DOCSLIB.ORG

Self-Censorship by Venezuela Media Mogul Rewarded

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Self-Censorship by Venezuela Media Mogul Rewarded WORLD NEWS JUNE 20, 2007 / 11:49 AM / 12 YEARS AGO Self-censorship by Venezuela media mogul rewarded Bernd Debusmann, Special Correspondent CARACAS (Reuters) - The shutdown of a Venezuelan television station critical of President Hugo Chavez may prove a windfall for the owner of a rival network: millions of dollars in advertising revenue. The extra income could help media mogul Gustavo Cisernos reclaim his position as Venezuela’s richest man, a place he now shares with Lorenzo Mendoza, each with a net worth of $6 billion and at the top of the heap in Venezuela. Mendoza’s fortune comes from beer, Cisneros’ from a string of media holdings, including the private TV network Venevision. In the Forbes magazine’s 2006 billionaires’ list, Cisneros was $100 million ahead of Mendoza, and in 2005, close to a billion. “Gustavo wants to be number one, it’s really important to him,” said a Caracas businessman familiar with the Cisneros family who did not want to be identified. “And now he has an opportunity.” In terms of audience and advertising revenue, Venevision perpetually ran behind RCTV, the country’s oldest TV network. For years, both were sharply critical of Chavez, who accused Cisneros and RCTV’s director general, Marcel Granier, of involvement in plotting an abortive coup against him in 2002. A D V E R T I S E M E N T What happened since then highlights how part of the Venezuelan elite, many linked through family ties, have learned to coexist and prosper with Chavez despite his plans to bring “21st century socialism” and a classless society to the country. After a meeting between Chavez and Cisneros brokered by former U.S. President Jimmy Carter in 2004, Venevision dropped its anti-Chavez tone. RCTV stepped it up. In May, the government renewed Venevision’s broadcast license for five years and let RCTV’s license expire. The decision drew widespread condemnation in Venezuela and abroad as an assault on the freedom expression. Also at stake: more than a quarter billion dollars a year in advertising money, by most estimates. “Overall, the money spent on TV advertising totals around $600 million,” Granier said in a recent interview. “We had the biggest share. It’s not difficult to guess where that share will go.” A D V E R T I S E M E N T AT STAKE: $280 MILLION Experts say that while it is far too early to get a clear picture on the redistribution of the advertising pie — RCTV previously took around $280 million of the total — a survey by the Datos company said 44.7% of those interviewed named Venevision as their favorite TV after RCTV went off the air. Globovision, a 24-hour news channel which still broadcasts reports critical of the government, came second, with 32.5 percent. Chavez has repeatedly threatened to shut the network down and warned such a decision could be taken independent of when its license lapses. Despite frosty relations now between Granier and Cisneros, the two are linked by family ties typical in the tight-knit world Chavez often terms “the oligarchy.” The two media tycoons are married to cousins — daughters of the Phelps family whose patriarch founded the conglomerate that embraces RCTV. Venezuela’s web of the wealthy and the well-connected was spotlighted again when Thor Halvorssen, a human rights activist and Chavez opponent, published an op-ed piece in the New York Post. It contrasted Cisneros and Granier in “a tale of two Venezuelan media kings — one heroic, one craven.” A D V E R T I S E M E N T Reflecting opposition views widely heard in Venezuela, the piece portrayed Cisneros as a villain, a man in deep collusion with Chavez who changed his network’s course toward “entirely rosy coverage of government activities.” Cisneros’s response came in the form of a reader’s letter to the New York Post denying there had been a Carter-brokered deal. The letter was signed by Antonieta Lopez, vice president corporate affairs of the Cisneros Group. She is Halvorssen’s aunt and godmother. They are distant relatives of the beer billionaire who shares the title of Venezuela’s richest man with Cisneros. Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles. M O R E F R O M R E U T E R S A D V E R T I S E M E N T P A I D P R O M O T I O N A L L I N K S Promoted by Dianomi These surprising tips will change your perspective on A Shockingly Lucrative Cash Back Card If You Have home ownership Excellent Credit From Merrill The Ascent 6 Credit Cards You Should Not Do you have the hard and soft Ignore If You Have Excellent Credit skills it takes to succeed in new NerdWallet roles? HBS Executive Education The Biggest Investment of 2019? What to Do in the Final 3 Months Here Are 4 Stocks to Watch in Before Retirement 2019... AARP AnswerStock.com M O R E F R O M R E U T E R S Impeach me, I'll jail you - Trump prepares for 'productive' Philippines' Duterte dares foes to talks with Xi on trade war test... 28 Jun 28 Jun Deutsche Bank completes talks to French market watchdog to cut 750 jobs in Postbank... London: stop trading EU shares 28 Jun after Brexit 28 Jun P A I D P R O M O T I O N A L L I N K S Promoted by Dianomi These surprising tips will change A Shockingly Lucrative Cash Back your perspective on home Card If You Have Excellent Credit ownership The Ascent From Merrill An Unbelievable Card Has 0% What to Do in the Final 3 Months Interest Until 2021 Before Retirement CompareCards.com AARP 5G to Hit $251 Billion By 2025 - Cheap Online Degrees Might Here’s How to Get In Before Shock You Everyone Education| Sponsored Links AnswerStock.com The Potential For Goodwill Impairments May Need Buy and hold these 6 stocks to generate steady More Attention. income in retirement. Aberdeen Standard Investments Liberty Through Wealth Do you have the hard and soft skills it takes to See How Some Retirees Use Options Trading As A succeed in new roles? Safe Way To Earn Income HBS Executive Education TradeWins Are you ready for a powerful combination of people & Motley Fool Issues Rare “All In” Buy Alert technology? The Motley Fool Schwab Retirement Services P A I D P R O M O T I O N A L L I N K S Promoted by Dianomi A solid framework can help you These surprising tips will change build portfolios with confidence. your perspective on home Fidelity Investments ownership From Merrill Motley Fool Issues Rare “All In” 6 Credit Cards You Should Not Buy Alert Ignore If You Have Excellent Credit The Motley Fool NerdWallet Are you ready for a powerful Learn more about the Certificate combination of people & of Management Excellence technology? HBS Executive Education Schwab Retirement Services See How Some Retirees Use Options Trading As A Former Lehman Exec Shows How to Turn $500 into a Safe Way To Earn Income Fortune TradeWins Crowdability An Unbelievable Card Has 0% Interest Until 2021 Fast & Cheap Online Degrees For Seniors CompareCards.com Education | Sponsored Links What’s Behind the Historic Valuation Gap in Equities? These People Now Know How To Collect Extra Janus Henderson Monthly Checks... Do You? Saint Paul Research Apps Newsletters Advertise with Us Advertising Guidelines Cookies Terms of Use Privacy All quotes delayed a minimum of 15 minutes. See here for a complete list of exchanges and delays. © 2019 Reuters. All Rights Reserved..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Balanced Election Coverage with Media Researchers on Location
    10.1515/nor-2017-0206 Current Research Projects More Balanced Election Coverage with Media Researchers on Location TOMAS ANDERSSON ODÉN On 15 August 2004, the Bolivarian Republic of monitoring project. A group of Venezuelan students Venezuela held a referendum to decide if the current who had been trained and had participated in the president, Hugo Chávez, should remain in office un- 2004 monitoring were recruited as coders.4 til the end of his six-year term or be recalled. Be- The purpose of the 2006 monitoring project was cause of strong social tension, including friction to analyse the balance in the coverage of the presi- between Chavez and some of the private media dential election campaign, and to evaluate the meth- companies, the Atlanta-based democracy organisa- odology of the 2004 project. tion The Carter Center sent a mission to Venezuela The main question was whether there were rea- to observe the referendum. The Carter Project in- sons to assume that the increased balance in media cluded a Scandinavian media monitoring project to reporting in 2004 was due to the media monitoring assess whether election coverage in the major TV project and the weekly presentation of its results. channels’ newscasts was balanced or biased.1 The result of the media monitoring was reported each week to the media companies and to the Ven- Tension after Coup ezuelan National Electoral Council (CNE). The first Tension between the Venezuelan president and report, released on 22nd of July 2004 demonstrated some of the privately-owned TV channels was that only one of the newscasts had a relatively bal- partly due to the media’s alleged role in a coup anced election reporting while the others had a con- d’état that briefly deposed of Hugo Chávez in April siderable bias.2 One of those was state-owned chan- of 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
    Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • Law on Social Responsibility in Radio, Television, and Electronic
    Venezuela Page 1 of 5 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Venezuela Venezuela Country: Venezuela Year: 2016 Press Freedom Status: NF PFS Score: 80 Legal Environment: 26 Political Environment: 30 Economic Environment: 24 Overview Inhospitable conditions for press freedom continued to prevail in 2015 as the country prepared for legislative elections in December. Government officials used state media to threaten private outlets, and lawmakers with the ruling party opened defamation cases against critical journalists. Restricted access to foreign currency, crucial for purchasing newsprint, contributed to reductions in the size or frequency of some periodicals. However, compared with 2014, which featured major clashes between security forces and antigovernment demonstrators, the number of physical attacks and arbitrary detentions affecting journalists declined. Key Developments • The government refused to recognize a decision by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) ordering the reinstatement of the terrestrial broadcast license of television station Radio Caracas Television (RCTV), which was taken off the air in 2007 after a highly politicized campaign against the channel by then president Hugo Chávez. https://freedomhouse.org/print/48463 1/16/2018 Venezuela Page 2 of 5 • Foreign journalists faced restrictions while attempting to cover the legislative elections, and over two dozen alleged violations of press freedom were reported on election day. Legal Environment: 26 / 30 Article 57 of Venezuela’s 1999 constitution guarantees freedom of expression, but this right is not respected in practice. Reforms to the penal code in 2005 expanded the scope of defamation as a criminal offense; when directed at the president, it can result in a prison term of up to 30 months.
    [Show full text]
  • Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media? by MARK WEISBROT and TARA RUTTENBERG *
    Issue Brief December 2010 Television in Venezuela: Who Dominates the Media? BY MARK WEISBROT AND TARA RUTTENBERG * It is commonly reported in the international press, and widely believed, that the government of President Hugo Chávez controls the media in Venezuela. For example, writing about Venezuela’s September elections for the National Assembly, the Washington Post’s deputy editorial page editor and columnist, Jackson Diehl, referred to the Chávez “regime’s domination of the media...” 1 In an interview on CNN, Lucy Morillon of Reporters Without Borders stated, “President Chávez controls most of the TV stations.” 2 And on PBS in November 2010, former Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Roger Noriega stated that the Venezuelan media is “virtually under the control of Chávez.” 3 Such statements are made regularly in the major media and almost never challenged. Table 1 shows the evolution of Venezuelan television audience share from 2000-2010. There are three categories: private broadcast channels, which are privately owned and available on broadcast television without payment; the state channels, which are run by the government and also broadcast, without payment 4 by the viewer; and private paid TV, which includes cable and satellite, for which the subscriber must pay a fee; and other paid programming that is being watched during the time of the survey. As can be seen from the table, as of September 2010, Venezuelan state TV channels had just a 5.4 percent audience share. Of the other 94.6 percent of the audience, 61.4 percent were watching privately owned television channels, and 33.1 percent were watching paid TV.
    [Show full text]
  • Televisión Del Estado, Comercial Y Comunitaria En Venezuela: La Lucha Por El
    Televisión del Estado, comercial y comunitaria en Venezuela: la lucha por el poder y consumo mediático José Miguel Gámez Pérez – Doctorando Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona. Resumen El artículo se centra en el pluralismo y la concentración mediática en Venezuela, donde los debates sobre la comunicación presumen la falta de democracia. Se intenta entender la estructura y el funcionamiento de los medios, en específico de la televisión y sus patrones de consumo mediático, profundizando en cómo se clasifica y qué rol tiene en una sociedad orientada políticamente hacia el Socialismo del siglo XXI o en contra del postcapitalismo-neoliberal, la cual de seguro es de difícil comprensión en otros sistemas políticos. El texto realiza un análisis metodológico cualitativo de carácter documental y transdisciplinario, enfocado en las dimensiones económica, política, legal y tecnológica, de los modelos de concentración a menores escalas y sus implicaciones económicas y políticas. También describe desde una perspectiva técnica, la clasificación de la televisión en Venezuela: pública y comercial (privada), de las cuales la pública a su vez se divide en TV del Estado y Comunitaria; no obstante todas, incluyendo la TV comercial de estricto carácter capitalista, están sujetas a una nueva regulación nacional que garantiza el cumplimiento de la misión social. Vale destacar que los medios públicos se asocian con el Gobierno por recibir en muchos casos las concesiones y subsidios, lo cual porcentualmente aparecería como una tendencia al monopolio del Estado,
    [Show full text]
  • Download [Pdf]
    Working PaperEuropean No. 65 Research Centre for Anti-Corruption and State-Building Hertie School of Governance Working Paper No. 65 Backsliding on Good Governance: the Venezuelan case Ana C. Pérez ERCAS WORKING PAPERS COLLECTION WORKING PAPERS ERCAS Berlin, December 2020 www.againstcorruption.eu 1 Working Paper No. 65 Working Paper No. 65 Introduction During the last 10 years, Venezuela has experienced a stark regression on its road to good governance, performing negatively in most indicators. Such backsliding can be attributed to the poor governance the country has undergone during its current administration, as well as due to falling oil prices worldwide which has severely damaged the country’s single‐commodity-centered economy. A number of corrupt and anti‐democratic processes have also led to this negative transition, that instead of pushing forward the once regional leader, has only pushed it backward. Across this essay, we aim to analyze, through a historical summary of the past 20 years using a process-tracing methodology, the main events in Venezuela that have led to the deterioration of the country’s good governance indicators. Hugo Chávez Frías (2001 - 2013) First Term (2001 – 2007) In 1999 during the first months of Hugo Chávez’s presidency, he proposed a constituent assembly to change the Constitution. Through this, the nation’s Congress, previously consisting of the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, was dissolved. Once passed, these powers were merged into a newly created National Assembly. It is worth noting that the make- up of the constituent assembly working towards the writing of the new constitution was not proportional to the popular vote, giving them an over-representation to the officialism which gained 95% of the seats with just 60% of the votes, while the opposition achieved only 4 seats even after having 38% of the votes (Monsalve, 2011; Lucca, 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela After Chavez
    Edited by Veronica Zubillaga George Ciccariello-Maher Rebecca Hanson Boris Muñoz Robert Samet Naomi Schiller David Smilde Alejandro Velasco Veronica Zubillaga April 30th, 2014 1 Introduction Venezuela after Chávez: Challenges of Democracy, Security and Governance April 30, 2014 Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies Watson Institute for International Studies Brown University The death of President Hugo Chávez on March 2013 has raised pressing questions about the future of Venezuela and the continuity of Chávez’s Bolivarian project. Nicolás Maduro, Chávez’s hand-picked successor, won elections in April 2013 with a very narrow electoral victory that aroused serious suspicion of fraud amidst the opposition and intense tensions among Venezuelans. Nine months later, in February 2014, Venezuelans experienced a burst of massive students protests in different states, which immediately spread to middle-classes neighborhoods of the emboldened opposition. While we were organizing the Venezuela conference at Brown, in Caracas some middle-class neighborhoods were taken and blocked by “vecinos” (neighbors); students kept taking to the streets protesting while excessively repressive and militarized police responses reheated the students’ rage. The protest’s focused on a vast range of claims: from freedom of speech, citizen security, food shortages; inflation; freedom for those imprisoned for political motives since the beginning of the protests; government repression, up to Maduro’s immediate resignation. The landscape resembled a war zone in one part of the city yet was amazingly calm in other parts. Social polarization was evident and finding out the reasons why people in barrios were not protesting is one of the questions posed here.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela -- Chavez Moves to Silence Opposition Media
    UNCLASSIFIED//FOUO 3 August 2009 Open!Source!Center Analysis Venezuela -- Chavez Moves to Silence Opposition Media President Chavez's government is moving forcefully to silence critics by introducing a Media Crimes bill that would give it sweeping authority to jail journalists, media executives, and bloggers who report on anything that the government considers to be harmful to state interests. It is simultaneously moving to shut down more than 200 radio stations, impose broadcasting requirements on RCTV International, and position itself to take over opposition news station Globovision. Tightening control over opposition outlets could make it more difficult for Chavez to blame his favored scapegoat of the media for the country's problems, however. Introduced at the National Assembly by Prosecutor General Luisa Ortega, the Media Crimes bill significantly expands the government's ability to punish media critics for any action or omission that it finds objectionable. ! The bill makes it illegal to report on anything deemed "harmful to public mental or moral health" or to "the interests of the state," or anything that would "incite violence" or "create panic." It also penalizes outlets for not reporting on events or situations that would violate "the people's right to information." The bill targets journalists, media executives, and even bloggers. ! Unlike the Radio and Television Social Responsibility Law, under which stations can be fined or lose their broadcast license, the new bill sets prison sentences of six months to four years for violations, and also applies to print media. Outlets with convicted workers or owners cannot comment on the conviction in any fashion beyond posting a notice (Noticias24.com, 30 July).1 ! The bill is almost certainly targeted at the government's long-standing media critics.
    [Show full text]
  • Luisiana Ríos and Others Vs. the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela Case 12.441 (The “RCTV” Case)
    INTER-AMERICAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS -------------------------------------------------------------------- x : Luisiana Ríos and others : : vs. : : : The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela : : Case 12.441 (The “RCTV” Case) : : -------------------------------------------------------------------- x BRIEF OF THE ASSOCIATION OF THE BAR OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK AS AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS LUISIANA RÍOS AND OTHERS IN THE “RCTV” CASE ASSOCIATION OF THE BAR OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK Of Counsel: 42 West 44th Street New York, New York 10036 DEBEVOISE & PLIMPTON LLP United States of America 919 Third Avenue (212) 382-6600 New York, New York 10022 United States of America David McCraw, Chair of the Committee (212) 909-6000 on Communications and Media Law Jeremy Feigelson Amicus Curiae Erik Christopher Bierbauer Lawrence J. Lee Catherine M. Doll Michael Howe Dated: New York, New York July 31, 2008 22789352v1 Table of Contents Page Preliminary Statement......................................................................................................................2 Statement of Interest ........................................................................................................................4 Statement of Facts............................................................................................................................6 A. Venezuela’s Actions to Injure and Suppress RCTV and its Employees ..........................6 1. Statements Generating Public Hostility to RCTV and its Personnel.......................7 2.
    [Show full text]
  • El Cierre Del Canal Nacional Radio Caracas Televisión (Rctv)
    EL CIERRE DEL CANAL NACIONAL RADIO CARACAS TELEVISIÓN (RCTV) DURANTE EL SEGUNDO PERIODO DE HUGO CHÁVEZ FRÍAS, PERÍODO 2001- 2007, COMO INJERENCIA POLÍTICA HACIA LOS MEDIOS AUDIOVISUALES MASIVOS MARÍA FERNANDA QUINTERO VALDÉS UNIVERSIDAD COLEGIO MAYOR DE NUESTRA SEÑORA DEL ROSARIO FACULTAD DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA Y GOBIERNO BOGOTÁ D.C., 2012 “El cierre del canal nacional Radio Caracas Televisión (RCTV) durante el segundo periodo de Hugo Chávez Frías, período 2001- 2007, como injerencia política hacia los medios audiovisuales masivos” Monografía de Grado Presentada como requisito para optar al título de Politóloga En la Facultad de Ciencia Política y Gobierno Universidad Colegio Mayor de Muestra Señora del Rosario Presentada por: María Fernanda Quintero Valdés Dirigida por: César Augusto Rodríguez Semestre II, 2012 AGRADECIMIENTOS El presente trabajo monográfico, es el resultado de un largo camino como estudiante de pregrado y el comienzo de una carrera profesional, proceso en el cual muchas personas me aportaron de una u otra forma, conocimientos y valores imposibles de olvidar. Por tal razón, mis más sinceros agradecimientos a toda la gente que me apoyo en este proceso, a mi familia, a mi director de monografía, a mis profesores, a mis amigos y en especial a la Universidad del Rosario, institución que me formó como individuo, como profesional y como ciudadana, durante todos estos años. Mis agradecimientos a los profesores que me dieron clase en el transcurso de mi carrera, los cuales me instruyeron con sus altos conocimientos y valores, de igual manera a mi director de monografía quién me oriento en todo momento en la realización es ésta; a mi madre quién fue el pilar en mi formación y educación como persona, a ella, a mi familia y a mis amigos que siempre me brindaron su ayuda, su atención y lo más importante su amistad.
    [Show full text]
  • “Political Persecution in Venezuela”
    Report to the Human Rights Committee of the United Nations on the occasion of the 4th Periodic Review Report of the Venezuelan State in the 114th session of June 2015, on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights “POLITICAL PERSECUTION IN VENEZUELA” Systematization of patterns of persecution to Venezuelan political dissidents Geneva, june 2015 0 Presentation This report was prepared by the organization CEPAZ Justice and Peace Center, for the Human Rights Committee on the occasion of examination performed in Venezuela Fourth Report on the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This report is focused on patterns of persecution of individuals and groups for political reasons, corresponding to Articles 2, 9, 14, 19 and 25 of the Covenant. Center for Justice and Peace, CEPAZ: organization that since its creation, promotes citizen activism for human rights and has made systematic monitoring, analysis, reporting, dissemination and training on the situation of human rights in Venezuela, with the permanent references to the covenants and conventions that make up the International Human Rights System. www.cepaz.org.ve [email protected] 1 INDEX ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................................................... 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ......................................................................................................................... 6 POLITICAL PERSECUTION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON HUMAN RIGHTS ..............................................
    [Show full text]
  • TV-Propaganda, En El Paro Nacional De Venezuela: ¿Quo Vadis?
    Revista Latina de Comunicación Social La Laguna (Tenerife) – julio-diciembre de 2004 - año 7º - número 58 D.L.: TF - 135 - 98 / ISSN: 1138 – 5820 http://www.ull.es/publicaciones/latina/20045827abreu.pdf TV-Propaganda, en el paro nacional de Venezuela: ¿Quo vadis? Dr. Iván Abreu Sojo © Caracas (Venezuela) Resumen Este trabajo se centra en el análisis de la propaganda transmitida en los canales de televisión durante el paro cívico de diciembre de 2002 y enero de 2003 en Venezuela. Durante tal período se desarrolló una batalla en los medios de comunicación social, uno de cuyos puntales fueron las denominadas cuñas propagandísticas, efectuadas tanto por sectores de oposición como del gobierno, a través de los canales privados y del canal oficial. Basado en la teoría de la propaganda política, el autor realizó una investigación que comprende la grabación de aproximadamente 500 mensajes, su evaluación por el curso de Opinión Pública II y el análisis del contenido de las cuñas. Se puede destacar entre las conclusiones la presencia de varias estrategias, no siempre bien coordinadas, el uso de diversos procedimientos y técnicas propagandísticas, la contraproducente sobresaturación provocada y cómo algunas de las cuñas mejor evaluadas se centraban en la necesidad de la paz y la concordia entre los venezolanos. Es de destacar también que, si generalizamos la opinión de los estudiantes, la propaganda reforzó pero no cambió opiniones, pues los estudiantes antigubernamentales tendieron a evaluar mejor las cuñas de ese signo y lo propio hicieron los estudiantes progubernamentales. Abstract This article focuses on the analysis of propaganda transmitted in the television channels during the civic strike of December 2002 and January 2003 at Venezuela.
    [Show full text]