during the past 25 to 30 years, there has CHICAGO • CORAL GABLES • DALLAS • HOUSTON • LOS ANGELES • NEW been a veritable avalanche of problems in the field of foreign ORLEANS • NEW YORK • PORTLAND • SAN FRANCISCO • SEATTLE • TULSA affairs and an enlargement of the share of US responsibility WASHINGTON, 0. C. for such problems. We have, of course, had the horrors of

6 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 To: The Foreign Service community Subject: An invitation to join the Union. Fifteen hundred of us in State, Aid, and USIA already have joined because we want such things as . . . • an independent voice in framing personnel policies; • assurance that the policies are being fairly applied; • pay truly comparable to that in private industry; • fair grievance procedures in which we are adequately represented by a bonafide union; • the right to bargain collectively for terms and conditions of employment with the aid of an experienced government employees’ union—professionals in employee-management relations. Many of us in the Union are also proud to be members of the professional society, the American Foreign Service Association (AFSA). We strongly urge all eligible members of AFSA to join the Union. There is much we can do together. The Union can serve State-AID-USIA personnel in securing their individual rights—in representing employees when there is a difference between the individual and Department or Agency management about those rights. As a member of the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), you will have the backing of 325,000 other people in government who are also members of AFGE. Equally important, you will have the services of a full-time national staff of 265, including 10 full-time attorneys. These people will represent you most effectively in Congress, the White House, the Civil Service Commission, the courts, and in our own agencies. When our country’s interests are at stake we all want truly experienced diplomats to negotiate on our behalf. Diplomacy is no place for amateurs. Similarly, when our job interests are at stake, we want to be represented by experienced negotiators. With your help, we will soon qualify (under Executive Order 11491) for exclusive representation of employees of State-AID-USIA. Join us now.

For an application or further information write: American Federation of Government Employees Room 12B60, Department of State Washington, D.C. 20520 Telephone: 202/223-2087

The Foreign Service Committee, Local 1534/1812 AFGE John M. Beshoar, FSO Ethel A. Kuhn, FSR Gene Preston, FSO Chairman Jay Blowers, FSO Vernard Lanphier, FSO James Reid, FSO Linda A. Buggeln, FSR Peter Maher, FSO janina Slattery, FSO Charles L. Medd, FSIO Harrison Sherwood, FSO Peter Dodd, FSO Al Smith, GS Hal Gray, GS Jonathan Menes, FSO Wayne Taylor, FSRU Max R. Grossman, FSS Thomas J. Mulvehill, FSIO Kenneth Torp, FSO Rolf Jacoby, FSR Alison Palmer, FSO John Vincent, FSO John C. Kimball, FSR Peter Perenyi, FSO Joseph Young, FSR THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES, AFL-CIO Local 1534 (State-AID), Local 1812 (USIA) FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 7 World War II and the post-war confrontation of the super possibilities of making a constructive contribution towards powers. In addition, while we have talked a good deal about dealing sensibly with the issues which confront us, then I technological developments which have shrunk the world, think the Service will be more, rather than less, attractive. It we have not, in my view, more than begun to understand the depends to a large extent on whether the new officers will policy implications of these well-known developments. While think not of their careers, but of the possibilities for making Soviet-US relations are of paramount importance, new real contributions. problems or new aspects of old problems have arisen Kennan presumably was thinking largely in terms of probably faster than during any other period in world decision making on high policy issues. I agree that, given a affairs. The need for an effective peacetime alliance and democratic form of government, in which there is a consti¬ related economic, financial and trade collaboration; decolo- tutional division of responsibilities between the Executive nialization and the—as yet unaccomplished—necessity for and the legislature, the President will always choose a the democratic, affluent, northern world to find a viable Secretary of State having in mind his influence with the relationship with the troubled "third world'’; the changing of Congress. But is this surprising and, as Churchill pointed conditions of alliances almost as soon as they have been out—given the alternatives in terms of types of government created; the speed of transportation and communication and —bad? the prospect of further quantum jumps as the satellites and So, I assume that the President will decide basic foreign international TV come into play—these and similar develop¬ policy issues, while keeping a vigilant eye on Congressional ments are the main reasons why the State Department and and public opinion and that, while his Secretary of State and US missions abroad have grown. the Department behind him can be expected to contribute I don’t think that I am likely to be charged with advocacy recommendations and background before these decisions are of excessive personnel at home or abroad. Clearly while our taken, they will also be charged with carrying them out. needs and responsibilities have grown our operations abroad This does not leave a modest role for the Department of have spread excessively to the point that many of our State or its Foreign Service. The United States remains the operations abroad do a positive disservice in terms of US main, but not sole, nation of the democratic independent interests. However, the Service and its job has become world. As such it has a tremendous responsibility, not only immensely more complicated. There is now a need for for the final issues of war or peace, but also for the young men and women with a variety of talents and thousands of actions that require policy decisions by the qualifications undreamed of 30 years ago. And with these United States Government. All of these can never be expanded requirements, there is a greater rather than a lesser referred to the President through the Secretary of State. need for an effective Foreign Serivce. Responsibilities have to be delegated if chaos is to be If the above is correct, it follows that the role of the avoided. This means, in practice, that many Foreign Service future Foreign Service officer, while perhaps less glamorous officers in many parts of the world will henceforth be than his predecessors, is likely to be more complicated and reporting, making recommendations or taking sD»c'fic ac¬ equally exacting. If a young man or woman entering the tions which ultimately will have a profound effect upon the Service will think of the needs of his government and the position of the United States and the background against Happily lam a homeowner after many years ofwanderinyaround the world...” “Happily, I am a homeowner after many years of wandering around the world.... 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EIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 World favorite Old Grand-Dad Bourbon whiskey is the world’s most popular prestige whiskey. It’s a distinctive American whiskey, with smooth character, non¬ smoky taste and dry, delicious flavor.

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 9 which the President must take his responsibility for the final policy decisions. I think that constitutes enough of a challenge for a ♦ promising student—unless of course his ambition leads him to seek to become President or Secretary of State. The Foreign Service is a poor bet as a road to either of those jobs. There is, however, a perfectly respectable route open SPECTACULAR to him—politics. It would be just as well if the Foreign Service avoided looking disparagingly upon this route. So—while agreeing with much of what Kennan advo¬ cates I shall continue to advise the bright, independent PROMOTIONS student that there exist perhaps even more challenges, more need for imagination and courage in the Foreign Service today than ever before. I would advocate that he, or she, U.S.A. forget about career prospects, career management, rates of promotion, and instead try to be ready for the problems and issues and to accept the great satisfaction that comes with the acceptance of that responsibility. Also, I would recom¬ STERLING FLATWARE mend another “trade,” because the Foreign Service officers who are needed are those who are prepared to quit if the Service in practice fails to offer that it potentially can. I might add that in my own more than a quarter of a century SAVINGS OF UP TO 45% in the Service that time never came.

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1S70 11 Ambassador Grew Writes To Frank B. Kellogg, November 29, 1926 FOREIGN SERVICE PERSONNEL In accordance with your instructions, I respectfully lay before you the following considerations regarding the situa¬ IF YOU'RE SURE YOU DON'T NEED ADDITIONAL INSURANCE TO PRO- tion concerning our Chiefs of diplomatic missions abroad. TECT YOUR FAMILY, DON'T BOTHER TO READ THIS AD; There is another important element to be considered. BUT During the last thirty years efforts have been made by successive administrations to develop an efficient Foreign WAEPA stands for Worldwide Assurance for Employees of Public Agen¬ cies, Inc., a mutual non-profit corporation whose sole purpose is to pro¬ Service in order to carry out effectively the increasing vide life insurance at the lowest possible cost to its members. demands of American business and of our steadily increasing WAEPA insures exclusively civilian federal employees serving abroad or interests abroad. ... In the Rogers Act of 1924 the impor¬ in the U.S. in overseas related operations. tance of promoting efficient Foreign Service officers to the If you are under 41, you may qualify for $30,000 group life insurance position of Chief of Mission was definitely recognized and and an additional $25,000 AD & D coverage for $100 per year. If you a moral obligation was placed upon the Administration to are over 41 but under 60, you can be covered at higher but still rea¬ consider the names of efficient Foreign Service officers for sonable rates. WAEPA is underwritten by the Equitable Life Assurance such promotions. . . . Society of the U.S. and Mutual of Omaha and administered by Govern¬ The situation in the Service today is as follows: Every ment officials who serve without compensation. year a considerable class of young men is taken into the WAEPA has no “war clause.” We also provide dependent cover¬ Service. This year there were twenty. Class I of the Service age for a small additional cost. For full details without obligation, is filled with twenty-three men who have had from fifteen to write or call John D. Noble, General Manager 667-8955 forty years experience in the Service. A large proportion of these officers are fully equipped, competent and fitted in every way to represent the United States as Minister or Ambassador. If experience continues to show that only an infinitesimal proportion of these officers can ever hope to become Chiefs of Mission, and that very few of even that small number can ever hope to be sent to desirable posts where their wives can live in healthful and cultural surround¬ ings and where their children can obtain their normal 1720 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. education, the incentive to the best young men of the Washington, D.C. 20026 country to adopt the Foreign Service as a career and the morale of the Service through all its ranks are bound to suffer. That feeling is very marked in the Service today and has come to me from many sources. . . . I am not sure that the President appreciates this situation nor am I sure that he has ever been given a clear compre¬ hension of what we are trying to accomplish with the Foreign Service and what it is going to mean to the country in future and what it means today. If the morale and therefore the effectiveness of the Foreign Service are to be sacrificed to temporary political expediency, I do not think that we can look to the future with equanimity. The American people are essentially practical and businesslike. aUmMOj? They demand the most efficient service that the Government can render and they cannot fail to approve and support the application to our Foreign Service of the principles which make successful business houses, namely, the practical rec¬ ognition of ability. No business house is going to succeed if the majority of its vice presidents are appointed for political considerations rather than for ability, experience and famil¬ iarity with the work. The large business organizations and chambers of commerce of the country solidly supported the Rogers Act and are solidly behind us in what we are trying to accomplish. It therefore seems to all of us that the time has come to put the matter up squarely to the President. I believe that the resignations of several of the Chiefs of Mission, political THE STATE DEPARTMENT appointees, who have served more than their traditional FEDERAL CREDIT UNION terms without rendering the highest type of service can with is for your convenience. Use it all propriety be requested, and I think that to the vacancies to help solve those financial thus created a considerable number of efficient, able and problems. For details, see deserving Foreign Service officers of Class I with long experience should be promoted. Such a step would encour¬ your administrative officer. age all the ranks of the Service, would give an added incentive to the best young men in the country to come TOTAL LOANS: $11,519,441 forward for the Service, would meet with high approval TOTAL SHARES: $15,294,107 from the public, business organizations and chambers of commerce throughout the country and would at the same i time be serving the best interests of the Government. . . I —from “Turbulent Era” by loseph C. Grew.

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 diplomacy. aujourd’hui?” EUGENE One afternoon I was busily Eugene shifted his bare feet self¬ typing when 1 heard the door be¬ consciously, then sat primly on the hind me open quietly. The office edge of the proffered chair, all the MOLLY STEPHENS was instantly filled with the rich, while keeping a firm grip on the Miss Stephens is a native of Mich¬ ripe fragrance of a long-unwashed hapless fowl tucked under his arm. 1 igan but a transplanted resident of body. I turned to greet the visitor, What the DCM “could do fo Northern California. She entered and found myself facing . . . Eu¬ him today’’ turned out to be quite a the Foreign Service in 1962 and gene. bit indeed. In his African-French has served at Libreville, Rome and Vientiane. She is now secretary to He was a very small, very thin pidgin he explained. Ambassador William H. Sullivan Gabonese. His ancient clothes Eugene, it seemed, had brought in the Bureau of East Asian and looked as if they had grown to his the DCM a present—the stringy Pacific Affairs. wiry little body—due, I suspect, to little chicken—in return for which a long association unbroken by he wished a very big favor. He needless removal for laundering. wanted 40,000 francs (around He was wearing a stubble of beard, $75) with which to buy another American Embassy in Li¬ and a couple of lonely teeth were wife. He had sent his picture (or breville has better facilities now, scattered here and there behind a somebody’s picture) to his prospec¬ but in 1962, during my tour of duty diffident smile. He was just a little tive mother-in-law back in a jungle in Gabon, the Embassy was housed drunk, probably to give himself the village somewhere and, apparently in a crowded, makeshift structure courage to come in the first place. on the strength of the picture, the in which the electricity and plumb¬ Lying helplessly imprisoned un¬ matriarch had approved the match. ing were incredibly moody. There der his arm, with its head hanging “Forty thousand francs seems were so few rooms that my boss dolefully down, was a skinny, un¬ like a very high bride-price, Eu¬ and I shared a common office. dersized, half-wild African chicken, gene,” my boss said thoughtfully, Somehow the Deputy Chief of Mis¬ clucking softly to itself. “especially for a second wife. Sure¬ sion survived my clattering To my amazement, my boss ly you didn’t pay that much for typewriter with his sense of humor knew Eugene very well. He shook your first wife.” (Plural marriage is intact. As for me, sharing an office hands with the shy, ugly little man, advantageous in Gabon. Since with the DCM in the land of the greeting him with a warm “Bon- women do all the heavy work, the equatorial rain forest was an as¬ jour, Eugene, comment allez-vous? more wives a man has the better tonishing introduction to modern Que puis-je faire pour vous off he is economically—except that

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 15 good wives tend to be rather ex¬ pensive.) Geo. Eugene reassured the DCM of the soundness of the investment. The bride was very strong. And not Washington too old, either—thirteen. She would be able to work very hard. drank here. “She sounds like a very good Andsodidmost of his buddies. wife,” my boss agreed, “but it will Madeira was the prized wine of take you many years to pay me the Seventeen Seventies. Under back forty thousand francs, even if Paul Masson’s label it’s a prize she is very strong and can work in the Nineteen Seventies, too. hard.” Why not? It’s a wine cellar in “But,” the little man said earnest¬ a bottle. Appetizing as an aperi¬ ly, “If I pay bride price, govern¬ tif, mellow during the meal, deli¬ ment baby bonus come to me. I cious with dessert. And called give it to you. If I take wife but for in more recipes than any cannot pay bride price, baby bonus other wine. As one well-aged go to wife’s father.” bibber put it, “By George, it This was perfectly true. Without may start a revolution!” the bride-price, he could not marry Paul Masson his prospective wife and therefore all his children were the legal prop¬ erty of his wife’s father—and the government baby bonus, an impor¬ tant incentive in this underpopu¬ lated little land, would also go to the bride’s father. “What if you don’t have any babies, Eugene.” The diffident smile returned, but with a shade more confidence this time. “Oui, there will be babies,” he said assuredly. “Girl already have one baby in village.” And that was the real reason his Beat Stateside Prices thirteen-year-old fiancee was so Since 1916 the Nemet Organization has expensive, when an average girl been meeting the needs of Americans fetched a price of about $40. In a throughout the world. Your car is where you want it, when you want it, serviced land where a high percentage of and ready to go, on your return State¬ the women are sterile, his strong side or in Europe. young bride was not. Save up to 30% over U.S. prices. Our The DCM had to explain to Eu¬ comprehensive Master Catalog contains gene. gently and tactfully, that he 60 pages, over 150 illustrations, low fac¬ was unable to give him 40,000 tory prices, options, colors, complete specifications. francs for his second wife. Eugene took the news like a man. He was deeply disappointed. Nemet Auto International The DCM had already done him 153-03 Hillside Avenue Jamaica, New York 11432 (CNEMET^) S one small favor and the little Ga¬ near J.F.K. Inti. Airport bonese had counted heavily on a Please send me a FREE copy of your 60 5 donation from the “rich Ameri¬ page Master catalog. 1 am interested in: ® can”—yet he rose at the end of the □ Austin □ MG | | Si me a OH □ BMW □ Opel □ Sunbeam interview (teetering just a little) □ Datsun □ Peugeot □ Triumph □ Fiat □ Porsche □ Volkswagen ■ with the shy smile intact on his □ Jaguar □ Renault □ Volvo ■ seamed, unshaven face. □ Lotus □ Rover □ Avanti g| □ Mercedes □ Saab And then he did a very generous ■ thing. Although he rarely had enough money to buy meat, and in ■ ■ spite of my boss’s refusal to help him, Eugene, with a magnanimous ■ gesture, offered the DCM the ■ chicken anyway. ■ Paul Masson Vineyards, Saratoga, Calif. © 1970.

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 In which the author points out some of the opportunities and problems inherent in going about the business of foreign policy

The Nixon Doctrine and Beyond

^pit. question of implementing a THOMAS P. THORNTON Further, we must accept the fact low posture policy is one of relin- Mr. Thornton has been a mem¬ that when others take over responsi¬ guishing power. The United States ber of the Planning and Coordina¬ bilities from us, they will also expect has never looked at its position as an tion Staff since 1969; for five years prior to that he was chief of to take over such benefits as we may imperial one, but to a great extent the South Asia Division in 1NR have derived. This is particularly the nation did fulfill the imperial and in the mid-1950s served with likely to happen as the Europeans role of maintaining security and mini¬ US1A in India. In addition to his move out into the Mediterranean mum order on a world-wide basis. work in the Department, he region and the Japanese into How can we divest ourselves of part teaches political science at Ameri¬ can University and is the author Southeast Asia. When we turn over of this role without seeming to incur or editor of a number of books much of our security role in these a defeat in the traditional concepts and articles on political and lin¬ areas (and the question is only of international politics? How can guistic subjects. (He will not admit when, not whether), we must expect we get down from the tiger? to having published previously in the JOURNAL.) Europe and Japan to reap the com¬ At the same time, we are faced mercial benefits. European commu¬ with the difficult problem of making international stage, but their accep¬ nity members, for instance, will clear implicitly, if not explicitly, just tance has resulted in no small part hardly pay much attention to our how much of our role we are from the lack of specifics in the protests over their preferential trade prepared to relinquish. The residual Nixon Doctrine. A little wishful agreements with Tunisia, Greece or position of the United States, even thinking can go a long way in esti¬ Israel, if we are simultaneously were a low posture position to be mating the impact that a change in pressing them to assume our security ruthlessly implemented, will still be US policy will have. We must expect role in the Mediterranean. of vast proportions. If the credibility that our allies will seek to avoid All aspects of our foreign policy of this continuing commitment is doing many of the jobs that must will have to be reviewed in the light called into doubt, the risks could be ultimately fall to them. Few will of our low posture policy. This was enormous—much as happened in willingly take over costly and un¬ done of course in the President’s Korea in 1950. pleasant duties that we have per¬ foreign policy report to Congress, Substantial dangers of misapplica¬ formed previously, and we shall but the treatment there was neces¬ tion by us and misinterpretation by sometimes have to play the role of a sarily very generalized. We have others will be a constant part of the drill sergeant in calling for “volun¬ only begun the necessary study for a policy environment. Indeed, a low teers.” Having gotten our volunteers, general application of the policy and posture policy does not mean a pol¬ however, it will be hard to restrain our coverage has been very uneven icy of low risk. By relinquishing con¬ ourselves when our allies do not do in terms of the various areas of the trol of events to others, we will lose their job the way we would do it and world. some of our ability to alter the out¬ may even seem to be failing. The The Nixon Doctrine was original¬ come of developing situations. Al¬ temptation to retrieve deteriorating ly enunciated for Southeast Asia and though this should be offset by a situations—to intervene “just a little has received its principal elaboration smaller US stake in the outcome, our bit” to save a country from its own there. But even the Vietnamization nerves are likely to undergo quite a shortcomings—will be great. But we program—the first fruit of the Doc¬ bit of strain as we allow the inter¬ must, as a senior administration trine—has not met its critical test. play of countervailing international official recently said, get over the The program has proceeded thus far forces to replace our unilateral role. idea that the security and develop¬ under the wing of a large American The move toward a low posture in ment of other countries are more military presence. The critical point, US policy has been generally ac¬ important to us than to the countries both for the program and for our cepted by our fellow actors on the themselves. steadfastness, will come when Saigon

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 19 we need to re-examine it closely to ensure that it fits into our changing world-wide role. Relative inactivity is not the only or necessarily the best manifestation of a low posture. In Latin America, because of our prox¬ imity and long history of involve¬ ment, a sensible low posture will likely be something quite different from what we will be doing in Africa or even Asia. Latin America will probably not emerge as a third or fourth force; its future will remain closely interlocked with ours. The exuberance of the early years of the Alianza will certainly not provide a model for the future, however— even less so the paternalistic ap¬ proach of previous days. Our ability to devise a posture low enough to be acceptable in a climate of rising na¬ tionalism, but strong enough to guard our interests and promote pro¬ gress throughout the Hemisphere may be the most challenging task for our policy in the next years. Dealing with the Soviet Union poses a different kind of problem. The “negotiation rather than con¬ frontation” aspect of the Nixon Doc¬ trine can be associated with the low posture policy (and to some extent springs from the same sources); but a “low posture” vis-a-vis Moscow in the sense that we have been using the term is not immediately a feasi¬ position it now holds. In terms of must rely predominantly on its own ble option. In our bi-lateral relation¬ international stability it may be bet¬ resources. Whether we have yet to ships, a low posture policy is only ter that an intermediate force meet the test in Cambodia or have possible to the extent that the Soviets emerge to separate the United States already failed it depends on whether reciprocate (SALT, Mutual and and the Soviet Union, rather than the May incursion turns out to have Balanced Force Reduction), and perpetuate a dangerous bi-polar con¬ been a spill-over of the Vietnamiza- this can only be the result of hard frontation in Central Europe. It will tion program or a coup to relieve the negotiation backed by adequate mil¬ pressure on Lon Nol. be hard and occasionally nerve- itary strength. While in Southeast Asia the out¬ wracking, however, to observe the lines of some basic questions are end of the “American hour” in Eu¬ To the extent that Moscow is ei¬ emerging, only the barest beginning ropean history and of the hopes for ther actually or potentially an ele¬ has been made in Europe with Con¬ an Atlantic Community that slipped ment in nearly all of our foreign gressional pressure for troop reduc¬ from our grasp in the 1950s. A policy, however, a general low pos¬ tions, proposals for Mutual Bal¬ carefully managed low-posture poli¬ ture policy will be indirectly relevant anced Force Reductions, support of cy will be necessary to ensure that to our relationship with the Soviet the Brandt initiatives toward the decline in our political and secu¬ Union. Our ability to lower our pos¬ Eastern Europe and other still more rity function is not paralleled by ture in the Middle East, for exam¬ modest steps. It is in Europe, how¬ declines in our economic and cul¬ ple, is restricted by the danger that ever, that the low posture policy will tural roles. Our relationships with the USSR might move in to fill the ensuing vacuum to our detriment. In meet its severest test: no individual Europe in the last decades of this Southeast Asia, on the other hand, part of that policy will be more century will be much different from we probably have greater freedom to difficult and beset by doubt than those we anticipated a decade or so withdrawal of all but a symbolic ago, but they could be equally fruit¬ reduce our presence in the expecta¬ United States military presence in ful if we manage them realistically. tion that the Soviet Union will as¬ Europe. This may (and should) be Looking further, the outlines are sume a larger part of the burden of still a good way off, but Europe in still hazier. Our low posture policy in offsetting Chinese influence. (This some form or other will ultimately Africa is part heritage from previous has already happened in Pakistan.) have to move to a real third force years and part accident. It may or Indeed, in pursuit of a low posture role from the “second-and-a-half” may not be adequate for today, but policy in Southeast Asia, we may

20 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 want to urge such countries as President Nixon has called for. Be¬ an era of “foreign policy without Thailand and Cambodia to strength¬ yond that lie the thorny problems of tools.” en their ties with Moscow. providing guidance to our military Much of the decline in the De¬ Also, Europe’s resumption of its and economic assistance and in¬ partment’s influence since World traditional role as defender of the formation programs, determining War II has been ascribed to the Eastern marches against Russian ex¬ levels of reporting and of personnel, fact that we were not a resource¬ pansion will perhaps permit us to and working out the many detailed dispensing agency. Country teams lower the temperature of our rela¬ positions needed to shift a course of and Interdepartmental Groups not¬ tionship with Moscow. As we have policy. withstanding, the Department has noted above, this is certainly many These are not just routine been reduced to the role of one years off; it is, however, a goal worth mechanical chores. Despite its vir¬ voice among many, often having less working towards and the moves that tues, the Nixon Doctrine does not faith in its own product—diplomacy we make in pursuit of it should in provide immediately useful guidance in the broadest sense—than in the themselves be useful in rationalizing for most of the questions that we resources of AID and Defense as the our policy towards both the USSR will face. It is not a blueprint (not substance of international relations. and Europe. even a “broad-brush blueprint” as What we have lost in the past The generalizations in which these one Department officer recently de¬ years will certainly not be handed problems have been posed indicate scribed it with intriguing imagery). back to us on a pewter (hardly the long way still ahead of this coun¬ This may be disappointing to those silver!) platter. The ultimate control try in bringing its policies into accord who want a plan that tells where of foreign policy will and probably with realities. And the list could be each nut and bolt must be placed must remain within the National Se¬ extended considerably. (What, for and relieves the craftsman of re¬ curity Council framework. Our col¬ instance, about China?) The Nixon sponsibility for any broader concept. leagues in DOD will continue to Doctrine is, of course, only a year But blueprints in foreign policy are play a strong role as will the suc¬ old and major policy shifts in a not really very useful. They are too cessors to AID. Private business will responsible, democratic country rigid to be adapted to changing situa¬ continue to be the most significant take time. Even so, we of the foreign tions (e.g. the downfall of the con¬ element of the American presence in policy community have been unduly tainment theory in its extreme form) most parts of the world. The oppor¬ slow in coming to terms with the and their publication makes life too tunity that we have is to provide the Nixon Doctrine and must make up easy for opponents who are building political rationale and guidance for for lost time. a counterstrategy. Since a low pos¬ this reduced but continuing effort— In setting about our task we have ture foreign policy is difficult to im¬ to reassert the primacy that should to avoid two extremes: ignoring or plement and the Nixon Doctrine accrue to the diplomatic establish¬ paying only lip service to the fact of points only in a general direction, ment at a time when diplomacy is change at home and abroad on the the scope for ambiguity and misun¬ again becoming the coin of the comfortable assumption that this, derstanding—but also for creative realm in our international relations. too, will pass away; and an exagger¬ application—is very great. The reader will probably come ated response that seizes on the new We said that there was no real away with the impression that the policy departures as yet another fad question whether or not a low pos¬ author has strong feelings about the to be pursued with unthinking ex¬ ture policy would be applied—just direction of United States foreign uberance. concerning the terms on which it policy. He has and he realizes that Thus far, at least, the first of these would be imposed. In a narrower they are controversial. I am there¬ has been more characteristic of the sense, this means that the choice is fore indebted to the Editorial Board community’s response. But this is whether leadership in elaborating an of the JOURNAL for opening their not really a choice open to us. The effective new policy will repose in pages to this discussion, and to the Nixon Doctrine is not just another the Foreign and Departmental ser¬ contributors whom I have asked to brave new slogan of the type that vice, or drift still further adown examine the topic from their varying American politicians feel they must Pennsylvania Avenue. We need only points of view. It has been our joint offer. The facts of life give the look around to see that the me¬ objective to point out some of the United States only the choice of chanics of the foreign policy busi¬ opportunities and problems inherent adapting our foreign policy construc¬ ness are changing markedly. The in the Nixon Doctrine (and there tively on our own terms, or accom¬ BALPA and OPRED programs are plenty of both) and to articulate modating ourselves to conditions im¬ have reversed the trend of growth in some of the problems that all of us posed on us—at best by the force of the foreign policy establishment; face in going about the business of circumstances and at worst by our only .a trickle of recruits is enter¬ foreign policy. We, too, have not rivals. ing the FSO ranks while FSR and sought to provide a blueprint. We The immediate task is an orga¬ GS appointments have virtually hope, however, to have raised some nized and sober rethinking of where stopped; the flood of reporting air- of the right questions and stimulated we have gone too far, where others grams has ebbed. AID appropria¬ a useful response from our readers can and should do more, and how tions have shrunk drastically and who, by and large, will be charged we can employ our resources in a there is every sign at present writing with the task of bringing to life the more cost-effective manner—in sum, that there will simply be no Foreign most important and compelling for¬ the reappraisal of our interests, Military Sales appropriation this eign policy ideas that has come capabilities and commitments that year. We do appear to be entering along in some two decades. ■

FOREION SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 21 What are the implications and what will be the impact of a low posture foreign policy for the United States?

A Perspective from Asia

exact nature of the term “low posture” defies definition. Al¬ ROBERT G. NEUMANN though its nature may become quite The author, Ambassador to Af¬ clear when applied to a particular ghanistan since 1966, was born in place and time, it is quite difficult Austria. He received his M.A. from Amherst and his Ph.D. from to generalize with any precision. It the University of Minnesota. Am¬ involves both substance and style. bassador Neumann was director It implies real power without de¬ of the Institute for International sire to dominate and hence the and Foreign Studies from 1959 to 1966 at UCLA. careful marshaling and application of limited resources. Together with the Nixon Doctrine, enunciated in a background news conference by istic. These and similar illusions first president, Dr. Chaim Weiz- the President on Guam, July 25, belong in the realm of political mann, to the effect that the con¬ 1969, it marks a significant stage in science fiction and ought to have no flict between Israelis and Arabs was the evolution of our foreign policy place in the appraisal of diplomatic not a conflict between right and which has passed from observer moves. Nevertheless, they persist in wrong but between right and right. status in world affairs to world po¬ popular folklore. Our national self-doubt and na¬ liceman, and now seeks a less am¬ This is not the first time in our tional breast-beating are further in¬ bitious but still very significant role. history that men frequently of emi¬ creased by the onslaught of revi¬ There is no doubt that our na¬ nently good will have succumbed to sionist historians, many of whom tion is passing through a period of the illusion that all other men are find nothing but the basest and self-doubt and finds it difficult to similarly well intentioned and that most contemptible of motives in stay a steady course in foreign if only government and especially some of the brightest pages of our affairs against the heavy winds of the State Department would get out recent diplomatic history, and by criticism and self-criticism. But our of the way, all would be well. Alas, the simplistic views of some of the people frequently overlook the fact there is no evidence to support this more articulate and militant young that a policy may be right even dream. This is still a highly unsafe generation who demand instant though it runs into difficulty and world and such events as utopia and find little room for di¬ crisis. It may be proof that the Czechoslovakia should give some plomacy in their beautiful dreams policy is very much right indeed pause to those who believe in the of all-embracing peace and love and that therefore its opponents early triumph of good will. Nor is through direct people-to-people find it necessary to make a greater there any assurance or likelihood communication. Others, normally effort to defeat it. The widespread even that men and nations will find possessed of more balanced views idea that a good and correct policy it easy to agree as to what does and wiser judgment, have perhaps will automatically find the agree¬ constitute fair and reasonable con¬ only recently discovered the depth ment and applause of all men is duct. This is well illustrated by the of our racial problems, the difficul¬ based on the charming illusion that explosive Middle Eastern dispute in ties of our cities, and the dangers in all men and governments are basi¬ which a life-long Zionist leader, Dr. the decline of our environment. cally reasonable (i.e., following our Nahum Goldmann, in a recent arti¬ Some of them would like to turn pattern of reasoning) and rational- cle, quoted Israel’s founder and inwards, feeling that we cannot car-

22 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, '970 ry so great a foreign burden when Germany, to astonish the world Moscow had been stopped in Eu¬ our own country demands so much with the Treaty of Rapallo. Yet it rope by the Marshall Plan and of our resources and our attention. was only after World War II that NATO, it made inroads elsewhere The wise and amazingly farsee- the Soviet Union moved to the while events in Europe weakened ing men who created the American front ranks of power. Now both on NATO. The Russians were able to Constitutional system had no illu¬ strategic but even more on doc¬ exploit their target of opportunity sions about the baser aspects of trinal grounds, the USA is to the that the Western, and especially the human nature, the predatory in¬ Soviet leadership the rival incar¬ American, vacuum created in the stincts residing in men and the nate, hated and admired at the Middle East, while American pow¬ divergencies of views existing within same time. To the Soviet leaders er became heavily engaged and society. They therefore created the and thinkers, the United States rep¬ seemingly bogged down in Viet¬ admirable system of “checks and resents the most advanced form of nam. balances” so that no power could the capitalistic system. Therefore it Nonetheless the Russians do not go too far and so that “power could is “logical” to them, that is, dialec- seem to feel confident that things check power.” That principle of tally irrefutable, that the USA are simply going swimmingly for “checks and balances” applied to must seek the overthrow of the them. The reason might be that the the international system spells “bal¬ “socialist camp” and evidence to Soviet leadership is beginning to ance of power,” the presence and the contrary is dismissed as propa¬ realize that this is no longer a bipo¬ the use of power to check other ganda and smokescreen. Much So¬ lar world. China’s direct challenge powers which might go too far. viet thinking can be summarized in to the Soviet Union is here to stay It follows that, even though we the formula “what must be, is.” especially now that China has de¬ are no longer in the age of The theory of the “two camps” veloped nuclear weapons. Further, Kennedy’s brilliant inaugural rheto¬ being inevitably hostile still remains both Peking’s doctrinal challenge to ric, we are far more aware of our basic Soviet dogma. There is no Moscow and its vast territorial own limitations. We are well be¬ room in this concept for such things claims constitute objectively (a fa¬ yond what Charles Burton Mar¬ as good will or generosity except on vorite Marxist expression) a far shall has called the “illusions of a quid pro quo basis in the form of greater menace to the USSR than American omnipotence”—that the temporary technical adjustments. America’s now well-contained pow¬ American presence and power are Yet while the USA appears as the er in Asia. To this comes also the still essential in order that “power principal enemy in doctrine, it also discovery that the radicalized youth may balance power,” all the more constitutes a country whose of the world is quite capable of so as few countries are capable of achievements are most to be emu¬ running quickly through the official exercising such a role. I take it as lated. “To catch up with and sur¬ revolutionary doctrine of Moscow axiomatically proven that the ad pass the USA” has been the clarion to arrive at Chairman Mao’s “Little hoc agglomeration of powers aris¬ call of the Soviet leadership from Red Book.” And it is also obvious ing occasionally under the aegis of Stalin to Khrushchev to Brezhnev now that the youthful revolution¬ “collective security,” under the and Kosygin. ary militants direct their ire as United Nations or other compara¬ The destruction of the principal much against the Soviet Union and ble arrangements, is able to func¬ capitalistic enemy by frontal as¬ the Communist party’s entrenched tion only under the rarest circum¬ sault, or at any rate outright con¬ bureaucracies as against America. stances and never when the big frontation, has been made highly The Soviet Union is now among powers are arraigned on opposite risky by nuclear weapons and the the “bead possidentes,” a well- sides of a conflict. USA’s consistent superiority there¬ established major power, unwilling It should be underscored, how¬ in. However, Communist doctrine to give up any of its positions and, ever, that “power to balance pow¬ still requires pressure on all fronts despite its claim to being “the er” in the international arena does and the seeking out and winning of homeland of the revolution” it is not necessarily have to be predomi¬ secondary targets and objectives now in danger of losing out as a nant power especially where the through “wars of liberation” and result of revolution and instability situation is more than bipolar. It is the exploitation of targets of oppor¬ in the world. The logic of the in the skillful use of significant but tunities such as are present in the present and foreseeable power rela¬ not predominant power that there Middle East. Thus the essence of tionships in Asia (outside the Mid¬ lies one of the most important argu¬ the classical Soviet strategy is based dle East) should therefore drive the ments for a “low posture.” It is, of on the assumption of a bipolar Soviet leaders to this conclusion: course, particularly applicable world with a straight-line conflict while a predominant role of the where the countries concerned are between the two poles, the “capital¬ United States in Asia can certainly determined to help themselves and ist” and the “socialist,” whose re¬ not be in the Soviet interest, the desire our presence. sult must be that any gain of Soviet disappearance of the American How does US low posture in power would lead to a diminution presence or even its very material Asia look from the aspect of future of the USA and that any weaken¬ reduction is likely to favor China relations between the USA and the ing of American power would inev¬ rather than Russia and hence Soviet Union? The USSR has come itably result in the enhancement of would weaken the Soviet position a long way since the time after Soviet influence. in the area of its greatest challenge. World War I when, regarded as a For a while, events seemed to Of course, this is not the whole pariah, it joined another pariah, justify the Communist theory. After story. Soviet policy follows the twin

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 23 goals not only of increasing or at dominant over the long run. This is change its conduct to bring either least maintaining its power posi¬ likely to remain correct as long as one about. Hence our China op¬ tions in the world, but also of hold¬ other nations are unwilling or un¬ tions are exceedingly limited. ing its leadership in the “socialist able to play this kind of a role. There is still an argument in camp” and winning support among Japan is only very slowly and favor of preparing for the possibili¬ the “revolutionary movements” cautiously moving toward a role of ty of some distant improvement of around the world. From the latter political importance in Asia, al¬ relations, perhaps in the economic point of view, any appearance of though increasingly able to do so, and cultural fields. And there is, of Soviet-American collaboration or being handicapped by the mem¬ course, every argument in favor of any suggestion that the Soviet lead¬ ories of a not-so-distant past and by maintaining such fragile contacts as ers are lacking in fervor for the considerable internal opposition. do exist, especially the Warsaw “anti-imperialist struggle” would India, the only other Asian country Talks, and enlarging them to the obviously be awkward. of appropriate potential, has too extent that the Chinese are willing Nevertheless, the history of Sovi¬ many internal problems to envis¬ to do so. Over time, who knows, et foreign relations, especially in age, in the near future, a role of the Chinese may discover that the the last two decades or so, has strong leadership in international Russians are not the only ones who clearly indicated that whenever the affairs. Certainly since the disap¬ might on occasion play “the Ameri¬ Soviet leaders are forced into a pearance of the charismatic person¬ can card” or hint at the existence choice between their security inter¬ ality of Nehru, India’s foreign poli¬ of such a card. But to do so the ests and their political-ideological cy has not been marked by strong Chinese would have to accept the positions, they are likely to opt for initiatives. Thus, the argument re¬ fact that Asia is not soon going to the former. This is, of course, an mains for a strong, though not fall into their hands, and to admit evolutionary process and not al¬ dominant—in other words low pos¬ that they would have to modify ways clear cut. As long as the tured—American presence in Asia. some of their arrogance and superi¬ United States forces are heavily en¬ How does this situation look ority complexes which are a great gaged in Vietnam, it will be quite from the aspect of future relations deal older in China than the Com¬ difficult for the USSR to execute a between the USA and Mainland munist regime. Still, a carefully ap¬ visible policy shift. Nor would it be China? Obviously, the Chinese portioned and reasonably low pos¬ much easier for the USSR to make leaders cannot be expected to wel¬ ture in our Asian presence ought to such changes, even after an Ameri¬ come an American presence, what¬ prevent unnecessary and dangerous can withdrawal, as long as Vietnam ever its posture. But the low pos¬ hysteria on the part of Mainland appears as nothing more than an ture might at least make some con¬ China and should not contribute to outpost of American foreign policy, tribution toward convincing the the already well-developed “siege a “satellite” as the Russians would Chinese that the American presence psychology” of Peking. understand it. does not constitute an active chal¬ From the foregoing, I would con¬ But suppose Vietnamization lenge to China’s security. Still, it is clude that a significant low- were to become sufficiently success¬ liable to impede China’s expansion postured American presence in ful, not only to prevent a takeover and therefore the strengthening of its Asia is essential for the preserva¬ by Hanoi, but also to give Vietnam position in a future contest with the tion of peace, for the defense of the an appreciable measure of inde¬ Soviet Union. This is somewhat trou¬ independence, especially of smaller pendence even from the United blesome because it is not in our countries, and in the long run, is in States. Then it is conceivable that interests to increase the seemingly the interest of Soviet-American Moscow might cautiously reexam¬ implacable hostility which the relations as well. It is doubtful that ine its future relations with Saigon, Chinese leaders profess towards a significant American presence in just as it has already given some America. Nor should we contribute Asia will enhance Sino-American highly cautious and tentative indi¬ to the already sufficiently well- relations in the short run, but nei¬ cations of some interest in contacts developed xenophobic tendencies ther I believe would anything else, with Taiwan. of China by trying to keep that including our withdrawal. The indication grows that most colossus isolated from the rest of In the long run, the future lead¬ Asian countries are quite well the world. Moreover, if we were to ers of Mainland China hopefully aware of the importance of a con¬ give strong support to the Soviet would accept the fact of America’s presence to consider it in their in¬ tinued but low posture American side in the Sino-Soviet dispute, it terests to establish gradually some presence. The Foreign Minister of might even encourage dangerous more pervasive relations. To the Singapore, who is not particularly Soviet adventurism. pro-American, stated this quite extent that anything could con¬ But, on the other hand, prospects clearly in a recent, much-noticed tribute to such an evolution, a “low statement. Many Asian observers for a significant improvement of posture” should. are concluding that a triangular big Sino-American relations appear, at It is important to underscore that power situation in Asia, USA- best, quite long range, as Commu¬ a policy of “low posture” does not USSR-China, presents greater safe¬ nist China remains firmly in Maoist mean self-effacement or with¬ ty features for their continued inde¬ hands. It shows little interest in drawal. It means a carefully bal¬ pendence than a bipolar situation, recognition by the United States or anced and harmonized combination USSR-China, in which the Russians in being seated in the United Na¬ of real presence and exceedingly are not even likely to remain pre- tions, and is therefore unlikely to careful and skillful style. It also

24 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL,, November 1970 means that we should manage our knows the miserable results of such tion of peace and the protection of limited resources in such a way as heavy handed pressure. But we still the independence especially of less to give us maximum control and have some influence which, with powerful Asian countries. Any sig¬ dexibility. Strict policy control in skill and patience, can be usefully nificant diminution of our prestige their application should be main¬ employed. Of course, we will have and the reliance which may be tained. From this I come to the fol¬ more leverage with our programs if placed on our ability and will to lowing operational conclusions: we administer them with both a carry out obligations, would be wise and a firm hand. • It would seem highly desirable counterproductive. It is important It would be useful if certain recip¬ to underline that this consideration that the United States retain a high ient countries were brought to ac¬ degree of operational control over does not merely apply to Southeast cept the fact that our assistance its economic aid and technical as¬ Asia, the area in Vietnam affect¬ under certain circumstances, might sistance programs in order to use ed by events in Vietnam, but be stopped. An excessively permis¬ them to maximum advantage. I am throughout many vaster regions of sive attitude in the face of dispar¬ therefore constrained to say that I non-Communist Asia. agement and hostility by the host question seriously the apparent en¬ government can be counterproduc¬ • A low posture and low visibil- thusiasm for the headlong rush into tive. However the rationale of dras¬ ty means that great attention multilateralism found in the Peter¬ tic action on our part must be ex¬ should be paid to the number of son Report. Undoubtedly, a case amined in each case, and there visible Americans in Asia. This has can be made for our stronger partic¬ certainly are circumstances under obvious implications not only re¬ ipation in the program of interna¬ garding our military deployment which a great deal of patience and tional and multilateral organiza¬ but also with regard to the type and forbearance is justified. tions, but in Asia, at any rate, I see nature of both our AID and Peace But this is not always necessarily much room for retaining strong Corps programs. so. It is, of course, true that our bilateral programs. By the same The application of the fairly sub¬ overall aim in giving economic aid logic I would hope for greater poli¬ tle “Nixon Doctrine” and its tacti¬ is to support the long-range stabili¬ cy control of aid programs both in cal corollary, the “low posture” ty, self-reliance and self-confidence the field and in Washington, which make it especially important that of developing countries and such also raises some questions about their implications are better under¬ aims could be undermined by over¬ the organizational proposals of the stood by the American public. It emphasis on short-range political Peterson Report. Although I am should be the task of men of goals. A wise mix of both factors making this proposal primarily in knowledge and judgment in the would therefore be necessary, but view to strengthen American policy, field of international relations, to that end firm policy control it is also my view that this consti¬ whether in or out of government, to should lie primarily with the Am¬ tutes sound management as well. It explain patiently and persistently bassador in the field and with the is significant that the Jackson Re¬ certain truths about foreign affairs. Assistant Secretary of State for the port criticizes UN development pro¬ One of these is that in a disparate, geographical area in the Depart¬ grams precisely for the lack of field unevenly developed world of many ment of State, subject to review by control and coordination. political systems, the likelihood is higher levels. highly remote that diplomacy will • The political implications and • Our determination to with¬ be replaced by some sort of people- objectives of our assistance pro¬ draw militarily from Vietnam not¬ to-people type of inter-personal grams should be clarified. There is withstanding, the continued relationship. Another is that in this considerable confusion on this score strength of our military position in even in certain branches of the US unsafe world the road to greater Asia must be an important consid¬ peace can be achieved only through Government, where “political” is eration. Even though we are plan¬ often interpreted as a form of “pay diplomacy and that diplomacy is ning to reduce our military not an exercise in rhetoric or the off” or an attempt at “buying presence elsewhere, too rapid dis¬ friends.” It is nothing of the kind. sudden flashes of debating skill. It mantling of our military strength is the careful, judicious and respon¬ It does mean greater selectivity of has rarely served either our nation¬ sible use of power and influence for projects and areas of aid impact al purposes or peace. A low posture and that the furtherance of political positive aims, or in the succinct is nevertheless posture, not non¬ words ascribed to Ambassador objectives, well beyond Title IX of posture. the Foreign Assistance Act, should Ellsworth Bunker, “the aim of di¬ be recognized as an important ob¬ • Combat troops and eventually plomacy is not to win arguments other military forces must be jective. It is, of course, quite true but to win objectives.” Further, be¬ withdrawn from Vietnam without cause the adjustment of differences that economic and technical assist¬ undue humiliation. If we believe is difficult and slow even within one ance does not in itself give a great that our interest is to play a signifi¬ deal of political leverage. political entity, it is bound to be cant role in Asia, we cannot expect even more so when the task is one The often heard truculent posi¬ to do so even with the lowest of of adjusting differences between so tion of some of our fellow citizens postures and the greatest of skill if many different diverse and diver¬ that we should “tell this or that we simply cut and run. I have gent entities. Therefore, the quest government to do such and such or attempted to show above that a for instant solutions, so audible in withdraw aid” is totally ineffectual significant American presence in the quasi-revolutionary rhetoric of and every practitioner of the art Asia is a necessity for the preserva¬ our day, is a great illusion. ■ FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 25 The world is puzzling about America; is it really on the brink of civil war, or is it a noisy boisterous continent well into the “technetronic age?”

Implications of a Foreign Policy of Restraint

| N the twenty years following WAYNE WILCOX preoccupied with reconstruction World War II, Americans wit¬ Professor Wilcox is Chairman of and a China rent by revolution. nessed a revolutionary discontinuity the Political Science Department at Massive aid, along with creative in their historic foreign policy tradi¬ Columbia University. He is also a monetary and trade policy, helped consultant to the Departments of tion of restraint and isolation. Con¬ State and Defense and the Rand set Third World governments on ceived in the notion that only Corporation. A specialist in Asian the path to non-communist evolu¬ Washington could support a tenu¬ affairs, especially India and Paki¬ tion. While the design of this ous world order threatened by mili¬ stan, he recently authored “Asia American strategy was conserva¬ and United States Policy." tant Communism, and dedicated to tionist and the conditions for its the proposition that American na¬ lie opinion, higher rates of gov¬ success relatively favorable, it must tional power should be built and ernment taxation and spending—■ nonetheless be judged a creative committed to a stable world of in¬ but also in the organization of pow¬ and wholly underrecognized achieve¬ dependent nations, the “new for¬ er in the foreign policy decision¬ ment. eign policy” was dramatically inter¬ making process. A World Restored, and then?. . . ventionist and active. Congressmen might deplore the That a nearly two hundred year secrecy attached to operations of The twenty year American resto¬ old democratic government of the CIA and condemn its oper¬ ration of the world system is over. checks and balances, evolved in ations in retrospect, but the new Deterrence was effective because continental insularity, could have American global posture required America was a militarily hegemo- been transformed to sustain the such operations. Similarly, diplo¬ nous, status quo, power; contain¬ “new Rome” in the course of less mats continue to deplore the fact of ment succeeded because the USSR than one generation was remark¬ the State Department’s weak voice had neither the appeal nor the ca¬ able. Equally surprising was the in the shouting matches of the for¬ pacity to seize opportunities that doctrinal ingenuity of a government eign policy process. But they must the United States pre-empted. In fancied to be naive in world po¬ admit that the large number of new 1970, however, US-USSR strategic litics. From Marshall Plan and elements in American foreign poli¬ relationships are those of near pari¬ Truman Doctrine to Massive Re¬ cy imply a larger number of bu¬ ty and the Soviet Union is now a taliation, Counter- Insurgency and reaucratic managers. In a govern¬ global actor in world politics. Flexible Response, successive ment in which checks and balances The international economy has American governments mobilized apply within the executive as well boomed beyond the capacity of any national resources for the tasks of as between the branches of govern¬ nation or group of nations to pa¬ containment, deterrence and world ment, coordination in foreign policy tronize it, with the dollar and the development. is possible only from 1600 Pennsyl¬ pound under pressure from vigor¬ At the heart of American power vania Avenue. The new diplomacy ous continental and Japanese cur¬ was the rapid development of a brought into being, therefore, a rencies. Reduced economic assis¬ new set of global governmental in¬ new Washington. tance, tied to high cost donor- struments^—the world’s most for¬ With bipartisan Congressional country supply restrictions, and un¬ midable military force, world-wide support and public acquiescence, der domestic criticism, has been propaganda and intelligence oper¬ the new Washington foreign policy subject to the relentless counter¬ ations, peacetime alliance systems managers were successful as they attack of population growth in the and far-flung economic undertak¬ undertook to restore the European developing countries. The risks and ings. To generate these instru¬ nation-state model of international costs of active interventionism have ments, the American domestic soci¬ relations that had been shattered increased appreciably. ety had to be changed, both in the by the inter-war and World War II The national security bureaucra¬ physical sense—the military-indus¬ developments. Containment and cy of Washington, however, has not trial complex, anti-Communist pub- deterrence worked against a USSR (Continued on page 37)

26 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 ees of State, AID and USIA. If suc¬ GENERAL BUSINESS MEETING cessful, this would mean that the foreign affairs community (some 15,- and a program to gain support for Exclusive Recognition—E.O. 11491 000 people) would be only another AFSA's Board of Directors has rec¬ AFSA and the foreign services with logical constituencies in the country constituent, so to speak, of the 350,- ommended that it seek exclusive 000 member AFGE. recognition under Executive Order is under way. Although expressing some reserva¬ Three feasible courses of action 11491 on Labor-Management Rela¬ the Board faced were: tions in the Federal Service to rep¬ tion about the Association’s seeking exclusive recognition, Mr. Eliot said 1) Rely on the hope that as a resent all employees covered by the professional association AFSA Foreign Service Act of 1946, as that “I would rather be represented by AFSA, an organization with might still have some access to amended, and by PL 90-494 that es¬ management even if management tablished the Foreign Service In¬ proven concern for those in foreign affairs, than by the American Feder¬ accords exclusive recognition to formation Officer category. someone else; The recommendation was made at ation of Government Employees (AFGE).” 2) Accept the consultative role the General Business Meeting of the provided by the Order for so-called Board, attended by Washington Report of the Secretary-Treasurer associations of supervisors; or AFSA members, on September 23. William G. Bradford, Secretary- 3) Seek exclusive recognition un¬ The Junior Foreign Service Officers Treasurer, gave a brief report of the der the Executive Order. Club took a similar and strong stand Association’s finances. He stated in a paper distributed at the meet¬ These are the benefits AFSA could that while we were solvent we were anticipate if it obtains exclusive rec¬ ing. not by any means wealthy. He point¬ The Board’s recommendation will ognition: ed out that the membership drive —Establish AFSA as the exclusive soon be put to a vote by AFSA was falling short of our goal and members. A circular will explain the representative before management unless it picked up this month it of all employees in the unit: rationale for the Board's analysis of would be necessary to reduce expen¬ the order. —Entitle AFSA to act for all such ses to the level of our current rather employees and to negotiate for Amendments to By-laws than estimated income. agreements with management cover¬ At the meeting, JFSOC also pro¬ (The audited financial report for ing these employees; posed four amendments to AFSA’s the fiscal year ending June 30, 1970 —Management would be obliged By-Laws. One deals with the pur¬ is summarized elsewhere in the to invite and accept AFSA represen¬ poses and objectives of the associa¬ AFSA News.) tation at formal discussions on per¬ tion. Another centers on open meet¬ Summary Analysis of E.O. 11491 sonnel matters and general working ings of the Board, and a third con¬ Board Member Donald Easum conditions. AFSA’s access to man¬ cerns the election of the Board. The presented the Board’s analysis and agement is at present excellent. It Board supports these three pro¬ recommendations concerning E.O. has not always been so, however. posed amendments. The fourth, 11491. These are the highlights. Exclusive Recognition would assure affecting the powers of the Board, is Unionization of federal employees not only that the door to manage¬ supported in spirit by the Board, has jumped from 19,000 in 1962 to ment would always be open in the which offered an alternative. Follow¬ 1.4 million today. This is more than future, but that management would ing a lively and detailed discussion half of the federal work force sub¬ be oblieed to consult and negotiate of these proposed amendments it ject to the new order. Exclusive rec¬ with AFSA on AFSA recommenda¬ was voted that they would be sub¬ ognition now covers a fourth to a tions and proposals. AFSA’s role as mitted to the entire membership for third of all salaried employees. The an agent of constructive change in its vote. implications for the foreign services the Foreign Service would be im¬ President’s Remarks of State, AID and USIA are obvious. measurably strengthened. AFSA President Theodore Eliot “Exclusive recognition” means Mr. Easum said that in seeking opened the meeting by pointing out that an organization so recognized exclusive recognition under the Ex¬ progress made in the past ten under the E.O. becomes the exclu¬ ecutive Order, AFSA is not changing months for the membership, espe¬ sive representative before manage¬ its character or its purposes. Neither cially in benefits and allowances. He ment on behalf of all employees in is it shifting its emphasis from pro¬ said that the Board would hold regu¬ the unit. fessional to strictly employee rela¬ lar open meetings of the Washington Already the AFGE, an AFL-CIO tions obiectives. membership. Mr. Eliot also pointed affiliate, is vigorously seeking to be¬ Following Mr. Easum’s presenta¬ out that communication with over¬ come the exclusive bargaining agent tion there was considerable discus¬ seas membership is being bolstered for civil and foreign service employ¬ sion by members. Open Letter to Foreign Service Staff Corps Colleagues More Action by AFSA AFSA President Theodore L. Eliot In Charlie Bray’s letter to Mr. Ma- easy task. It requires time to can¬ wrote at length to Chiefs of Mission comber on Staff Corps morale which vass the membership and with and Principal officers on October 12, appeared in the AFSA News, he AFSA’s limited budget, research and urging that steps be taken “to im¬ mentioned the formation of a study study have been accomplished by prove the conditions under which group to consider matters of interest volunteers in their spare time. Once our Staff Corps colleagues work and to the Staff Corps. This group is the a respectable membership is live.” He pointed out that AFSA had Staff Corps Advisory Committee and achieved the resultant dues will en¬ brought the problem to the attention is composed of experienced Foreign able AFSA to engage additional help of Deputy Under Secretary William Service Staff Corps members rep¬ to work on Staff Corps problems. Macomber. These are the highlights resenting State, AID, and USIA. Un¬ Secondly, your constructive advice of Mr. Eliot’s memorandum. der the chairmanship of Barbara is needed. Everyone in the Staff AFSA’s Staff Corps Advisory Com¬ Good, the Staff Corps representative Corps has pet grievances—some are mittee is recommending action by on AFSA’s Board of Directors, the just plain gripes. But what about the State, AID, and USIA. Posts can take problems that are soluble? Ad¬ Advisory Committee informs the steps to ease the situation and bol¬ mittedly, in the past there wasn’t Board of Staff Corps problems and ster morale. recommends solutions to these much opportunity to be heard problems. officially, but now AFSA wants to The "second-class citizen” com¬ The Committee’s major concern at provide the necessary communica¬ plaint is nearly universal among the present time is to determine how tions channel. Through membership Staff Support personnel. The Staff implementation of the Task Force in AFSA you can express yourself Corps employee too often receives recommendations will affect the fu¬ and know that your questions and only minimal courtesies and assis¬ ture of the Staff Corps. Since Task recommendations are not falling on tance upon arrival at a post. Staff Force reports did not focus on the deaf ears. What is bugging you? The Corps employees seldom overlap specific problems of the Staff Corps, more constructive criticisms and with predecessors, and frequently it there is much uncertainty and ap¬ suggestions received, the stronger is difficult to grant them the admin¬ prehension as to the future of the AFSA’s position will be, but docu¬ istrative leave or the help they need Staff Corps. mentation is needed now. to locate housing and get settled. The Committee is presently seek¬ The Department and Foreign Serv¬ Government housing is often consid¬ ing answers to some of the ques¬ ice are undergoing a period of re¬ ered inadequate. Staff Corps em¬ tions raised by the Task Force re¬ form. The Task Forces recommenda¬ ployees are often prohibited from ports. For example: Who will remain tions have been made, but other importing their automobiles or staff? Who will be asked to convert sources are also being given consid¬ effects, or in some cases only the to FSO and FSRU? How will conver¬ eration. AFSA initiated this reform Staff Corps employees of one agency sion be accomplished? Will conver¬ and now you have a chance to par¬ are prohibited while this privilege is sion be voluntary or mandatory? ticipate. freely granted to their counterparts in other agency offices. What are the advantages and disad¬ Now is the time to join AFSA (or vantages of conversion? How broad renew your membership if you are Lack of consideration and com¬ will the FSRU category be? How will already one of the only 800 Staff mon courtesy from supervisors is a the Mustang program actually be Corps members) and communicate common complaint of the Staff administered? And who will be eligi¬ your ideas to Washington. If you do Corps. Junior officers come under ble? The Committee is compiling the not, you will have no reason to com¬ special fire for insensitivity and poor list of questions for presentation to plain if the transformation turns you supervisory talent that leads to the the Administration. into a statistic. resignation of some of the best Staff The Staff Corps will be informed Corps people. There is widespread SO OFF YOUR APATHY! JOIN UP feeling that Staff Corps employees of the Committee’s activities —SPEAK UP! through the new column in AFSA are treated like automatons, re¬ News in the Foreign Service Journal. Our Cover quired to work long hours or tiring Before the Committee can make schedules; that overtime is fre¬ concrete suggestions on career Our November cover is a scene quently required but not always related problems facing the Staff from Thatta, Pakistan, painted by necessary, and too frequently un¬ Corps, it must know what the admin¬ Ruth Boynton, wife of Dr. Willard compensated. Boynton, Deputy Director of the istration’s plans are for the Staff Mr. Eliot asked: “Are your super¬ Office of Population, Technical Re¬ Corps of the Seventies. visors following a ‘golden rule’ ap¬ The Committee has drafted a re¬ sources, AID. Mrs. Boynton graduated from the Massachusetts College of proach to relations with their subor¬ port which deals with some of the dinates, and are work schedules and Art in Boston and worked as a com¬ long standing problems familiar to classes designed to give adequate mercial artist for a time. On moving the Staff Corps such as overtime opportunity for Staff Corps employ¬ to Maine she became a member of payment, duty-free entry, training, ees to study the local language” etc. (See AFSA News coverage of the Maine water color society and exhibited there and elsewhere in Joint discussion with Staff Corps Charlie Bray’s letter to Mr. Macom- employees at posts might well bsr for full details). New England and New York. She has uncover other problems, and AFSA If AFSA is to be really effective, taught art in Maine, Saigon, Karachi two things are required from the and Lahore, in addition to participat¬ urged CMs and POs to chair such Staff Corps at large: First, your ing in one-man and group exhibi¬ sessions. membership and support are need¬ tions there. She also illustrated a The Tripoli chapter of AFSA has ed. This point has been made re¬ children’s book, “Than Hoa of Viet¬ made the reduction of Staff Corps peatedly in both the Journal and in nam,” written by Leone Neal Os¬ inequities its major objective, and Barbara Good’s Open Letter. Rep¬ borne. The Boyntons have five chil¬ has the full support of the Ambassa¬ resenting the Staff Corps is not an dren. dor. TRIPOLI FORMS CHAPTER On the Board of Directors Goal is Staff Corps Improvements Embassy Tripoli has formed an AFSA has pledged that it will work AFSA chapter and has also decided with all its strength to solve Staff to "concentrate its efforts toward Corps problems. Its effective, dyna¬ the problems and goals of the Staff mic Staff Corps Committee— Corps,” James L. Holmes, president composed of experienced Staff of the new chapter ,says. Corps personnel representing all Ambassador Palmer in his congra¬ agencies—is attacking these prob¬ tulatory letter to Mr. Holmes, said: lems one by one. And it is getting “I am equally pleased at the deci¬ results. The committee welcomes in¬ sion of the Chapter to concentrate terest and support from the field initially on the problems of the Staff such as Tripoli's. Corps, while supporting at the same AFSA urges other Chapters to take time the other objectives of AFSA.” up this serious problem and submit Staff Corps complaints that the the views of members and non¬ new chapter will consider and sug¬ members, Staff Corps or other cate¬ gest to AFSA ways and means for gory. FSOs should be taking the lead Thomas M. Tracy was recently rectification are: in submitting recommendations for elected to the Board of Directors of • Privileges: Payment of customs solutions. AFSA. Born in Massachusetts in duties by some FSS, while other FSS Without the Staff Corps our for¬ 1936, Mr. Tracy graduated with a and FSOs are exempted. Problem eign service programs could not op¬ B.A. in political science from Col¬ ranges from “irritant” to “major erate. The time for correction is long gate University in 1958. He received financial hardship.” past due—it is here now. his M.A. in history from Stanford • Promotions: Lack of consisten¬ University in 1959. A year later he cy in method, juggling of regula¬ If a post has no chapter, perhaps Staff Corps and other personnel will joined the Department and was as¬ tions, seemingly arbitrary reductions signed as a consular officer to for budgetary reasons. organize a meeting to discuss this and other problems that AFSA head¬ Ciudad Juarez. Since then Mr. Tracy • Allowances: Do not cover needs has served as cultural exchange of many posts, discrimination quarters should know about and have suggestions for solutions. officer in New York, consular officer against single persons, based on in Birmingham, England, administra¬ “grade” rather than “need.” Above all, FSS can support a local tive officer in London, desk officer • Efficiency Reports: Entire sys¬ movement, the Staff Corps Advisory for Ireland, and administrative tem a “mess;” supervisors lack Committee and AFSA by their mem¬ officer in the Bureau of European training in writing efficiency reports. bership. AFSA will be heard only to Affairs. Now a special assistant in • Summary: Complaints, uncor¬ the degree that it speaks for the the Executive Secretariat, he also rected, produce low morale, low largest number and all categories of served on the Career Principles quality and quantity of work, loss of people in the foreign affairs commu¬ Committee of AFSA. Mr. Tracy is trained personnel. Combined with nity. married and has a son. “real or imagined personal and so¬ The Tripoli Chapter and its goals cial slights” contribute to “officer/ prove again that AFSA is no longer New Career enlisted” mentality and feeling of just "FSO-oriented; it is equally After a long career in Government, second-class citizenship. FSS, FSIO, FSR-oriented. in which he served as special assist¬ ant to Justice Jackson at the Nurem¬ berg War Crimes Trials, and, more What’s the Future of the Staff Corps? The Committee has prepared a recently, for many years as senior Since the problems of the future report which focuses on the recur¬ economic advisor to AID missions in of the Staff Corps were assumed, ring problems of the Staff Corps Asia and South America, Dr. Otto H. rather than analyzed, by the Task such as payment for overtime, duty¬ Korican has taken on the post of Forces, the Association's Staff Corps free entry, training, the supervisor- Managing Director of the newly es¬ Advisory Committee under the chair¬ subordinate relationship, etc. and tablished Foreign Service Audio Cen¬ manship of Barbara J. Good has Charlie Bray's letter to Mr. Macom- ter. The Center has been organized been busy studying the Task Force ber on this subject was published in for the benefit of Hi-Fi enthusiasts in reports and recommendations in or¬ AFSA News for October. the Foreign Service, to obtain for der to come up with a list of ques¬ The Committee plans to inform Foreign Service personnel the best tions it would like answered by the the Staff Corps of its activities Hi-Fi equipment at substantial dis¬ Administration. through a regular column in future counts from stateside prices, and to In an earlier Open Letter to the issues of AFSA News and to be truly act as Information and Consultation Staff Corps, the goals and problem effective and representative, it Center on all Hi-Fi matters of special areas the Committee planned to needs to hear from you its “constit¬ inerest to officers serving in overseas study were mentioned. Now the big uency,” the Staff Corps members posts. question is: “What is the future of of AFSA. The Committee looks for¬ Another 100% AFSA POST the Staff Corps?” A list of questions ward to receiving your constructive The Consulate General at Nassau has been drawn up for presentation criticism and suggestions or recom¬ joins Embassy Niamey as a 100% to the Administration by the AFSA mendations. Board. These questions must be an¬ AFSA membership post. swered and understood before the Now is the time to unite and The Consul General, Turner B. committee can make concrete sug¬ speak up through your Committee. If Shelton, has just been nominated to gestions on career related problems there is no AFSA Chapter at your be Ambassador to Nicaragua. facing the Staff Corps. post why not start one today? AFSA MEANS ACTION!! JFSOC Corresponds with Director- in History from Harvard, served as In 1960 he was named inspector General Re 0-6 Time in Class chief of OSS research in London general of the Foreign Service. He during WWII. He joined the Depart¬ retired in 1962. He is survived by JFSOC is continuing its dialogue ment in 1946, serving as director of his wife of 70 Henlopen Avenue, with the Director-General on the Rehoboth Beach, Delaware, and problem of time in grade for class 6 the Office of Intelligence Research and, from 1961 to 1969, as Deputy three daughters, Mrs. Robert DuBose officers. In response to our initial Director for Research in INR. He was and Mrs. Drew Wilkinson of Wash¬ letter, the DG referred to statistics awarded the War Department's Med¬ ington, and Mrs. Norman Sweet of indicating that the figures for selec¬ al of Freedom, and in 1958 was Saigon. tion-out of Class 6 officers and for named the Department’s Civil Serv¬ officers in danger of selection out KING. Frank Lamar King, former for time in grade this year were ant of the Year. In 1964, he was news editor and program coordinator awarded a Distinguished Honor lower than those we had cited. We for VOA’s Africa division, died on Award by the Department. Dr. Evans have now replied to this letter, ex¬ October 6, in Washington. During is survived by his wife, Marjorie, of pressing our appreciation for his his 28 years in government serv¬ 1481 Pitman Avenue, Palo Alto, Cali¬ willingness to discuss this issue ice Mr. King worked for the Depart¬ fornia. with us. We explained the basis for ment of State, ECA and USIA. He our figures and asked that a special BALTHASER. Dorothy Balthaser, wife retired this year. He is survived by review be undertaken of the class 6 of Robert M. Balthaser, FSO-retired, his wife of 609 Ambassador Lane, officers presently in their final year died on October 11, in Washington. Holmes Beach, Florida, and four in grade to ensure that no officers She is survived by her husband of daughters. are lost due to unusual and unfair 3412 Gleaneagles Drive, Silver REED. George L. Reed, FSR-retired, circumstances. Ideally, we would Spring, two daughters, two sisters like to see the time in grade at Class died August 11 in Kensington, Md. and two brothers. After 10 years with the US Public 6 extended to five years. We have also urged that all statistics regard¬ BOUCHAL. John L. Bouchal, FSO- Housing Authority, Mr. Reed joined ing the personnel system be regular¬ retired, died on August 1 in Wilber, the Foreign Service as housing at¬ ly published in order to alleviate the Nebraska. Mr. Bouchal entered the tache in London. He next served in distrust which inevitably stems from Foreign Service in 1912, served at Greece where he was decorated by lack of knowledge about the func¬ Prague, Port Said, Helsingfors and King Paul for his service to Greek tioning of “the system.” as consul at Montreal before his re¬ refugees. Mr. Reed also served in tirement in 1935. Puerto Rico, the Dominican Repub¬ Births lic, and was a housing consultant DREW. Gerald A. Drew, Ambassador- to the World Bank, the UN, and AID. GROVE. A son, Mark, born to FSO retired, died on September 27 in Mr. Reed is survived by his wife, and Mrs. Brandon Grove, Jr., on Sep¬ Lewes, Delaware. Ambassador Drew Mrs. Reese Reed of 9804 Kensing¬ tember 15, in Washington, D. C. entered the Foreign Service in 1927 ton Parkway, Kensington, Md., and and served at Para, Port-au-Prince, Deaths by two children and five grandchil¬ San Jose, Guatemala, Tegucigalpa, dren. EVANS. Allan Evans, former Deputy San Salvador, Quito, Paris and Buda¬ Director for Research in INR, died pest. He was appointed Ambassador SPIKER. Clarence J. Spiker, FSO- August 22 in Palo Alto, California. to the Hashemite Kingdom of Jor¬ retired, died on September 25 in Dr. Evans, who received his Ph.D. dan, then to Bolivia and to Haiti. Warsaw, Virginia. Mr. Spiker entered the Foreign Service as a student in¬ American Foreign Service Association terpreter in China in 1914. He served at Shanghai, Peking, Chung¬ Combined Balance Sheet (Audited) king, Swatow, Nanking and Peiping as of June'30,11970 before his retirement in 1948. He is survived by a brother, Carlisle T. Assets Spiker, Sr., Route 1, Warsaw, Vir¬ Current Assets (Cash, Acct. Rec., Etc.) $123,438.88 ginia and a sister, Mrs. R. W. Wood¬ Investments [507,407.14 ward of West Hartford, Conn. Fixed Assets-Net (Bldg., Equip., Furn.) 536,291.45 THORESEN. Mrs. Musedorah W. TOTAL ASSETS $1,167,137.47 Thoresen, FSO-retired, died on Octo¬ ber 1 in a fire at her home in Wash¬ ington. Mrs. Thoresen joined the Liabilities Department of State in 1937 and Current Liabilities (Acct. Pay, Taxes, Etc.) $113,802.83 served in Hamburg, Manila and New Longterm Liabilities (Bldg. Mtg.) 384,399.33 Delhi. She is survived by a daughter, Escrow Accounts (Dues Paid in Advance) 142,898.99 Mrs. Anthony D. Schlesinger, 54 TOTAL LIABILITIES $ 641,10115 Garden Place, Brooklyn Heights, NET WORTH 6-30-70 $ 526,036 32 New York and a sister, Mrs. Reynolds TOTAL LIABILITIES & NET WORTH $1,167,137.47 N. Kirby-Smith, Cocoa, Florida. WARLOW. Josephine Painter Warlow, Combined Expense & Revenue Summary (Audited) wife of Ernest J. Warlow, director, Total Revenues for 1969-70 $369,574.73 FBO, Department of State, died on Total Expenses for 1969-70 401,152.89 September 22 in Washington. She is NET LOSS for 1969-70 $ 31,578.16* survived by her husband, 2219 Cali¬ fornia Street, N.W., Washington, her * Includes loss on sales of securities and first year operation of the Club. father, two sisters and a brother. AFSA BOARD MINUTES “It will be made clear that AFSA must have a legal and permanent right to consult and negotiate with State, Minutes of the August 25 Meeting. AID, and USIA on personnel matters affecting members of the Foreign Affairs community.” Announcements Addition of the words “and negotiate” was approved. Annual Meeting: The annual general business meeting of the Association will be held on September 23. Notice of Communication meeting and the interim report of AFSA’s activities will Mr. Lambrakis, Chairman of the ad hoc committee be sent to the members in an AFSA News Bulletin which presented the report of the Advisory group appointed to is now being printed and should be in the mail late this recommend measures to improve communication with the week. membership. A more detailed summary of findings is stated in Mr. Lambrakis’s memorandum of August 25 to Proposed Amendments: Discussion of proposed amend¬ members of the Board. Measures suggested to facilitate ments to the AFSA By-laws, on the agenda for today’s fuller communication with AFSA members were: meeting, was postponed until September 1. 1. Open meetings regularly scheduled. Regular Board Communications: Copies of Summary Report of the AFSA meetings to be “open.” Advisory Group to Improve Communications with the 2. Use of Chapter heads and Keymen at overseas posts Membership were distributed by Mr. Lambrakis. Discus¬ and in the Washington area to inform the member¬ sion of the report was postponed until September 1. ship, call special meetings and report on consensus, “feedback” and complaints. Meeting with Mr. Macomber: Copies of letters presented 3. Expanded use of pouch and “interested party” tele¬ to Mr. Macomber on August 19 according to the projected grams via the Department of State to improve agenda reported in Minutes of the Board meeting of contacts with the posts. August 18, will be sent to officers of the Association and 4. To poll the membership on major issues. members of the Board and to JFSOC. 5. Bulletin Boards in appropriate locations on which copies of correspondence, special notices, and min¬ Kidnaping: A letter from the Chairman of the AFSA Board utes of AFSA Board meetings would be posted. to Mr. Macomber, August 19, recommended that the The Chairman expressed appreciation of members of Department of State initiate consultations with other the Board for the useful ideas developed by the Commit¬ governments to obtain an international agreement refus¬ tee and requested that Mr. Lambrakis convey the Board’s ing payment of ransom in cases of kidnaping. Copies of thanks to the members of ad hoc committee. this letter will be sent to officials of the Department of The importance of the domestic network of keymen in State and other agencies with a covering letter to be communication with membership was discussed. drafted by Mr. Davies. Action: 1. The Executive Director to investigate costs and Executive Order No. 11491 requirements for installation of bulletin boards in Mr. Davies, Messrs. Easum and Lyman and the Execu¬ strategic areas: Foreign Service Lounge, Foreign tive Director met with Mr. James R. Keene, personnel Service Institute, USIA, AID, etc. officer in AID, to discuss implications of the Executive 2. Messrs. Nevitt, Lyman and Lambrakis are to con¬ Order. Mr. Alan Strachan, the officer assigned from AID to sult on improvement of the network of domestic study the Executive Order, participated in the discussion. keymen.

Women’s Committee Proposed Amendments to the AFSA By-laws Under the Office of Equal Employment a committee is Messrs. Maxim and Mulloy discussed the four amend¬ being organized of women in the Department of State ments to the By-laws proposed toy JFSOC. The Board who represent different personnel categories. Miss Good suggested some technical (non-substantive) changes be has been a member of the Ad Hoc Committee to improve made which Mr. Maxim agreed to try to arrange. the Status of Women in Foreign Affairs Agencies and will Minutes of the September 8 Meeting represent the Staff Corps and the AFSA on the official committee, a chairman for which will be announced Executive Order No. 11491 (Labor-Management Relations) shortly. Members of the ad hoc committee will meet with Mr. Macomber on August 26 to discuss with him areas Mr. Bray said he had received a request from the they consider were not covered in the Task Force Reports. Federal Labor Relations Council to make our views known Members of the AFSA Board suggested other subjects at their meeting on October 7, 8, 9. The Executive Director which might be of interest to the Women’s Committee. will contact NFPO and consult with them on the Execu¬ tive Order. Vice Chairman and Board Replacement Mr. Bray said he had been thinking over the situation with regard to the Executive Order on Labor-Management Mr. Nevitt will poll members of the Board and officers Relations over the weekend, and he is convinced that if of the Association for nominations of individuals to AFSA is challenged by a bid for exclusive recognition by a succeed Mr. Richard Davies as Board Member and Vice union, we are prepared to go to the mat. Nevertheless, we Chairman. These will be considered at the Board Meeting should now stand back and look at the benefits and the on September 1. costs so the membership can have all the facts. He asked the Board members for their views on what AFSA might Minutes of the September 1 Meeting gain from exclusive recognition. Mr. Nevitt noted that the Executive Order was not Minutes of the Board meeting August 25 were approved written with our needs in mind and said that benefits that as written. Mr. Maxim requested that the minutes of the might accrue from exclusive recognition might not be what meeting of August 18 be corrected to read as follows: AFSA wanted them to be. AFSA wants the right to go in (page 2—Executive Order No. 11491—Sentence 3) and make a case. rights. She said the AFSA should play this role since most Mr. Bray suggested that AFSA might not enjoy the same Foreign Service personnel have no affinity with the AFL/ open door policy as it does now if it does obtain exclusive CIO. recognition, and noted that under the terms of the Openness Executive Order this would mean negotiations would have to take place after office hours. Mr. Fleginbotham said that he has discussed with Mr. Mr. Harrop expressed concern that an “exclusive” Mark Destler the possibility of AFSA's employing him for gained by some other organization would foreclose six months to work on the development of proposals to AFSA’s ability to act; he hoped AFSA could be both a increase openness, to raise funds for special projects, labor and a professional organization. and further relationships with such organizations as the Mr. Bray then read aloud Section 11 and 12 of the World Affairs Council, etc. His annual salary would come Executive Order and advised other Board members to from the Donner Fund and would be in the range of re-read the Executive Order in its entirety and to study $11,200—$12,000. It was stated that the Donner Fund sections 11 and 12 in particular. balance is under $11,400. One agency, Mr. Bray reported, had categorically stated AFSA Luncheon Chairman there would be no mixing of Foreign Service and Civil Service in a “unit” under the Executive Order. The accept¬ Mr. Lambrakis said that Andre Navez in CMA has able size of a unit was also discussed. It was remarked agreed to be Chairman of the Luncheon Committee. The that a community of interest would be difficult within the Board approved this nomination. Foreign Service especially between the categories of FSO, Proposed Change of Day and Time for Boaard Meetings Junior FSO, FSRU, and FSS. Mr. Bray questioned the role of AFSA if exclusive Mr. Easum said that the weekly Board meeting on recognition meant wearing only one mantle and that Tuesday conflicts with official meetings he must attend turned out to be the union mantle. Mr. Easum said that on this day. The Executive Director was asked to arrange the key to what AFSA does still depends on the definition for a telephone poll of the officers and members of the of supervisor. Board to determine a more suitable day for Board meet¬ Miss Good said that she felt that the Staff Corps would ings. Following the close of the meeting, at 1:30 p.m. Mr. have no objection to AFSA’s role if it achieved exclusive Lambrakis and Mr. Easum discussed with Miss Good the recognition since most staff employees have long felt specific problems of the staff corps as they pertain to the need for a union-type organization to fight for its training.

AFSA ESTABLISHES TASK FORCE More New Careers John N. Plakias ON AID REORGANIZATION What happens to diplomats when Retired from the Foreign Service AFSA has established a Task they decide to go on to other things? in 1962, Mr. Plakias has been em¬ Force to advise the AFSA Board on AFSA News has been keeping track ployed by RCA since that year. In issues, and actions to be taken by of the current positions of many for¬ 1964 he was assigned to Washing¬ AFSA, in connection with the forth¬ mer diplomats and has uncovered a ton and last year was named Direc¬ coming reorganization of the AID wealth of information. This "Where tor of International Relations, Wash¬ Are They Now?” column will be pub¬ ington. program. Howard Parsons, former lished from time to time as space USAID Director in Taiwan, Iran, and permits, and will keep our readers NOTICE! Thailand and presently with the up to date on the activities of for¬ Board of Examiners of the State De¬ mer FSOs. This is the last issue that will be partment, will chair the Task Force. sent to AFSA members who have not John M. Steeves Tentatively, sub-committees have renewed. been established on (a) policy is¬ Former Director General of the Fill out and mail renewal notice Foreign Service John M. Steeves has sues, under John Ulinski, O/PRI; in the front of the Journal to keep (b) organization and staffing, under been serving as Executive Director your Journal coming. Robert Gordon, AA/UN; (c) coordi¬ of the Center for Strategic and In¬ ternational Studies of Georgetown nation of aid and foreign policy, un¬ ERRATUM der Gordon Tiger, NEA; and (d) University since April, 1970. Ambas¬ sador Steeves was Deputy Assist¬ problems of transition with special The hippo which decorated one of ant Secretary of State for Far East¬ attention to personnel rights, under the pages of the October Journal was ern Affairs from 1959-62 and U.S. Ernest Preeg, S/PC. erroneously credited to Marie Skora. Ambassador to Afghanistan from It is the work of Mary Betts Anderson. AFSA Chapters overseas are urged 1962-66. to discuss the reorganization and Income Tax: Loss by Exchange forward views and suggestions to William H. Weathersby AFSA has been informed that an Howard Parsons or directly to sub¬ William H. Weathersby, until re¬ FSO stationed in Vietnam has committee chairmen. Special effort cently Deputy Director for Policy and Planning for USIA, has been claimed his loss by exchange as a should be made to increase AID deduction from Federal income tax. personnel involvement, and mem¬ named to the newly created post of Vice President for Public Affairs at Statistics and administrative rulings bership, through these discussions. Princeton University. Ambassador were submitted to support the All individual members in Washing¬ Weathersby, who accepted this post claim, which is based in part on the ton and overseas are invited to con¬ in May, will be responsible for “plan¬ reportedly successful claim for ad¬ tribute views on ths matter. AFSA ning, coordinating and implement¬ justment under similar circum¬ sees this as a matter of critical con¬ ing effective efforts to present the stances by a private company. cern for the entire foreign affairs objectives and activities of the Uni¬ The Internal Revenue Service has community, and of direct personal versity accurately to all of its vari¬ not yet made a decision in this concern to many of our members. ous publics.” case. members from active participation. AFSA’s Secretary -Treasurer Resigns To legally carry out such a major Dear Charlie: work project, or tour of duty, the change it is clear that a formal As you know, I have deep personal technology of performing its work or amendment of the by-laws is need¬ objections to anything resembling a its internal security practices.” In ed, not an informal canvass, and labor organization for the Foreign short AFSA would be trading its that the proposed amendment would Service, and I feel compelled to op¬ influence on most of the important need endorsement by % of the vot¬ pose the Board’s recommendation matters, which have been its goals, ing membership, not by a vague that AFSA seek exclusive recogni¬ for the “right” to negotiate on “sufficient” number. tion under Executive Order 11941. wages, hours, and conditions of la¬ I would appreciate your publishing For me to voice such opposition in bor. The assumption that manage¬ this letter in the Foreign Service public while still a member of the ment would ignore this provision of Journal, with any comments or re¬ Board would be improper. Therefore, the Executive Order if AFSA were a buttals the Board may care to make. I am submitting herewith my resig¬ labor union, but would strictly en¬ In closing, let me wish you and the nation from the Board effective force every provision of the Execu¬ other members of the Board the best immediately. tive Order if AFSA were not a labor of luck in all your endeavors, except Since joining the Foreign Service I union is insupportable. that of seeking exclusive recogni¬ have considered myself a profes¬ AFSA’s recommendation to seek tion. sional and a supervisor and have exclusive recognition is completely Sincerely, identified my own future with that of negative in character and a fearful WILLIAM G. BRADFORD reaction to an imagined threat. the Foreign Service. For me to en¬ Health Benefits dorse and join an organization now, There is no case made in favor of which by definition excludes profes¬ unionization except stopping AFGE. (The following is an excerpt from sionals and supervisors and which Under present conditions, this is the Oct. 1, 1970 column, The Fed¬ might place me in opposition to the like the Orioles quaking at the eral Diary, by Mike Causey in the management of the Foreign Service, thought of a series against the Sen¬ Washington Post.) would be both ridiculous and repug¬ ators. I cannot believe that an orga¬ The government has confirmed the nant. nization of 7,000 can be afraid of a likelihood of a big jump next year in I have no quarrel with the logic of competing organization of 600. Even health benefits premiums. The carri¬ JFSOC’s Argument that “to fight a if AFGE should become a threat in ers of the multimillion dollar pro¬ big organization you need a big or¬ the future, there are many options gram are asking for January in¬ ganization.” However, I disagree with open to AFSA short of becoming a creases as high as 20 per cent in the premise that there is a need for labor union itself. These include, but some plans and operations. AFSA or any other group of Foreign are not limited to, outright exemp¬ Civil Service Commission negotia¬ Service employees to fight their own tion of all Foreign Service personnel tors have been trying to dissuade organization. To arm ourselves from the terms of the Executive Or¬ the carriers from a major price in¬ crease. But CSC is warning that “the against ourselves is psychotic, and der, definition of units or supervisors it is particularly irrational for the in such a way that Foreign Service upward trend in premium costs is expected to continue with many holders of Presidential Commissions personnel is ruled out, or formation plans needing substantial increase to place themselves in opposition to of a professional organization. None for 1971.” The “normal" rise is about the Executive Branch of which they of these would satisfy the more mili¬ tant faction of JFSOC which threat¬ 12 per cent. are an integral part. That means that the higher gov¬ ens to bolt AFSA unless this organi¬ The Board’s draft recommenda¬ ernment premium payment that be¬ tion that AFSA seek exclusive recog¬ zation does its bidding. However, I am convinced the views of this small gins in January will be all but wiped nition contains no reference to what out for employees enrolled in plans group have already been given un¬ might be good for the Foreign Serv¬ that jump in cost. ice, while there are frequent refer¬ due weight. The federal program is one of the ences to what might be good fcr In addition to the foregoing, I am world’s biggest insurance oper¬ AFSA. I do not share this attitude on disturbed by the tactics proposed by ations, and certainly is the largest the importance of AFSA as an inde¬ the Board. Namely, that if an in¬ civilian staff health care plan in the pendent entity. I am frankly not wor¬ formal membership canvass results world. It covers more than 8.2 mil¬ ried about AFSA or its future; I am in a “sufficient affirmative endorse¬ lion people, most of the 2.8 million concerned over the Foreign Service ment” the Board would then start federal employees, almost a million and its future, and I believe any seeking exclusive recognition. Such retirees and the rest dependents. steps toward unionization will do a course of action would be a high¬ At the moment, the government or great damage to its already battered handed evasion of AFSA’s by-laws. agency share of the biweekly premi¬ career system. Despite any sophistry to the con¬ um is down to about 23 per cent for Even if I were to accept the argu¬ trary, converting AFSA into a labor the popular high-option, family cov¬ ment that what is good for AFSA is organization is clearly a far-reaching erage plan. The recent law signed by good for the Foreign Service, I ques¬ step involving the very nature of the the President will increase that tion the real gains that would accrue Association. For years AFSA has so¬ share to an average of 40 per cent in by receiving exclusive recognition. licited the generous support of its January. The Executive Order is clear: “the retired personnel, now with no more But the higher rates that will go obligation to meet and confer does than a casual tip of the hat it plans into effect the first of the year— not include matters with respect to to transform itself into a new orga¬ none have yet been announced—will the mission of an agency, its budg¬ nization which will preclude the ac¬ cut into the higher contribution. So et, its organization, the number of tive participation of these members. the relatively minor take-home pay employees and the numbers, types Similarly, without yet knowing who jump employees had banked on for and grades of positions or members is a “supervisor” and who is not, it 1971 just won’t happen for most assigned to an organizational unit, proposes to exclude this category of workers. AQUIA ^ HARBOUR STAFFORD, VIRGINIA

WHEN MGUVE FINISHED WORKING SOU SHOULD HA/E A LEISURE WORLD WAITING

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The duction in scale of the Vietnamese decision to speed US troop with¬ from page 26 War; a patient continence in in¬ drawals was read as precipitous creasing Israeli-Arab capabilities and ill-advised by at least some radically transformed itself to re¬ for war; continued support, in a important officials at MACV, JCS spond to the new world because the more quiet voice, for NPT; encour¬ and the attentive public who read costs of strategic “sufficiency,” and agement for alliance burden¬ the fortunes of war as ebbing for the burdens of management of an sharing; multilateral aid efforts in the North Vietnamese, and who increasingly tenutus military pres¬ the Third World; and some brave failed to understand how a Pres¬ ence in the world have increased. new words about possible trade ident who had sworn himself to Similarly the large national intelli¬ concessions for less developed “peace with honor” could under¬ gence community requires an ever countries in the American market. take such policies. larger budget to exploit technology Europe and Asia were both coun¬ and monitor developments important The decision to prolong Ameri¬ seled to exploit their new strengths to American strategic interests. In¬ can involvement after his peaceful to lessen the burden on what would formation and propaganda programs utterances in the campaign denied become a reduced American global must re-tool for more sophsiticated Mr. Nixon the support of the com¬ presence. audiences and more intense counter- munities interested in termination American efforts by global rivals. Were it not for the partisan criti¬ of the war. The Cambodian action AID witnesses great economic op¬ cism that Mr. Nixon has always intensified this conflict, leaving both portunities for a Third World de¬ attracted, and setting aside the spe¬ sides more dissatisfied than before, velopment revolution but the scale cial irritations of the Vietnamese- and encouraging a rebellious Sen¬ of required resource transfers re¬ Cambodian affair, these policies ate to attempt to curtail presiden¬ mains far beyond our ability to should have met a changing Ameri¬ tial power in foreign affairs in the contribute. Less control, power and can public opinion on foreign Cooper-Church amendment. influence, therefore, comes at a affairs. If successful, they should The increasing division within higher and higher cost. also reduce the costs and risks of the executive branch and in the Within the executive branch, the American diplomacy in the 1970s. public is not only faithfully reflect¬ changing scale of America’s role in But these “steps back, steps down” ed in the Congress, but it is ex¬ the world breeds new conflicts and in a global posture brought the ploited there as well. As long as the higher levels of inter-agency rival¬ President into conflict with his na¬ President’s writ was unchallenged ry, especially under conditions in tional security bureaucracies, his in foreign affairs management, ex¬ which the domestic supports for the inherited clients in the world and ecutive branch bureaucratic politics new foreign policy are disinte¬ those elements of American public dominated the decision-making grating. Broad bipartisan support opinion and interest that remained process. The re-entry of the Con¬ for an aggressive foreign policy is ideologically wedded to the Weltan¬ gress, at the expense of a weakened schauung of the 1950s. dead in the Senate and only half presidency, restores at least some alive in the House. The military- The SALT talks have been ac¬ of the conditions of the pre-war industrial complex is under un¬ ceptable to some members of the American diplomacy, and the re¬ precedented attack from sharehold¬ foreign policy community only be¬ cent protectionist trade policies that ers on account of its poor profitabil¬ cause their chances of success have have emerged from the House ity and from the left/peace fronts been advertised as low and their Ways and Means Committee may because of its claim on national actual outcomes thus far have been be only a beginning. The Nixon resources. John Kennedy buried the very closely held. Should a draft Doctrine, if it is to direct American Red Menace in the rhetoric of de¬ treaty emerge, it might be impos¬ energies in the world, will have to tente, and more and more Ameri¬ sible to mobilize the trust and sup¬ win new support in the executive cans are challenging the philosoph¬ port necessary to win its passage branches and in the public arena ical axioms of the now “old” new against foes within the executive before the Congressional siege will diplomacy. As a result, budgets branch as well as in Congress and abate. It is nearly impossible to come hard, and priorities have to the society at large. Restraint, if it exaggerate the importance of the be publicly debated. is to come, will have to be disguised Vietnamese war in this process. as superiority by the governments . . . the Nixon Doctrine of both the US and USSR. The The Bureaucratics of Restraint President Nixon, in many ways pattern for this stratagem was set in A bureaucrat, the old saw goes, the product and symbol of the new the changes in China policy, in is a man with an infinite capacity to diplomacy of the 1950s, was elect¬ which the old policy of confronta¬ make ends of his means. People ed to his office when almost every tion was not publicly abandoned called to the public service have condition of that strategy had even though the statements on the seen their work as critically impor¬ changed. He endorsed the goals of Sino-Soviet border clashes and the tant, and have breathed into their the new diplomacy while changing new trade and travel policies, ac¬ segment of the new diplomacy that its means to those of restraint, con¬ companied by more intimate talks, level of commitment. As long as ciliation and parsimony. constituted its dismantling. the budget expanded, more func¬ Thus: SALT talks with the The perils of proclaiming con¬ tions could be undertaken, a larger USSR; rapid but quiet moves to stancy and practising change may staff recruited to do the job more normalize relations with China; the be seen clearly in the Vietnamiza- professionally, the uncertainties of

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 37 the policy environment increasingly bureaucratic means. A small mili¬ support for an active diplomacy as reduced and opportunities for tary assistance program, for exam¬ well as an end to war. He is faced meaningful work thereby increased. ple, may or may not be an essential with a “dismantled” structure of The diplomacy of restraint and the component of the American foreign public support for costly foreign economics of austerity threaten the policy of 1975, but a small military intervention. Mr. Nixon also lacks entire bureaucratic ethos. assistance program is a sure result the support of the hawks, the liber¬ Administrators will have to do of bureaucratic politics in which the als, the young and America’s tradi¬ less professional work because their only control on program is the level tional allies abroad. There is no instruments, budgets and staffs will of the budget. ideology except isolationism and a be reduced. Soldiers will have to President Nixon’s re-establish¬ narrow patriotism to support a di¬ expose themselves to higher levels ment of a strong National Security plomacy of restraint, but it tends to of risk because they will lack the Council, portrayed by some casual strengthen the hands of those numbers and superiority necessary observers as a replay of his Eisen¬ whose policy predilections are an¬ to foreclose it. AID officials will lack hower internship, is more properly tithetical to the president’s “residu¬ high performance statistics with understood as a device to gain bu¬ al” commitments. Inefficient pro¬ which to buttress their requests for reaucratic control so that budget ducers that seek protection from resources because fewer resources cuts will follow program rather than foreign trade, unilateral disarmers will have been invested in their agency priorities. Needless to say, who would scrap General Purpose client states. America will have to the future of that enterprise is un¬ Forces and leave continental de¬ tolerate a worse world press be¬ certain. fense to the vagaries of spasm war cause USIA was not budgeted for triggered by vulnerable “defensive” the proper level of news manage¬ The Politics of Restraint ICBMs, anti-economic assistance ment abroad. The world may even Paul Hammond once wrote of groups that would deny the world be full of surprises as the intelli¬ the “burden of foreign affairs” for needed resources in favor of do¬ gence communities have fewer the presidency. The constitution mestic consumption are interests sources of news. and custom focuses authority in the that threaten wider reductions in The State Department, with a White House. Also the extension of presidential capacities in foreign self-image of management rather American power has become policy. than operations, stands to lose less global. But more particularly be¬ The “old” ideology of Red baiting than “program” agencies. FSOs cause American power to produce could probably be reactivated, at have few vested interests in partic¬ desired effects in the world is un¬ the cost of support from the ular programs, just in control over certain, the President always finds western European states and the them. In the past, the “embassy his mandate, his responsibilities, domestic liberals, by a “foreign po¬ core” was rivaled by military assis¬ and his performance out of bal¬ licy Agnew” but it would decrease tance, intelligence, commercial, agri¬ ance. His public support is often the flexibility of foreign policy cultural, informational and eco¬ the first casualty of the mismatch. toward China, the USSR and nomic assistance staffs because of Presidents Truman and Eisen¬ Eastern Europe, imply very great their clout with client government hower shared in the advantages of risks, and trigger a new and expen¬ ministries, Congressional committee public support for an active diplo¬ sive wave of rearmament. chairmen, “production” minded au¬ macy, although the Korean War On the other side of the spec¬ ditors and impatient Presidents. The brought down the Democrats in trum the costs are equally impres¬ diplomacy of restraint promises 1952 as surely as the Vietnamese sive, an alienated and bitter right, smaller operations and, therefore, War brought down Lyndon John¬ fed by the confusions of domestic relatively more important foreign son in 1968. John Kennedy under¬ change as well as world disorder service roles in the process. Of took to bury the anti-Communist and the collapse of what remains of course, there will be fewer FSOs, a mainstay of public support for in¬ the western alliance in a period diminishing importance of American tervention in the rhetoric of detente when the Soviet Union is expand¬ representation abroad and perhaps with the USSR, and with a sophisti¬ ing its international role. Moreover, greater congressional influence in cated new doctrine of flexible re¬ the President must steer between the course of diplomacy. sponse to ambiguous challenges, these extremes while in a position Nor will the winding down of the whether of revolutionary insurgen¬ of being a minority party leader, cy or Third Area provocation by national security community struc¬ out-voted in the Congress and nar¬ China or the USSR. Eisenhower rowly supported by the general ture be a bloodless cost-benefit and Kennedy had the luck of peace electorate. affair. If the absolute scale of the in their administrations, Truman effort is to be reduced, most agen¬ and Johnson the bad luck of costly On Representing the New cies in the process will attempt to wars too limited to command the America Abroad ensure that their relative position crusading zeal of a “democratic remains intact. A smaller version of The world has had a difficult peoples war,” but too large to han¬ time understanding the post World present management arrangements dle without conscription, taxation War II, well-meant imperialism of would hardly be conducive to new and inflation. the United States. Imperialism it foreign policy initiatives for the President Nixon took office in a was, in the sense that power lay at precise reason that bureaucratic posture like Dwight Eisenhower’s its core and dominated the dynam¬ ends tend to be the product of but without the public and political ics of its extension; well-meaning it

38 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November. 970 was in that narrow self-interest was crisis choices, the Skybolt crisis The State of the Union Address less dominant than a concern for with the UK, the Laotian agree¬ for 1966 is one of the most impres¬ strategic stability and a sort of con¬ ment of 1961 and the concomi¬ sive in recent history, but it will be genial world pluralism. The loose tant despatch of advisors to Viet¬ forgotten because its vision and fit between intent and operation, nam, the build-up of conventional proposals were not backed by the between authoritative explanations counter-insurgency forces and final¬ power to move the American Re¬ of goals and between private and ly, the assassination of Diem in the public. Those who represented the public sectors in overseas oper¬ Americanization of the Vietnamese country abroad had the difficult ations made misunderstandings War. task of pointing to declarations and easier. Two blurred images of John Kennedy’s assassination intentions, while somehow explain¬ America resulted; one was the was not the beginning, but rather a ing why, in the face of the obvious, “benign elephant,” interested in a confirmation to much of the world the US political system was so slug¬ stable, peaceful jungle, but on oc¬ that the American system was un¬ gish, so confused, so violent. casion given to careless romps; the stable and incoherent, its govern¬ President Nixon inherited the other image was of a determined, ment preaching detente and rattling disorder, and the weakened pres¬ anti-Communist elite pursuing a missiles, calling for peace and com¬ idency. The national elite was bit¬ global plan aimed at strengthening mitting the Green Berets. As a re¬ terly divided, a division exaggerat¬ capitalism, establishing Pax Ameri¬ sult of the Kennedy years, the ed by their young in the nation’s cana, and managing the allocation world was only too ready to believe better universities. The economy of world resources from New York that Lyndon Johnson was a “true,” was in real trouble, and social ten¬ and Washington. parochial American representing an sions were higher than at any time For twenty years, the world puz¬ unpredictable people. The demands since the Depression years. Domes¬ zled over which image was the of the Vietnamese war, and the tic and foreign violence dominated more accurate. The Marshall Plan, President’s reluctance to finance it the news. Rising crime rates and Truman Doctrine, AID and mili¬ directly with the consequent “infla¬ the deplorable poverty and malnu¬ tary assistance plans, seemed to tion as a substitute for civil war” trition indicators tended to confirm confirm the former. The spread of process was accompanied by a brit¬ that America was a society in the multi-national corporation and tleness of policy support as the Left which the social cement—a decent of American management and denied him support because of the regard for others—was crumbling. marketing power in the world, “right” war, and the Right because The jibe that Washington had however, testified that the “Old of his “left” domestic programs. become a hardship post, marked by Yankee” spirit was not dead or The abdication speech appropriate¬ a decline in law and order, runa¬ disinterested. ly confirmed President Johnson’s way inflation and poor schools, and By 1960, most intelligent observ¬ lack of power. that FSOs might count on a differ¬ ers had probably concluded that The Kennedy-Johnson era wit¬ ential as against placid Dacca, or¬ America was the agent of a conser¬ nessed the emergence of newly derly Rome or sophisticated Bis¬ vative political vision and the carri¬ powerful political forces in the sau, was not very funny in 1970. er of a revolutionary economic- United States. Some were the pro¬ The world is back to puzzling technological system. But precisely duct of deliberate policy. Others about America; is it really on the in 1960, the internal order and were the inherent result of demo¬ brink of civil war and civic disinte¬ external policies of the United graphic and social change and gration, or is it a noisy, boisterous States began to change unpredicta- some of them the wholly unantici¬ continent well into the “technetron- bly as those two attributes collided. pated consequence of political and ic age” as a pathfinder? The re¬ Leaving aside the deserved ro¬ technological processes. Blacks, the turns, as usual, are not all in. In mance of the New Frontier and the young, the poor, the South and the either case, the consequences over enormous appeal of the Kennedy cities, all systematically disenfran¬ the mid-term future will be a weak¬ leadership style, the foreign and chised in the national status-power- ened presidency, a worsening rela¬ security policies of the United wealth rankings, came roaring into tive position of American power in States in the thousand days were Washington demanding as funda¬ the world and grave adjustment erratic. The legacy of a missile gap mental a recasting of the constitu¬ problems within the country. An led to an unnecessary surge in tional order as General Marshall’s official diplomacy of restraint seems strategic weapons emplacement, Plan for America had nearly two the inevitable outcome. Techne- steps acknowledged in Robert decades before. tronic America, however, marches McNamara’s San Francisco speech While the public coffers were not on the world with even more vigor in September 1967 as being the exactly empty—before the maw in than the legions of John Foster primary stimulant in the strategic Southeast Asia consumed all of the Dulles. Its new forms of expression arms race that became apparent Keynesian fruit, the public budget and communication, management with ABM and SS-9 systems in the was relatively fat—no system re¬ and production, consumption and USSR. sponds to new demands instantly. imagination are now firmly a part Then the active interventionism Moreover, the new factors in of global development. The true of American foreign policy, but American politics came together tasks of a diplomacy of restraint is hardly its constancy, was demon¬ when the President was being to capture this America, and turn it strated by the Bay of Pigs debacle, trapped and destroyed by the bur¬ to public rather than private global the severely stressing Cuban missile dens of foreign affairs. purpose. ■ FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 39 Can the foreign affairs community recognize the primacy of domestic problems and so carry out a foreign policy which will be truly “a shield for the Republic?”

East Asia and the Guam Doctrine

of President Nixon's talk JEROME K. HOLLOWAY longer looked the wave of the fu¬ with newspapermen at Guam July ture; Asians had paid close attention 25, 1969, came a doctrine whose Mr. Holloway entered the Foreign Service in 1947 after service with to the excesses of the Cultural Revo¬ essence was codified in the Pres¬ the United States Navy. He has lution, the fatuousness of the Mao ident’s February 18, 1970, foreign served at Rangoon, Shanghai, cult and the implications for them of policy report to the Congress: Hong Kong, Stockholm and is now on assignment to Osaka. He a doctrine of wars of national liber¬ The United States will keep spent 1968-69 at Harvard as a fel¬ ation. By 1969 it had become appar¬ all its treaty commitments. low in the Center of International ent that it would be difficult to re¬ We shall provide a shield if a Affairs. gard Japan in the decade of the ’70s nuclear power threatens the as no more than a brighter-than- freedom of a nation allied with average ward; it had to be a part¬ us, or of a nation whose sur¬ ner. In the rest of non-Communist vival we consider vital to our Asia a new nationalism was abroad. security and the security of the This nationalism relied no longer on region as a whole. charismatic leaders and it did not In cases involving other feed on the tensions and crises of types of aggression we shall both the essential and, perhaps more strident anti-colonialism as in the furnish military and economic importantly, the detailed Nixon Doc¬ immediate post-independence years. assistance when requested and trine must become the rule if the Rather, Asian nationalism was be¬ as appropriate. But we shall American people are to have a sane coming more broadly based and in¬ look to the nation directly conspectus of East Asia and their creasingly pragmatic. Little imagi¬ threatened to assume the pri¬ role in it. nation was needed to see that the mary responsibility for its de¬ On the surface the causes impell¬ period of American tutelage in Asia fense. ing a changed stance in East Asia in was drawing to a close. There have been suggestions that 1969 were obvious to a new Repub¬ There were other forces in Asia, this doctrine is now to be applied on lican administration. Richard Nixon tentative and still growing, but, even a world-wide basis, and indeed the was President of the United States with all their weaknesses, hopeful. President’s statement on Latin largely because the Democratic par¬ Australia and New Zealand, who American policy of October 31, ty’s Vietnam policy had been found used to think of themselves as is¬ 1969, seemed to confirm this inten¬ a failure by the American people— lands somewhere in the English tion. bloody, costly, and unending. But Channel, had become honorary non¬ But it was to East Asia that he factors argued for change which whites, ready to try to take up some pointed his Guam remarks. And, it would go beyond trying to wind of the slack to be left in defense of was in his Asian trip after Guam down the Vietnam war and to avoid Malaysia and Singapore when the that the President underlined and future Vietnams. United Kingdom completed its mili¬ expanded what he had said, while The pre-eminent and lonely oppo¬ tary withdrawal then planned for the his advisers on that trip were clarify¬ sition the United States had filled in end of 1971. Indonesia, a dormant ing his backgrounder for newsmen Asia since 1945 was no longer sup¬ giant, had come out of the miasma at each Asian stop, often in terms portable at home. Nor was this posi¬ of the Sukarno years. Even Taiwan rather revealing for what was to tion really any longer necessary. and South Korea were disproving come in the next year. Since the Sino-Soviet quarrel had predictions that they would be per¬ And it was in East Asia that the destroyed that Communist monolith manent charity cases for succeeding doctrine has been now seen to fal¬ we had heard so much about after US aid agencies. There were move¬ ter. Finally, it is in East Asia that October 1949, Communist China no ments toward regionalism, infinitely 40 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 more difficult to motivate than in ing action; Europe was more in failed to note that backgrounders Europe because of cultural, historic President Truman’s and General with White House officials after each and economic diversities in Asia lit¬ Bradley’s minds than Korea in stop of the President’s Asian journey tle known and little appreciated in 1950—“the wrong war, in the wrong seemed to emphasize the “nuclear American public opinion. Standing place with the wrong enemy.” And, shield” aspect and the ambiguity of alone, none of these or other chang¬ in Vietnam, perhaps nothing so gave the threat of invoking this shield if es—the Sino-Soviet split excepted— away the basic force of the two “a nation whose survival we consider could have led anyone to predict a previous Administrations’ thinking vital to our security” is threatened. new era; in the aggregate, though, than the constant references to Mu¬ The concepts of a reduced American these changes were impressive. nich and appeasement. presence or a “lowered profile” in In the summer of 1969, these Party aside, Mr. Nixon had a Asia were passed over quietly by developments seemed to Richard personal stake in an Asia-first poli¬ these spokesmen, who did repeat, Nixon to be less important in his cy. His opponents could quote back however that the United States foreign policy than the basic prob¬ to him many lines advocating such a wanted no new commitments. lem his administration faced: how to policy, including the famous not-so- Senator Mansfield early on saw manage an era of negotiation, not off-the-record address to the Ameri¬ this anomalous handling of the confrontation, with the Soviet can Society of Newspaper Editors in Guam backgrounder. During a trip Union. The era of clear American April 1954 when he had called for to Southeast Asia between August strategic superiority over the USSR the immediate introduction of Amer¬ 13 and August 27, the Senator re¬ was ending; the new word was ican troops into Indo-China to help ported: “sufficiency,” never defined, yet relieve the French at Dien Bien 1. There is also some uncer¬ clearly not meaning “superiority.” Phu. Nor, as a politician would he tainty as to what the new doc¬ Costs for newer weapons were sup¬ have been likely to forget that he trine will mean in specific portable only in a siege economy on owed his own elections as congress¬ terms. either side. Soviet projections of con¬ man, vice-president and president in 2. The concepts, practices, ventional power into the Mediter¬ part to weariness with wars begun and programs by which US ranean, Middle East and Indian during Democratic administrations. missions in Asia have operated Ocean were being accepted re¬ There would seem many political for many years remain the luctantly by many in the United opportunities in an Asia-first ipolicy, same. States, but still accepted. And the particularly if it could be contrasted 3. Notwithstanding the Pres¬ role of the USSR in Southeast Asia after a Vietnam wind-down to the ident’s recent visit and Pesiden- was obviously going to expand. Shib¬ Democratic record of 1964-1969. tial statements to the contrary, boleths of 1952 and 1956 no longer There are those who argue that some US missions still expect applied. The USSR had to be dealt the President made no such clear this Nation to continue as a with as an equal. If this required choice. Some would have it that his major military factor in reduction of the American role in Guam backgrounder on July 25, Southeast Asia after the conclu¬ Asia, so be it. 1969 was merely a statement of “No sion of the war in Vietnam. To a Republican president this more Vietnams.” Others say that it Developments within Southeast choice could not have come easily. was really only a rambling off-the- Asian countries are still The party was traditionally bearish cuff prelude to his Asian stops. Nei¬ referred to as “vital” to this on Europe, bullish on Asia. Whether ther of these explanations seems in Nation’s interests, “vital” im¬ a Republican harked back to the harmony with what we have learned plying more of a commitment ebullience of Senator Beveridge and of Mr. Nixon since he became Pres¬ than can be derived from a the expansionism of T.R. (who saw ident or of what we have seen to be reasonable reading of the Pres¬ the dangers of our exposed position his style. But even if there were ident’s new approach. Ironical¬ in the Philippines less than a decade substance to these two explanations, ly, in some US embassies an after we had annexed them) or to the intellectual choice outlined inconsistency is not seen be¬ Hay’s Open Door (which he lived to here can certainly be seen in the tween budgetary requests for regret) and Taft’s China consortium subsequent broad actions of the Ad¬ greatly increased US bilateral policy for American investors, a long ministration, just as some of the assistance and, hence, greater line of Republican activist policies difficulties that the Doctrine has met US participation in the indi¬ had made up the history of our in subsequent actions can now be genous situation, on the one Asian policy. seen to have been present in its hand, and the administration’s Democrats had gone along, of genesis. new doctrine on the other. course, but the three wars which we The backgrounder was handled 4. It would appear, there¬ had fought in Asia in Richard Nix¬ rather curiously. Although the NEW fore, that the first order of busi¬ on’s lifetime under Democratic pres¬ YORK TIMES printed a purported ness under the new doctrine is idents had not been wars of purely text in full on July 26, the day after to see to it that the President’s Asian involvement. The Japanese it was given, no copy reached the new concepts are reiterated war had been part of the larger war State Department or the Foreign and thoroughly explained against Hitler; even before Pearl Service until August 11; no substan¬ throughout the US departments Harbor a Europe-first strategy had tive guidance was pouched until and agencies concerned and been chosen consciously. The Kore¬ September 2; and newspapermen that they are disseminated an invasion was handled as a hold¬ traveling with the President had not among all US officials in

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 41 Southeast Asia. of career or of national interests or bodian decision were present in The Senator’s confidential report who had been thoroughly inducted many of the reactions to the Doc¬ has never been made public but he into what J. K. Galbraith has called trine found in the Department and did say that he had made therein the “cult of the cold warrior.” in the Pentagon. This was most as¬ other recommendations “in order to Those who entered the Foreign suredly true at our military and di¬ contract and adjust American activi¬ Service in the immediate post-war plomatic missions in East Asia. In ties in Southeast Asia to bring them years can recall with amusement those cults of activism and the Cold in line with his Guam Declaration.” and, now, perhaps with some sense War, which had resisted embracing But contracting and adjusting of guilt the way we looked upon the any substantial portion of the Doc¬ American activities in Southeast pre-1939 FSO. He had been raised trine, Cambodia was welcomed by Asia was to prove not easy. The first in an entirely different world. Where votaries as a return to an older and reaction of US officials in the area he had reflected and possibly report¬ more comfortable faith. was one of incredulity; “I was physi¬ ed, we were going to act and we But if one looks beyond Cam¬ cally shocked when I learned what were going to report. As a new FSO bodia and, if that is yet possible, the Guam Doctrine meant,” said one in 1947, I remember well the rea¬ beyond Vietnam, it is not hard to political officer at a Southeast Asian sons that were detailed as to why the predict the persistence of the Guam Embassy. One of the most senior State Department could not adminis¬ Doctrine under its new name of the officers of the Department cautioned ter the Marshall Plan; it was just not Nixon Doctrine. As an exercise in against reading into the background¬ an activist organization. policy and diplomacy, it faltered in er anything but a re-statement of The Cold War aspect came with Cambodia; as an exercise in bureau¬ the President’s hawkish side. An am¬ the Berlin blockade, the Communist cracy it was no great success. Yet, it bassador refused to read a telegram triumph in the Chinese Revolution has the wary support of Asian lead¬ setting forth some examples of what and the Korean War. Henceforth, to ers, it has the support of significant a lower profile might be. And, when activism was added crusading zeal. parts of the foreign policy establish¬ it came to specific implementation, To paraphrase President Nixon’s de¬ ment in this country, and, most im¬ these types of reaction were tran¬ scription, in his foreign policy portantly, it can be made to reflect slated into the most stubborn and speech, of what the Nixon Doctrine the budgetary and political realities skillful bureaucratic delay. is not: “America could and would of the United States in the 1970s In a new policy situation it is not conceive all the plans, design all the without needlessly exposing our¬ the dramatic events but relatively programs and undertake all the de¬ selves or our friends in East Asia to small day-to-day decisions that are fense of the free nations of the danger. often the unseen jewel on which a world.” It led to what one officer To reflect these realities it is going huge door is hinged. Or, as Lao Tse described as “not-a-sparrow-shall- to be necessary for the foreign said, “Govern as you would fry a fall” reporting. To men with twenty- affairs official to see the organic link small fish.” Examples might be per¬ five years of such conditioning a between our foreign and domestic sonnel changes, reorientation of mili¬ double interpretation of the Guam policies. Sixteen years ago this win¬ tary exercises, changes in trade and Doctrine seemed heresy. ter Talcott Parsons in discussing passport regulations, changes in AID Nevertheless, as months went by “McCarthyism and American Social procedures, military force posture of after the Guam backgrounder, prog¬ Tensions” in the YALE REVIEW small units, changes in information ress was being made in reaching a wrote: policies, etc. Thus, the dramatic reduced presence and a lower “. . . the strains of the inter¬ change may be missing but the per¬ profile. Often, this progress came national situation have im¬ sistent pursuit of a new approach about more as a result of budgetary pinged on a society undergoing really entails a succession of mun¬ limitations than from conscious at¬ important internal changes dane decisions which cumulatively tempts to enforce a new policy con¬ which have themselves been will make a new approach clear but cept. The investigations of the Sym¬ sources of strain, with the effect which when standing by themselves ington subcommittee on bases and of superimposing one kind of look picayune. However, foreign commitments brought both United strain or another. governments are sensitive to these States and Asian officials around to “It is a generalization well things. Thus, when a Foreign Minis¬ some cut-backs. In other cases, Viet¬ established in social science ter’s sleeve is plucked, when last nam, in particular, the reduced role that neither individuals or soci¬ year he would have had his arm was related directly to domestic eties can undergo major struc¬ wrenched out of its socket, he under¬ pressure. And in one outstanding tural changes without the likeli¬ stands. It was in these small matters case, Okinawa’s reversion, to en¬ hood of producing a consider¬ that resistance to change suggested lightened statesmanship and skillful able element of ‘irrational’ be¬ from Washington was most fierce. diplomacy. havior.” No one would suggest that these And then came Cambodia. The question is obvious: Can the reactions should be looked upon as This article cannot hope to be foreign affairs community as now sabotage. They were the normal authoritative on the Cambodian op¬ staffed and structured recognize the reactions of a generation of FSOs, eration. Nor, can it swell the spate primacy of domestic problems and USIA and CIA officers and, above of inside-dope and pop-psychoan¬ so carry out a foreign policy which all, military officers who had been alytic articles that have covered the will be truly “a shield for the Re¬ taught since 1945 that passivity was Cambodian decision. public?” In East Asia the Nixon not the way to advancement either The elements to support the Cam- Doctrine could be that shield. ■

42 FOREIGN SERVICE .To URN AT,, November, .970 “Population control is still left to that portion of the political spectrum which in the game of nations might be called ‘Inviolable National Privacy’

New Problems of Social Development

f HE older problems of social de- COVEY T. OLIVER Some new lines of activity are still to be classified. Just recently we velopment I came to know all too Ambassador Oliver is a law school well while I was involved in inter- careerist who twice nearly entered have all become conscious of ecolog¬ American affairs in the 1960s. They the Foreign Service laterally, only ical problems, and I think these include: to revert to an older profession at challenges in developing countries the last minute. “I am now a three¬ • Confusion about the meaning should be included within social de¬ time alumnus of the Department/ velopment. of social development. Foreign Service. My interest in de¬ • Lack of usable doctrine con¬ velopment was sharpened during Population control is harder to trasted to economic development. my Ambassadorship to Colombia classify. It certainly is not yet pure¬ (1964-66) and became itself ‘fully • Rejection of modernity by ly economic; operationally it is still developed’ during the period (1967- left to that portion of the political vested interest groups in developing 69) that I was Assistant Secretary countries including cultural and edu¬ for Inter-American Affairs. My spectrum which in the game of na¬ cational vested interests. nine months as United States Exec¬ tions as I know it might be called • The Marshall Plan’s dead hand utive Director of the World Bank “Inviolable National Privacy.” Group (1969) gave me an added Economic development, of course on US development operations (it perspective on development assist¬ was exclusively economic). ance.” has social effects; and some of these, • The unfortunate legacy of Bret- undoubtedly, have been seen by ul¬ ton Woods as to national backstop¬ tra-nationalists and vested interests ping of international development treatment in the Scarcity-Priorities groups as impinging on “Inviolable activities by non-development insti¬ Game that foreign assistance so far National Privacy.” To a consider¬ tutions such as finance ministries. has had to be. able degree, the chant of “Trade, • The reluctance of foreign What is social development? I Not Aid” is the ploy of traditional offices in developed and developing use the term not necessarily the export oligarchs who find the so- countries to accept development as a same as institutional development (a called “foreign conditioning” of ex¬ new type of international relation¬ fairly neutral term—even a fascist or ternal assistance a threat to their ship. mercantilistic institution can be de¬ internal advantages. Traditionalists, These problems, all of which have veloped). And it is not exactly that everywhere I suppose, incline to the links to the two new problems of rhetorical favorite, especially of “trickle-down” theory of human bet¬ social development that I shall at¬ some of the military, “nation build¬ terment. But the traditional export tempt to analyze have so far always ing.” Social development refers to oligarchs that I have in mind are not forced the center of gravity of exter¬ modernization of the norms and even much for “trickle down,” as nal assistance toward the purely processes for sharing benefits and may be seen by their strong and economic: infrastructure, productivi¬ burdens in societies. It is fairer usually effective objections to greater ty, import substitution, export inten¬ sharing, especially on the benefits taxation of them for the common sification, foreign exchange policy side: education, health, job oppor¬ good. Some exporters of traditional and national accounts management. tunities (including job training), tax commodities are, of course, not oli¬ This is particularly noticeable in the equity, effective administration (in¬ garchs but little people. Export oli¬ Alliance for Progress. Social and cluding honesty in government). garchies vary as to countries and civic development objectives are set Think of total development as light commodities. Sugar, for example, is out in the Charter of Punta del Este, coming through a prism. Social de¬ hardly ever a mass man export in¬ but in Alianza assistance practice, velopment is a discernible area in terest. institutional development related to the whole spectrum of development, On the whole, economic develop¬ the above economic goals is about as and there are shadings from the ment practices and doctrines no far as social development ever got. equally discernible purely economic longer fall within the taboo of “In¬ And even this degree of institutional end all the way to the purely politi¬ violable National Privacy.” One rea¬ development gets only secondary cal end. son for this is the spread of economic FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 43 ably masochistic, and too often we swallow the bait I call “Inviolable National Privacy” when it should be left dangling. On the other hand, there are ar¬ eas where the United States’ way of doing things socially is not the way that all developed countries do them. In such areas, whether the United States is using its leverage through bilateral or multilateral as¬ sistance, it should “knowledgeably eschew ethnocentric predilection.” I know of no better examples of our failure to do so than in the adminis¬ tration of criminal justice. While I was Ambassador to Colombia, every time an American was held in de- tentive custody pending investigation by the examining magistrate, I got the same type of “make protest” instruction from Washington: de¬ mand arraignment, bail, and so on. Had no one in the Department ever heard of the continental penal law system, without grand juries, bail bondsmen and the Mallory Rule? I often wondered, as I would again repeat my little essay on very simple development theories through gradu¬ Also, there are some fundamental comparative law, assuring the De¬ ate education of developing country doctrinal disputes, such as the very partment that we were receiving all nationals in developed country uni¬ important one of whether de¬ the cooperation possible from the versities. Also, the feed-in of profes¬ veloped-country concepts of basic Colombians, within the maximum sional development economists into education are relevant to the needs that their system would tolerate all development agencies, has given of the poor countries as to the condi¬ without discrediting it. the world a remarkably wide con¬ tioning of their peoples for as happy sensus of professionalism as to those and effective lives as reasonable pro¬ Another instance in the same area: items that above I listed as purely jections of national and regional im¬ Why did AID persist in sending non- economic. How often is the cry of provement show may be possible. Spanish speaking, common law law¬ interventionism raised as to issues of Nonetheless, there is a solid core of yers to Latin America to advise on monetary economics today? Not of¬ social development doctrine and ex¬ the modernization of the criminal ten, even as against the Internation¬ perience available. Basically, the ex¬ process? Why not some aid-financed al Monetary Fund. pectations in the field of social de¬ Swiss, Italian, German, or French, Purely political development is velopment draw upon, not the na¬ experts, considering that, on the hardly ever attempted through for¬ tional idiosyncracies of a single de¬ whole Latin America deals with eign assistance, since political con¬ veloped country, but upon the mod¬ criminal charges in ways still essen¬ siderations are excluded by the arti¬ ern—-if always challenged—way of tially Napoleonic? cles of the multinational develop¬ life generally common in the free, Social development, bedeviled as ment institutions. Moreover, since Western, developed world. it long has been in the various much of economic development is no Does this concept present prob¬ ways sketched previously, must now longer controversial, it seems largely lems? Of an ideological nature in contend with new difficulties. These in the field of social development terms of 18th and 19th century no¬ new problems are very serious: that resistance to change occurs. tions, from the Physiocrats through First, attitudes underlying them tend That it occurs results in part from Marx, yes. In terms of the actual to put social development beyond the fact that the doctrines and the administration of modern societies, the sphere of external assistance, men needed for social development hardly. Thus it seems to me a mis¬ thus throwing such development as are themselves far below the present take to give great weight to oligar- remains back to an exclusively eco¬ stage of growth of economic de¬ chistically-sourced yells of “gringo nomic base and leaving the listed velopment technology. Further, intrusion” when what the shouters problems of social development free some social development schemes are really attacking under nationalis¬ of operating pressures that they be tend to be vague and half-baked. tic cover is something that is not solved. Second, as the Installa- Too often they reflect the drives and gringo but modern social practice, lation Address on August 7 of the pressures of faddists and of well- whether in the German Federal Re¬ new President of Columbia suggests, intentioned determinists in the de¬ public, Sweden, Idaho, or Australia. the regressive austerity of economic veloped world. We USA-Americans are remark¬ development on the very poor mas- 44 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 ses must be leavened with “people Most would agree that this has been ment assistance except that the exist¬ programs.” good. Nonetheless, it is possible that ing, well-financed (UNDP is not) Although I have attempted with¬ unless encouraged otherwise, United multilateral institutions are not struc¬ out much result to get analytical States spokesmen vis-a-vis devel¬ tured to go much beyond develop¬ appraisal as to whether the recent oping countries today may take ment lending plus some free techni¬ “near thing” in Colombia might the Low Profile Doctrine as a broad cal assistance (almost always loan have a causal relation to imbalance hint to widen the taboo area. This is related) paid for out of the interna¬ between economic and social de¬ a danger, not only in bilateral diplo¬ tional institution’s earnings and velopment, the words of President macy, but in multipartite-universal profits. The development loan ap¬ Misael Pastrana Borrero tend to sug¬ and multipartite-regional diplomacy. proach to development assistance, gest there was one. In any event, The area of development most vul¬ even in the economic assistance economic development with only in¬ nerable to widening of the taboo field, has been found to be inade¬ cidental social betterment compon¬ area is social development, consider¬ quate without large grant assistance ents is no more than “trickle down,” ing that most political development for both capital transfer and techni¬ a philosophy of peaceful revolution is already within it. On a small cal assistance. The existing relation¬ that has never worked anywhere in planet, ever more widely divided ship of loans to grants in the totals the developed world. All the more between our very rich and our very of assistance supplied to developing reason why it should not be expected poor, the nation state already stands countries has already created a seri¬ to work in the far weaker distribu¬ all too frequently as a barrier be¬ ous repayment problem, as the Pear¬ tive structures of the developing tween the grossly deprived within its son Report shows. But here I wish countries. territory and the possibilities of bet¬ to stress that social development— terment that, not one developed the absolutely essential structural The Low Profile Doctrine is nei¬ and distributive modernizations that ther objectionable nor new insofar as country, but all planetary civilization could provide. will make the trauma of develop¬ United States development concepts ment tolerable to present generations are concerned. Implications to the The real problem is, what do we —is particularly vulnerable should have, what can we reasonably ex¬ contrary are offensively unfair to foreign assistance become mainly pect, as to international develop¬ Kennedy-Iohnson diplomacy. True, multilateral, without there being ment institutions and how can they there has always been considerable changes in the international develop¬ do the things that cannot be done insensitivity in the execution of vari¬ ment institutions. Why? ous aspects of foreign assistance; bilaterally as well as some would and it is only for understanding that like? Thus we have the setting for One reason is that the develop¬ I note the corrosive effects of similar the second of the new problems, ment banks cannot use their capital insensitivities in the actual operation “bankability” and social develop¬ raised by public financing in ways of internal anti-poverty programs. ment. that would undermine the financial soundness of the bank’s bonds. This The cure for insensitivity and inept¬ With the exception of the United ness in either case is better training Nations Development Programme means that every “hard” develop¬ or better people, not in prejudicing (UNDP) and a small Organization ment loan proposal must, in a con¬ or ending the effort. The develop¬ of American States development vincing and credible way, be quan¬ ment-related aspect of the Low Pro¬ fund, the existing multilateral de¬ tifiable and, as so quantified, meet file Doctrine that concerns me here velopment assistance institutions cost-benefit and related tests of is whether social development may are banks. These banks have soft bankability. President McNamara drop out of operations, leading to loan appendages, such as the deserves great credit for taking man¬ the counter-productive disequilibri¬ World Bank’s International Devel¬ agerial initiatives in the World Bank um that the recent Colombian elec¬ opment Association, or they ad¬ toward enlarging the scope of lend¬ tion case possibly may present. The minister funds earmarked for vary¬ ing from the Bank’s traditional field “drop out” dangers that I see as ing degrees of concessionality in of essential national physical infra¬ potential, but avoidable, are lack of lending. There is not, so far, a structure into virtually the whole development-related dialogue on so¬ worldwide or regional full range de¬ array of development needs, includ¬ cial development issues and enlarge¬ velopment agency with an array of ing education and population. None¬ ment of the taboo area. authorizations in the development theless, a loan is a loan is a loan, No dialogue might result if the field comparable to that of the and in the social development field United States responds only to de¬ United States Agency for Interna¬ the big basic limitations are those veloping country initiatives that do tional Development. It is most im¬ related to “credible quantification” portant, it seems to me, that the not contain significant social de¬ —credible, that is, to the more tra¬ present lack of multilateral institu¬ velopment elements. Every experi¬ ditional executive directors and to enced assistance man knows how tions to do the whole job of develop¬ the world’s “money community.” difficult it is to get specific develop¬ ment assistance ought to be kept ment initiatives from the government seriously and constantly in mind as The Inter-American Development of a developing country. the merits of shifting emphasis from Bank is farther along with “social lending” than is the World Bank Enlargement of the taboo area bilateral to multilateral assistance for the poor nations of the world, has resulted in a great shrinkage are appraised. and at its soft window it has been in the area of “Inviolable National There is nothing wrong with the Privacy” in the past few decades. multilateral approach to develop¬ (Continued on page 56)

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 45 "Otherwise the Nixon doctrine, like the SEATO treaty before it, will join the pavement of good intentions on which American troops march into the hell of mainland combat”

America and Asia

lo a disturbing degree, our politi¬ SENATOR CHARLES McC. cal discourse today revolves around MATHIAS, JR. an irrelevancy. The debate revolves Senator Mathias served his state rapidly because emotions are high; (Maryland) as assistant attorney but traction is low, so we don’t seem general, city attorney of Frederick to be getting anywhere. and as a member of the Maryland The issue that so confounds us is House of Delegates before being the future of Vietnam after the de¬ elected to Congress in 1960. parture of American troops. I be¬ lieve our troops must withdraw and so, obviously, does nearly everyone else, with only the question of how still unsettled. But the ultimate con¬ sequences are politically irrelevant because, despite our deep concern, events in Vietnam will be far be¬ yond our power to control. The issue that should concern us, meanwhile, is the impact of our Asian policy on the great powers of the region: Japan and China. Yet this question is inadequately considered by the public—and the political arena— ly regarded as a prelude to the Cold foreign policies; equally important is though the Nixon Administration War. And the last stages of the the adaption of our domestic insti¬ has broached interesting and com¬ Korean conflict were fraught with tutions and the education of public mendable policies. the bitter controversies associated opinion. This process transcends the Such distortion of perspective is with the name of Senator Joseph office of the President and embraces characteristic of nations stumbling McCarthy. In ending the previous all branches of government—indeed from a war. wars of this century, we have invari¬ all realms of the society. More than a century ago, Alexis ably failed to establish the conditions This Administration has shown a de Tocqueville wrote; “the most im¬ for a lasting peace—and new ten¬ deep awareness of the international portant time in the life of a country sions abroad have reverberated at problems of ending the Vietnam is the coming out of a war.” The home. conflict. It has developed a policy of history of this century gives haunting It appears that “the coming out of transition—usually designated the resonance to his words as the United war” poses special difficulties for a Nixon doctrine—by which we hope States prepares its departure from democracy like the United States. to avoid further instability and war Vietnam without wide public discus¬ The emotions of war hang on—and in the region. This approach is de¬ sion of future policy. hang over—into the post war peri¬ signed gradually to shift the burdens The aftermath of World War I od. National mobilization creates of regional defense to indigenous or¬ plunged the United States govern¬ distortions in our economy and in ganizations of collective security. ment into a struggle between the our political institutions that further Under the doctrine, the United executive and legislature that ended encumber the work of the peace¬ States will adopt a low military with rejection of the League of Na¬ makers. The post-war challenge to profile in the region. Future ground tions by the Senate. The terminal American leadership is not simply to engagements of American troops phase of World War II is now wide¬ determine and prosecute the right will be scrupulously avoided, while 46 FOREIGN SERVICE JOORNAI,, November, 1970 major aggression is deterred through American limitations in changing elsewhere depends on its success in our strategic striking power. them. the war zone. This contention has The success of this approach will In fact, his proposition that the disturbing overtones of assertions depend not only on its application in United States cannot effectively over the past decade that defeat of Asia but also on its promulgation in maintain an extended presence on the Communists in Vietnam was in¬ the United States. On the one hand, the Asian mainland has become con¬ dispensable to their containment Congress and the public must under¬ ventional wisdom, accepted by every throughout Asia. The domino sym¬ stand and support the intricate com¬ American President. Yet the vacu¬ bolism is still employed. American bination of trade, aid and diplomatic um created by the eclipse of Japan policy seems to be based on the policies that the doctrine entails. On has exerted so strong a magnetism assumption that successful Vietnam¬ the other, the Executive must offer on the military hardware of the ization will lead to the development cogent and consistent leadership in United States that we have found of other indigenous Asian forces ca¬ putting the doctrine into effect. We ourselves violating our better judg¬ pable of filling the power vacuum in should define clearly the real Ameri¬ ment and intervening on that dis¬ the region. But, this assumption con¬ can interest in Asia and discard the tant and inhospitable continent. veniently overlooks the existence of nebulous formulations that led to our Now President Nixon has indi¬ a government in Hanoi. Unless we current predicament. cated that the United States will try are prepared to reverse signals at The roots of our interventionist at last to reverse this tragic pattern, suicidal risks, adopt the LeMay for¬ stance lie in the “coming out” of try to escape the magnetic Asian mula for victory and treat Hanoi like World War If. In 1943, as the tides vacuum by filling it—perhaps with World War II Japan, imposing of war shifted in favor of the Allies, American military hardware but in unconditional surrender and a new Walter Lippmann wrote a book, the future kept in the hands of Asi¬ regime, our goal of an anti-Chinese “U.S. War Aims,” which dealt with ans. One must hope the effort will coalition of Southeast Asians may the impending problems of a post succeed, that the United States can well be frustrated. North Vietnam, war settlement. The destruction of at long last elude the thralldom of apparently the strongest nation on Japanese military power, he wrote, conditions created decades ago. the southeastern border of China, would create a post-war vacuum in There are serious problems, how¬ will prevent an effective collective Asia which the United States could ever. For the new approach is being security arrangement. As long as fill only at the risk of a protracted tested first in Vietnam, surely the Southeast Asia is divided, the Chi¬ commitment of ground forces on the Asian battleground least suited to its nese will find invitations to inter¬ Asian mainland. Lippmann felt that success. Vietnam is the one country vene. If United States ground forces the United States was unsuited for in the world where a national Com¬ are not introduced, the side sup¬ such an Asian role. He urged instead munist party led an authentic war of ported by Peking may be expected that the United States accept an national liberation against a Western to triumph. ultimate Chinese sphere of influence colonial power. Although the defeat The best way to contain China is in Southeast Asia. The only country of France in 1954 seemed to create to leave Southeast Asia and thus where a real danger of conflict a new Asian vacuum in Indochina, create the conditions under which a would arise, Lippmann predicted, in fact, it established a strong indi¬ new arrangement must endure. The was Korea, because of its proximity genous force to fill it: the Commu¬ states of the region must be con¬ to China, the Soviet Union and nists led by Ho Chi Minh. strained to devise their own collec¬ Japan. The decision to support an anti- tive security ties, responding to the Lippmann’s advice was not taken Communist regime in South Viet¬ real power conditions in the region. and his prediction came true. The nam appeared to be analogous to the When these countries do adjust, the destruction of Japanese military relatively successful effort in South political situation may well be more power in Asia did create a vacuum. Korea. But in fact there was little favorable to our interests after we The United States did encounter ex¬ correlation between the authentic leave than it is now while we try to cruciating political and military diffi¬ Korean nationalist regime of Syng- manipulate events. For if the natural culties when we attempted to replace man Rhee and the externally origi¬ geopolitics of the region are allowed Japan in the Asian balance of pow¬ nated government of Ngo Dinh to prevail, any vacuum in Indochina er. The confounding futilities of na¬ Diem. As President Eisenhower’s is likely to be filled by powers inhos¬ tion building in Vietnam and coali¬ memoirs report, perhaps 80 per cent pitable to Chinese hegemony. If, tion management in the Southeast of the South Vietnamese supported however, we continue to foster civil Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) Ho Chi Minh in the mid-1950s. wars in the region, the emergence of suggest a fundamental weakness in Thus the special conditions of Viet¬ a regional counterbalance to China the American approach to the namese history reinforce the natural will be delayed and China will be region. liabilities of the United States on the granted more opportunities to inter¬ Lippmann’s proposals, of course, Asian mainland and make Vietnam fere. Secretary Rogers has pointed became problematical after Commu¬ an unfortunate test for the Nixon out that our intervention in Cam¬ nist victory in the Chinese Civil War doctrine. bodia enhanced Chinese influence in and the emergence of an apparently Nonetheless, we are beginning our the region. monolithic Communist bloc. But it is general policy of Asianization with A more promising application of difficult today, nearly three decades an effort at Vietnamization. The Ad¬ the Nixon doctrine would dictate later, to deny his analysis of the ministration asserts, moreover, that early adoption of a much lower mili¬ fundamental power relationships and the success of the Nixon doctrine tary profile in Southeast Asia. As we

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1070 47 withdraw our troops front Vietnam, they themselves . . . SEATO and ment in Thailand to dimensions ap¬ we should withdraw our minds from CENTO have become in effect uni¬ propriate under the original treaty. that harrowing experience, ultimate¬ lateral American guarantees.” American troops must ultimately be ly irrelevant to our real interests in SEATO in particular has been trans¬ removed and American bases ceded Asia. As difficult as it is for us to formed from an organization of col¬ to Thailand. Bangkok should not be accept, the gravest remaining danger lective defense to a vehicle for uni¬ encouraged to adopt belligerent pos¬ of the war in Vietnam is the possi¬ lateral American intervention. tures toward its neighbors on the bility that the United States will This transformation occurred assumption that its coverage under overreact to a setback there—either without the slightest participation of SEATO requires no collective ap¬ by retreating to a Fortress America the Senate, though constitutionally it proval. In particular, Thailand or by flailing out with new escalation shares treaty power with the Pres¬ should not be forced into too close of the conflict. Continued presence ident. The key instrument of the associations with the present military in Indochina cannot contribute to change was a joint communique regime in South Vietnam. The de¬ the achievement of the chief goals of signed in 1962 by Secretary of State velopment of indigenous collective the Nixon doctrine: new indigenous Dean Rusk and Thai Foreign Minis¬ security arrangements will be ex¬ collective security arrangements de¬ ter Thanat Khoman, with an addi¬ tremely difficult for Southeast Asian signed to maintain peace and con¬ tional interpretive statement by countries that apparently serve as tain China. Thanat. This agreement states that agents of the United States. The key tests of the Nixon doc¬ in the event of aggression against This United States disengagement trine will come in Japan and Thailand, “the United States intends in Thailand must begin soon. It can Thailand. In both countries a major to give full effect to its obligations proceed quietly and gradually; but it problem will be breaking the psy¬ under the treaty,” and adds that this must be clear and irreversible. Oth¬ chological dependence on a heavy obligation “is individual as well as erwise the Nixon doctrine, like the American military presence. collective.” In case there might be SEATO treaty before it, will join In Thailand, our role is compli¬ any misunderstanding, Thanat re¬ the pavement of good intentions on cated by SEATO treaty revisions leased a separate statement accur¬ which American troops march into and reinterpretations. The SEATO ately describing the significance of the hell of mainland combat. treaty as ratified 16 years ago by the the communique: “According to the The development of new collec¬ United States Senate was a collective present charter,” he pointed out, “all tive security arrangements in South¬ defense arrangement that committed decisions must be taken by unanimi¬ east Asia would contribute to a the United States to consultation ty. The joint communique says that peaceful and productive Asia within with the signatories for the develop¬ . . . any individual country or coun¬ which Chinese influence will not di¬ ment of a cooperative response in tries may agree to take action even rectly endanger any vital US inter¬ case of Communist aggression in the though there is no consensus . . . est. The fate of Japan, however, is a region. Secretary of State John Fos¬ within SEATO.” The statement fur¬ paramount concern, both as the ter Dulles repeatedly assured the ther contended that “the understand¬ mainstay of capitalism in Asia and Senate that the treaty did not affect ing between the US and Thailand” as a potential long term counterbal¬ the Constitutional provisions for also applies to “revolutionary wars” ance to the influence of Communist Congressional participation in any or “wars of national liberation.” China. decision to go to war; and he insisted This communique has been rein¬ It is a commentary on current that under no circumstances was forced by events. The unilateral American priorities that while ne¬ ground action contemplated. A ma¬ United States intervention in Viet¬ glecting crucial Japanese interests, jor ground commitment, he said in nam, the substantial deployment of we have spent some $150 billion on words that echoed Lippmann’s, US military personnel in Thailand, our marginal concern in Vietnam. “would involve an injudicious over- the withdrawal of France from This imperial sum gurgles down the extension of our military power. . . . SEATO, and the diminished partici¬ drains and swamps of the Mekong I believe that if there should be open pation of Pakistan and Great Bri¬ delta, without significant Congres¬ armed attack . . . the most effective tain, all contribute to the conversion sional opposition and almost no ne¬ step would be to strike at the source of SEATO into a bilateral treaty gative votes year after year. But of aggression rather than to try to between the US and Thailand—all when, by contrast, a relatively small rush American manpower into the tend to commit us to unilateral trade deficit originates in the same area to try to fight a ground war.” ground combat if Thailand is at¬ part of the world there is a wounded Yet the SEATO treaty as widely tacked. Yet the Senate, despite its cry, and a demand for relief without understood today bears little rela¬ clear constitutional assignment relat¬ examination of the total problem or tionship to the document ratified by ing to treaties, was not so much as of alternative means of assisting do¬ the Senate. Before assuming his cur¬ informed by the Kennedy and John¬ mestic industries without sacrificing rent responsibilities, Henry Kissinger son Administrations which worked essential national interests. Both ob¬ discussed one aspect of the problem the changes. jectives can be achieved at costs in his contribution to the Brookings As a key step of cooperation with which would be bargain-counter Institution study “Agenda for a Na¬ the President in carrying out the terms on any military price-list. tion.” Kissinger wrote: “Because the Nixon doctrine, Senatorial leaders In dealing with Japan on trade United States has often seemed more should consult with the Administra¬ Americans should recognize the eager to engage in the defense of tion on actions to reduce the uni¬ huge disparity in bargaining power. SEATO and CENTO allies than lateral American military engage- (Continued on page 58)

48 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 970 JL

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III. INDO-EUROPEANS Lonely to see Ulysses, Nausicaa Is borne along by the blond tourists Till she comes at midnight in Piazza Navona Under the streetlights, cobblestones covered with fairies The fair moonlight a mystery in the smog. THREE POEMS 0 darling Nausicaa so far from home by P.B. How can you tolerate these times, Death in the subways and lettuce in plastic A hundred million painted mouths Double that in cringing men And all the grand green beech trees I. TO TANAQUIL, ON A MOUNTAIN BIRTHDAY Withering in Beckett’s dreams When princes turn to Welsh then well may I Lo comes some sailor coasting along but Find fit Etruscan names to call you by Who can he be? Pretend the Pelasgian As you meet another year at Larciunei Who lands in a cove by gentle deer Keeping the cruel utilities-men at bay, Strikes inland by oaks and pure springs in pastures, 0 lovely mother fearless on the mountains Rome just two huts and Syracuse a village, And loving figure gliding on the ice Until on a mountain the people call Vel With all those kids. Nor have the fine Rome fountains He does all the honors in blood, on the flowers Ever seen a lady quite so nice. Ignorant of Camus, a sinner to Paul VI: And us half through: half through this brief, strange life Shall we blush at this erection? That sweeps too quickly by and leaves us where? Your street is one too trampled and re-paved Great grandsons may recall this man and wife And you are sick of love Him staid but her still vibrant in the air But set me as a spear upon politics Of all that counts: the rinks, the climb, the race 1 will cripple those corporate men Smiles of encouragement always on her face. Paving their way through the tall dry plains Usurped from the deer and fatal dead primitives II. OUT OF VAL GARDENA The plains of too-brief history Of too many churches and wild cherries soured: Earth fading, beauty overwhelmed my mind. I and the Xhosa, we ran along the tow-path 1 strolled at Chiusa station, leave all gone And watched the water leaking out Thinking of blinding ridges two miles high In the old days, as a boy. As Tyrol valley green turned black and blind And suddenly the train’s great sliding brawn If you think of Massawa it’s not so bad a place Was on me. But I dodged him, loath to die Or of Danang. And at Sverdlovsk And boarded for a long night trip to Rome Though our province program’s not begun Nor dreamed of climbing. In the Val Kedul And at Urumchi The chamois watched the moon upon the scree O mountains of the tigers And little cliff-owls crooned the small stars home Mountains of my love Until dawn came and in the Tuscan cool Our life is brief, to stand upon a palace I got coffee at Cortona. Now sweating me Listening to the night drums and strings In August Rome might wonder if thought lied You and I and moon upon the snow Except for a mountain’s scar upon my side. High above Tocharia.

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 -19 the much maligned military-industrial complex because, instead of industry insisting on a large Air Force, the Air Force planners were insisting on a large aircraft industry so as to insure adequate potential for mobilization and development of military aviation. —ALBERT W. STOFFEL The Perfectability of Man The Reform that Failed Presented as a case study, this is an HOUSE DIVIDED—Poverty, Race, Religion PROGRAMMING SYSTEMS AND FOREIGN engrossing and compact little book and the Family of Man, by Thomas and AFFAIRS LEADERSHIP, by Frederick whose pages are full of insights into Margaret Melady. Slteed & Ward, $5.50. Mosher and John Harr. Oxford Uni¬ the personalities of its principal ac¬ versity Press, $2.95 (paper). tors as well as behind-the-scenc glimpses of the processes of organiza¬ AMBASSADOR and Mrs. Melady have tion change. Those to whom CCPS, written a book which proceeds from a 0 NE learns from failure as well as deeply felt Christian commitment to from success. The failure in this case EROP, FAPS and PPBS were fight¬ ing words will enjoy reliving the fight. an analysis of the problems of pover¬ was the abortive attempt by a group ty, race and religion as the primary of dedicated, often zealous Foreign —RICHARD L. SCHOTT factors in the gap between the rich Service officers to install a country- Air Force Planning northern developed countries and the based programing system (CCPS) in poorer developing countries of the the Department of State and its mis¬ THE AIR FORCE PLANS FOR PEACE, 1943- southern hemisphere. The economic 1945, by Perry McCoy Smith. The Johns sions abroad. One of the lessons to be sections are short and generally dis¬ Hopkins Press, $5.95. drawn from this failure is that efforts cursive and clearly less critical to the to change organizations are easily authors’ argument than the chapters frustrated by a hostile environment. M AJOR PERRY SMITH is not going to on race and religion. The reformers, William Crockett be very popular in some places in the In their desire to find a general and the group around Richard Bar¬ Pentagon for having written his book pattern into which world tensions fit, rett in the Department’s Office of on “The Air Force Plans for Peace, the Meladys’ have adopted generaliza¬ Management Planning, saw country 1943-1945.” He shows that the plan¬ tions which do not in fact apply programing as a tool for rationalizing ners appointed by the Air Force were throughout the developing world. and integrating the diverse activities of limited competence and that their They are at their surest in dealing of the foreign affairs agencies and as primary objective was to justify a with Africa, which they know well, an instrument for reclaiming for the large independent Air Force in the less perceptive in their writing on Asia Department its role as chief arbiter postwar period. They were not partic¬ and misleading in their analysis of and director of American foreign pol¬ ularly concerned with an accurate Latin America where the implications icy. The adoption of new systems evaluation of world events and pos¬ of race and religion as divisive factors techniques, they argued, was neces¬ sible enemies. Service rivalries also are very different from the other areas sary to bring the management of the played a decisive role in the planning of the Afro-Asian world. Department into the twentieth centu¬ process. However, given their objec¬ The book, which takes its inspira¬ ry and to provide the Secretary of tive, their planning was successful. tion from recent papal encyclicals, is State with managerial power equal to They did provide adequate justifica¬ infused with a strongly irenical ap¬ his responsibilities. tion for a seventy-group Air Force on proach to world problems. There is a Their efforts came to naught pri¬ an equal footing with the Army and generosity in the Melady’s vision of marily because CCPS challenged the the Navy. the future, which they believe must be existing processes, power structure He points out that the planners based on a passion for self¬ and norms of the foreign affairs com¬ could not be accused of making the development among the peoples of the munity. The new system, many common mistake of planning to fight world, founded in a Christian com¬ feared, sought to replace a political the next war with weapons and tech¬ monwealth under papal leadership, and diplomatic orientation in the niques that had been effective in the and leavened by a racial tolerance conduct of foreign policy with one last war. They were, in fact, planning through contact and knowledge. that was administrative and manage¬ to conduct the next war using weap¬ Throughout their analysis runs a faith rial. It was at loggerheads with the ons and techniques that had been in the perfectability of man. Unfortu¬ programing system (PPBS) favored iargely ineffective in World War II. nately many readers living in this war- by the Bureau of the Budget. It pro¬ Actually, they were not really plan¬ ravaged world, where man’s Hobbesi- posed an individual country rather ning to fight any war but simply plan¬ an propensities are evident, may find than an individual agency as the bas¬ ning to set up a force that would it difficult to accept the Meladys’ belief ic focus for the framing of program justify a large autonomous Air Force. in human progress. and policy decisions and thus threat¬ Even their choice of air bases around —ANTHONY C. E. QUAINTON ened to intensify agency in-fighting the world was made to justify a large both in Washington and in the field. postwar Air Force to occupy and China in the Community of Nations Most importantly, CCPS met with serve those bases. One of their fears THE RISE OF MODERN CHINA, by Im¬ firm (though often passive) resist¬ was that a small regular Air Force in manuel C. Y. Hsu. Oxford University ance from many who question the combination with commercial airlift Press, $14.50. relevance of a quantified, rational, was unlikely to require sufficient air¬ and 'systematic” approach to foreign planes to insure a large aircraft indus¬ IN his monumental work, Professor affairs and received little or no sup¬ try which in turn could produce com¬ Hsu presents primarily a Chinese view port from the top echelon of the bat aircraft in quantity in time of of the evolution of modern China, his Department or from the FSO corps national emergency. Smith points out interpretation being enriched by as a whole. that this is a rather different view of Western and Japanese scholarship in

50 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAI,, November. 1970 recent decades. In these turbulent cen¬ military strength (war-weariness of a gymnasium of the virtues; they turies of Chinese history, foreign and the Nationalist forces and the miscal¬ know it to be the stinking thing it domestic forces interacted to trans¬ culations of Chiang’s military strate¬ is (Ibid.) form the Confucian universal empire gy); (2) inflation and economic col¬ We have not been able to find a into a modern nation-state. Hsu's ac¬ lapse; (3) loss of public confidence foreign policy which meets the count of this labored, painful meta¬ and respect (“. . . the obnoxious facts of the world and squares morphosis is of great value in under¬ conduct of Nationalist officials who with the historic prejudices of standing the contemporary behavior returned to the Japanese-occupied ar¬ our isolation. (June 3, 1916) of China. eas after the war did permanent dam¬ By 1917 he had swung around to Seeing modern China’s history as age to the government prestige.”); (4) the inevitability of American entry on her active response to the West’s ag¬ failure of American mediation and the side of the Allies: gressive challenge, he shows how a aid; and (5) retardation of social and ... we must fight Germany not series of clashes between the two civi¬ economic reforms (“They failed to to destroy her but to force her lizations resulted in a century of hu¬ see the revolutionary potential of the and lure her back to the civiliza¬ miliation for China and led to China’s peasant masses and consequently nev¬ tion in which she belongs. (Feb struggle for survival in the harsh new er attempted to organize it. It was 17, 1917) world thrust upon her. Chinese efforts precisely in this area of neglect that The early Lippman like the later at adjustment—the self-strengthening the talent of Mao found its highest Lippmann had little use for intellectu¬ movement, political reform efforts and most successful expression.”). al or literary snobbery: and the 1911 revolution—are lucidly As for China’s future, Hsu believes That is what kills political writ¬ described. After the early 1920s, the that, as the Chinese are “basically a ing, this absurd pretence that you main force of Chinese development is peace-loving, hard-working people of are delivering a great utterance. found in the ideological struggle be¬ notable intelligence and common You never do. You are just a tween the Nationalists and the Com¬ sense,” . . . “once China’s sense of puzzled man making notes about munists (complicated by the Japanese injury at the hands of foreign powers what you think. You are not invasion), which ended in the triumph is mollified by the achievement of building the Pantheon, then why of Mao Tse-tung. Finally, Hsu traces big-power status, industrialization, and act like a graven image? You are the course of Communist China’s evo¬ nuclear power, a more responsible and drawing sketches in the sand lution from 1949 to 1970, including a realistic appraisal of her position vis- which the sea will wash away. perceptive analysis of the Great Pro¬ a-vis the rest of the world will be in What more is your book but your letarian Cultural Revolution. Highly order. Hopefully, pragmatism and infinitesimal scratching, and who readable and thoroughly documented, common sense will return to guide the the devil are you to be grandilo¬ this political history of modern China country into a rightful position in the quent and impersonal. . .? (Aug is a stirring, reliable account of the community of nations.” 17, 1915) Chinese people’s search for freedom —ROBERT W. RINDEN The candidacy of Warren Gamaliel from foreign domination and a right¬ Harding for the US Presidency in Vintage Lippmann, ful place in the family of nations. 1920 drew another Lippmann re¬ JOURNAL readers may find Hsu’s Taste Treat For The Gourmet sponse which deserves inclusion in the comments on US-China policy of spe¬ EARLY WRITINGS. WALTER LIPPMANN, US Archives: cial interest. Regarding the much- introductions and annotations by Arthur If an optimist is a man who debated “loss of China,” he holds that Schlesinger, Jr. Liverwright Pub. Corp., $7.50. makes lemonade out of all the the United States cannot be held re¬ lemons that are handed to him, sponsible for this: then Senator Harding is the AMES RESTON states that Editor-in- Chinese Communism had been an J greatest of all optimists. He has internal development spanning thirty Chief Gilbert Harrison of the NEW been told by his friends and his years of history and no foreign in¬ REPUBLIC has done us all a favor by critics that he is colorless and tervention could have altered its rescuing vintage Lippman pieces from without sap, commonplace and course. Active American armed in¬ the files. He is so right. dull, weak and servile. Right you tervention before the spring of 1948 These “Early Writings of Walter are, says the Senator. You have might have delayed the Communist Lippmann” cover the period described exactly the kind of advance but probably could not have 1914-1920 when young Walter, three man this country needs. It has stopped it for good. years out of Harvard, co-founded the tried Roosevelt and Wilson, and In the light of the Korean and NEW REPUBLIC. The grace, wit, pas¬ look. It can’t stand the gaff. I am Vietnamese experiences, Hsu esti¬ sion, humanitarianism and depth and nothing that they were. I am no mates that such a military venture breadth of view that characterize the superman like Roosevelt and no would have required one million later Mr. Lippmann are all present to super-thinker like Wilson. There¬ American soldiers. an astonishing degree in the youthful fore, I am just the man you are While not absolving the United Mr. Lippmann. Many of the pieces looking for. How do I know States from all responsibility for the are timeless. that? I am distinguished by the Nationalists’ rout, he finds that: At the outbreak of World War I we fact that nothing distinguishes . . . the single most important find the youthful Lippmann arguing me. I am marked for leadership cause for the downfall of the Na¬ with a passion against America’s in¬ because I have no marks upon tionalists was the eight-year Japa¬ volvement in the global conflict: me. I am just the man because no nese war, which completely exhaust¬ We alone cannot undertake to one can think of a single reason ed the government militarily, finan¬ police the world. (Nov 21, 1914) why I am the man. If any one cially, and spiritually. Had there All are not spineless who think happens to think of a reason then been no Japanese war, the situation that the honor of a democracy is I shall cease to be that normal in China would have been very not that of a Spanish grandee. man which these abnormal times different. (Jan 22, 1916) demand. Among other causes of the Nation¬ . . . they (the American people) (July 29, 1920) alist defeat, he lists: (1) deceptive do not want to be told that war is In his half century plus on the

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 51 American scene Mr. Lippmann’s an¬ Humphrey) as “arrogant misfits.” Marquis had built overlooking the alyses and predictions have been nei¬ Even the most commonplace phenom¬ town. ther prejudice-free nor infallible. Still, ena, such as perfectly normal and The story of the rise and fall of the a reading of his “Early Writings” modest professions of unfamiliarity Marquis in the Dakotas (he was even¬ demonstrate his candidacy for the title with Departmental functions on the tually beaten not by local gangs but by “America’s political prophet.” part of a new Deputy Attorney Gen¬ the Beef Trust), and his subsequent —JAMES D. MCHALE eral from outside life, are treated with adventures in Indo-China and in the sneering condescension. Needless to Sahara, where he met a tragic death at Law ’n’ Order say, no reference is made to the cor¬ assassins’ hands in 1896, has been told JUSTICE: The Crisis of Law, Order and ruption and fifth-rate legal appoint¬ in a fascinating new book by Donald Freedom in America, by Richard Harris. ments of the Truman Administration; Dresden, “The Marquis de Mores: Dutton, $6.95. to the egregious distortions of consti¬ Emperor of the Badlands.” Dresden, tutional and treaty law by ex-Attorney who is on the professional staff of the HIS is the book version of three T JOURNAL, has done a prodigious long articles published in the NEW General Katzenbach; and to the amount of research on the book, in¬ YORKER in 1969 about the Department fragrant aroma of nepotism in the last of Justice under Attorneys General two Democratic Administrations, e.g., cluding conversations with the Mar¬ Ramsey Clark and John P. Mitchell. Robert Kennedy, Fred M. Vinson, Jr. quis’s family, especially Mme. Its theme is decline and fall—from the and Clark himself. Athenais de Vallombrosa de Graffen- humane and “concerned” administra¬ Perhaps the most useful contribu¬ reid, his daughter. tion of Clark, through a tortuous and tion the book can make is to illustrate The result is a fact-filled but highly readable book which is enthusiastical¬ painful transition, to the cold, insensi¬ how deeply the divisions in contem¬ ly recommended not only to those tive and reactionary regime of porary American life now permeate having a special interest in the subject Mitchell. such areas as law enforcement, which or the times, but to the general reader As a factual description of the De¬ used to command some degree of as well. partment of Justice under the last two social unanimity. The degree to which —C. E. SMITH administrations the book appears even our most cherished assumptions today are open to question cannot be comprehensive and well-documented. Canada’s Tribulations The author is particularly effective in ignored by anyone with responsibilities for the making of foreign policy. A NATION DIVIDED: Canada and the describing the operations and working Coming of Pierre Trudeau, by Peter C. atmosphere of the nation’s chief law —CHARLES MAECHLING, JR. Newman. Knopf, $7.95. enforcement agency. The administra¬ tive side of law enforcement— A Noble in the Badlands P UBLISHED originally in Canada as "The Distemper of Our Times,” this is detection, record-keeping, prison ad¬ THE MARQUIS DE MORES, Emperor of the ministration, training, assistance to lo¬ Badlands, by Donald Dresden. University a lively chronicle of the tribulations of cal officials—is also well-covered. of Oklahoma Press, $6.95. the Government of former Canadian Prime Minister Lester Pearson. Fa¬ (Justice is one of the smaller depart¬ IN the Spring of 1883, a young voring an anecdotal, behind-the-scenes ments of government with a total staff approach, Canadian journalist Peter of 35,000, of which 2000 are practic¬ French nobleman, Antoine Amedee- Newman laments the political in¬ ing lawyers; they have a pending case Marie-Vincent Manca de Vallombro- sa, Marquis de Mores et de Mon- fighting that gripped Pearson’s Gov¬ load of 60,000 cases, many of ex¬ temaggiore, boarded a Northern Pa¬ ernment, sapping its energies for more traordinary complexity.) The em¬ cific train in Chicago. Destination: fundamental problems. The author’s phasis, however, is on the contrast Les mauvaises terres, the Badlands of basic point, oft-repeated, is that Pear¬ between the policies and approaches the Dakotas. Educated at French mili¬ son’s celebrated talents as diplomat of the Clark team and the Mitchell tary schools and a crack marksman, failed him when it came to governing team in the three key areas of civil the young Marquis de Mores was to the country. rights, anti-trust, and law enforce¬ call on all his skill and courage to Dwelling at length on political scan¬ ment. Here the author’s sympathies accomplish his mission, which was to dal and party strife, however, the are entirely with Ramsey Clark—and establish a series of enterprises in the author tends to slight the serious so¬ apparently so are those of the Depart¬ Badlands—ranches, pens, slaughter¬ cial analysis suggested by the title, at ment’s professional staff which is the houses, and packinghouses—to supply least of his American edition. Discus¬ author’s primary source of informa¬ meat to the East. sion of the broad confrontation be¬ tion. Clark is portrayed as a splendid Many other adventurers were at¬ tween Quebec and Ottawa, for exam¬ public official and a warm, humane tracted to the Badlands in those days. ple, focuses generally on personalities person to boot. They ranged from common criminals and politics. A happy exception, Despite these virtues, it is distress¬ and hired killers, who were in the though, is Newman’s engrossing ac¬ ing to report that the book is disfig¬ majority, to such well-known and count of the intense, symbolic “great ured by a partisanship and bias so well-respected figures as Theodore flag debate” that produced Canada’s blatant as in places to be almost gro¬ Roosevelt, who owned a large spread now familiar maple leaf standard. tesque. There is hardly one unsavory near Medora, the town that de Mores Perhaps Pearson’s crowning political aspect of American domestic politics built. Rustling and bushwhacking were achievement, this new ensign rep¬ from campaign oratory to post¬ rampant, and de Mores quickly be¬ resents one success in what became election appointments for the party came embroiled in a shootout which Pearson’s effort, conscious or other¬ faithful which is not ascribed to the was to set the pace for much of the wise, to conciliate Quebec sufficiently Republicans alone. The Republican action to come. to gain time for his successors to try campaign of 1952 is stigmatised as the After things became more peaceful, to resolve the vital question of that most mendacious in American history de Mores’s beautiful young wife, nee province’s future place in Canada. and Republican officials are uniformly Medora von Hoffman, daughter of a Readers familiar with the men and portrayed either as narrow-minded wealthy German-American banker in events of the Pearson-Diefenbaker era Babbitts or (in the case of Secretaries New York, came to Medora, and was will enjoy Newman’s accounts, even if Charles E. Wilson and George chatelaine at a beautiful home the they find little new insight into the

52 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 970 deeper issues of the period. Trudeau neo-Malthusian writings already on prolific seeds, combined with round fans, however, are certain to be disap¬ the market. However, his approach the calendar farming, irrigation and pointed, for, despite its American with respect to the United States— fertilizer, now accord the plow a title, only the final chapter really ad¬ initially based upon a proposed family 50-50 chance of catching up with the dresses the emergence of Canada’s planning center in HEW and a re¬ stork in many lands where widespread new leader. quirement for the Secretary of HEW famine once existed. —JACK M. SEYMOUR, JR. to submit a five year plan to Congress “The agricultural breakthrough has has more originality. This approach he not been achieved in all poor coun¬ “Main Street” in Our Town would justify both in terms of concern tries, and it is so far confined to for the quality of life and the interest cereals, principally wheat and rice. THE AVENUE OF THE PRESIDENTS, by Mary Cable. Houghton Mifflin Company, of the United States in setting an But it has already arrested the deteri¬ $10. example for the rest of the world. orating food situation in some of the Those who are already enthusiasts of most populous countries of Asia— I F this attractive book was not on population limitation will find “Bom India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Turkey, your list for Christmas 1969, keep it to Starve” a comforting book; others and the Philippines,” says the author. in mind for 1970. For Washingtoni¬ may not find it convincing. Perhaps its After detailing the techniques that ans, either permanent or periodic, this greatest defect—at least with respect were employed to bring about the would make an ideal present. It is, in to the United States (where self- renewed hope of a food-population brief, the story of Pennsylvania Ave¬ sustaining economic growth is nor¬ balance, Brown concludes with an nue from the White House to the mal)—is that it does not face up to “agenda for the 1970s.” In it, he does Capitol—from L’Enfant’s plan to the question of the dependence of our not hesitate to touch upon sensitive Lyndon Johnson’s Commission, from economic growth (the basis of our areas of United States foreign policy, mud-track to boulevard. Mrs. Cable quality of life) upon continued popu¬ as for example: has not confined herself narrowly to lation expansion at least at a historical “Our foreign policy, our relations the Avenue; she has included a great rate to assure the basic incentive for with the world of today, must recog¬ deal on the development of the Capi¬ investment. nize that the future threat to peace tol and the White House, the Wash¬ —EDWARD R. O’CONNOR and stability is increasingly Poverty, ington Monument and the Mall, and not Communism.” —JAMES O. MAYS the City Canal that is now Constitu¬ The Green Revolution tion Avenue. All of this is told on The Production of an Albatross SEEDS OF CHANGE, by Lester R. Brown. heavy-glaze paper with a profusion of Praeger, $6.95. THE HIDDEN CRISIS IN AMERICAN POLI¬ handsome sketches, drawings, and TICS by Samuel Lubell. Norton, $5.95. photographs to illustrate every decade “ . . . must reading for all those who believe, as I do, that our partici¬ and almost every structure along the S WEEPING change smites America. Avenue since the days when high tides pation in world development must continue and must become the distin¬ Its irascible citizens grow weary of with storms left Potomac catfish in the each other after a frenetic decade that puddles where the Avenue crossed guished feature of our efforts to help keep the peace.” has offered no time to adjust to Tiber Creek on a log bridge. events. In “The Hidden Crisis in There is lots of good history in So states Eugene Black, Chairman American Politics,” Samuel Lubell Mrs. Cable’s little study, and it is of the Overseas Development Council, pleasantly sweetened with anecdotes in the foreword to Lester Brown’s sees a nation caught in conflicts and all the way. The name of Tiber Creek, dramatic story of how hybrids, water tentatively hopes for the spark of a for instance, came from the quaintly and fertilizer offer new hope of feed¬ new unity. classic conceit of the original owner ing the people in developing nations. Lubell, journalist and public- who rejoiced in the patronymic of New seeds have permitted once opinion analyst, structures his book “Pope” and so named his farm food-hungry nations to multiply their around our recent principal “crises”: “Rome” and the creek “Tiber.” It was production in wheat and rice. These racial antagonism, crime-laden and Mr. Jefferson who insisted that the new avenue should be lined with four rows of Lombardy poplars—an avant- garde Continental touch but poor hor¬ ticulture. And inhabitants of the De¬ STALE partment of State may take some comfort in the knowledge that their DEP'r insight is in no way impaired by their location in an area once known to be “froggy” but never called “foggy” by PROTOCOL those who knew it best in the old days. —WILLIAM M. FRANKLIN

Population Planning BORN TO STARVE, by Joseph D. Tydings. Morrow, $6.00.

SENATOR TYDINGS has joined the ranks of public figures urging the adoption of population policies at home and abroad. His arguments and proposals in the global field do not differ significantly from much of the

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 53 befouled cities, the university as bat¬ and she rightfully praises the dedica¬ AUTHORIZED EXPORTER tleground, a move towards post- tion of land reform officials. How¬ Vietnam neo-isolationism, and the ever, she fails to cite the importance struggle over the allocation of the of effective coordination with other GENERAL ELECTRIC country's resources. Our inability to governmental authorities, particularly reconcile these conflicts is seen as the at the beginning. Only days after the “hidden crisis’’ in American politics. first land reform official left to im¬ Each crisis receives extended treat¬ plement the program in Maragheh, he Refrigerators • Freezers • Ranges ment, and Mr. Lubell makes several faced a group of landowners to ex¬ Washers • Dryers • Air Conditioners cogent points. The draft is interpreted plain the program, flanked by the as the underpinning for student dissent Chief of Police, the local Gendar¬ Dishwashers • Radios • Phonos after 1965, the year the nation saw a merie Commander, and the ranking quantum leap in the number of col¬ Imperial Iranian Army officer in the Small Appliances lege-age youth. He views the Vietnam area. To people accustomed to hear¬ war as producing, not hawks and doves, ing grandiose plans announced by Available for All Electric Currents but an albatross, an ornithologi¬ the government without any follow- Local Warehousing for Immediate cal burden most Americans wanted to through, the quiet determination of cast off in different ways. America these officials was so convincing that Shipment becomes the “claimant society” with there was never any serious challenge more competing groups demanding to the program in the pilot project what our economy and government area. cannot deliver. Lubell observes the It is a pity that this epic tale is not General Electronics, Inc. breakup of a “national coalition” into told with the liveliness and enthusiasm fragmented groups hypersensitive that it deserves. After all, few themes SHOWROOM: 4513 Wisconsin Ave., about their own identity and how it are more captivating than release from serfdom! Scholars will find much to Washington, D. C. 20016 EMerson 2- conflicts with that of others. Lubell’s method begins with a care¬ work with, and the book will still 8300 ful analysis of past voting returns, appeal to “old Iran hands,” but why often at the precinct level. Once de¬ can’t scholarship be lively? WRITE FOR CATALOG. Our catalog is —A. M. BOLSTER sent to administrative officers of em¬ cided on an issue to investigate, he conducts extensive personal interviews bassies and consulates throughout within key electoral segments. His the world. Our “Game of Conflict” book is full of interview clips, one- with Nasser liners that sum up political currents. His prose is straightforward and una¬ THE GAME OF NATIONS, by Miles Cope¬ land. Simon & Schuster, $6.95. If you can wade through some extraneous dorned and, unfortunately, repetitious, (but funny) material on post reports, selec¬ principally because the crises he de¬ tion out, assignments and representation scribes in discrete chapters overlap to P UBLISHED in London last year, allowances, you will find some valuable Miles Copeland’s anecdotal reminis¬ tips on etiquette in form one grand crisis, seen from diff¬ erent angles but in similar language. cences of his behind-the-scenes involve¬ Samuel Lubell sees hope for our ment in United States-Middle Eastern democracy, however battered, in the affairs, “The Game of Nations,” is exercise of self-restraint, a humane now available in an updated and re¬ vised edition to American readers recognition of what the state can through Simon and Schuster. effect and what our political appetites Controversial in concept, irritating can demand. May he be right. perhaps to some, this is nevertheless a —MICHAEL P. CANNING very readable book and will doubtless have a large audience in those Wash¬ The Land is Ours! ington agencies struggling with the THE PERSIAN LAND REFORM, 1962-1966, ever-present complexities and incon¬ by Ann K. S. Lambton. Clarendon Press, sistencies in our conduct of relations Oxford. with the Arab world. Since my own diplomatic experi¬ LAND REFORM is a major social and ences did not embrace the 1949 Syri¬ political step forward in any country an coup, the 1958 Lebanese crisis, nor where traditional agriculture has been our relations directly with Egypt An introduction to foreign service life for the rule. Iran’s land reform has prob¬ immediately prior to and during the the student contemplating the career, a chuckle for friends and relatives back home, ably been the most successful of all. decade following the 1952 “revolu¬ this 64-page book is only $1.00 from: Ann Lambton has already established tion,” it is difficult to comment on herself as the authority on agriculture Copeland’s narration of the roles American Foreign Service Assn. in Iran, and her latest book proves her played in these events by our diplo¬ Dept. L, 2101 E St., N.W. mastery of the subject. All aspects of mats and CIA people on the scene and Washington, D. C. 20037 the program are explained in impres¬ Washington emissaries. His in-depth sive detail, and the author treats all coverage of Kermit Roosevelt’s vari¬ Please send copies of Life and Love in the Foreign Service at $1.00 per copy to: the players in this drama with great ous missions to Cairo in search of a fairness, too. constructive US-Nasser relationship Name Dr. Lambton gives credit to swift and of the events leading up to our implementation as a major factor in denial of arms assistance, makes in¬ Address the success of land reform in Iran, triguing reading—particularly for

54 FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 those American diplomats who had on the “game board” at this time, familiar guidelines by which a gener¬ the misfortune to follow this “wave of would seem a fascinating and useful ation has come to judge Truman and the future era.” exercise. Perhaps Copeland can add a his policies. It will not please some, Copeland’s long and apparently chapter in the next edition. but it carries the conviction of good close personal association with Nasser —DAVID G. NES research and reasonable conclusions. and other key UAR personages, has Truman Revisited The questions it raises are our concern produced an insight into Egyptian mo¬ today. POLITICS AND POLICIES OF THE TRUMAN tivations and frustrations which goes —LEWIS C. MATTISON far to explain why Cairo’s words and ADMINISTRATION, edited by Barton J. Bernstein. Chicago, Quadrangle Books, actions are not as illogical and unpre¬ $10.00 (paperback $2.95). Warfare dictable as we often view them. As WARFARE, by Robert Leckie, Harper and Copeland recognizes, the Nasser Row, $5.95.' “revolution” has faced a growing gap Tms is a volume of analytical essays between objectives and their satisfac¬ sharply critical of the foreign and THE dust jacket promises a concise tion, a gap which Nasser for fifteen domestic policies of the Truman era. history of warfare with “as much years filled with nationalistic pride, a They are by younger historians influ¬ meaning in one paragraph as most rejection of Western values and views, enced by William Appleman Williams, authors manage in a page.” It doesn’t and the manipulation of a policy of a scholar who has deeply and seriously quite come out that way. There is a “neutralism” to achieve a position of questioned the simplistic view of Sovi¬ steady flow of historical references leverage on the world’s stage—“a fac¬ et malevolence as the cause of the and some helpful tracing of the de¬ tor to be contended with.” Cold War. velopment of weapons and tactics, but While one cannot quarrel with Cope¬ According to the editor in his lead the account is not sufficiently analyti¬ land's analyses of the background of essay, “American leaders sought to cal to justify its advance billing. Of the June 1967 hostilities, he has not reshape much of the world according course it’s a tough job to write a attempted to deal with the aftermath, to American needs and standards, and survey of warfare in less than 200 the fact that the Palestine problem is thereby contributed significantly to the pages, even for a military expert. Mr. no longer in the ice box, but very much origins of the Cold War.” Leckie is a sportswriter and an ex- on Nasser’s front burner, the enlarge¬ Mr. Bernstein writes in his intro¬ Marine. He has authored a series of ment of the Soviet position in Egypt duction that the essays are based on books on the American way of war, to exceed in influence that of any archival sources unavailable to earlier many of them for “younger readers,” “foreign power” in its history, and scholars. and I suspect he has ovcr-reached finally petroleum discoveries which Behind the book’s dull title is mate¬ himself in writing a history of all could make Egypt a viable concern. rial of absorbing interest, casting a warfare. To place these recent developments cold but dispassionate look at the —A.M.B.

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 55 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT from the United States Government, Jungian subconsciousnesses of the from page 39 as well as to raise funds from vari¬ countries that have funded IDA ous non-governmental and multi- that IDA “credits” are really pay¬ more relaxed about pay out analyses. governmental sources. Its future is able like World Bank loans? Or, was Nonetheless, even as to it, there are still before it. the shift from grants to loans as IDA outer limits, not the least of which is One established, truly internation¬ evolved a generally accepted sugar- the tendency of Congress to wish to al and universal, sub-institution that coating of national reluctance to give ensure North American-type sub¬ could become the world’s full-range to the poor countries as the United stantive audit oversight of lending development agency is the Interna¬ States had given to the developed operations. tional Development Association but war-damaged Marshall Plan Another reason changes are es¬ (IDA), usually thought of as the countries? Was the marked shift sential in international development “soft lending” window of the World toward loans in bilateral assistance a institutions is that many social de¬ Bank. Inasmuch as IDA does not similar benign avoidance? My in¬ velopment projects are still highly float bonds for its resources but de¬ clination is that the IDA credit could controversial as to whether they are pends upon periodic contributions and should be changed to a clear credibly quantifiable. It is not like¬ from member governments, there is grant basis. But that aside, what is ly, for example, that national health, no reason why IDA has to function essential is that IDA assistance, even primary education, secondary educa¬ like a bank. But in practice an IDA if still called “credits,” be freed of tion (other than vocational), and loan has been analyzed exactly as a the rigors of “bankability” as de¬ population limitation will in the near “hard” loan from World Bank bond¬ scribed above. Only then will we future be so measured. ed capital, except for the hard cur¬ have a multipartite development As this is being written, the rency repayment capacity of the as¬ agency that will have capabilities United States is putting into oper¬ sisted country. throughout the social portion of the ation a new institution specifically Originally, before serious limita¬ assistance spectrum. directed toward social development tions were imposed on IDA during This shift will require wisdom in the Western Hemisphere. This its gestation, it was to be a grant, not over the whole spectrum and great institution, resulting from the lauda¬ a loan, agency. However, as finally objectivity about the institutions of ble initiative in the House Foreign constituted, IDA was authorized to development, whether bilateral or Affairs Committee will attempt to give interest-free “credits.” Is there multilateral. Where should this lead¬ insulate social development support a real expectation, deep down in the ership be lodged within the United

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56 FOREIGN- SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 States Government? It would be ex¬ tee on Banking and Currency has a ly economic development “trickle tremely difficult to answer this ques¬ leadership role so far as multination¬ down” and all that. The “trickle tion in terms of what I recall from al banks are concerned. down” problem even exists in the experience in service about the vary¬ In this appraisal of what we might field of social development in a ing senses of mission of the vari¬ call the “institutional development rather insidious form. North Ameri¬ ous Executive Branch subinstitutions needs of international development cans, especially well-intentioned that have “interests” in the matter. institutions,” little has been said lawyers, tend to assume that prob¬ Suppose USAID is “balkanized” as about the development funds of the lems are automatically solved by im¬ proposed by the Presidential mes¬ United Nations and the OAS. Both proving institutions, norms and sage version of the Peterson Report have considerable potential for so¬ modalities. Social development in¬ and coordination of the “split-up” is cial development, especially in the puts could easily take the form of transferred to the Executive Office grant-funded, technical assistance tinkering exclusively with an array of the President. If this happens, the field. of institutions in developing coun¬ direction of United States positions Unfortunately for the UNDP, the tries, from university administration in all multinational assistance insti¬ widening chasm between the few rich to stock breeders’ associations, with¬ tutions ought to be there, provided a and the many poor nations, each out coming to grips with the basic genuine, driving sense of mission with eventual recourse to “one coun¬ and urgent social justice problems about the validity, urgency, and na¬ try, one vote,” seems to have dam¬ that I believe lie at the heart of tional interest significance of de¬ aged seriously the prospects for social development. velopment assistance exists there. significant capital transfers related In taking this position I do not Otherwise, I should be content to see to development in general through contest the overwhelming need for leadership lodged with whatever the United Nations. The noticeable more adequate funding of economic participating agency gives promise of lowering of Latin-American “drive” development. No “numbers game” the most drive. Congressional com¬ toward getting development assist¬ should be played with total amounts mittee interests must be honored in ance makes the outlook for expan¬ if foreign assistance goes mainly allocations of authority in the Ex¬ sion of the OAS fund poor. multilateral. All I seek to do here is ecutive Branch. In the Senate, all The biggest danger to social de¬ to call attention to the most neg¬ foreign assistance is pretty much a velopment is that the new prob¬ lected part of an area of too much Foreign Relations Committee mat¬ lems when added to its unsolved ones overall neglect, benign or otherwise. ter, while in the House, the Commit¬ will submerge it in favor of strict¬

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FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1S7* 57 AMERICA AND ASIA eign aid. Although not often seen in Administration has made prudent continued from page 42 these terms, I believe that the ulti¬ and appropriate overtures toward While US trade with Japan is a mate success of the Nixon doctrine China, and valuable retrenchments relatively minor part of the United will hinge as much on our trade in Vietnam. But on the long course States economy, Japan is dependent policies as on our military commit¬ ahead, it will need help from all of on trade with the United States for ments. The recognition of this fact is us. its economic livelihood. When one implicit in President Nixon’s out¬ Therefore I think the lower mili¬ considers the political pressures gen¬ standing basic statement on trade. tary profile in Asia envisaged under erated in the United States by in¬ As we attempt to Vietnamize the the Nixon doctrine is unlikely to creasing imports—which benefit the war it will be equally important for produce a lower profile in Congress US economy as a whole—one can us to end the Vietnamization of our on foreign and military affairs— understand the violent Japanese Asian policy and vision. It will be¬ even though that too may be an reactions to US protectionism which come clear that the focus of our unpublicized goal of the President’s would ravage large sectors of the concerns has been perversely nar¬ policy. Continued Congressional de¬ Japanese economy. row. To develop broader perspec¬ bate—even if it sometimes embar¬ The consequences to the United tives and more germane policies, we rasses our foreign service in the States—apart from higher prices for will have to involve every part of the field—is indispensable for the proc¬ textile consumers—may be repudia¬ government and society. The chan¬ ess of public and Congressional ed¬ tion of the Japanese-American Secu¬ ges will be too great and far ucation, for which, I predict, the rity Treaty and disillusionment with reaching to be achieved by the Pres¬ President and the State Department capitalism in many Asian underde¬ ident alone. will be the ultimate beneficiaries. If veloped countries. Textile manufac¬ After two decades of strident this educational process succeeds, tures are the major industrial prod¬ misunderstandings—after a decade moreover, it will be a triumph for uct in which the poorer countries of harrowing military sacrifice—the the democratic ideal. We will be sometimes enjoy a comparative ad¬ President cannot alone bear the po¬ able to make this most important vantage in American markets. The litical burdens of difficult new time in the life of our country an irony of American policy becomes choices, cannot alone face full re¬ exciting period of institutional vindi¬ even more acute when one realizes sponsibility for preparing the public cation as we “come out” of this war that these textile factories were often as we move out of Vietnam and on top of our real national prob¬ constructed with the help of US for¬ open our eyes to a new world. This lems. ■

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58 FOREIGN- SERVICE JOURNAL, November, 1970 to do away with practices which even ion. Beyond that the officer should not subtly if not intentionally promote have to pretend that he personally conformity and inhibit expression of agrees with the policies if he does not, views which do not necessarily con¬ and he should be able to discuss all form to official policy. arguments on both sides in an open I would question further however and honest intellectual framework. US Mr. Caterini's automatic acceptance policy and representation abroad will of conformity for Foreign Service not be damaged; indeed it will be officers when speaking with foreign made more accepted and believable. governments, officials, and public. Ob¬ We will also be giving witness abroad in practice to our belief in freedom of viously in implementing policy in ne¬ personal conscience in the United gotiations or official statements or States. That in itself will be impres¬ public addresses having probable sive. No Guinea Pigs official connotations, US representa¬ Adding this to Mr. Caterini's excel¬ tives must speak with one voice—and lent prescriptions will help give us a THE editorial on kidnapping in the conform to agreed policy. But there is vital Foreign Service. June number argues that if prospec¬ a tendency to carry that over to re¬ PRINCETON LYMAN tive kidnappers were encouraged to quiring (again often subtly) an FSO’s Washington believe that nations would not ransom automatic and complete defense of all their diplomatic personnel, the kid¬ US policies everywhere when speaking Conflict Orientation in Media nappers would be discouraged from to any foreigner, even privately. First their grotesque seizures. of all, such conformity as this has a | want to congratulate you for the My trouble with this point of view debilitating effect on the officer—you excellent discussion you arranged and is that it seems to be rather uni¬ simply cannot be monolithically in published in your September issue maginative as to the ingenuity, per¬ favor of every US official position 8 (“Department Meets The Press”). versity and cold-bloodedness of the to 12 hours a day in working capaci¬ For someone who has spent quite a people in the kidnapping business. ty, and then be open, innovative and bit of time working on both sides of How fanatics will respond in various energetic when speaking or writing the street I find the discussion more situations is, of course, speculative. in-house or back to America. (Indeed informative and more to the point But the record raises doubts as to the you lose all the stimulation of mind than any other I have seen since this likelihood that such a course of action and spirit that comes out of real issue became hot following several of will dissuade dedicated, well-organized discussion with others.) Second, most Vice President Agnew's speeches last terrorists. It is just as likely that they officers overseas don’t defend US poli¬ year. would have no qualms about seeing if cy that way or do it convincingly and My own feeling is that it is not so we really meant business, and then we ought to recognize the fact, help¬ much a matter of good news or bad eliminating the victim if there were no ing expand the propriety of more news. Peter Grose put his finger on pay-off. honest representation. • Third, such one of the key issues when he noted Moreover, if the rules of what is uncritical defense of all US policies that controversy is interesting. I would now a reasonably understood game immediately turns people off. I was use a stronger word and say that are changed on our side, I would be with some students in Korea, in an conflict is interesting. Having spent confident that the kidnappers club informal home setting, when one more than four years dealing with the would explore ways of altering the asked about some inconsistencies in press on the hot issue of Vietnam, I game to suit their purposes. Male US policy on Korean reunification. found that the biggest problem was diplomats do not exhaust the list of Like a machine with a button pressed, posed by the conflict orientation of possible targets. Rule changing of this the Political Officer next to me sud¬ the news media. I don’t blame them denly began reciting the official for this. I merely take note of it. As a sort by our side might only succeed in matter of fact I find that in reading escalating the business, in involving (twelve year old) line on reunifica¬ tion, obviously from careful memory. newspapers and news magazines and others who, until now, have gone un¬ in watching TV I myself am always scathed. There are all sorts of other When I looked, somewhat embar¬ rassed, at the students I saw them with intrigued and interested in a good dirty possibilities which the line taken fight. At the same time as a govern¬ by the editorial either assumes will not their eyes cast down, not listening. They had heard that 10,246 times and ment official interested in seeing a full be undertaken by kidnappers or is story told I recognize that this conflict willing to risk whatever reactions had wanted a more human, analytical discussion. orientation often completely skews a would be induced by the recommend¬ report. This problem is all the more ed international and US stance. What are the appropriate guide¬ serious with TV because editors are I think it is neither wise nor fitting lines? It seems to me that it is, as looking for reports that have visual for any nation to use its overseas stated earlier, incumbent upon any impact. representatives as guinea pigs in a officer to conform to official policy in Last fall when some Americans guessing game with fanatics. any negotiating capacity or any rep¬ who opposed United States Govern¬ Name withheld by request resentation, speech, etc. that can be ment policy in Vietnam attempted to construed as having official relation¬ demonstrate in the courtyard of the The Hobgoblin Revisited ship to such policy or as being an Embassy in Paris, a TV correspondent official statement of US policy. As an told me quite frankly that if some I enjoyed and welcome Mr. Caterings individual engaging in numerous ev¬ blood was spilled or somebody was article in the July issue of the FOR¬ ery-day informal discussions with peo¬ dragged away by the police kicking EIGN SERVICE JOURNAL on “Exercising ple in foreign countries, the officer and screaming he would have a story. the Hobgoblin of Conformity.” I fully should be required only (1) to be able I said to him yes, and that is all that agree that in speaking to ourselves— to explain the reasons for US policy, the editors would put on the air. But especially including communications and (2) to put those reasons forth in even if there were one such incident with the American people—we need the most cogent and meaningful fash¬ (there wasn’t that day) taken by itself

FOREIGN SERVICE JOURNA iber, 1970 59 it would not have been a fair picture This appointment, which does not re¬ economic, or commercial skills or par¬ of what happened in front of the quire advice and consent of the Sen¬ ticipating in these functions as an Embassy that day in Paris. He agreed. ate, was apparently cancelled because adjunct to their consular assignments. ROBERT DON LEVINE of pressure brought by a single Sena¬ In posts where I have served, I have Paris tor, for personal reasons. Further it noted that the sheer pressure of work seems that the Senator’s objections on individual consular officers Very Large, Russia were based on events which occurred (brought about in large part by inade¬ even before Mr. Olsen was in govern¬ quate staffing) leaves them in such a OHARLES KOBURGER’S article on the ment service. state of physical and mental weariness development of Soviet naval power That such a misfortune could befall at the end of each working day that was interesting and informative but in a qualified and competent officer is, I they simply have no energy left to the end left me thoroughly confused. I feel, a demeaning experience for For¬ expend on social contacts or other do not know whether to regard the eign Service personnel and can only activities ordinarily thought to be part Soviet Navy as a nine-foot midget or be a source of discouragement. Not so of the sphere of endeavor of the a three-foot giant. The flaw in Mr. many years ago Foreign Service mor¬ Foreign Service officer abroad.. Nor Koburger’s article lies in his technique ale was weakened when the system can consular officers, as a practical of analyzing Soviet naval intentions refused to protect loyal and responsi¬ matter, devote any of the working day and capabilities by comparing them ble officers against a vindictive purge. to anything other than purely consular with US naval doctrine, built around Loyalty both ways—up and down— activities; workload, pure and simple, the aircraft carrier. He seems to be should be taken for granted as essen¬ effectively keeps each consular officer arguing that since the Soviets have not tial to creating the esprit we would completely occupied, and without any added carriers to their long-distance like the Service to have. opportunity to make “trespasses” fleets, they do not pose a serious AMBLER H. MOSS, JR. within the preserves of political or threat to US units such as the Sixth Washington economic officers. Fleet. I therefore register a plea for a The Importance of Staffing Unhappily for Mr. Koburger, tech¬ reasonable extra number of “officer nology has provided the world with THE points made in the article, “The bodies,” both to provide for Mr. more efficient and less expensive ways Importance of Attitudes,” by Mr. Simpson’s objective of better, more of neutralizing a carrier-based navy, Smith Simpson, in the May 1970 issue comprehensive in-service training at than building a rival carrier-based of the JOURNAL are very well taken. FSI, and to provide as well for a navy, and it would have made for a With regard to the compartmentali- staffing pattern which would permit much clearer picture of Soviet naval zation of consular officers, I should consular officers in consular assign¬ capabilities and intentions if he had like to add a point or two of my own. ments to learn and perform in the discussed this problem. Instead he is The tight staffing pattern referred to “political, informational, cultural, forced to quote rather questionable by Mr. Simpson does not only make it economic and commercial” aspects of statistics in support of his argument: practically impossible for an adequate the work of the Foreign Service “90 percent of the air support training program at FSI to have which, as Mr. Simpson put it, have provided in the brush fire wars and sufficient inputs of officers at all ap¬ been “from time immemorial” part of chronic hostilities of recent years has propriate points in their careers. It consular work. been carrier-based.” Surely Mr. also effectively insulates consular OLIN S. WHITTEMORE Koburger does not mean that 90 per¬ officers from developing political, London cent of all the sorties flown in In¬ dochina, Korea, Malaya, the Congo, Life and Lqpve in the Foreign Service By S. 1. Nadler etc. were launched from carriers! I am sure he has some basis for this statement, and it would have been helpful if he had included it. Mr. Koburger’s analysis of the po¬ litical role of the Soviet long-distance fleets was more perceptive, but I should think that the question of whether the eastern Mediterranean and North Africa are effectively “theirs” is still open to debate. DENNIS W. KEOGH Los Angeles Loyalty—A Two-Way Street

I am at a loss to understand why the JOURNAL, normally sensitive to such matters, has refrained from any com¬ mentary about the case of Mr. Arthur J. Olsen. Most Foreign Service officers, espe¬ cially those stationed at home, have read the extensive press coverage re¬ porting the Department’s reversing its decision to appoint Mr. Olsen as Di¬ “/ am honored to have shared the pipe of peace with you, Chief. Incidentally, / rector of the Office of Press Relations trust you realize that paragraph four of the treaty you just signed says that you after he had been offered the position. promise to make your people stop growing the stuff we’ve just been smoking. . .

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