Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society

A Transdisciplinary Journal of Scholarly Inquiry, Policy, Practice, & Pedagogy

Fomerly Western Criminology Review, CCJLS is the Official Journal of The Western Society of Criminology E-ISSN 2332-886X A B O U T T H E J O U R N A L Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society (CCJLS), formerly Western Criminology Review (WCR), is the official journal of the Western Society of Criminology. This peer-reviewed journal builds on the mission of its predecessor by promoting understanding of the causes of crime; the methods used to prevent and control crime; the institutions, principles, and actors involved in the apprehension, prosecution, punishment, and reintegration of offenders; and the legal and political framework under which the justice system and its primary actors operate. Historical and contemporary perspectives are encouraged, as are diverse theoretical and methodological approaches. CCJLS publishes theoretical and empirical research on criminology, criminal justice, and criminal law and society; practice-oriented papers (including those addressing teaching/pedagogical issues); essays and commentary on crime, law, and justice policy; replies and comments to articles previously published in CCJLS or WCR; book and film reviews; and scholarly article reviews.

C O - E D I T O R S Henry F. Fradella, Arizona State University, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice Aili Malm, California State University, Long Beach, School of Criminology, Criminal Justice, and Emergency Management Christine S. Scott-Hayward, California State University, Long Beach, School of Criminology, Criminal Justice, and Emergency Management

E D I T O R I A L S T A F F Co-Managing Editor: Xochitl Escutia, California State University, Long Beach Co-Managing Editor: Chantal Fahmy, Arizona State University Copy-Editor: Vanessa Burrows, California State University, Long Beach Consulting Editor: Stuart Henry, San Diego State University Consulting Editor: Christine Curtis, San Diego State University

E D I T O R I A L A D V I S O R Y B O A R D Martin A. Andresen, Angela Gover, Ray Paternoster, Simon Fraser University University of Colorado, Denver University of Maryland Hadar Aviram, Michael R. Gottfredson, Kim Rossmo, University of California, Hastings University of California, Irvine Texas State University Susan Bandes, Marie Griffin, Jonathan Simon, De Paul University Arizona State University University of California, Berkeley Gisela Bichler, Craig Hemmens, Michael R. Smith, California State University, San Bernardino Washington State University University of Texas at El Paso Martin Bouchard, Stuart Henry, Don Stemen, Simon Fraser University San Diego State University Loyola University Chicago Kate Bowers, John Hipp, Richard Tewksbury, University College London University of California, Irvine University of Louisville Joel Caplan, Anne Hobbs, Christopher Totten, Rutgers University University of Nebraska, Omaha Kennesaw State University Meda Chesney-Lind, Beth Huebner, Michael Townsley, University of Hawaii at Manoa University of Missouri, St. Louis Griffith University Finn Esbensen, Shane Johnson, William C. Thompson, University of Missouri, St. Louis University College London University of California, Irvine Patricia Ewick, Delores Jones-Brown, Bonita Veysey, Clark University John Jay College of Criminal Justice Rutgers University Marcus Felson, David Klinger, Michael D. White, Texas State University University of Missouri, St. Louis Arizona State University Ben Fleury-Steiner, Mona Lynch, Kevin Wright, University of Delaware University of California, Irvine Arizona State University Jona Goldschmidt, Daniel Macallair, Frank Zimring, Loyola University Chicago Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice University of California, Berkeley Lisa Pasko, University of Denver

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VOLUME 16, ISSUE 1 – APRIL 2015

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Feature Articles

Dark Network Resilience in a Hostile Environment: Optimizing Centralization and Density

Sean F. Everton and Dan Cunningham ...... 1

Correlates of Violence within Washington State Prisons

Kerryn E. Bell and Dale M. Lindekugel ...... 21

Seeing Saw through the Criminological Lens: Popular Representations of Crime and Punishment

J. C. Oleson and Tamara MacKinnon ...... 35

Help-Seeking Behavior among Same-Sex Intimate Partner Violence Victims: An Intersectional Argument

Megan Marie Parry and Eryn Nicole O’Neal ...... 51

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CCJLS Acknowledgements

This issue of CCJLS was supported by generous contributions from:

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VOLUME 16, ISSUE 1, PAGES 1–20 (2015) Criminology, Criminal Justice Law, & Society

E-ISSN 2332-886X Available online at https://scholasticahq.com/criminology-criminal-justice-law-society/

Dark Network Resilience in a Hostile Environment: Optimizing Centralization and Density

Sean F. Everton and Dan Cunningham Naval Postgraduate School

A B S T R A C T A N D A R T I C L E I N F O R M A T I O N

In recent years, the world has witnessed the emergence of violent extremists (VEs), and they have become an ongoing concern for countries around the globe. A great deal of effort has been expended examining their nature and structure in order to aid in the development of interventions to prevent further violence. Analysts and scholars have been particularly interested in identifying structural features that enhance (or diminish) VE resilience to exogenous and endogenous shocks. As many have noted, VEs typically seek to balance operational security and capacity/efficiency. Some argue that their desire for secrecy outweighs their desire for efficiency, which leads them to be less centralized with few internal connections. Others argue that centralization is necessary because security is more easily compromised and that internal density promotes solidarity and limits countervailing influences. Unsurprisingly, scholars have found evidence for both positions. In this paper, we analyze the Noordin Top terrorist network over time to examine the security-efficiency tradeoff from a new perspective. We find that the process by which they adopt various network structures is far more complex than much of the current literature suggests. The results of this analysis highlight implications for devising strategic options to monitor and disrupt dark networks.

Article History: Keywords:

Received 26 April 2014 dark networks, terrorism, social network analysis. Received in revised form 9 Sept 2014 Accepted 17 Sept 2014 © 2015 Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society and The Western Society of Criminology Hosting by Scholastica. All rights reserved.

Violent extremist networks (aka covert networks, Stevenson, 2012; McCormick & Owen, 2000; dark networks) are an ongoing concern for countries Morselli, Giguère, & Petit, 2007). A consensus, around the globe. Their nature and structure have however, has not been reached as to which features been examined for the purpose of developing enhance the ability of dark networks to maintain such interventions that destabilize, disrupt, or otherwise a balance. For example, existing literature offers two prevent further violence. Identifying structural somewhat conflicting hypotheses about the features that enhance (or diminish) their resilience to relationship between network structure and exogenous and endogenous shocks is of particular operational security. Some argue that when the desire interest. As many have noted, groups generally seek for secrecy outweighs the desire for efficiency, dark to balance operational security and networks tend to be internally sparse and capacity/efficiency (see e.g., Combatting Terrorism decentralized (Baker & Faulkner, 1993; Enders & Su, Center, 2006; Crossley, Edwards, Harries, & 2007; Raab & Milward, 2003). Others argue just the

Corresponding author: Sean F. Everton, Naval Postgraduate School, 1 University Circle, Monterey, CA, 93943, USA. Email: [email protected] 2 EVERTON AND CUNNINGHAM opposite: the desire for secrecy leads dark networks in our analysis. We then present the results, which toward high levels of centralization and density. show that the process by which dark networks adopt Centralization is necessary because security can be various network structures is far more complex than compromised when transactions have to traverse long much of the current literature suggests. We conclude paths, and this can be overcome when a central hub by discussing various limitations of our study and coordinates activity (Lindelauf, Borm, & Hamers, suggestions for future research. 2009). They also contend that density is the norm among dark networks because it promotes solidarity Literature Review and limits countervailing influences (Coleman, 1988), as well as the fact that they recruit primarily Network Centralization along lines of trust (Erickson, 1981). Evidence has been found for several points of Operational efficiency is largely affected by the view regarding the security-efficiency tradeoff ability of insurgencies to mobilize people and (Crossley et al., 2012; Everton & Cunningham, resources (McCormick, 2005; McCormick & Owen, 2013). One reason is because how one measures 2000). Some scholars suggest centralized networks centralization and density profoundly affects one’s are positively associated with operational efficiency results and conclusions (Crossley et al., 2012). For (Baker & Faulkner, 1993; Morselli, 2009) and are example, centralization is often based on degree more effective in mobilizing people and resources centrality (Freeman, 1979), but it is unclear whether because they facilitate an efficient decision-making this best captures the type of centralization found in process (Enders & Jindapon, 2010), which enhances dark networks. Measurement problems exist in terms strategic planning and creates accountability and of density as well. For example, because the standard standards among network members (Tucker, 2008). density measure is inversely associated with network They can also facilitate the transfer of resources due size, large and geographically dispersed networks to shorter path lengths between leaders and other will typically exhibit lower levels of density. A network actors (Lindelauf et al., 2009). Thus, it is not second factor contributing to the opposing views surprising that several relatively successful dark regarding the security-efficiency tradeoff is that most networks have been considered centralized networks studies have not fully accounted for the multi- built around charismatic leaders. Enders and Sandler relational nature of dark networks (Crossley et al., (2006), for example, suggest that the centralized 2012) or have failed to outline the types of nature of Aum Shinrikyo in the 1990s facilitated its relationships under examination (Lindelauf et al., ability to successfully launch a sarin gas attack on the 2009). Most have focused on a single type of relation, Tokyo subway, while the decentralized structure of usually communication ties, but dark network actors Al Qaeda has reduced its ability to attain and launch are embedded in a range of relationships. A final a CBRN attack.1 To be sure, many of these reason is that a majority of studies do not account for characterizations have been largely qualitative in the environment in which these covert networks nature and lack standard social network analysis operate. Covert networks are hardly static. They not measures.2 Nevertheless, they do suggest that only change in response to their own operational centralization is often positively associated with the goals but also to the strategic choices of their command and control of dark networks. opponents. Centralization can be a mixed blessing, however. In this paper we consider how the structure of Research suggests that less centralized organizations dark networks can vary in response to both its own are able to adapt more quickly to rapidly changing goals and the strategies adopted by authorities. It environments (Arquilla, 2009) and are less vulnerable proceeds as follows. We begin by examining the to the removal of key members (Bakker, Raab, & strategic tradeoffs that terrorists and other insurgent Milward, 2011; Sageman, 2003, 2004). Many dark groups face. These groups generally seek (or at least networks, in particular terrorist networks, are often should seek) to balance operational efficiency and assumed to adopt cellular and distributed forms of security, which we operationalize in terms of network network structure (Carley, Dombroski, Tsvetovat, centralization and interconnectedness, respectively. Reminga, & Kamneva, 2003). This allows small cells This leads to a series of hypotheses as to what we to operate relatively independently with lower might expect as we observe a dark network over operational costs, which in turn allows them to more time. Next, we turn to this paper’s empirical setting: easily adjust to a rapidly changing environment than namely, terrorism and insurgency in Indonesia and can hierarchically-structured networks (Kenney, the strategic approaches adopted by the Indonesian 2007). Moreover, less centralized networks are more authorities in their attempts to combat these dark likely to withstand shocks, such as the capture of a networks. We then discuss the data and methods used key member, because much of the remaining network

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 DARK NETWORK RESILIENCE IN A HOSTILE ENVIRONMENT 3 goes untouched and is capable of continuing nonmembers. Similarly, Stark and Bainbridge (1980) operations. However, dark networks that are too found that while the door-to-door efforts of Mormon decentralized may find it difficult to mobilize missionaries were relatively unsuccessful, when resources. Moreover, they run the risk of having missionaries met non-Mormons in the homes of individuals or small cells go “rogue” and conduct Mormon friends, they enjoyed a success rate close to operations not aligned with their operational interests. 50 percent. Why? Because such meetings occurred This suggests that an optimal level of centralization only after lay Mormons had built close personal ties exists for covert networks and it is likely to change with these non-Mormons and essentially brought over time. One could argue that dark networks will them into their networks. A meta-analysis by Snow shift toward the centralized-side of the continuum and his colleagues (Snow, Zurcher, & Ekland-Olson, when mobilization and the transfer of resources is its 1980) and McAdam’s (1986; see also, McAdam & primary focus (e.g., just prior to an attack). On the Paulsen, 1993) examination of the 1964 Freedom other hand, they are more likely to decentralize when Summer campaign uncovered a similar dynamic: adaptability takes precedence, such as in the Successful social movements recruit primarily aftermath of an operation. In addition, network through their social ties (Snow et al., 1980, p.791). centralization is almost certainly a function of And finally, Sageman’s (2003, 2004) analysis of the environmental context (Everton, 2012b). In relatively global Salafi jihad (GSJ) discovered that 83% of friendly environments where adaptability is less members were recruited through friendship, kinship, crucial and the risk for losing key actors is low, or mentorship ties. covert networks will probably be more centralized. Because security is of primary concern for dark However, if the environment becomes more hostile, networks, they tend to recruit along lines of trust they will move toward the decentralized end of the (Passy, 2003). Not doing so can be dangerous, as spectrum. For example, anecdotal evidence suggests Ramzi Yousef, one of the 1993 World Trade Center that prior to 9/11 al Qaeda was somewhat centralized, bombers, learned the hard way. As long as he but after it came under attack from coalition forces, it recruited through strong ties, he successfully evaded adopted a much more decentralized organizational the authorities, but when he enlisted an unfamiliar structure (Sageman, 2008). In any case, these factors South African student, his luck ran out. After Yousef suggest that cross sectional analyses are ill equipped asked the student to take a suspicious package to a to fully understand network dynamics. Shiite mosque, the student called the U.S. embassy, which led to Yousef’s arrest and later extradition to Network Innerconnectedness the U.S (Sageman, 2004, p.109-110). Recruitment through strong ties suggests that the networks will There is little debate that groups recruit primarily become increasingly dense over time as ties form through their social ties. For instance, Lofland and between previously unlinked actors. This is due to the Stark’s (1965; see also, Stark, 1996) study of phenomenon that Granovetter (1973) referred to as conversion to the Unification Church discovered that the “forbidden triad” that eventually leads to an those who ultimately joined tended to be those whose increase in group density (Figure 1). ties to group members exceeded their ties to

Figure 1: Granovetter’s Forbidden Triad

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 4 EVERTON AND CUNNINGHAM

Dense networks consisting of numerous strong of an operation. This can be stated more formally as ties bring an important benefit to dark networks: follows: They minimize defection because they are better able to monitor behavior (Finke & Stark, 1992, 2005; Hypothesis 1a: Because of the need to mobilize Granovetter, 2005), appropriate solidary incentives resources for an operation, dark networks will (McAdam, 1982, 1999; Smith, 1991), and solve become more centralized just prior to an attack. coordination problems (Chwe, 2001). Dark networks that minimize defection are generally more Hypothesis 1b: Because of a need to be successful than those that do not. In fact, they often adaptable after an operation, dark networks will “prefer” having members killed over having them seek to become less centralized after an attack. defect because “if one activist decides to defect, the whole organization is vulnerable to the defector’s Pre- and post-operation considerations may also subsequent actions” (Hafez, 2004, p. 40), and they affect their relative number of external ties. In typically have to alter their plans and lie low for an particular, just prior to an operation, they may unspecified amount of time (Berman, 2009, p. 29). increase the number of their external ties, while after Security concerns not only lead members of dark an operation, they may seek to sever them: networks to recruit primarily through strong ties, but they also lead them to limit their ties with outsiders Hypothesis 2a: Because dark networks often because it helps minimize the presence of ideas and need to access external resources in order to other countervailing influences that could challenge a carry out operations, they will increase the group’s worldview. However, while limiting external relative number of their external ties prior to an ties can improve a group’s security, dark networks attack. that are entirely isolated from the outside world are unlikely to sustain their movement over the long term Hypothesis 2b: Because immediately after an (Jackson, Petersen, Bull, Monsen, & Richmond, operation dark networks have less need to access 1960) because they need links to other groups in to resources, they will decrease the relative order to gain access to important information and number of their external ties shortly after an other material and nonmaterial resources (e.g., attack. weapons, materials, new recruits). As others have noted, external ties are vital for any group or However, a dark network’s relative number of organization attempting to survive in a rapidly external ties and centralization level will not only changing environment (Uzzi, 1996, 2008; Uzzi & adapt in order to meet its operational goals, but it will Spiro, 2005), and this is simply more acute for also adapt to its external environment, in particular insurgent groups because they face not only a the efforts of authorities to disrupt it. constantly shifting environment, but one that is Counterinsurgents have a wide variety of strategies at hostile at that. their disposal for disrupting dark networks. Roberts and Everton (2011) have outlined a variety of Hypotheses strategic options available to those seeking to disrupt Because dark networks seek to maintain an insurgencies and other types of dark networks. They optimal level of centralization as well as balance divide strategies into two broad types: kinetic and between internal and external ties, we should expect non-kinetic. Kinetic strategies involve aggressive and such levels to vary in light of operational goals and offensive measures that seek to eliminate or capture events on the ground. Of course, some changes in network members and their supporters, while non- network structure occur not by design but kinetic strategic approaches are more holistic and use unwittingly. An important insight of social network a variety of non-coercive means, such as institution theory is that the individual choices that actors make building, psychological operations (PsyOps), (e.g., forming or dissolving a tie) can sometimes rehabilitation and reintegration programs, cause changes in network structure of which they did information operations (IO), and the tracking and not intend or are even aware (Maoz, 2011). monitoring of key network members (Everton, Nevertheless, as noted above, we expect dark 2012a), in order to sever the ties between the local networks to move toward the centralized-side of the population and the insurgency, ultimately draining it continuum when mobilization of resources is the of its material and nonmaterial resources. For group’s primary focus, such as just prior to an attack, different reasons we expect that (successful) kinetic but are likely to decentralize when adaptability and and non-kinetic approaches lead dark networks to flexibility take precedence, such as in the aftermath become increasingly isolated. Kinetic approaches accomplish this by causing the environment in which

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 DARK NETWORK RESILIENCE IN A HOSTILE ENVIRONMENT 5 dark networks operate to become more hostile, while majority of groups active over the last decade, such non-kinetic approaches do so by cutting dark as Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and Noordin Top’s network. networks off from the local population: Its influence, according to the International Crisis Group’s Sidney Jones (2009), stems from a host of Hypothesis 3a: Because kinetic operations factors, such as personal and kinship relations that create a hostile environment, dark networks will stretch across generations and are deeply embedded become increasingly isolated in response to in militant circles today, its employment of tactics kinetic operations. such as the use of Fa’i,3 its strategy of developing a secure area of operation from which it could fight the Hypothesis 3b: Because non-kinetic operations state,4 and its leadership and involvement in conflicts, seek to sever ties between dark networks and the such as the Soviet-Afghan War (1979-1989), the local population, dark networks will become communal conflict in Ambon and Poso, and the increasingly isolated in response to non-kinetic conflict on the island of Mindanao in the southern operations. Philippines, which helped establish ties among militant organizations within Indonesia and across It is less clear what effect kinetic and non-kinetic the region. operations will have on the centralization level of The group from the DI-genealogy receiving the dark networks, so at this time we offer no hypotheses most attention since September 11th has been JI. regarding the effectiveness of each strategy, nor is it Originally formed as a breakaway faction of DI, it clear what is desirable. On the one hand, causing dark has its roots in the Soviet war in Afghanistan. The networks to become increasingly centralized may organization’s founders, Abdullah Sungkar and Abu allow them to mobilize resources, but at the same Bakar Ba’asyir, were prominent members of DI and time it will increase their vulnerability to targeted among the first to send Indonesian fighters to Camp attacks. On the other, causing dark networks to Sadda in Pakistan around 1985, where many future JI become less centralized may diminish their ability to leaders learned skills they would eventually bring carry out attacks, but at the same time, it will make back with them. The organization, which was them more difficult to monitor and disrupt. We now formally established in 1993, initially aimed to create turn to a brief overview of Indonesian militancy, an Indonesian Islamic state, a goal that was which serves as the empirical setting for testing these eventually expanded into the establishment of a hypotheses. regional caliphate. JI grew increasingly violent through its support and participation in Indonesian Empirical Setting: Indonesia communal conflicts in late-1990s and early-2000s. It is best known for the October 2002 Bali bombings In the early 1950s, a series of rebellions against that resulted in 202 deaths and attracted headlines the newly independent Indonesian state began in across the globe. Indonesian authorities severely several parts of the country (Conboy, 2006, p. 5). The cracked down on JI in the aftermath of the bombings establishment of an Islamic state, along with other and many of its key leaders were detained or killed. motivations such as socio-economic reform, brought All this appears to have created a leadership many of these rebellions together under the vacuum into which Noordin Mohammed Top movement known as Darul Islam (DI), which was led stepped. A member of JI, Noordin began to sever his by Soekarmadji Maridjan Kartosoewirjo until his ties from JI in 2003 after he acquired explosives capture in 1962. The movement subsequently faced leftover from the 2000 Christmas Eve bombings many challenges through the 1960s, such as (Everton & Cunningham, 2012). Along with a core numerous defections, a leadership vacuum, and set of JI members, he used his newly acquired contentious debates regarding strategy, all of which resources for his nascent network’s first operation: inspired several efforts to reestablish a more cohesive the 2003 JW Marriott attack. For the next two years movement in the 1970s and in the 1980s. The most his network, which would go by several names, well-known product of these efforts, Komando Jihad launched several successful attacks against “Western (KJ), consisted of several members of the old DI- targets” in Indonesia. He drew from a deeply guard; it aimed to re-launch a revolution against the embedded network of actors, many of whom were DI state despite its complicated relationship with the members or members of its offshoots, in order to newly established Suharto regime (Conboy, 2006). continue operating in the face of increased counter- DI’s influence and its early offshoots on today’s terrorism operations. His success eventually landed militant groups in Indonesia cannot be understated. him on the FBI’s Seeking Information-War on Almost every jihadist organization in the country Terrorism List in 2006. After a three-year lull in since the 1950s has its roots in DI, including the attacks, he and his associates carried out

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 6 EVERTON AND CUNNINGHAM simultaneous bombings against the Ritz-Carlton and Indeed, it appears that Det 88 may have adopted the Marriott hotels in August 2009. These bombings led coercive practices of earlier Indonesian to further stepped-up police operations and his counterinsurgency efforts by the military, which were subsequent demise in the following month. Not long successful against DI in the 1950s but were after Noordin and a few of his key associates were misapplied in later counterinsurgency efforts killed, his network essentially disintegrated (Everton (Kilcullen, 2010). & Cunningham, 2013). Det 88 is in stark contrast with what is taught at Noordin’s death should not be seen as an the JCLEC, which was founded in 2004 and located absence of a terrorist threat in Indonesia. In 2010, for in Semerang, Indonesia, and seeks to be a resource example, a group of jihadists unsuccessfully tried to for Southeast Asian governments combatting establish a safe haven in Aceh to launch attacks and transnational crime and terrorism. It provides a forum to establish an Islamic state in the country for academics and other experts to examine the (International Crisis Group, 2010). Moreover, a Southeast Asian situation, as well as allow group established by Abu Bakar Ba’asyir in 2008, practitioners to keep up to date with the latest Jemaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), has joined JI as a developments on combatting terrorism and powerhouse organization in Indonesia. In fact, many transnational crime (Solomon, 2007). To this end, it JI members and former Noordin associates joined offers a wide-range of training programs, seminars, JAT after its creation. The organization seeks the and workshops on topics such as money laundering, establishment of an Islamic state and largely operates human trafficking, cyber-crime, computer forensics, above-ground; however, several of its members were crisis negotiation, informant handling and implicated for participating in Noordin’s 2009 attack, interviewing techniques, organized crime, and for providing recruits for small-scale operations in Islamic law and politics (Jakarta Centre for Law the country, and for being directly involved in the Enforcement Cooperation, 2005-2010). The center 2010 Aceh project. Finally, it appears smaller groups also works closely with regional law enforcement of less experienced actors, often with the support of agencies that are looking to enhance their JI and JAT, have emerged as a serious terrorist threat enforcement capacity and approach (Ramakrishna, in Indonesia although they have largely focused on 2009). In short, it seeks to offer a more holistic carrying out local attacks against law enforcement approach to combatting the Indonesian terrorist (International Crisis Group, 2011). threat, which is sorely needed in Indonesia Indonesian authorities have responded to the rise (International Crisis Group, 2012). of Islamic militancy in two primary ways, which provide us with something of a natural experiment Data and Methods for testing the effect that strategies have on a network: One was the formation of Detachment 88 The Noordin Top network serves as the case (Det 88), the Indonesian counter-terrorism squad; the study for exploring the relationships among dark other was the establishment of the Jakarta Centre for network structure, resilience, and counter-terrorism Law Enforcement Cooperation (JCLEC), a joint strategies over time. His network, arguably more so initiative between the Indonesian and Australian than any other organization operating within governments. Det 88 was formed in July 2003 shortly Indonesia over the last few decades, demonstrated a after the first Bali bombing and is funded, equipped, remarkable ability to withstand both endogenous and and trained by the United States and Australia. Since exogenous shocks. We utilized relational data drawn its inception, it has achieved several notable from two International Crisis Group (ICG) reports: successes, including the arrest or killing of hundreds “Terrorism in Indonesia: Noordin’s Networks” of terrorist suspects, including Azhari Husin, Noordin (2006) and “Indonesia: Noordin Top’s Support Base” Top’s close associate and primary bomb-maker, and (2009). We supplement these with open source data Noordin Top himself in late-2009. However, Det 88’s in order to generate time codes by month from tactics have increasingly come under attack from January 2001 through December 2010, which allows several influential Indonesian and international us to account for when actors entered the network organizations for purportedly adopting a “shoot first” and if and when individuals were arrested or killed. mentality and for possible human rights violations, The ICG reports on Noordin contain rich one-mode such as the torture of suspected terrorists and two-mode data on a variety of relations and (Priamarizki, 2013; Roberts, 2013; “Elite Indonesian affiliations (friendship, kinship, meetings, etc.) along Police Unit,” 2013). The elite squad has reportedly with significant attribute data (education, group killed 50 terrorism suspects since 2010, which has membership, physical status, etc.). From these we only further contributed to domestic and international constructed five networks from several subnetworks skepticism regarding their rules of engagement. each containing 237 individuals. Specifically, we

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 DARK NETWORK RESILIENCE IN A HOSTILE ENVIRONMENT 7 created a trust network, which is an aggregation of of actor centrality scores found in the network. It one-mode classmate, friendship, kinship, and co- compares each actor’s score to the average score, religious subnetworks.5 We constructed a second which means that the larger the centralization index, network, which we call the operational network, the more likely that a group of actors (rather than a from four one-mode networks that were derived from single actor) are central. A similar measure, standard corresponding two-mode networks, namely logistics, deviation, also uses the average score of all actors but meetings, operations, and training events. Our third is preferable to variance because it returns us to the network is a one-mode communication network, original unit of measure. In our analysis below, we which captures the pattern of communications use both standard centralization and standard between Noordin’s network members. The fourth is deviation scores, both of which can be calculated for Noordin’s business and finance network, a one-mode any measure of centrality. We include two measures network that was derived from a two-mode network of centralization in this paper: degree and indicating the business and financial affiliations of betweenness. Because degree centrality counts the the members of Noordin’s network.6 Finally, we number of ties of each individual actor, centralization created a combined network, which, as its name measures based on degree capture the extent to which implies, combines the trust, operational, one or a handful of actors possess numerous ties communication, and business and finance networks while others do not. By contrast, because in order to obtain an overall picture of Noordin’s betweenness centrality estimates the extent to which network. We consider all but the business and finance actors in a position to control the flow of resources network in the descriptive portion of our analysis through a network, centralization measures based on below,7 but focus only on the combined network for betweenness indicate the level to which one or a the confirmatory analysis portion.8 handful of actors are in a position to broker the flow In order to analyze these networks of resources in a network. longitudinally, we assigned time codes to each actor Multiple measures are available for measuring a in the network that indicated when they entered and network’s innerconnectedness with density and left Noordin’s combined network. In assigning these average degree being the most common. As noted codes, we assumed that ties between actors were above, however, the standard density measure is constant over time. That is, if two actors were coded problematic because it is inversely associated with as friends at one point in time, we assumed that they network size, and while this limitation can be remained friends throughout their mutual presence in corrected by using average degree centrality (de the networks. The one exception to this concerns the Nooy, Mrvar, & Batagelj, 2011; Scott, 2000), if a meetings subnetwork where, building on the work of network adopts a cell-like structure, it can be locally Krebs (2001), we assumed that a meeting tie did not dense but globally sparse. We sidestep these issues form until the meeting took place (unless, of course, a by comparing the network’s external connectedness tie was previously formed along another relation such with its internal connectedness, using Krackhardt’s as friendship or kinship). We recognize the potential (1994) E-I Index, which measures the ratio of ties a limitations of these assumptions and how they may group has to non-group members to group members: affect the estimation of the various topographic metrics we utilize in this paper. Nevertheless, we ܧെܫ believe that the approach taken here is reasonable and ܧ൅ܫ valid. (1) Our dependent variables are various measures capturing the centralization and connectedness of where ܧ equals the number of external ties and ܫ Noordin’s network over time. Social network equals the number of internal ties. Thus, if a group analysis calculates network centralization based on has all external ties, the index equals 1.0; if it has all variation in actor centrality (Wasserman & Faust, internal ties, the index equals -1.0; and if there are an 1994). More variation yields higher network equal number of internal and external ties, the index centralization scores; less variation yields lower equals 0.0. We expect a dark network’s E-I index to scores. Because the standard centralization score be less than those of light networks, all else being (Freeman, 1979) estimates variation by comparing equal. Indeed, we expect it to always be negative. Of each actor’s score to the score of the network’s most course, here we do not compare a dark with a light central actor, the larger the centralization index, the network but instead examine a particular dark more likely it is that a single actor is central network over time. Thus, we expect its E-I index to (Wasserman & Faust, 1994, p. 176). An alternative become increasingly negative as pressure is brought measure recommended by Coleman (1964), Hoivik to bear on the network. and Gleditsch (1975), and Snijders (1981) is variance

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We include two variables in order to capture the network was only directly involved in the bombings various strategies adopted by Indonesian authorities after the first Bali bombing, the pre and post during the period under analysis: (1) one that operation dummy variables for all but the first Bali measures the formation and continued existence of bombing are combined into one pre-operation Det 88, and (2) one that measures the formation and variable and one post-operation variable, while the continued existence of the JCLEC. Although Det 88 pre and post operation variables for the first Bali was formed in July 2003, it did not reach its bombing are included separately. operational capacity of 400 members until mid-2005; In order to tease out how the Noordin Top thus, we include a variable that grows at a rate of 16 terrorist network adapted and changed from 2001 to members a month, beginning in July of 2003 until 2010 in reaction to endogenous and exogenous reaching 400 members in July of 2005. We rescaled factors, our analysis includes both descriptive the variable by dividing it by 100 in order to make methods and ordinary least squares (OLS) interpreting the coefficients easier. The JCLEC was multivariate regression. Because social network established in July 2004, but it took time for it to assumptions differ from those of standard OLS offer courses that attracted large numbers of students. approaches, we use bootstrapping methods to Thus, drawing on course attendance data included in estimate standard errors, an approach commonly used the JCLEC’s annual reports (Jakarta Centre for Law with social network data (Borgatti, Everett, & Enforcement Cooperation, 2005-2010), we created a Freeman, 2002; Prell, 2011). variable that reflects the average number of students who attended JCLEC courses in the previous six Results months. In other words, although the center was established in July of 2004, the six-month moving Figures 2 through 6 below present graphs of the average for that month was zero since no students centralization and E-I Index scores for Noordin’s attended a JCLEC course in the previous six months. alive and free trust, operational, communication, and However, because 49 students attended a course in combined networks. Specifically, the figures graph July of 2004, the six-month moving average for the centralization (degree and betweenness), August 2004 equaled 8.167. As we did with the Det normalized standard deviation (degree and 88 variable, we divided the moving average by 100 in betweenness), and E-I index for each of the various order to make the variable’s effects easier to networks. Moving from left to right the vertical dark interpret. gray lines indicate key points in the life cycle of Examining network structure over time requires Noordin’s network: the first Bali bombings (October the inclusion of variables to account for important 2002), the Marriott Hotel bombing (August 2003), temporal and event effects. The model includes two the Australian Embassy bombing (July 2004), the variables to control for the curvilinear effect that time second Bali bombings (October 2005), the Jakarta appears to have on the various centralization Hotel bombings (July 2009), and the death of variables (but not the EI Index – see Figures 3 Noordin and other key operatives (September 2009). through 7): we have included both a month and a Comparing the degree centralization (Figure 2) and month-squared variable. For the EI index, we only degree standard deviation (Figure 3) scores of the included a month variable. Four additional variables network yields some interesting insights. It appears control for critical events and periods. A dummy that in terms of degree centralization, the network variable indicates the death of Noordin and his key grew increasingly centralized early in its existence, operatives and their subsequent “absence” from the and then after a slight dip in 2004, remained network from September 2009 through the end of our relatively constant, at least up until the point that analysis. An additional dummy variable measures the Noordin was killed. This was not the case in terms of effect of Noordin’s ability to acquire surplus degree standard deviation, however. It appears there explosives from the 2000 Christmas Eve Bombings is a quick run up in centralization early in the in Indonesia. This explosives variable covers the time network’s career, but then it drops back to where it from which Noordin obtained the explosives in began before climbing slightly in late-2006. The December 2002 to the time in which they were used network then shifts back to a downward trend until for the network’s first attack in August 2003. We also around early-2007, recovers slightly, and then have included a series of pre and post-operation remains relatively constant until Noordin’s death in dummy variables that capture the three-month period 2009. The comparison of these two sets of graphs immediately preceding and following each of the five suggests that while Noordin formed and maintained major operations: Bali I, the JW Marriott Hotel numerous ties to group members, thus driving up bombing, the Australian Embassy bombing, Bali II, degree centralization (Figure 2), his inner circle did and the Jakarta Hotel bombings. Because Noordin’s not, which could explain why except for the jump in

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2004, degree standard deviation remained relatively controlling for other factors, degree centralization stable over the time period under examination (Figure increased over time. By contrast, the coefficient for 3). The coefficients for the time variable included in standard deviation is negative but statistically Table 1 below (“month”) are consistent with these insignificant, suggesting that after controlling for results. In particular, the coefficient for standard other factors, degree standard deviation remained (i.e., Freeman) degree centralization is positive and relatively constant from 2001 to 2010. statistically significant, indicating that after

Figure 2: Degree Centralization of Alive and Free Noordin Top Network

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Figure 3: Degree Standard Deviation of Alive and Free Noordin Top Network

We do not see a similar relationship between included in Table 1 below are consistent with these betweenness centralization (Figure 4) and results as well. The coefficients for both betweenness betweenness standard deviation (Figure 5). Here the centralization and betweenness standard deviation are two sets of scores display similar patterns, suggesting positive and statistically significant, suggesting that that both Noordin and his key operatives located after controlling for other factors both increased over themselves in brokerage positions within the the time period under investigation. network. The coefficients for the time variable

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Figure 4: Degree Centralization of Alive and Free Noordin Top Network

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Figure 5: Betweenness Standard Deviation of Alive and Free Noordin Top Network

The E-I Index (Figure 6) shows that the 2005 attacks, following the Noordin-led attacks. combined network became increasingly inward for These changes prior to and after the majority of the most of the period under consideration. Indeed, the attacks highlight that network cohesion is likely to network exhibited a pattern of establishing external change immediately before and after an attack. What ties prior to most of the Noordin-led attacks, is especially interesting is how just before the July excluding the 2005 Bali bombings. This trend likely 2009 attacks, Noordin began forming ties to actors reflects a need for information or other types of outside of his immediate circle because it raises the resources such as bomb-making materials and possibility that Noordin may have been careless in money. On the other hand, the network also turned forming these ties, which may have contributed to his increasingly inward, again with the exception of the death two months after the July attacks.

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Figure 6: E-I Index of Alive and Free Noordin Top Network

Table 1 displays the results of our multivariate the two month variables and we will concentrate on regression analysis. The tables contain models with overall patterns and focus on those coefficients that and without the month and month squared variables are both substantively and statistically significant due to high collinearity between the two time (McCloskey, 1995; Ziliak & McCloskey, 2008). The variables. Because our table contains five dependent table presents many interesting findings. For variables for both sets of models, along with ten example, the adjusted R2 for all of the models are independent variables for the models with the month extremely high and indicate that they account for a and month squared variables and eight independent substantial amount of the variation in the dependent variables for those without, it is impossible to discuss variables, as well as provide a sense of confidence all of the nearly 100 coefficients. Thus, our that our models adequately explain the variability in comments will tend to focus on the models without our dependent variables.9

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 14 EVERTON AND CUNNINGHAM EI Index Std. Deviation Deviation Std. Betweenness Betweenness 3.212*** 0.151*** 0.123*** -0.032*** -0.032*** 0.123*** 0.151*** 3.212*** 0.006 * 5.476*** -0.028 -0.028 -0.052* * 5.476*** 0.480*** -0.111*** Freeman Centralization Centralization Std. Deviation Deviation Std. standard errors used to estimate significance to estimate used errors standard Degree Freeman 118 118 118 117 117 117 117 116 116 115 115 1.687*** -0.164 1.462*** 0.158*** -0.047*** 0.158*** 1.462*** 0.000*** -0.000*** -0.164 -0.002*** 1.687*** 0.000 -0.001*** 92.77 92.77 94.16 65.62 62.04 54.24 84.07 67.48 81.17 73.68 78.73 3.651*** 1.932*** 1.932*** 3.651*** -0.029 2.354*** -0.107 1.964** 1.934** 0.443* 0.307 -0.098* -1.930* -0.658 -0.056 1.371* -0.038 -0.203 -0.197 0.032* 0.071*** 0.113 0.111 -0.174*** 0.076*** 1.551** 0.025* 468.354 468.354 447.024 588.325 169.283 187.350 502.130 -51.878 -111.474 490.519 -376.270 477.502 610.423 199.667 209.447 532.514 -29.849 -396.953 -81.184 -354.311 -366.759 -4.802*** -3.828*** -3.828*** -4.802*** -0.221 -0.014 0.031 0.036*** -2.474* -1.050*** 0.068*** 1.700*** 1.456*** -0.001 0.018 -2.628*** 0.056** 0.010 0.038 0.080*** 1.656** -1.241*** 0.083 0.678 -0.089*** -0.033 -0.067 0.003 1.341*** -1.430 -1.135*** -0.357 0.160 0.188 -1.090*** -2.740** -0.311 17.821*** -455.258*** -455.258*** 17.821*** 4.523*** 44.611 -339.603** 12.504*** 1.341*** -39.538*** -0.302*** 12.626*** -11.922*** -10.923*** -1.319*** -1.864*** -9.999*** -4.648*** -0.639*** -0.269** -0.269** -0.639*** -4.648*** -9.999*** -1.864*** -10.923*** -0.066** -1.319*** -11.922*** 0.018 : Multivariate Regression Results for Noordin Top Combined Network (Alive and and (Alive Free) Network Combined Top Noordin for Results Regression : Multivariate

Table 1 Intercept 88 Detachment JCLEC Month Month2 (2002) I Bali Pre I Bali Post (2002) Explosives Ops Pre Post Ops Deaths Key Observations AIC BIC Adjusted R2 bootstrap unstandardized; are Coefficients Note: * p < .05 p < .05 * p < .01 ** (two-tailed) *** p < .001

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Looking at the pre-operational and the post- increasingly centralized, thereby increasing operational behavior of the network, the network did Noordin’s command and control. However, by become increasingly centralized prior to an attack in causing it to become more centralized, it led it to terms of the degree centralization measures but not in become more and more vulnerable to decapitation- terms of the betweenness centralization measures, like strategies, which, as we already noted, is exactly lending some support for hypothesis 1a. Given that what befell Noordin’s network. After Noordin and a the former measures capture the extent to which a few of his key associates were killed in the Fall of network is centered around actors who possess 2009, the network essentially fell apart. The JCLEC’s numerous ties, while latter measures capture the effect on the network’s centralization is less clear. If extent to which it is centered around actors who are we focus only on the models that do not include the in positions of brokerage, this result suggests two time variables, then it appears that the JCLEC’s centralization occurs on some dimensions prior to an efforts caused the network to become less attack but not on others. Interestingly, the network centralized. This suggests that the JCLEC not only did not decentralize like we predicted it would after caused Noordin to attempt to limit his personal ties in attacks (Hypothesis 1b).10 In fact, it appears to have order to reduce visibility but also to limit his role as a continued to centralize in the aftermath of its attacks. broker in order to create a relatively more flexible This may indicate that Noordin was incapable of structure in terms of the brokerage of resources. adopting a less centralized and flexible structure Thus, the JCLEC may have helped to reduce immediately after an attack, which probably left his Noordin’s command and control capabilities, but at network vulnerable during those periods. the same time, it may have allowed the network to Interestingly, the network did drift toward the adopt a more flexible structure. The fact that the sign external side of the E-I spectrum before attacks, of the JCLEC coefficient flips in terms of the which lends support Hypothesis 2a. His network betweenness centralization measures when the time followed the same behavior after attacks as well variables are included in the models raises the (Hypotheses 2b), which may have contributed to him possibility that while the pressure brought to bear by being killed. Interestingly, the Post Bali I coefficient the JCLEC did lead Noordin to reduce his visibility, shows a similar result. That the Bali I network was it did not lead him to relinquish his position of essentially destroyed in the aftermath of the attack brokerage. suggests that increasing external ties in a hostile environment could lead to disastrous results. An Discussion and Conclusion alternative explanation is that the apparent inability for Noordin to decentralize his network or halt the This article has explored the topic of dark drift toward more external ties simply reflects an network resilience by simultaneously considering the artifact of the way our data are coded. As noted strategic tradeoffs that both dark networks and above, we assumed that a tie continued to exist once counter-insurgents face. It demonstrates that both sets it was formed, which means that we may not have of tradeoffs help shape a dark network’s structure, captured whether some ties were severed (or at least which in part affects its resiliency. As it was shown, a went dormant) after an attack. dark network’s adoption of a network structure is far As predicted (Hypotheses 3a and 3b) it appears more complex than what current literature suggests, that both Det 88 and the JCLEC caused Noordin’s namely that a network structure at either side of the network to become increasingly isolated as indicated cohesion and centralization continuums offers by the E-I Index column in Table 1. The results potential advantages and disadvantages in terms of indicate that they contributed to the network’s inward network resilience. In the case of Noordin Top, it looking behavior, which suggests that the network appears that his network’s focus on establishing felt the pressure being exerted by the two groups and external ties after its operations provided it possible consequently attempted to increase its security by access to resources but likely became a factor focusing on establishing and maintaining internal ties contributing to its exposure and eventual disruption. while limiting external ones. While isolating an The network, much like its Bali I predecessors who insurgency is generally a counterinsurgency goal, it also focused on establishing external ties after their can also lead to an increase in a group’s radicalism operation, faced significant losses and needed to (Sunstein, 2009). However, in this case, it appears reconstitute itself immediately following each that Noordin and his followers were already highly operation. This tendency, along with the general radicalized (Griswold, 2010). adoption of a centralized structure, suggests that The two groups appear to have affected the Noordin’s network adopted a suboptimal structure network’s centralization in different ways, however. that ultimately contributed to his demise. Det 88 seems to have pushed it to become

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Similarly, the two somewhat contrasting better understand dark network resilience, but they strategic approaches (Det 88 and JCLEC) both appear would also aid in the monitoring, disruption, and to have played critical roles in disrupting the network destabilization of dark networks. by isolating it from the population. Together, these approaches appear to have placed significant pressure References on the network by forcing it to turn inward only until Arquilla, J. (2009). Aspects of Netwar & the conflict it exposed itself when it needed resources and may with al Qaeda. Monterey, CA: Information have contributed to the network’s downfall. At the Operations Center, Naval Postgraduate School. same time, they potentially provided some short-term advantages for the network. The JCLEC, for Baker, W. E. & Faulkner, R. R. (1993). The social- example, appears to have reduced Noordin’s organization of conspiracy: Illegal networks in command and control by making it less centralized; the heavy electrical-equipment industry. however, it may have improved the network’s American Sociological Review, 58(6), 837–860. resiliency by possibly making it more difficult to doi:10.2307/2095954 monitor. Certainly, it is unlikely that the effect of Bakker, R. M., Raab, J., & Milward, H. B. (2011). A these strategies will be uniform across the various Noordin network aggregations. For example, preliminary theory of dark network resilience. Noordin’s communication network adopted a very Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 31(1), 33–62. doi:10.1002/pam.20619 different structure than the combined network and the effects of our independent variables on each Berman, E. (2009). Radical, religious, and violent: aggregation (trust, operations, business and finance, The new economics of terrorism. Cambridge, etc.) are unclear at this point. Only after further MA: The MIT Press. analysis can we tease out how these strategies affected each network. Borgatti, S. P., Everett, M. G., & Freeman, L. C. Clearly, more work is needed with regards to the (2002). UCINET for Windows: Software for security-efficiency tradeoff in terms of dark network social network analysis. Harvard, MA: resilience. One limitation of this analysis was the Analytical Technologies. inability to tease out specific policies and sub- Carley, K. M., Dombroski, M., Tsvetovat, M., strategies employed by Det 88 and the JCLEC Reminga, J., & Kamneva, N. (2003). against Noordin’s network. For instance, it is highly Destabilizing terrorist networks. Paper presented likely that Det 88 used alternative strategies against at the 8th International Command and Control its targets, such as PSYOPs, but open-source data are Research and Technology Symposium, National limited in this regard. Future studies should continue Defense War College, Washington DC. to test various strategic options employed against dark networks and how they affect a network’s Chwe, M. S. (2001). Rational ritual: Culture, structure over time. An examination of these coordination, and common knowledge. strategies to various network aggregations, much like Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. the descriptive analysis in this paper, will certainly Coleman, J. S. (1964). Introduction to Mathematical benefit the field. A second challenge facing this Sociology. New York, NY: Free Press. study, which is one many longitudinal studies of dark networks face, is it did not fully account for the Coleman, J. S. (1988). Free riders and zealots: The endogenous effects and other internal processes that role of social networks. Sociological Theory, shaped Noordin’s network over time. For example, it 6(1), 52–57. doi:10.2307/201913 is highly possible that some of the network’s trends Combatting Terrorism Center. (2006). Harmony and toward internal density and greater centralization disharmony: Exploiting al-Qaida’s across time were due to Noordin’s personality and organizational vulnerabilities (pp. 55). West decision-making processes. Finally, one should not Point, NY: Combating Terrorism Center at West assume that the behavior of the Noordin Top terrorist Point. network characterizes the behavior of all terrorist networks, let alone all dark networks. The results Conboy, K. (2006). The second front. Jakarta, here simply suggest that it is desirable to see further Indonesia: Equinox Press. inquiry into the security-efficiency tradeoff regarding Crossley, N., Edwards, G., Harries, E., & Stevenson, network resilience within other contexts and that R. (2012). Covert social movement networks and future studies should consider both the counter- the secrecy-efficiency trade off: The case of the insurgent and the dark network’s strategic point of UK suffragettes (1906–1914). Social Networks, view. Not only would these studies help researchers 34, 634–644. doi:10.1016/j.socnet.2012.07.004

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Raab, J., & Milward, H. B. (2003). Dark networks as Solomon, D. (2007). Pillars of power: Australia's problems. Journal of Public Administration institutions. Sydney, Australia: The Federation Research and Theory, 13(4), 413–439. doi: Press. 10.1093/jpart/mug029 Stark, R. (1996). The rise of Christianity: A Ramakrishna, K. (2009). Governmental responses to sociologist reconsiders history. Princeton, NJ: extremism in Southeast Asia: 'Hard' versus 'soft' Princeton University Press. approaches. In A. de Borchgrave, T. Sanderson Stark, R., & Bainbridge, W. S. (1980). Networks of & D. Gordon (Eds.), Conflict, community, and faith: Interpersonal bonds and recruitment to criminality in Southeast Asia and Australia: cults and sects. American Journal of Sociology, Assessments from the field (pp. 31–36). 85(6), 1376–1395. Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies. Sunstein, C. R. (2009). Going to extremes: How like minds unite and divide. Oxford, UK: Oxford Roberts, G. (2013). Indonesian anti-terror squad University Press. killings prompt revenge attacks. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/am/content/2013/s368601 Tucker, D. (2008). Terrorism, networks and strategy: 0.htm Why the conventional wisdom is wrong. Homeland Security Affairs, 4(2), 1–18. Roberts, N., & Everton, S. F. (2011). Strategies for combating dark networks. Journal of Social Uzzi, B. (1996). The sources and consequences of Structure, 12(2). Retrieved from embeddedness for the economic performance of http://www.cmu.edu/joss/content/articles/volume organizations: The network effect. American 12//RobertsEverton.pdf Sociological Review, 61(4), 674–698. doi: 10.2307/2096399 Sageman, M. (2003). Statement to the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the Uzzi, B. (2008). A social network’s changing United States. Retrieved from http://www.9- statistical properties and the quality of human 11commission.gov/hearings/hearing3/witness_sa innovation. Journal of Physics A: Mathematical geman.htm and Theoretical, 41, 1–12. doi: 10.1088/1751- 8113/41/22/224023 Sageman, M. (2004). Understanding terror networks. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Uzzi, B., & Spiro, J. (2005). Collaboration and Press. creativity: The small world problem. American Journal of Sociology, 111(2), 447–504. doi: Sageman, M. (2008). Leaderless jihad: Terror 10.1086/432782 networks in the twenty-first century. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Wasserman, S., & Faust, K. (1994). Social network Press. analysis: Methods and applications. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Scott, J. (2000). Social network analysis: A handbook (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Ziliak, S. T., & McCloskey, D. N. (2008). The cult of Publications. statistical significance. Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press. Smith, C. S. (1991). The emergence of liberation theology: Radical religion and social movement theory. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. About the Authors Snijders, T. A. B. (1981). The degree variance: An index of graph heterogeneity. Social Networks, Sean F. Everton is an Assistant Professor in the 3, 163–174. doi:10.1016/0378-8733(81)90014-9 Department of Defense Analysis and the Co-Director of the CORE Lab at the Naval Postgraduate School Snow, D. A., Zurcher, L. A., & Ekland-Olson, S. (NPS). Professor Everton earned his MA and PhD in (1980). Social networks and social movements: Sociology at Stanford University (2007). He has A microstructural approach to differential published in the areas of social network analysis, recruitment. American Sociological Review, 45, sociology of religion, economic sociology, and 787–801. doi:10.2307/2094895 political sociology, and he currently specializes in the use of social network analysis to track and disrupt dark networks (e.g., criminal and terrorist networks).

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 20 EVERTON AND CUNNINGHAM

His monograph on using social network analysis for Defense Analysis Department’s Common the crafting of strategies for the disruption of dark Operational Research Environment (CORE) Lab and networks (Disrupting Dark Networks) was published he is the supervisor for the lab’s outreach efforts with by Cambridge University Press in late 2012. practitioners. Dan earned his MA in International Policy Studies with a focus in Terrorism Studies at Daniel Cunningham is an Associate Faculty for the Middlebury Institute of International Studies Instruction in the Defense Analysis Department at the (MIIS) in 2009 and has published several articles on Naval Postgraduate School (NPS) in Monterey, CA, dark networks. where he lectures on the visual analysis of dark networks. He is also a Research Associate in the

Endnotes

1 Other examples of successful centralized covert networks include Pablo Escobar’s drug trafficking network and Peru’s Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path). 2 One notable exception is Koschade’s (2006) analysis of the first Bali Bombing network. 3 Fa’i is a method used by many groups to obtain money and resources from armed robberies 4 A tactic that was unsuccessfully attempted by the 2010 Dulmatin-led group in Aceh (International Crisis Group, 2010). 5 A one-mode network consists of a single set of actors and the relationships between them, which can be any type of ties, such as kinship, friendship, etc. 6 Two-mode networks either consist of two sets of different actors, such as people and businesses, or one set of actors and one set of events or affiliations. 7 The business and finance network is so sparse that it makes little sense to analyze it separately. 8 We could have analyzed these networks separately in the multivariate regression section, but the purpose of this analysis is to examine the overall behavior of the Noordin Top terrorist network in terms of network resiliency. The analysis of each sub-network would certainly provide insight into intricacies of the network’s resilience, however. 9 We used a variety of regression diagnostic plots (e.g., residual vs. fitted plots, proportional leverage plots, leverage vs. squared residual plots) to identify potentially influential cases that if removed substantially changed our regression results. For each model, we then estimated a regression equation that included all cases and one that removed potentially influential cases. Then, using the Akaike information criterion (AIC) and Bayesian information criterion (BIC) measures of fit, we compared the models to one another. The results from the models having the best fit are presented in Table 1. 10 Figures 2 through 5 appear to indicate that this does not hold for the operations network.

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 VOLUME 16, ISSUE 1, PAGES 21–34 (2015) Criminology, Criminal Justice Law, & Society

E-ISSN 2332-886X Available online at https://scholasticahq.com/criminology-criminal-justice-law-society/

Correlates of Violence within Washington State Prisons

Kerryn E. Bell and Dale M. Lindekugel Eastern Washington University

A B S T R A C T A N D A R T I C L E I N F O R M A T I O N

The Washington State Department of Corrections indicates that there is a rise in prison violence for both men and women in their facilities. Using unique data on every inmate incarcerated in the state of Washington between 2009 and 2011, we correlate inmates’ prevalence of prison violence with background characteristics of inmates, their ties to the community, and the effects of prison classification and programming. We find that race/ethnicity, community ties, and education are significantly tied to prison violence. Further, prison classification identifies those inmates most likely to be violent while incarcerated. Surprisingly, no effect of gender on prison violence is seen. Implications for our findings are discussed.

Article History: Keywords:

Received 28 July 14 violence, prisons, gender, race/ethnicity Received in revised form 14 October 14 Accepted 28 October 14 © 2015 Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society and The Western Society of Criminology Hosting by Scholastica. All rights reserved.

Prisons are charged with maintaining custody prison violence include those that examine violence and control of society’s most violent offenders. as part of more inclusive measures of prison Despite the best efforts of prison administrators and misconduct in general (see Camp, Gaes, Langan, & staff, violence occurs. When attempting to identify Saylor, 2003; Cochran, 2012; Siennick, Mears, & predictors of prison violence, studies show Bales, 2012; Wooldredge, Griffin, & Pratt, 2001) and inconsistent findings with the exception of age and those that focus specifically on violence (see Berg & criminal history (Steiner & Wooldredge, 2009). Not DeLisi, 2006; Cunningham, Sorenson, & Ready, surprisingly, younger inmates with a criminal history 2005; DeLisi, Berg, & Hochstetler, 2004; Hardyman, of violence are most likely to engage in violence in Austin, & Tulloch, 2002). It is also likely that self- prison. Other predictors intermittently determined to report data may have important measurement correlate with violence include the background differences as compared to official data (Steiner & characteristics of inmates, their ties (or lack of) to the Wooldredge, 2013). We focus explicitly on prison community, the dynamics of life inside the prison, violence using official data. characteristics of the prison environment including Largely unexamined in existing research is the administration, and state and federal policies and effect of regional differences. It is well established funding (Arbach-Lucioni, Martinez-Garcia, & that patterns of violent offending in the country vary Andres-Pueyo, 2012; Walters & Crawford, 2013). by region with the South having the highest rates of Another consideration with researching prison violence (Crime in the United States, 2011). It is violence is the issue of measurement. Studies on likely that patterns of prison violence may vary

Corresponding author: Kerryn E. Bell, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice, Eastern Washington University, 329 Patterson Hall, Cheney, WA 99004, USA. Email: [email protected] 22 BELL & LINDEKUGEL correspondingly. Studies include national, federal, investigation of these indicators in a largely and state samples with little specific testing for unexamined region will contribute to a literature that regional differences and numerous samples from shows predictors of prison violence to be regionally various regions of the country, albeit few from the variable and that inmate involvement in prison Northwest. Wooldredge et al. (2001) evaluated programming in particular will be a significant samples from New York, Vermont, and Washington contribution of our research to the literature on when considering the efficacy of different models of correlates of prison violence. prison classification in predicting prison misconduct. They find significant regional variation across the Literature Review three samples. The present research examines contemporary data from the state of Washington and Gender focuses specifically on prison violence as separate from other infractions. Gender is a demographic variable that is Research also examines factors related to infrequently studied in the prison violence literature. inmates’ connection (or lack of) to the community, Research is mixed on gender and general prison which could be anti-social connections such as gang misconduct. Some research suggests that membership (see Cunningham & Sorenson, 2007; institutional misconduct is lower for females than DeLisi, 2003; DeLisi et al., 2004; Gaes, Wallace, males (Cunningham, Sorenson, & Ready, 2011; Gilman, Klein-Saffran,& Suppa, 2002; Griffin & Drury & DeLisi, 2010; Harer & Langan, 2001). Hepburn, 2006; Sorenson & Cunningham, 2010) or However, other studies have found no difference pro-social connections including visitation (see between gender and institutional misconduct (Camp Cochran, 2012; Siennick et al., 2012) and marriage et al., 2003; Steiner & Wooldredge, 2014). Celinska (see Huebner, 2003; Toch, Adams, & Grant, 1989; and Sung (2014) find that some predictors of prison Wooldredge, 1994; Wooldredge et al., 2001). rule violations (prior victimization, diagnosed mental Unexamined in existing research as an indicator of disorders, and contact with family) are gender ties to the community is prior homelessness, a specific, while Chen, Lai, & Lin (2014) suggest that measure included in the current study. institutional misconduct for women varies by type of Other factors intermittently discovered to offense committed. What is more consistent with predict prison violence represent the dynamics of life gender and the prison literature is that there is less in the prison and the prison administration. Those prison misconduct among women when the focus is include the heterogeneity of the inmate population specifically on violence. and the staff (see Camp et al., 2003; Irwin, 2005; However, as serious violence is much less Jacobs, 1977; Steiner & Wooldredge, 2009b), common in women’s prisons, it is often not examined whether the inmate has a job inside the prison (Craddock, 1996; Wulf-Ludden, 2013). Studies that (Steiner & Wooldredge, 2009b), programming and reflect on gender and prison violence find that men counseling (see French & Gendreau, 2006; Keyes, are more violent in prison than women (see Austin, 1996; Morgan & Flora, 2002 for meta-analyses that 2003; Berg & DeLisi, 2006; Sorensen & include educational, vocational and mental health Cunningham, 2010; Wulf-Ludden, 2013). Further, programs), and classification (see Austin, 2003; some scholars suggest that female inmates’ Byrne & Hummer, 2007). Research is mixed in its interpersonal relationship may become more volatile assessment of the institution’s capacity for control than previously thought (Greer, 2000). This and the usefulness of prison classification such as interpersonal relationship volatility could lead to an programming (Griffin & Hepburn, 2013; Sandler, increase in prison violence among women. Such Freeman, Farrell, & Seto, 2013). Programming is literature would suggest that more research on gender understudied in prison research, and it may be useful and violence in prison is necessary. as a predictor of institutional misconduct (Sandler et Race/Ethnicity al., 2013). By examining official data from the state of An intermittent predictor of prison violence is Washington in the present study, we sample race/ethnicity. Schenk and Fremouw (2012) indicators from each of the previous general determined race generally to be a strong predictor of categories, specifically the background characteristics violence, with racial minorities tending to be more of inmates (gender, race/ethnicity, and education), violent than White inmates. Wooldredge and Steiner their ties to the community (visitation and prior (2012) recognized that victimization rates for White homelessness), and factors related to the effects of inmates were slightly higher than for Blacks with administration of the prison on inmates (classification reference to physical assaults. However, the authors and programming). It is our intention that an noted the difficulty in reaching such conclusions

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 CORRELATES OF VIOLENCE 23 because so many studies were limited to one Education geographical area with often unique demographic Education has consistently, but not uniformly, characteristics. been shown to predict prison misconduct and This was also examined by Steiner (2009) who violence. In a sample from the state of Washington studied 512 state-operated prisons and showed that (along with New York and Vermont), Wooldredge et those with higher proportions of Black inmates had al. (2001) found education to be a predictor of prison higher levels of assaults but concluded that misconduct. Less education has also been found to heterogeneity in the composition of the inmate be a strong predictor of violent misconduct in studies population contributed to the inmate violence. Harer conducted in Arizona, Florida, and Missouri (see and Steffensmeier (1996) evaluated violent Berg & DeLisi, 2006; Cunningham et al. 2005; misconduct in 58 federal prisons from several Cunningham & Sorenson, 2006; DeLisi et al., 2004). geographic areas in the 1980s. They determined race Despite the consistency of findings that level of to be a significant predictor, with Black inmates education predicted prison violence, the research twice as likely to be found guilty of a violent findings were not uniform. In a study of infraction as White inmates. victimization, Wooldredge and Steiner (2012) found In a large southwestern state, DeLisi (2003) used background and lifestyle factors, including education, a dichotomous sample of white or non-white and to be conditioned by race. Specifically, education established that non-whites were more likely to was a strong predictor of the odds of victimization for engage in serious violent misconduct than whites. property offenses for Whites but not for violent Later in the same region, Berg and DeLisi (2006) offenses, and education was not a strong predictor of divided race/ethnicity into White, Black, Latino, victimization for African American inmates for either Native American, and Asian American. They property or violent offenses. However, in a critical showed that Latino males were the most likely to review of the literature of individual characteristics engage in violent infractions. In fact, being a Latino related to prison violence, Schenk and Fremouw male was the strongest predictor of violent infractions (2012) examined a sample of over 500 studies and in their study. Native American males were the found that, while examining education was not a second most likely to be involved in violent primary goal in any of the studies, it was a infractions, while Black male involvement was not consistently strong predictor of prison violence. They significantly different than White male involvement expressed encouragement in education as an in prison violence. Yet, in Rhode Island, Rocheleau individual level variable that was dynamic and could (2011) discovered that Latino inmates were the least be enhanced during incarceration. likely to engage in prison violence. In contradiction, Griffin and Hepburn’s (2006) Community Ties study of inmates in Arizona observed that White inmates were more likely to be guilty of assault than While there is much research on the effects of residence and residency ties on post-prison either Black or Latino inmates, and they noted that White inmates were a racial majority both in the reintegration into the community (Latessa, 2004; prison and in the larger community. Finally, several Metraux & Culhane, 2004, 2006; Roman, 2004), there are few on the potential effects of these on studies have established no significant relationship between race/ethnicity and prison violence (see prison misconduct and, specifically, violence. By Baskin, Sommers, & Steadman, 1991; Camp et al., residence we mean whether or not an inmate was homeless prior to incarceration (and presumably 2003; Wright, 1989). While it appears that a relationship between without a home to return to upon release), and race/ethnicity and prison violence is generally residency ties refers to visitation and social support from outside the prison. Again, we find that the accepted in the literature, there is variation in terms of which racial/ethnic minorities are more involved in literature focuses primarily on general prison violence. Schenk & Fremouw (2012) did note the misconduct rather than specific indicators of violence. unique demographic composition in different geographic locations as confounding the Visitation has been associated with lower generalizability of findings. However, Steiner and misconduct generally, but consistency in visitation had a much stronger effect (Cochran 2012). Siennick Wooldredge (2009) argue that parallels between disadvantaged minority communities and prison et al. (2012) examined visitation and disciplinary environments are very relevant for understanding infractions (including contraband) and determined inmate violence in particular. Thus, a consideration that the probability of infractions decreased in of race/ethnicity and prison violence is important, but anticipation of visits and substantially increased immediately after, then eventually leveled off. They the regional variation must be considered.

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 24 BELL & LINDEKUGEL attributed the increase to spousal visits and where the prisoner was sent) than on internal infractions for contraband. The Minnesota classification (which housing units and which facility Department of Corrections (2011) investigated the programs; Austin, 2003). Austin (2003) also showed impact of visitation on recidivism (both new offenses that classification and other risk assessment and technical revocations). They observed that visits instruments were commonly implemented without from siblings, in-laws, and fathers were most proper design and testing and that sufficient staff beneficial but visits from spouses increased the risk training and monitoring was lacking. Additionally, of recidivism. classification and risk assessment instruments were Social ties and family support have been often very complicated, and Austin identified a direct associated with a lower likelihood of serious relationship between how complicated the misconduct, which included primarily violent classification process was and how reliable it would behaviors (along with escape and possession of a be. Makarios and Latessa (2013) saw substantial weapon; Berg & DeLisi, 2006; DeLisi et al., 2004). differences between risks and needs assessment While not specifically examining prison misconduct instruments used in prisons and argued that the two or violence, Warren, Hurt, Loper, & Chauhan (2004) types should be separated. determined that close ties to the outside (having a Much of the research on classification is focused spouse and supportive family and visits from on the broader and more common dependent variable children) predicted better adjustment to prison for of prisoner misconduct rather than violence. When women. studying dangerous misconduct (assault, robbery, and There seems to be ample support in the research drug trafficking) in the California prison system, that visitation and social support do have an impact Berk, Kriegler, & Beck (2006) concluded that on prison adjustment and the likelihood of dangerous misconduct was a rare event (3% of misconduct including violent misconduct. However, inmates). They further determined that for every true the potential impact of prior homelessness is absent positive prediction of the classification scheme, there and is a factor that the current research considers. As were ten false positives. This was deemed an homelessness appears to impact post-prison acceptable cost as the false positives were “almost a reintegration, it could also impact prison integration sure bet to engage in one of the less serious forms of as seen through violent infractions. misconduct” (Berk et al., 2006, p. 9). They observed that inmates at the highest risk for misconduct were Effects of Classification and Programming on young, had long criminal records and sentences, and Inmates were gang affiliated both on the street and in the Research suggests that while individual-level prison. Austin (2003) also established that prisoners factors are powerful influences on prison violence, likely to be involved in misconduct were young men administrative prison-level factors may influence with a history of violence and/or mental illness, those prison violence as well (Cunningham et al., 2011). who were gang affiliated, and those who had recent In a review of the empirical research over the disciplinary actions and were not involved in prison previous two decades, Byrne and Hummer (2007) programming. Likewise, Camp et al. (2003) assessed whether a subgroup of high risk inmates discovered that age and prior misconduct were the who would likely be involved in prison violence strongest predictors of misconduct in the federal could be identified and whether such evidence would prison system. support the idea that current classification systems Correctional treatment is another important reduced the risk to others. They concluded that factor pertaining to prison misconduct. In a meta- current classification systems neither predicted prison analysis reviewing 68 studies, French and Gendreau violence very accurately nor reduced that violence. (2006) found that behavioral treatment programs They argued for a shift in emphasis toward (rather than non-behavioral such as educational or classifying inmates on the basis of changing them vocational programs) had the strongest effects and (programming/treatment) more so than identifying that programs associated with the most reductions in them for increased levels of control. Byrne and misconduct were also associated with larger Hummer (2007) further lamented that very little reductions in recidivism. These findings were quality research had been conducted (they reviewed consistent with previous meta-analyses conducted by 14 studies from a 20 year period) and that research Keyes (1996) and Morgan and Flora (2002). French specifically linking classification, program and Gendreau (2006) also recognized large gaps in placement, and in-prison behavior had not been the research literature and called for additional conducted. research that specifically defined prison context and Classification systems in prisons were more criterion variables, employed longer follow-up focused on external classification (custody level and periods, and specified offender characteristics

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 CORRELATES OF VIOLENCE 25

(especially risk level). This finding coincided with 1995; Wolff, Blitz, Shi, Bachman, & Siegel, 2006). Byrne and Hummer’s (2007) argument that little However, our dependent measure does make this research linking classification and program distinction and only focuses on violent sexual acts. placement to prison misconduct had been done. Our Independent Measures research builds on this omission and specifically examines the impact of internal programming on Gender. Gender is a dummy variable with male inmates’ prevalence of prison violence. as the reference category. Race/Ethnicity. Race/ethnicity is measured Hypotheses with six dummy variables for Asian/Pacific Islander, While the research on gender and prison Black, Latino, Native American, Other, with White misconduct is mixed, we hypothesize that men will as the reference category. The state of Washington commit more violence in prison, as women are less has a comparatively large percentage of Latinos and likely to be associated with violence than men. We Native Americans in the general and prison also hypothesize that minorities will commit more population. These data allow for a robust violence in prison than Whites in the state of consideration of race. Washington and that those with a high school Education. Inmates who do not have a high diploma or GED will be less likely to engage in school diploma can obtain a GED in prison. All prison violence. Using homelessness in particular, inmates who successfully pass their GED exam while we expect that such individuals will be associated incarcerated are noted by the DOC and thus with greater prison violence, as the homeless will documented as someone who did not have a high have fewer ties to the community. Finally, while few school degree before entering prison. Our education studies have considered the influence of internal dummy variable compares those with a high school administrative-level factors on prison violence, we degree before incarceration to those who did not have hypothesize that those in behavioral programming one. will be associated with less violence. Residence. The state of Washington documents whether inmates had a place of residence before Methods incarceration or whether they were homeless. Previous research has considered residency ties to Data and Cases prison infractions, but none has specifically looked at homelessness. This dummy variable compares those The current study uses data from the Washington who were homeless before incarceration to those who Department of Corrections (DOC). All inmates were not. incarcerated for a twenty-month period between Residency ties. We use visitation as a proxy for January 1, 2009 and August 31, 2011 were included residency ties and social support from outside prison. with a sample breakdown of 6,674 females (17.3%) Each prison facility in the state of Washington has and 31,842 males (82.7%). Data were collected on different regulations on the number of visitors per demographic information such as gender, race, type visit. However, the maximum number of visitors per of offense, sentence length, and repeat incarceration. visit in any facility is ten. This research uses overall The data also include such factors as residency prior number of visitors as a proxy for visitation. Much to incarceration, as well as internal programming and research on visitation examines ties to recidivism and prison visitation. suggests that greater frequency of visitation is most Dependent Measure important to reduce recidivism (see Bales & Mears, 2008; Minnesota Department of Corrections, 2011). As we are simply interested in prevalence of Thus, rather than just considering whether an inmate committing a violent infraction in prison, the has a visitor or not, we consider how many visitors dependent measure is a dichotomous “yes” or “no” they had. Based on the frequency distribution for 1 dummy variable. Using official report data on visitation, four categories of coding were created for infractions for the entire cohort (N=38,516), the those with fewer than ten visitors, eleven to one Washington State DOC recognizes approximately hundred, one hundred one to five hundred, and over 309 types of misconduct infractions of which 58 five hundred visitors. 2 (18.77%) are coded as violent (See Appendix). A However, an inmate who has served a shorter strength of our dependent measure is that previous sentence and has the same number of visitors as one studies including sex in prison have not differentiated with a longer sentence arguably has more social ties. between consensual and violent sexual acts, even Thus, the number of visitors is standardized by though consensual sex is less of a threat to inmate sentence length through the creation of z scores to and institutional security (Saum, Surratt, & Inciardi, make comparisons between these different groups.

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Programs. Initial classification in the state of Analytical Strategy Washington puts inmates into internal programs that To test whether gender, race/ethnicity, education, are deemed necessary to help each individual become residence, residency ties, and programming were a law-abiding citizen upon release. An inmates’ associated with violent infractions within prison, involvement in three prison programs are binomial logistic regression was employed due to the documented: Family relations, offender change, and dichotomous nature of the dependent variable. Initial chemical treatment.3 The family relations program descriptive and bivariate analyses were conducted focuses on improving the inmates’ relationship with before regressions were run. This initial analysis their families and children in particular. The offender considered frequency and percentage of offending as change program has many components, most notably well as relative odds of offending.5 moral reconation therapy (MRT) and stress and anger management (SAM). The goal of MRT is to improve pro-social reasoning and behaviors among inmates, Analysis while SAM creates an understanding of anger and stress triggers and provides tools to channel this Descriptive and Bivariate Analysis anger/stress in non-violent ways. The chemical Table 1 presents initial descriptive and bivariate treatment program focuses on an inmate’s addiction analysis of gender, race, residence, residency ties, to alcohol and/or drugs. and programming association with violent infractions Control Variables in prison. Descriptive percentages for gender indicate that the majority of both males and females Control variables include offense type, sentence do not commit violent infractions within prison. length, and repeat incarceration. All offenses for Bivariate results for race show that while most which the inmate is currently incarcerated are inmates do not commit violent infractions, Latinos classified into one of three categories: violent commit the most violent infractions followed by offense, property offense, or drug offense. Thus, we Native Americans. In fact, using Whites as the take into account and control for a criminal history of reference category, Latinos are 3.20 times more violence (see Sorensen & Davis, 2011). Previous likely to commit a violent infraction while research on prison general misconduct and violence incarcerated followed by Native Americans at 2.20 has specifically suggested that sentence length can times more likely. exert an influence, with prison violence more likely Descriptive and bivariate analyses also indicate to occur during the early part of incarceration and/or that those without a high school degree before among those with shorter sentences (see Berg & entering prison are four times more likely to commit DeLisi, 2006; Camp et al., 2003; Cunningham & violent infractions in prison than those with a high Sorensen, 2007; Wooldredge et al., 2001). Once school degree. Further, having a place to live prior to again, based on the frequency distribution of incarceration suggests that the bivariate odds of the sentences in the state of Washington during the 20- inmate committing a violent infraction are only month period, we classify sentence length into five approximately half (0.55) that of being homeless categories: less than one year, one to one and one- prior to incarceration. half years, one and one-half to two years, two to three Finally, descriptive and bivariate results show years, and more than three years. that those inmates involved in each of the various Inmates with simple repeat incarceration have forms of prison programs (family relations, offender also been shown to display increased general change, and chemical treatment) commit more misconduct and/or specifically violence within prison violent infractions than those not in such programs. (see Berg & DeLisi, 2006; Cunningham et al., 2005; Also, most inmates do not receive visitors and those Hardyman et al, 2002; Kuanliang & Sorensen, 2008; inmates with visitors commit more violent infractions Steiner & Wooldredge, 2008). To control for this than those without visitors. possibility, we include a “yes” or “no” dummy variable whether this was the individual’s first admission to prison or a readmission.4

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Table 1 - Descriptive and Bivariate Analysis of Gender, Race/Ethnicity, Education, Residency, Programming, and Visitation on Violent Infractions in Prison (N=38,516)a

No Violent Yes Violent Total Relative Infraction Infraction Odds b Gender (Male Reference) Male 29,826 (93.7) 2,016 (6.3) 31,842 (82.7) 1.00 Female 6,388 (95.7) 286 (4.3) 6,674 (17.3) 0.66 Race (White Reference) White 26,218 (95.2) 1,334 (4.8) 27,552 (71.5) 1.00 Asian/Pacific Islander 1,149 (95.0) 60 (5.0) 1,209 (3.1) 1.00 Black 5,466 (91.5) 509 (8.5) 5,975 (15.5) 1.80 Latino 1,544 (86.3) 245 (13.7) 1,789 (4.6) 3.20 Native American 1,141 (90.1) 125 (9.9) 1,266 (3.3) 2.20 Other 696 (96.0) 29 (4.0) 725 (1.9) 0.80 Education (Yes Reference) High School Degree - Yes 34,665 (94.7) 1,927 (5.3) 36,592 (95.0) 1.00 High School Degree - No 1,549 (80.5) 375 (19.5) 1,924 (5.0) 4.00 Homelessness (Yes Reference) Homeless - Yes 2,814 (90.0) 311 (10.0) 3,125 (8.1) 1.00 Homeless - No 33,400 (94.4) 1,991 (5.6) 35,391 (91.9) 0.55 Visitors (Zero Reference)c Zero 30,324 (96.0) 1,270 (4.0) 31,594 (74.0) 1.0 Less than Ten 5,890 (85.1) 1,032 (14.9) 6,922 (16.2) 4.25 Eleven to One Hundred 3,135 (85.3) 540 (14.7) 3,675 (8.6) 4.25 One Hundred One to Five Hundred 421 (85.2) 73 (14.8) 494 (1.2) 4.25 Programming (Family Relations Reference)d Family Relations 5,081 (86.5) 794 (13.5) 5,875 (19.2) 1.00 Offender Change 13,611 (87.7) 1,908 (12.3) 15,519 (50.6) 0.88 Chemical Treatment 8,331(90.0) 921 (10.0) 9,252 (30.2) 0.69 Control Variables Sentence Type (Violent Offense Reference) Violent Offense 10,701 (93.6) 727 (6.4) 11,428 (30.0) 1.00 Property Offense 12,769 (94.5) 746 (5.5) 13,515 (35.5) 0.86 Drug Offense 12,644 (96.2) 499 (3.8) 13,143 (34.5) 0.57 Sentence Length (Less than One Year Ref.) Less than One Year 26,156 (95.2) 1,333 (4.8) 27,489 (65.8) 1.00 One to One Half Years 2,951 (81.8) 657 (18.2) 3,608 (8.6) 4.40 One Half to Two Years 6,323 (96.1) 255 (3.9) 6,578 (15.7) 0.80 Two to Three Years 2,887 (89.9) 326 (10.1) 3,213 (7.7) 2.20 More than Three Years 869 (95.0) 46 (5.0) 915 (2.2) 1.00 Repeat Incarceration (Yes Reference) Repeat Incarceration - Yes 5,689 (83.2) 1,145 (16.8) 6,834 (17.7) 1.00 Repeat Incarceration - No 30,525 (96.3) 1,157 (3.7) 31,682 (82.3) 0.20 a Percentages are shown in parentheses b Reference categories used to calculate relative odds c Those with more than five hundred visitors were too small d The programming total does not equal 100% as not all inmates were enrolled in these 3 programs

Multivariate Analysis are homeless before entering prison have greater odds of committing a violent infraction in prison. The The results of multivariate analysis are presented results of the multivariate analysis also further clarify in Table 2. Using logistic regression, Blacks, the bivariate results as they show specifically those Latinos, and Native Americans have greater odds of inmates who have fewer than ten visitors have greater committing a violent infraction within prison than odds of committing a violent infraction in prison. Whites. Supportive of the bivariate results above, However, while not significant, those with more than Latinos are 2.09 times more likely to commit a ten visitors actually engage in less prison violence. violent infraction within prison than not. Further, those inmates without a high school degree and who

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This is consistent with previous literature on the incarcerated for a violent offense have greater odds influence of visitation. of committing another violent offense in prison, and All inmate programs are significantly tied to those inmates who have been previously incarcerated violence within prison. Interestingly, those inmates have greater odds of committing a violent infraction in chemical treatment have lower odds of committing in prison. Surprisingly, no significant difference is a violent infraction within prison, while those observed between the odds of males and females inmates in the family relations and offender change committing violent infractions within prison. Both program have much higher odds of committing a are equally likely to be involved in prison violence. violent infraction in prison. Finally, those inmates

Table 2 - Logistic Regression of Gender, Race/Ethnicity, Education, Residency, Programming, and Visitation on Violent Infractions in Prison (N=38,516)

B a Odds b Female 0.03 (0.07) 1.03 (0.90, 1.18) Racec Asian/Pacific Islander 0.08 (0.14) 1.08 (0.82, 1.43) Black 0.30***(0.06) 1.35 (1.20, 1.51) Latino 0.74***(0.08) 2.10 (1.80, 2.45) Native American 0.44***(0.11) 1.55 (1.26, 1.90) Other 0.36 (0.20) 1.44 (0.97, 2.14) No High School Degree 0.86***(0.07) 2.36 (2.07, 2.70) Homelessnessd -0.47***(0.07) 0.63 (0.55, 0.72) Visitors Less than Ten 0.22***(0.02) 1.24 (1.19, 1.30) Eleven to One Hundred -0.01 (0.02) 0.99 (0.95, 1.03) One Hundred One to Five Hundred -0.01 (0.02) 0.99 (0.96, 1.03) More than Five Hundred 0.00 (0.02) 1.00 (0.97, 1.04) Programming Family Relations 0.12*(0.05) 1.13 (1.02, 1.26) Offender Change 1.28***(0.07) 3.58 (3.14, 4.08) Chemical Treatment -0.12*(0.05) 0.89 (0.80, 0.98) Control Variables Violent Offense 0.30***(0.05) 1.35 (1.22, 1.50) Property Offense 0.06 (0.05) 1.06 (0.96, 1.17) Drug Offense -0.22***(0.06) 0.80 (0.71, 0.90) Less than One Year 0.01(0.08) 1.01 (0.87, 1.18) One to One Half Years 0.82***(0.08) 2.28 (1.95, 2.66) One Half to Two Years -0.12 (0.09) 0.89 (0.75, 1.05) Two to Three Years 0.21*(0.09) 1.24 (1.04, 1.47) More than Three Years -0.26 (0.17) 0.77 (0.56, 1.07) Repeat Incarceration 0.92***(0.05) 2.51 (2.27, 2.78) Intercept -3.99***(0.11) a Standard Errors in Parentheses b 95% Confidence Intervals in Parentheses c White Reference Category d Yes Homeless Reference Category * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001

Discussion programming on prison violence. We hypothesized that minorities would commit more violent Overall, our research provides some important infractions than whites, but found that while there and surprising findings on indicators representing the were more violent infractions among Latinos, Black background characteristics of inmates, their ties to involvement was similar to Whites. It appears that the community, and the effects of classification and dynamics other than minority status are involved in

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 CORRELATES OF VIOLENCE 29 predicting violence in Washington state prisons. We system would exert a lesser effect as these more suggest that this represents regional variability with serious types of infractions would be documented no prison violence and race/ethnicity that can be matter who the offender or facility security level. We explored in future research on other regions of the also do not have access to age or marital status as a country. predictor of prison violence. However, we do Surprisingly, and in notable opposition to our include a new indicator – namely homelessness – that hypothesis, no significant difference in prison has not been previously considered when researching violence is determined by gender. This is contrary to community ties. previous research (see Austin, 2003; Berg & DeLisi, Further, no causal time ordering can be drawn 2006; Sorensen & Cunningham, 2010; Wulf-Ludden, from our findings. As such, our findings on the 2013). While the dynamics of interpersonal effects of internal prison programming are difficult to relationships among female inmates are quite assess. It would be necessary to know whether the different from men, perhaps this indicates some incidence of violence occurred prior to, during, or support for increased volatility and thus more prison after participation in the offender change program for violence among women than previously seen (Greer, the state of Washington to truly know whether its 2000). This would suggest that more research on behavioral programming is working. gender and prison violence is necessary to determine Current pilot projects at two Washington state if rates of men’s and women’s involvement in prison prisons are considering such before and after offender violence are converging. change programming variability in prison violence. No studies have assessed the impact of Initial results distributed in a 2013 Washington State homelessness prior to incarceration on prison DOC news release show a dramatic decrease in violence. Using homelessness as a proxy for violence after just a nine-month involvement in the residence and community ties, we find that such offender change program (Washington DOC, 2013). individuals are more likely to be involved in prison Further, until recently, prison gangs have not violence. This could have implications for been a problem and thus not recognized in the recidivism. If the inmate was homeless prior to Washington State DOC, so prison gangs are not incarceration (and presumably without a home to assessed here. However, research suggests that gangs return to upon release), then they may be more likely are tied to prison violence among males (see Gaes et to repeat offend. Dyb (2009) finds that incarceration al., 2002; Griffin & Hepburn, 2006; Worrall & increases homelessness post release, so homelessness Morris, 2012).6 Only in the last few years has the and incarceration can also be seen as mutually Washington State DOC segregated inmates based on reinforcing. Interestingly, in our study, visitation is a gang membership, specifically those claiming weak predictor of prison violence. affiliation with the Nortenos and Surenos Our findings on the effects of classification and (predominantly Latino gangs). programming are mixed. Specifically, those inmates Future Research in chemical dependency programming show lesser prison violence. However, those inmates involved in Further research should be done to assess the offender change programming are much more whether the findings on race/ethnicity are regionally likely to be involved in prison violence. This shows specific and if they are tied to gang crime in central support for internal prison classification in the state Washington. Central Washington has a high of Washington as the DOC decides which program(s) concentration of Latino citizens including migrant are appropriate for each inmate upon entry into the laborers involved in the agricultural industry. prison system. As the offender change program Unfortunately, many of these communities struggle includes stress and anger management, perhaps this with high levels of illegal gang activity (Moreno, indicates that the state is correctly identifying those 2006). Future research should also test for regional inmates that truly need to be in the offender change variation in race/ethnicity in national samples. program and appropriately placing them. This Finally, future research should include gang activity contradicts Byrne and Hummer’s (2007) finding that and also see if the finding of no significant difference current classification systems are not effective in in prison violence between men and women can be identifying a subgroup of high risk inmates who are seen in other states. This could indicate a trend likely to be involved in prison violence. where women are becoming as violent as men in prison. Limitations

Our research is limited to official report data. However, as our focus is violent infractions in prison, it can be assumed that potential bias within the

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Sandler, J. C., Freeman, N. J., Farrell, P., & Seto, M. Toch, H., Adams, K., & Grant, J. D. (1989). Coping: C. (2013). Predicting institutional sexual Maladaptation in prisons. New Brunswick, NJ: misconduct by adult male sex offenders. Transaction Publishers. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 40(10), 1131– Walters, G. D., & Crawford, G. (2013). In and out of 1148. doi:10.1177/0093854813485574 prison: Do importation factors predict all forms Saum, C. A., Surratt, H. L., & Inciardi, J. A. (1995). of misconduct or just the more serious ones? Sex in prison: Exploring the myths and realities. Journal of Criminal Justice, 41(6), 407–413. The Prison Journal, 75(4), 413–430. doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2013.08.001 doi:10.1177/0032855595075004002 Warren, J., Hurt, S., Loper, A., & Chauhan, P. Schenk, A. M. & Fremouw, W. J. (2012). Individual (2004). Exploring prison adjustment among characteristics related to prison violence: A female inmates. Criminal Justice and Behavior, critical review of the literature. Aggression and 31(5), 624–645. doi:10.1177/0093854804267096 Violent Behavior, 17, 430–442. Washington Department of Corrections. (2013). doi:10.1016/j.avb.2012.05.005 Prison pilot projects show dramatic decrease in Siennick, S., Mears, D., & Bales, W. (2013). Here violence. Retrieved from and gone: Anticipation and separation effects of http://offenderchange.org/prison-pilots-see- prison visits on inmate infractions. Journal of fewer-violent-infractions/ Research in Crime and Delinquency, 50(3), 417– Wolff, N., Blitz, C., Shi, J., Bachman, R., & Siegel, J. 444. doi: 10.1177/0022427812449470 (2006). Sexual violence inside prisons: Rates of Sorensen, J., & Cunningham, M. (2010). Conviction victimization. Journal of Urban Health, 83(5), offense and prison violence: A comparative 835–848. doi: 10.1007/s11524-006-9065-2 study of murderers and other offenders. Crime Wooldredge, J. (1994). Inmate crime and & Delinquency, 56(1), 103–125. victimization in a southwestern correctional doi:10.1177/0011128707307175 facility. Journal of Criminal Justice, 22(4), 367– Sorensen, J., & Davis, J. (2011). Violent criminals 381. doi:10.1016/0047-2352(94)90083-3 locked up: Examining the effect of incarceration Wooldredge, J., Griffin, T., & Pratt, T. (2001). on behavioral continuity. Journal of Criminal Considering hierarchical models for research on Justice, 39(2), 151–158. inmate behavior: Predicting misconduct with doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2011.01.003 multilevel data. Justice Quarterly, 18(1), 203– Steiner, B. (2009). Assessing static and dynamic 231. doi: 10.1080/07418820100094871 influences on inmate violence levels. Crime & Wooldredge, J., & Steiner, B. (2012). Race group Delinquency, 55(1), 134–161. differences in prison victimization experiences. doi:10.1177/0011128707307218 Journal of Criminal Justice, 40, 358–369. Steiner, B., & Wooldredge, J. D. (2008). Inmate doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2012.06.011 versus environmental effects on prison rule Worrall, J., & Morris, R. G. (2012). Prison gang violations. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 35, integration and inmate violence. Journal of 438–456. doi:10.1177/0093854807312787 Criminal Justice, 40(5), 425–432. Steiner, B., & Wooldredge, J. D. (2009). The doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2012.06.002 relevance of inmate race/ethnicity versus Wright, K. (1989). Race and economic marginality in population composition for understanding prison explaining prison adjustment. Journal of rule violations. Punishment & Society, 11(4), Research in Crime and Delinquency, 26(1), 67– 459–489. doi:10.1177/1462474509341143 89. doi:10.1177/0022427889026001004 Steiner, B., & Wooldredge, J. D. (2013). Implications Wulf-Ludden, T. (2013). Interpersonal relationships of different outcome measures for an among inmates and prison violence. Journal of understanding of inmate misconduct. Crime & Crime and Justice, 36(1), 116–136. doi: Delinquency, 59(8), 1234–1262. 10.1080/0735648X.2012.755467 doi:10.1177/0011128709335151

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differences in the predictors of prison misconduct. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 41(4), 433–452. doi:10.1177/0093854813504404

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About the Authors Dale M. Lindekugel is Professor of Sociology and Kerryn E. Bell is an Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice at Eastern Washington Sociology and Criminal Justice at Eastern University. His research interests include Washington University. Her research interests deviance and prison violence. include prison violence and recidivism as well as the intersectionality of gender and race/ethnicity with criminal offending.

Endnotes 1 As the study includes everyone incarcerated in the state of Washington over a 20-month period, data are available to look at incidence of prison violence. However, for the purpose of this study, we were only interested in prevalence of prison violence as we are looking at correlates of prison violence generally and not the number of times an individual inmate engages in prison violence. 2 Using the accepted Uniform Crime Report (UCR) definition of violent crime, all infractions that involved murder, rape or sexual assault, robbery, and aggravated assault were coded as violent. 3 We do not have information on how long the individual was in a program, just whether they were enrolled. This is further discussed in the limitations section. 4 As the focus is violence committed while incarcerated, no other type of sentence (i.e., probation and community corrections) are considered in the repeat incarceration variable. 5 Before conducting analyses, a variance inflation factor (VIF) test was run on all variables to check for multicollinearity. No VIF above 4 was found, indicating that multicollinearity was not a problem in this study. Further, scatterplots tested for heteroscedasticity in the data. Normal distributions show that very little variance is left after accounting for the independent variables and heteroscedasticity is not present. 6 As gangs are not a recognized problem among female inmates, their prison violence must be attributed to something other than gangs.

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Appendix - Operationalization of Dependent Measure

Violent Infraction Description Violent Infraction Code Homicide 89,90 Aggravated Assault/Inmate 91,92 Fighting 97,98,310 Threatening 99,100,311 Aggravated Assault/Visitor 108,109 Holding Hostage 113,114 Disease Transfer 146 Cause Inmate Injury 147 Aggravated Assault/Staff 156,157 Sexual Assault Staff 173,174,175 Attempted Sexual Assault/Staff 176,177 Abusive Sexual Contact/Staff 178,179 Assault/Inmate 182 Assault/Offender 183 Sexual Assault/Offender 184,185 Attempted Sexual Assault/Offender 186,187,188 Abusive Sexual Contact/Offender 189,190 Rioting 191,192,362 Inciting Riot 193,194,363 Strong Arming/Intimidation 216,217 Cause Staff Injury 221 Assault/Non Hospital 227 Assault/Staff 228 Assault/Visitor 242,243 Attempted Suicide 245,246 Attempted Self-Mutilation/Harm 247,248 Refuse w/ Staff Injury 300 Resist Order w/ Staff Injury 301 Injure a Visitor 304 Assault/Hospital 306 Assault 307 Holding Hostage 333 Refuse Medical Order/Injury 382

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E-ISSN 2332-886X Available online at https://scholasticahq.com/criminology-criminal-justice-law-society/

Seeing Saw through the Criminological Lens: Popular Representations of Crime and Punishment

J. C. Oleson and Tamara MacKinnon University of Auckland

A B S T R A C T A N D A R T I C L E I N F O R M A T I O N

Crime is a staple of the media, and violent crimes such as murder are overrepresented in both news and entertainment. Although cases of serial homicide are exceptionally rare, stories about serial killers are terrifically popular. Indeed, while the seven Saw feature films, recounting the crimes of serial killer John “Jigsaw” Kramer, have been derided as mere “torture porn” by some critics, they constitute the most successful horror franchise in the world. Certainly, the Saw franchise entertains, allowing viewers to vicariously explore their fears of the serial killer in a safe, controlled manner. The Saw films both inform and misinform viewers about crime and punishment—employing parasocial experiences of violent criminal events to prompt viewers to wrestle with fundamental questions of law, morality, and purpose. Viewed through lenses of crime and punishment, the Saw franchise offers both a critique of and commentary on crime in present society. The fictional character of John Kramer can be analyzed through real homicide typologies, and Kramer’s crimes can prompt discussion about the four cardinal philosophies of punishment: retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation.

Article History: Keywords:

Received 18 August 2014 Saw, Jigsaw, John Kramer, serial killer, media, crime, punishment Received in revised form 19 January 2015 Accepted 24 February 2015 © 2015 Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society and The Western Society of Criminology Hosting by Scholastica. All rights reserved.

The public is fascinated by crime. Crime figures American society’s deepest darkest fears” (Beckman, prominently in both news (e.g., Barak, 1994; Potter 2001, p. 62). Additionally, & Kappeler, 2006) and entertainment media. Approximately 20% of feature films are crime films, because they have the power to make us feel and approximately 50% “have significant crime alive in our benumbed “wound culture,” a content” (Reiner, 2007, p. 312). Some criminals strange kind of adoration is heaped upon become celebrities (Duncan, 1996; Kooistra, 1989; contemporary serial killers, the monsters of Schmid, 2005) and enjoy an infamous species of our cynical age. “Our society is obsessed fame (Oleson, 2003). Serial killers, in particular, with serial killers,” suggests Bruno. have been elevated into a prominent place in Similarly, Hawker quips, “All the world society’s pantheon of criminals (Jenkins, 1994; loves a serial killer.” (Oleson, 2005b, p. 187, Tithecott, 1997): “The serial killer constitutes a citations in original omitted) mythical, almost supernatural, embodiment of

Corresponding author: James C. Oleson, University of Auckland, Department of Sociology, Level 9, HSB Building, 10 Symonds Street, Private Bag 92019, Auckland 1142, New Zealand. Email: [email protected] 36 OLESON & MACKINNON

Murder is entertainment, and it is also big horror movies, as selected by the voting public business (Fuhrman, 2009). Society’s fascination with (Internet Movie Database, 2014). serial killers has fueled a robust true-crime market Created by writer Leigh Whannell and director (Egger, 1998) and created an audience for a host of James Wan, the Saw films describe the activities of crime biography documentaries. The writing of serial killer John “Jigsaw” Kramer. Like other serial killers is widely available to interested readers fictional serial killer protagonists—Hannibal Lecter (Brady, 2001; Philbin, 2011), and the artwork of (Harris, 1981, 1988, 1999, 2006, 2013), Dexter serial killers is sought out by a vibrant market of Morgan (Lindsay, 2004, 2005, 2007, 2009, 2010, collectors of murderabilia (Scouller, 2010). People 2011, 2013), or Seven’s John Doe (Kopelson, can buy serial killer trading cards (Jones & Collier, Carlyle, & Fincher, 1995)—Kramer’s victims are 1993) and serial killer action figures (Schmid, 2005). selected because they have engaged in crimes or The serial killer is the quintessential modern monster immoral acts that have gone unpunished. Unlike (Picart & Greek, 2003). Lecter and Morgan, however, Kramer does not Although the names of notorious serial killers actually want his victims to die; rather, he wants may be more familiar to the public than the names of them to survive and to be “reborn” (with an world-renowned scientists (Oleson, 2005b), it may understanding of their past wrongs and a new not be the real-life serial killer who shapes the appreciation for life). His modus operandi involves public’s view, but the fictional one: the character kidnapping victims and locking them in one of his drawn from literature, television, and film. The “torture warehouses.” When the victims regain influence of popular film on the public understanding consciousness, audio or video tapes are played for of crime and criminals dwarfs that of all academic them, outlining their transgressions and explaining criminological scholarship (Rafter & Brown, 2011). the rules of their punishments. Kramer subjects his Indeed, author Thomas Harris’ fictional serial killer victims to “tests” or “games” that inflict extreme Dr. Hannibal “the Cannibal” Lecter was “arguably… psychological and physical pain, often involving the most publicized and recognizable personality complex mechanical traps. If the victims die, Kramer (real or not) in America during February 1991” (Skal, removes a jigsaw puzzle-shaped piece of flesh from 1993, p. 383, italics added). In the 1960s, serial killer their skin, symbolizing their missing survival films began to replace traditional horror narratives instincts. This trophy-taking earns Kramer the media involving werewolves, aliens, or vampires (Tudor, moniker “Jigsaw.” If the victims survive the tests, 1989). Although these traditional supernatural horror according to Kramer’s understanding of the world, themes have enjoyed a resurgence in recent years, they are instantly rehabilitated. serial killers remain a central focus of dramatic The Saw films have been dismissed as derivative narratives as illustrated by the characters of Joe facsimiles of other—superior—serial killer films Carroll on the Fox network’s The Following (Gleiberman, 2004), and they have been denounced (Williamson & Siega, 2013) and Dexter Morgan on by Edelstein (2006) and others as mere “torture porn” Showtime’s Dexter (Cerone et al., 2006). – movies in the same vein as The Devil’s Rejects This paper will examine the seven serial killer (Elliot, Gould, Mehlitz, Ohoven, & Zombie, 2005), films that constitute the Saw franchise: Saw the Hostel trilogy (Briggs, Fleiss, & Spiegel, 2011; (Hoffman, Burg, Koules, & Wan, 2004), Saw II Roth, 2005; Spiegel, Yakin, Fleiss, Tarantino, & (Hoffman, Burg, Koules, & Bousman, 2005), Saw III Roth, 2007), or Wolf Creek (Lightfoot & Mclean, (Hoffman et al., 2006), Saw IV (Hoffman et al., 2005). But other scholars have identified meaningful 2007), Saw V (Hoffman, Burg, Koules, & Hackl, elements in the Saw films and have produced a 2008), Saw VI (Hoffman, Burg, Koules, & Greutert, modest body of scholarship on these works (e.g., 2009), and Saw 3D (Hoffman, Burg, Koules, & Aston & Walliss, 2013; Fore, 2009; Huntley, 2009; Greutert, 2010). Released across seven years and Jones, 2010). The extant scholarship on Saw has netting approximately $877 million USD in global adopted a media studies perspective, but the Saw receipts (Numbers, 2014), the Saw films are the most franchise also can be studied through a successful horror franchise in the world (Kit, 2010). criminological lens, as has been done with the The franchise has earned numerous critical awards, Hannibal Lecter franchise (Oleson, 2005a, 2005b, but it is the franchise’s commercial success that is 2006a, 2006b). For example, analysis of the character most noteworthy: The films have been adapted into of John Kramer can reveal to what extent film comic books (Lieb & Oprisko, 2005), video games depictions do—or do not—accurately depict the (Wingfield, 2007), toy and costume merchandise realities of crime and criminals (Leistedt & (NECA, 2014)—even theme park attractions (Thorpe Linkowski, 2014; Oleson, 2005b), and Jigsaw’s Park, 2014). Each of the seven films currently crimes can be employed as a lens to understand appears in the Internet Movie Database’s top 400 traditional theories of punishment.

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This article is organized in four parts. Part one spectacle of Saw may become more supportive of examines the linkages between crime and popular punitive legislation (e.g., Pratt, 2007), increasingly culture and discusses some of their implications for willing to incarcerate more people, for longer periods society. Part two analyzes the crimes of John of time, under penal conditions that may strain the “Jigsaw” Kramer using several serial killer very boundaries of human endurance (e.g., Haney, typologies. Part three analyzes the crimes of Saw 2006). films, employing traditional theories of punishment. Of course, not all audience members will react to Finally, part four analyzes the social functions of the the Saw films in the same way. For some viewers, Saw series. Saw might evoke shock and wonder, instead of fear. In this case, the Saw films might reinforce moral and Crime and the Media social norms in society. This is reminiscent of Emile Durkheim’s functional view of crime and Popular films entertain, but they also influence punishment. Crime, in Durkheim’s view, is necessary audience beliefs and attitudes. Like representations for society to evolve: on television, film portrayals communicate a great deal to audiences “about social norms and According to Athenian law, Socrates was a relationships, about goals and means, about winners criminal, and his condemnation was no more and losers, about the risks of life and the price for than just. However, his crime, namely the transgressions of society’s rules” (Gerbner & Gross, independence of his thought ... served to 1976, p. 178). Crime films simultaneously “allow prepare a new morality and faith which the viewers to experience the vicarious thrills of criminal Athenians needed since the traditions by behavior while leaving them free to condemn this which they had lived until then were no behavior, whoever is practicing it, as immoral” longer in harmony with the current (Leitch, 2002, p. 06). These “parasocial experiences” conditions of life. (Durkheim, 1895/1958, p. (Giles, 2002) allow audiences to vicariously learn 71) about crime and punishment. In Shots in the Mirror, Rafter notes that crime films provide viewers with In Durkheim’s view, punishment is functional, as rich material that can be used to “interpret the world well; it restores normative equilibrium within the and develop our meaning systems … in the community. Through punishment, a criminal who has construction of personal identity and in bridging the victimized the community through his offense, is in gap between ourselves and our social situations” turn punished—made victim—and moral equilibrium (2006, p. 14). is thereby restored. Punishments safeguard the public On the other hand, films often misrepresent the order. Members of the community are reassured of reality of what they purport to display. For example, their safety and in seeing the offender punished for in their analysis of 400 feature films, Leistedt and his crimes, are reassured that they were doing the Linkowski (2014) found that cinematic depictions of right thing by following the laws (Durkheim, psychopaths usually deviated from clinical realities. 1895/1958). Similarly, viewing the fictional crimes Similarly, Surette (2015) describes the distortion of of John “Jigsaw” Kramer (as well as the otherwise- crime and punishment. While violent crime and unpunished crimes of Kramer’s victims), Saw predator criminals are statistically rare, they viewers may find their moral intuitions reaffirmed. constitute a staple of the popular media: “Whatever The Saw films might enhance social solidarity, the truth about crime and the criminal justice system confirm ideals of good and evil, and help define the in America, the entertainment, news, and outer bounds of acceptable behavior. infotainment media seem determined to project the In addition to driving penal populism or opposite” (Surette, 2015, p. 205). This is important, reinforcing social solidarity, the Saw films mirror since audiences who view inaccurate representations society. After all, some crime movies are inspired by of crime can be influenced and adopt social attitudes real offenders and real criminal events. Art imitates that are not grounded in reality. Individuals may life. For example, both the original (Brooks, 1967) misunderstand the workings of the criminal justice and the remake (Rowe & Kaplan, 1996) of In Cold system, have reduced empathy towards certain types Blood were based on the brutal 1959 killing of the of victims, and learn harmful stereotypes about Clutter family in Holcomb, Kansas, as recounted by offenders. Such portrayals of violence can increase Truman Capote (1966). The character of Dr. social fear of crime (Heath & Gilbert, 1996) and Hannibal Lecter, portrayed in Manhunter (Roth & increase punitive attitudes as a means to mediate Mann, 1986), The Silence of the Lambs (Utt, Saxon, anxiety (Cheliotis, 2010; Mason, 2006). Thus, Bozman, & Demme, 1991), Hannibal (Scott, audience members who are frightened by the Laurentiis, & Laurentiis, 2001), Red Dragon

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(Laurentiis, Laurentiis, & Ratner, 2002), and crime that you had seen, read, or heard about in the Hannibal Rising (Laurentiis, Laurentiis, Ammar, & media?”). The Saw franchise has been implicated in Webber, 2007), was based principally upon one “Dr. copycat violence as well. In the U.K., 15-year-old Salazar,” an imprisoned Mexican physician (Harris, Daniel Bartlam killed his mother with a claw hammer 2013). The 1924 murder of Bobby Franks by genius shortly after watching Saw (Dolan & Reilly, 2012). aristocrats Nathan Leopold and Richard Loeb (Higdon, 1999) has been made into three feature John Kramer the Offender: films: Compulsion (Zanuck & Fleischer, 1959), Rope Serial Killer Typologies (Hitchcock & Bernstein, 1948), and Swoon (Vachon & Kalin, 1992). It may have also influenced both Film characters are especially compelling when iterations of Funny Games (Heiduschka & Haneke, they present audiences with an enigma, a paradox, or 1997; McAlpine et al., 2007). The 1958 real-life a puzzle to be solved (Oleson, 2005b). In particular, murder spree of Charles Starkweather and his the presence of incomplete or incongruous pieces of girlfriend Caril Ann Fugate inspired the film, information may lead to a state of “kennetic strain” Badlands (Malick, 1973). Although the writers of the (Sarbin, 1972) and—as in the resolution of metaphor Saw franchise have never identified their inspiration (Brownell, Simpson, Bihrle, Potter, & Gardner, 1990) for John “Jigsaw” Kramer, there are compelling or humor (Johnson, 1990)—require the viewer to parallels between the character and the real-life “Toy- actively engage the material in order to make sense of Box Killer” David Parker Ray. it. Kennetic strain may help to explain the allure of Ray was apprehended in 1999 for the John “Jigsaw” Kramer. He is, after all, a serial killer kidnapping, rape, torture, and murder of as many as who wants his victims to live and who does not kill 60 women (Fielder, 2003). Like Kramer, Ray his victims directly, but only through the construction constructed his own torture chamber, equipped with of tests and games. In Saw, one of the characters special pain-inflicting instruments, and—like remarks, “Technically speaking, he’s not really a Kramer—Ray used tape recorded messages to murderer—he never killed anyone. He finds ways for communicate with his victims when they regained his victims to kill themselves” (Hoffman et al., 2004, consciousness. Police also found Ray’s detailed 17:44). Of course, this distinction is not legally drawings of torture devices, akin to those that Kramer meaningful. When Jigsaw affixes a “reverse bear trap employed in his torture warehouse. Furthermore, Ray mask” onto a victim, his knowledge of a serious risk operated with accomplices, just as Kramer has of death is criminally culpable. His subjective hope “apprentices.” Finally and coincidentally, Ray’s that his victim will pass the test and survive is legally crimes were committed in the town of Truth or irrelevant. The combination of Kramer’s attaching Consequences, New Mexico. Truth or Consequences the trap (a criminal action) and his knowledge of a echoes the principles of truth and consequence that serious risk of death (a criminal state of mind) is motivate John “Jigsaw” Kramer’s traps and tests. sufficient to constitute murder (Dressler, 2012). Specifically, Kramer selects victims who refuse to Murder, the unlawful killing of another human tell the truth, and he employs punishments that mirror being with “malice aforethought,” is sometimes his victims’ offenses so that they might understand classified by number and the presence or absence of the consequences of their actions. cool-down periods. The Federal Bureau of Sometimes, in what might be characterized as a Investigation (FBI) distinguishes five different “strange loop” (Hofstadter, 1999), fictionalized categories: a single homicide involves one victim in representations of crime drawn from life can inspire a one homicidal event, a double homicide involves two second generation of copycat crime. Life imitates art. victims in one homicidal event, and a triple homicide For example, Natural Born Killers (Hamsher, involves three victims in one homicidal event. Four Murphy, Townsend, & Stone, 1994) draws upon the or more victims killed during a single homicidal Starkweather and Fugate killings. This movie, event constitute a mass homicide. A spree murder recounting the story of fictional lovers, Mickey and involves two or more victims in two or more Mallory Knox, and satirizing the media for its locations without a cooling-off period, while serial celebration of crime, has been linked to at least murder involves three or more separate homicidal fourteen real-life killings (Ruddock, 2001). Copycat events with cooling-off periods between events crime is uncommon, but it is not unheard of. In one (Douglas, Ressler, Burgess, & Hartman, 1986). study, Surette (2002) found that more than a quarter While Egger (1998) suggests that a second murder is (26.5%) of a sample of 68 incarcerated serious and sufficient to qualify as serial murder, Fox and Levin violent juvenile offenders reported committing a (1998) suggest that the threshold for “serial murder” copycat offence (i.e., answered yes to the question, should be four victims. Jenkins (1994) also identifies “Can you recall ever having tried to commit the same four as a minimum threshold. Hickey summarizes the

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN SAW 39 literature by writing, “Most researchers agree that (c.f., Hobbes, 1651/1991; Rousseau, 1762/1997). In serial killers have a minimum of 3–4 victims” (1991, Saw V (Hoffman et al., 2008), Kramer illustrates his p. 8). Under any of these definitions, the character of mission-oriented status when he tells an apprentice John “Jigsaw” Kramer is a serial killer. After seven who has just killed someone, “You and I both know films, Kramer is responsible for the deaths of 52 the statistics for repeat offenders in this city...so you people. If Kramer were a real offender, his death toll might look at what you did…as a kind of public would far exceed the 7–11 average victims attributed service” (Hoffman et al., 2009, 45:44). The second to identified serial killers (Hickey, 1991). group that Kramer seeks to eliminate from society is As a serial killer, John “Jigsaw” Kramer can be those who lack the instinct for survival. For Kramer, further categorized using two additional typologies. this is an essential human element. In the first Saw First, under the FBI’s organized/disorganized film (Hoffman et al., 2004), after Kramer was dichotomy (Ressler, Burgess, Douglas, Hartman, & diagnosed with an inoperable brain tumor, he D’Agostino, 1986), Kramer neatly fits the paradigm attempted suicide by driving off a cliff. The man who of the organized offender. According to the FBI crawled from the wreckage was changed, and (1985), organized offenders typically exhibit 14 cherished life. In Saw II, Kramer explains, “Darwin's characteristics: (1) average to above-average theory of evolution and survival of the fittest...no intelligence, (2) social competence, (3) preference for longer applies on this planet. We have a human race skilled work, (4) sexual competence, (5) high birth that doesn't have the edge or the will to survive” order status, (6) father had stable work, (7) (Hoffman et al., 2005, 43:14). The mission to inconsistent childhood discipline, (8) controlled dispense vigilante justice and the mission to cull mood during crimes, (9) use of alcohol during those without the will to live converge in Kramer’s crimes, (10) precipitating situational stress, (11) mind: In Saw V, he explains, “You can dispense living with a partner, (12) mobility with a car in good justice and give people a chance to value their lives condition, (13) follows crime in news media, and in the same moment” (Hoffman et al., 2008, 45:11). (14) may change jobs or leave town after commission Kramer’s mission-oriented killings are designed to of crimes. John “Jigsaw” Kramer fits most of these ensure a society in which there is justice for crime, categories. As a former civil engineer, he is both value for life, and a universal human determination to intelligent and methodical. Belinkie describes him as survive. Kramer’s crimes are attempts to achieve “possessing a nearly superhuman intellect” (2010, these three goals through the mechanism of para. 33). Kramer intricately plans the deaths of his punishment. carefully-selected victims, drawing figures of intricate mechanical traps and constructing models to John Kramer the Punisher: test them. His crimes exhibit planning, intelligence, Theories of Punishment and logic. Kramer is socially competent and actually attracts followers (“apprentices”). He maintains a Some theorists suggest that punishment serves an controlled mood during his crimes, is mobile, and expressive function (e.g., Feinberg, 1965), but most follows the media coverage of the Jigsaw crimes. commentators agree that there are four “cardinal Holmes and DeBurger’s (1988) identified four philosophies of punishment—retribution, deterrence, categories of serial killers: (1) visionary types who incapacitation, and rehabilitation” (Oleson, 2011, p. kill because they are commanded to do so by voices 696). Through his series of elaborate traps and tests, or visions; (2) mission-oriented types who kill John “Jigsaw” Kramer subjects his victims to because they believe it is their duty to eliminate harrowing experiences that draw upon all four bases certain classes of undesirable people from society; (3) of punishment. hedonistic types who derive satisfaction from killing Retribution (or “just deserts”) is a deontological, (including thrill-oriented, comfort-oriented, and lust- non-consequentialist form of punishment (Oleson, oriented sub-types); and (4) control-oriented types 2007). Thus, retributivism is neither justified by the who kill to assert power and dominion over others. advantages it produces for society, nor does it attempt Under this taxonomy, Kramer is a mission-oriented to reduce the number of future crimes; rather, killer. He believes that he is cleansing society of two retributivism punishes crimes that have already taken undesirable groups. First, people who are guilty of place, and it punishes them because it is morally crimes for which they have been neither caught nor correct to do so. Under some formulations of punished. In Kramer’s mind, he is doing society a retributivism, society has an affirmative moral duty favor by succeeding where the criminal justice to punish the criminal. For example, Immanuel Kant system has failed. He assumes responsibility for (1796/1887) famously wrote that, apprehending, punishing, and either rehabilitating or incapacitating those who violate the social contract

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Even if a Civil Society resolved to dissolve instrumentalist. In Plato’s Protagoras (1963), he itself with the consent of all its members— noted that authorities do not punish a man for past as might be supposed in the case of a People wrongs unless they are wreaking blind vengeance; inhabiting an island resolving to separate rather, rational men inflict punishment to prevent and scatter themselves throughout the whole future offending. Cesare Beccaria shared this view. In world—the last Murderer lying in the prison On Crimes and Punishments (1764/1963), Beccaria ought to be executed before the resolution argued that the end of punishment is to prevent the was carried out. This ought to be done in criminal from inflicting additional harm and to order that every one may realize the desert prevent others from committing like offenses. of his deeds, and that blood guiltiness may Kramer makes use of both specific and general not remain upon the people; for otherwise deterrence. The theory of specific deterrence suggests they might all be regarded as participators in that if an offender commits a crime and is punished the murder as a public violation of Justice. for it, the experience of punishment will make the (p. 198) offender less likely to reoffend in the future. The theory of general deterrence suggests that the lessons As a mission-oriented killer, John “Jigsaw” Kramer of punishment are learned vicariously – it is not only may be compelled by retributive duty of this kind. the punished offender who is less likely to offend, but Belinkie (2010) relates Kramer’s traps to medieval everyone who knows of the punishment. Empirical purification rituals, designed to cleanse victims of research has demonstrated modest deterrent effects their sins and grant them redemption through (Pratt, Cullen, Blevins, Daigle, & Madensen, 2009), suffering. but Paternoster cautions that faith in deterrence must Retributivism rests upon a foundation of be tempered with “a healthy dose of caution and fairness. Employing an elegant logical twist, the skepticism” (2010, p. 765). Although certainty of philosopher Georg Hegel explained that when a police apprehension appears to exercise a strong criminal violates the law, his crime is the negation of deterrent effect, the severity of the punishment the right of society. Punishment, however, is the appears to have little influence on offending (Nagin, negation of that negation, and thus an affirmation of 2013). Members of the public often dramatically right, solicited and brought upon the criminal by underestimate the severity of punishments (Hough & himself (Ezorsky, 1972). This idea of an inflicted Roberts, 1998). In fact, some evidence suggests that harm to redress an unfair advantage is central to the experience of prison (specific deterrence) may be retributivism and is closely related to the doctrine of criminogenic (Cullen, Jonson, & Nagin, 2011; Spohn lex talionis, the principle that the punishment should & Holleran, 2002), affirmatively increasing be identical to the offense (“an eye for an eye”). recidivism. More than half (approximately 67.5%) of Reminiscent of lex talionis, many of Kramer’s tests those who are released from U.S. state prison custody are designed to punish his victims in ways that are rearrested for a new offense within three years, explicitly echo or mirror their crimes. For example, and approximately 51.8% are returned to prison in Saw II, one of Kramer’s victims is told that he has (Langan & Levin, 2002). The evidence for general “burned those around you with your lies, cons, and deterrence fares little better. Even the ultimate deceits” (Hoffman et al., 2005, 36:48). His test is to penalty (death) may not deter crimes (Radelet & retrieve an antidote for nerve gas from the back of a Lacock, 2009). Although Ehrlich (1975) calculated furnace, but when the furnace door locks, a fire that each U.S. execution prevented (deterred) ignites and he burns to death. Although Kramer’s approximately eight murders, the economic literature tests and games frequently symbolize the crimes that on the deterrent effect of capital punishment is highly are being punished, his punishments are often contentious (Fagan, 2006). Through modest disproportionately severe. Proportionality in manipulations of the analytical techniques, Donohue punishment is one of the key principles of any and Wolfers (2006) used a data set to produce highly rational system of penalties (Bentham, 1948), and variable results, ranging from 429 lives saved per Kramer’s excesses suggest that he may be more execution to 86 lives lost! Indeed, most deterrence concerned with eliminating wrongdoers who lack a research suggests that it is not the severity of survival instinct than with imposing proportional punishment that deters, but its celerity and its harms to social wrongs. certainty (Nagin & Pogarsky, 2001; von Hirsch, The Saw films also imply that deterrence plays a Bottoms, Burney, & Wikstrom, 1999). role in Kramer’s punishments. Unlike retributivism, Kramer’s philosophy of punishment is based on which is non-consequentialist, retrospective, and utilitarian ideals, as exemplified in the function of his intrinsicalist in nature, deterrence-based punishments traps. Kramer’s traps are multifunctional; while they are consequentialist (utilitarian), prospective, and test an individual’s will to survive, they also require

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN SAW 41 participants to recognize their obligations to other imprisoned in Kramer’s torture warehouse, they are persons. For example, Kramer’s group trap requires removed from the general population, and no longer the “fatal five,” a group of five seemingly unrelated able to engage in their crimes. From the moment they victims, to cooperate. Ignoring Kramer’s clue as to are seized, Jigsaw’s victims are incapacitated (at least the altruistic nature of the tests, three of the players vis-à-vis the general population). Of course, just as are killed. When only two survivors remain, they incapacitated prisoners can offend against other finally understand their connection: collectively, the prisoners, Kramer’s victims can turn against one members of the fatal five were responsible for the another. In Saw V (Hoffman et al., 2008), his victims deaths of innocent people in a fire. The two survivors are tested on this basis: In order to survive, they must also realize that the deaths of the others were cooperate. Kramer also uses incapacitation in a unnecessary: Jigsaw’s traps had been designed so that second way: Victims who do not demonstrate the will each of the five could survive if they worked and resilience to escape his traps are killed. Just as together. For example, in the final trap, ten pints of pioneering criminologist Raffaele Garofalo (1968) blood are required to win; if five players had lived, suggested that criminals lacked the fundamental they would have each sacrificed only two pints; human quality of altruism, viewing their deaths as instead, the two survivors must each sacrifice five enhancing society’s survival (Barnes, 1930), so, too, pints of blood – half of the blood in their bodies. John Kramer understands the death of unsuccessful John Kramer employs both general and specific victims as a means of increasing the continuing deterrence in his games of punishment. In Saw viability of the human gene pool. Although Kramer (Hoffman et al., 2004), images of newspaper articles considers the act of killing “distasteful” (Hoffman et with headlines reading “Psychopath Teaches Sick al., 2008, 46:11), he does not regret culling from Life Lessons” and “Victim Survived Maniac’s society those individuals who lack an instinct to Game” demonstrate significant media attention to the survive. Jigsaw crimes. Accordingly, under a theory of Although John Kramer’s treatment of his victims general deterrence, newspaper readers should be invokes diverse elements of retribution, deterrence, deterred from the behaviors that Kramer punishes. and incapacitation, his traps, tests, and games are Knowledge that a vigilante killer is at large and related ultimately to the theme of rehabilitation. administering “sick life lessons” should, Rehabilitation—along with deterrence and theoretically, deter criminal conduct. Similarly, under incapacitation—is consequentialist, prospective, and the theory of specific deterrence, survivors of instrumentalist in its orientation: “If people commit Kramer’s traps should be less likely to commit crimes because of inherent defects, one further crimes. But Kramer’s punishments do not straightforward way to reduce future crime is to deter effectively: Although his games are severe, they simply correct the defect, regardless of whether the are neither proportionate, nor swift, nor certain. defect is physical (e.g., a chemical imbalance), Consequently, although Kramer threatens offenders psychological (e.g., criminal thinking patterns), or with the ultimate penalty of death, even this threat social (e.g., association with criminal peers)” cannot deter all offenders. It does not even deter all (Oleson, 2007, p. 365). Based on notions of crime-as- those who experience his traps: For example, after disease, rehabilitation involves treating an offender to surviving Kramer’s tests in Saw (Hoffman et al., restore him or her to a state of non-criminal social 2004), drug addict Amanda Young recidivates. She health. Meta-analyses suggest that rehabilitation does not use drugs, but she does return to crime. In works (e.g., Andrews, et al., 1990; Dowden & Saw II (Hoffman et al., 2005), she joins forces with Andrews, 1999; Manchak & Cullen, 2015). John Jigsaw, and becomes a sadistic punisher. The Kramer believes that, after kidnapping and infliction of suffering becomes her new drug. confronting his victims with the moral consequences John Kramer also employs techniques of of their wrongdoing (elements of retribution), his incapacitation. Like deterrence, the incapacitative devices and tests force victims to choose—and to theory of punishment is consequentialist (utilitarian), choose immediately—between death (incapacitation) prospective, and instrumentalist. Incapacitation can and rehabilitation. In Saw V, Kramer explains, involve spatially removing the offender from society “[T]here is a better, more efficient, way [than killing] (e.g., prison) and/or physically eliminating the .... It’s a different method that I’m talking about. If a capacity to offend (e.g., cutting off the hand of a thief subject survives my method, he is instantly or chemically castrating a sex offender to blunt the rehabilitated” (Hoffman et al., 2008, 46:21). Some of sex drive). Death is the ultimate incapacitant: It Kramer’s victims share his vision of the experience. eliminates all possibility of recidivism (McCord, For example, Amanda Young, a self-harming drug 1998). John Kramer’s tests incapacitate his victims in addict who survives a potentially lethal test in Saw two ways. First, as soon as they are kidnapped and (Hoffman et al., 2004), describes her ordeal in the

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 42 OLESON & MACKINNON language of a therapeutic intervention. She says, “My with audiences, providing them with thrills and life was saved that day” (Hoffman et al., 2005, narratives about a serial killer who does not want to 1:26:13). Kramer cites the conversion of Amanda see his victims die, but the series may do more than Young as proof that his method works. But Kramer provide an escape from the ennui of viewers’ daily does not see Young’s life as saved; rather, he sees it existence. In addition to entertaining, the Saw films as reclaimed. In explaining her challenge, Kramer inform. Of course, the Saw films distort the very characterizes it as a rebirth: “You must meet death in phenomenon of serial murder that they depict (c.f., order to be reborn” (Hoffman et al., 2005, 1:26:25). Surette, 2015), but while John “Jigsaw” Kramer In Saw II (Hoffman et al., 2005), however, possesses a constellation of characteristics unlikely to Kramer’s method is cast into question, as it is co-occur in real offenders, his crimes do resemble revealed that Amanda Young has returned to her old those of known offender David Parker Ray (Fielder, habits. She is a recidivist. For her new offenses, she 2003). The films reveal the inner workings of a serial is punished again; again, she survives Kramer’s killer to viewers, including his origins, his motives, testing. Yet even after two rounds of Kramer’s short, and his modus operandi. Similarly, through watching sharp, shocking treatments, Young remains Kramer’s acts of punishment, viewers of Saw can unrehabilitated. In Saw III, she states, “It’s bullshit. glean something about retribution, deterrence, Nobody changes. It’s all a lie…. Nobody is reborn” incapacitation, and—especially—rehabilitation. (Hoffman et al., 2006, 1:37:56). The unfulfilled Unwittingly, viewers might even emerge from the promise of Amanda Young epitomizes the flaws of theater with a sense of the penological debates about rehabilitative theory in the wider field of corrections. rehabilitation and retributivism. Thus, while the Saw While from the 1940s into the 1970s, many experts franchise distorts the phenomenon of serial homicide, believed that crime was a social problem that could it exposes viewers to elements of crime, punishment, be successfully treated, Robert Martinson’s (1974) and conceptions of justice. article, “What Works? - Questions and Answers Morality tales are an ancient teaching device to about Prison Reform” precipitated the wholesale help society discern between right and wrong. rejection of rehabilitation as a legitimate basis of Classics include Aesop’s fables (Gibbs, 2008) and punishment in the United States. Rehabilitation very Grimm’s fairy tales (Hunt, 1944). Like the Saw nearly died (Cullen, 2005), and in its place, a franchise, these classics were often scary and retributivist penology emerged and dominated for gruesome, but as Patton (2013) notes, it is precisely decades (Pillsbury, 1989). Determinate sentencing their grisly imagery that made them so memorable. replaced indeterminate systems of parole, sentence The Saw franchise operates as a contemporary lengths increased, and prison populations soared. morality tale: the moral is not to become a vigilante According to the Pew Center on the States (2009), and do as Kramer did, but to cherish one’s life and when the populations from jails, probation, and those of others: “The movies put both their fictional parole systems are added to the 1.5 million people in subjects and their real-life viewers in uncomfortable U.S. prisons, the number of people under U.S. situations in order to teach morality, but if the traps correctional control increases to more than 7.3 become real and people died in them, the value of the million (or 1 in 31 people). Only in recent years has good messages would be lost” (Patton, 2013, p. 82). genuine interest in rehabilitation reemerged within On the films and morality, Gregg Hoffman, one of mainstream policy circles, in the form of offender the producers observed, “That’s one of the things that reentry (e.g., Petersilia, 2003). attracted us to the film immediately, that it was trying The creators of the Saw films may not have to say something and it did have a theme, that it did intended to create a franchise that recapitulates the have a moral message despite...the smears of blood larger penological debates of the late twentieth throughout the bathroom and everywhere else” century, but that is what they produced. John ("Hacking Away at Saw," 2005). The Saw films “Jigsaw” Kramer’s mission-oriented killings are establish a celluloid universe in which notions of represented in the films as acts of punishment, and it good and evil, crime and punishment, justice and is therefore hardly surprising that his actions should redemption can be explored by viewers. reflect macro-sociological debates about the Some commentators suggest that Saw (and other appropriate forms of punishment: retribution, films like it) afford audience members a safe deterrence, incapacitation, and rehabilitation. environment to confront and explore their fears (e.g., Apter, 1992). Although it may be dangerous—quite The Social Functions of the Saw Franchise possibly lethal—to meet a serial killer in real life, it is possible for the audience member viewing the Saw As the most successful horror franchise in the films to safely witness—even to vicariously engage world (Kit, 2010), the Saw films obviously resonate with—a killer known to be responsible for the deaths

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN SAW 43 of 52 people. Seeing John Kramer at work, the might allow anomic, heterogeneous audiences to audience member might feel some of the fear and engage in a shared understanding about the nature of terror that a real encounter with a serial killer would justice and the corrective of punishment (Oleson, trigger, but he or she can walk away from the theater 2015). For most of human history, punishment was unscathed (Rafter, 2006). This experience of corporal, brutal, and public: “[P]reindustrial people catharsis may allow viewers to exercise control over were familiar with the existence of public executions. their fears and to experience feelings of satisfaction These were part of life for them and on the whole when John Kramer’s vigilante killings mete out a were not considered as objectionable” (Spierenburg, kind of justice that seems to elude the American 1984, p. 87). Justice was enacted as a public criminal justice system (Exline, Worthington, Hill, & spectacle, in a theatre of vengeance and redemption McCullough, 2003). (Madow, 1995). Through these rituals, the offender Of course, it is precisely this ability to safely was publicly transformed from a citizen into a indulge in cinematic experiences of screen violence, criminal and was denounced for his or her vicarious torture, and simulated death that so alarms transgressions. Following the logic of Hegel the critics of “torture porn” (e.g., Edelstein, 2006). In (Ezorsky, 1972), the criminal (who victimized the On Photography (1977) and Regarding the Pain of community through his or her offense) was in turn Others (2003), Susan Sontag argues that the punished—made victim—and moral equilibrium was proliferation of images—especially difficult images, thereby restored. Public punishments safeguarded the such as war photographs—cheapen underlying public order. Members of the community were experiences, desensitize viewers, and inhibit the reassured of their safety and in seeing the offender willingness of viewers to act in the face of real punished for his or her crimes, were reassured that atrocity. Viewing the Saw films might fatigue the they were doing the right thing by following the laws compassion of audience members; if confronted with (Durkheim, 1895/1958). In cases of non-lethal real violence, real murders, and real death, they may punishment (e.g., flogging or the pillory), the ritual of equate it with the film representation and fail to feel public punishment allowed for the possibility of the horror of real experience. Although the empirical redemption and reintegration (e.g., Braithwaite, research on exposure to media violence and 1989). desensitization is contested and equivocal, some In the early 1800s, however, criminal executions researchers have reported a significant association began to be sequestered, occluded from the public between the viewing of violent content and gaze. By the end of the twentieth century, through the physiological desensitization (Krahé, et al., 2011). removal of executions from the public sphere and the Other commentators, however, argue that media introduction of new techniques such as the electric images invigorate. They suggest that photographs are chair, condemned criminals were transformed from “so valuable: by refusing to tell us what to feel, and “the central actor in a public theatre of justice” to allowing us to feel things we don’t quite understand, “simply the object of medico-bureaucratic technique” they make us dig, and even think, a little deeper” (Madow, 1995, p. 466). The media devotes a great (Linfield, 2010, p. 30). In this view, the Saw films deal of attention to crime (Reiner, 2007; Surette, might enrich the experience of audience members, 2015), but it focuses on the front end of the criminal allowing audience members to appreciate violence justice system (e.g. victims and arrests) and devotes and murder at a deeper level. Furthermore, the films little attention to issues of punishment (Katz, 1987). may reinforce prevailing norms and enhance social To the extent that earlier public displays of solidarity in the manner suggested by Durkheim punishment had operated as cathartic rituals (Duncan, (1895/1958). After all, Kramer operates as an 1996), providing moral instruction and affirming avenging angel, persecuting those who have social solidarity (Durkheim, 1895/1958), the removal transgressed and taking the lives of those who do not of these displays created a moral vacuum. In films value them. Kramer does not want to kill his victims; such as Saw, however, audiences are able to witness rather, he wants to redeem them. Audience members the apprehension and execution of guilty offenders; may interpret Saw as a vindication of existing social they can see the redemption of worthy survivors, values, a condemnation of crime and immorality, and creating new meaning for what Madow calls the a collective affirmation of the belief that wrongdoing “public theatre of justice” (1995, p. 466). Thus, the does not go unpunished. Saw films may provide audiences with an experience Finally, the Saw films might also provide of vicarious punishment that affirms notions of right audiences with a modern expression of an ancient and wrong, reinforces conventional mores and norms, ceremony: human sacrifice (Pizzato, 2005). They and cements social solidarity (Oleson, 2015).

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Conclusion them (or not) and, in the process, define our own moral boundaries. (Hinson, 1993) Revolving around the crimes of fictional serial killer John “Jigsaw” Kramer, the Saw franchise has Fourth and finally, the Saw films shape public been enormously successful. In addition to generating attitudes. Because popular representations box office revenue and merchandising, the seven Saw disproportionately shape public understandings of films have even spawned theme park attractions crime and punishment (Rafter & Brown, 2011), crime (Thorpe Park, 2014). Indeed, Saw has been named films in general (and the popular Saw franchise, in the most commercially successful horror franchise in particular) have the potential to influence public the world (Kit, 2010). The public’s fascination with attitudes. Cinematic portrayals of violence can Saw may say as much about the public as it does increase the fear of crime (Heath & Gilbert, 1996) about the films. Indeed, study of the series might and thus fuel penal populism to mediate anxiety reveal something about the kind of society that both (Cheliotis, 2010; Mason, 2006). Crime films are produces serial killers and that remains transfixed by therefore important objects of criminological study them. Although some critics (e.g., Edelstein, 2006) (Frauley, 2011; Rafter, 2006). While the Saw have denounced the Saw films as mere “torture franchise’s representations of vigilantism and serial porn,” the franchise does far more than titillate murder could desensitize viewers to violence, sadism, audiences’ sadistic impulses with glib dialogue, lethal and torture (Krahé et al., 2011; Sontag, 1977, 2003), traps, and sadism. The franchise does so in at least the films—alternatively—could prompt viewers to four ways. First, in addition to entertaining, the Saw think more deeply about pain, justice, and suffering films breathe life into taxonomies of serial homicide, (Linfield, 2010). The Saw films have precipitated revealing John “Jigsaw” Kramer as an organized, copycat violence (Dolan & Reilly, 2012), but they mission-oriented (Holmes & DeBurger, 1986) serial can also operate as a vicarious form of public killer who is responsible for the deaths of 52 persons. punishment (Pizzato, 2005), reinforcing social Although Kramer is a fictional figure, in several solidarity (Durkehim, 1958; Oleson, 2015) and respects, he resembles the real-life offender David strengthening prevailing norms. A careful Parker Ray (Fielder, 2003). The Saw films examination of Saw might increase our understanding simultaneously inform and disinform, shaping the of the mechanisms through which popular film shape public’s vision of the serial killer. They present some attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors related to crime and elements of serial homicide that correspond faithfully punishment. to criminological research, but they distort other elements (c.f., Oleson, 2005b). Second, the Saw films References also illustrate the cardinal bases of punishment: Andrews, D. A., Zinger, I., Hoge, R. D., Bonta, J., retribution, deterrence, incapacitation, and— Gendreau, P., & Cullen, F. T. (1990). Does particularly—rehabilitation. Kramer’s traps are correctional treatment work? A clinically designed to immediately rehabilitate those who relevant and psychologically informed meta- survive them, instilling survivors with a newfound analysis. Criminology, 28(3), 369–404. capacity to cherish their lives. Although the Saw doi:10.1111/j.1745-9125.1990.tb01330.x films present a distorted view of crime and punishment, they have meaningful roots in criminal Apter, M. (1992). The dangerous edge: The justice theories of crime and punishment (Oleson, psychology of excitement. New York, NY: Free 2007). Third, the Saw films operate as contemporary Press. morality plays, illustrating normative concepts of Aston, J., & Walliss, J. (2013). To see the Saw good, evil, virtue, and responsibility (Patton, 2013). movies: Essays on torture porn and post-9/11 Film villains are effective mechanisms for such horror. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co. matters: Barak, G. (1994). Media, process and the social Film provides an opportunity for dialogue; construction of crime: Studies in newsmaking in that sense, it has always been an criminology. New York, NY: Garland. interactive medium. If David Lynch or Barnes, H. E. (1930). Criminology. In E. R. A. Martin Scorsese displays the human face of Seligmann (Ed.), Encyclopedia of the social evil in Frank or Max Cady, that is only half sciences (Vol. 4). New York, NY: Macmillan. of the conversation. The other half is ours. It’s our responsibility to mull over our Beccaria, C. (1963). On crimes and punishments (H. feelings about these characters, understand Paolucci, Trans.). Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall. (Original work published 1764)

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Spierenburg, P. (1984). The spectacle of suffering, About the Authors New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Spohn, C., & Holleran, D. (2002). The effect of James C. Oleson earned his B.A. in psychology imprisonment on recidivism rates of felony and anthropology from St. Mary’s College of offenders: A focus on drug offenders. California, his M.Phil. and Ph.D. in criminology from Criminology, 40(2), 329–358. the University of Cambridge, and his J.D. from the law school at the University of California, Berkeley Surette, R. (2002). Self-reported copycat crime (Boalt Hall). Between 2001 and 2004, he taught among a population of serious and violent criminology and sociology at Old Dominion juvenile offenders. Crime & Delinquency, 48(1), University in Norfolk, Virginia. In 2004, he was 46–49. doi:10.1177/0011128702048001002 selected as one of the four U.S. Supreme Court Fellows for the 2004-05 year. In 2005, he was Surette, R. (2015). Media, crime, and criminal appointed as Chief Counsel to the newly-formed justice: Images, realities and policies (5th ed). Criminal Law Policy Staff of the Administrative Stamford, CT: Cengage. Office of the U.S. Courts, and served in that capacity Thorpe Park. (2014). Saw-The Ride. Retrieved from between 2005 and 2010. He moved to New Zealand https://www.thorpepark.com/rides/saw-the- and joined the University of Auckland in 2010, and ride.aspx teaches courses on penology, the criminal justice system, and psychological criminology. He is Tithecott, R. (1997). Of men and monsters: Jeffrey working on a forthcoming monograph about high-IQ Dahmer and the construction of the serial killer. crime for the University of California Press. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. Tamara MacKinnon completed a B.A. in Tudor, A. (1989). Monsters and mad scientists: A psychology and criminology, B.A. (Honours) with cultural history of the horror movie. Oxford: First Class Honours and a M.A. in criminology from Basil Blackwell. the University of Auckland. Her recent M.A. thesis Utt, K., Saxon, E., Bozman, R. (Producers), & was titled ‘Presentations of Crime and Punishment in Demme, J. (Director). (1991). The silence of the the Saw Franchise’. She is interested in portrayals of lambs [Motion picture]. USA: Orion Pictures. crime in popular culture, criminal psychology, and policing. Vachon, C. (Producer), & Kalin, T. (Director). (1992). Swoon [Motion picture]. USA: Fine Line Features. Acknowledgements von Hirsch, A., Bottoms, A., Burney, E., & The authors wish to thank Henry F. Fradella, Wikstrom, P. O. (1999). Criminal deterrence Chantal Fahmy, and the anonymous reviewers for and sentence severity: An analysis of recent Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society for research. Oxford, UK: Hart Publishing. their assistance in developing the manuscript. Walker, A. K. (1995). Seven & 8 mm. New York, NY: Faber & Faber.

Williamson, K., Siega, M. (Producers). (2013). The Following [Television series]. New York City, NY: Fox. Wingfield, N. (2007). A start-up's risky niche: Movie-based videogames. Wall Street Journal. Retrieved from http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB11809276 8266523504 Zanuck, R. D. (Producer), & Fleischer, R. (Director). (1959). Compulsion [Motion picture]. USA: 20th Century Fox.

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E-ISSN 2332-886X Available online at https://scholasticahq.com/criminology-criminal-justice-law-society/

Help-Seeking Behavior among Same-Sex Intimate Partner Violence Victims: An Intersectional Argument

Megan Marie Parry and Eryn Nicole O’Neal Arizona State University

A B S T R A C T A N D A R T I C L E I N F O R M A T I O N

Few studies have examined the barriers that lesbian and gay male IPV victims face when attempting to access social services which has resulted in an area of theorizing that remains underdeveloped. The paucity of research on this topic is problematic, as extant inquiry indicates that these victims encounter several barriers when engaging in help-seeking. Moreover, a small number of studies have used intersectional thinking to guide analyses of IPV help-seeking behavior in the lesbian and gay community. The current theoretical paper identifies the barriers that lesbian and gay IPV victims encounter when attempting to access social services because prior work has failed to synthesize what is known about their experiences using an intersectional approach. We identify help-seeking obstacles that are specific—and often unique—to lesbian and gay IPV victims with the goal of providing synthesized information useful for future research and theory development. In the first section, we discuss relationship barriers (e.g. threats of outing). Section II describes structural and institutional barriers (e.g., gender norms, minority stress). In Section III we examine legal barriers (e.g., justice system, anti-homosexual beliefs). The last section offers recommendations for practitioners and future research based on prior literature.

Article History: Keywords:

Received 13 October 2014 intersectionality, intimate partner violence, barriers to service, same-sex, gay, lesbian Received in revised form 27 January 2015 Accepted 2 February 2015 © 2015 Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society and The Western Society of Criminology Hosting by Scholastica. All rights reserved.

"Based on how the incident Research on intimate partner violence (IPV) started, there's very little to justify victims has historically focused on the experiences of heterosexual women. Considerable progress has been such extreme action [by a police made by feminist scholars in examining the social officer] other than homophobia." support, intervention, prevalence, risk factors, consequences, and justice responses associated with Cynthia Conti-Cook, lawyer opposite-sex IPV (i.e., men battering women; see (as quoted in Rayman, 2013) Belknap, Hartman, & Lippen, 2010; Kimmel, 2010; Tellis, 2010; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2009). An

Corresponding author: Megan Marie Parry, School of Criminology & Criminal Justice, Arizona State University, 411 North Central Ave., Suite 600, Phoenix, AZ 85004, USA. Email: [email protected] 52 PARRY & O’NEAL underdeveloped area of inquiry, however, includes categories—sexual orientation, race, ethnicity, the IPV experiences of victims in same-sex gender—work together results in a more relationships (see Ard & Makadon, 2011; Chan, comprehensive investigation of the contextual 2005; Merrill & Wolfe, 2000; Simpson & Helfrich, dynamics that influence experiences (Crenshaw, 2007; for review, see Ball & Hayes, 2010). This 1989, 1991). Using an intersectional framework and oversight is problematic because research indicates integrating the analysis of sexual orientation into IPV that IPV between same-sex partners occurs at higher research will move discourse beyond rates when compared to similarly situated opposite- heteronormativity toward a deeper understanding, sex couples (Strasser, Smith, Pendrick-Denney, where all aspects of identity are equally considered. Boos-Beddington, Chen, & McCarty, 2012). Overall, Indeed, a recent Institute of Medicine (IOM; 2011) prevalence estimates for same-sex IPV vary widely; report suggested that scholars employ cross-cutting— studies report that between 11% and 73% of these linking the traditionally separated—perspectives to couples experience abuse (for review, see examine the experiences of same-sex IPV victims. Klostermann, Kelley, Milletich, & Mignone, 2011). Sexual orientation interacts with gender, In their recent study examining multiple types of ethnicity, race, socioeconomic status, and abuse (e.g. physical and physiological), Kelly, relationship status to influence power relations Izienicki, Bimbi, & Parsons (2011) found that between partners as well as propensities for IPV (see approximately half of same-sex partnerships involve Anderson, 1999; Lockhart, White, Causby, & Isaac, IPV. The dearth of inquiry surrounding the 1994). Therefore, forcing gay and lesbian individuals experiences of same-sex IPV victims is arguably due to exclusively identify with one category or another to their marginalization and historical reluctance to results in an incomplete view of the oppression they report violence (Blosnic & Bossarte, 2009). encounter. For example, lesbian Latinas who seek Furthermore, in instances when IPV victims in same- out law enforcement assistance may encounter sex relationships are studied, examinations often officers who are neither bilingual nor bicultural ignore the experiences of males and/or lack a (Rivera, 1994) as well as homophobic (Little 2008; theoretical basis (Ball, 2011; Valentine, Bankoff, & Potoczniak, Mourot, Crosbie-Burnett, & Potoczniak, Pantalone, 2013; for review of male same-sex IPV, 2003). As a means of acknowledging these complex see Jeffries & Ball, 2008). This limited approach is facets of identity, intersectional framing can offer a likely due to the fact that one research paradigm— theoretical approach that considers the entirety of an feminist theory—has traditionally dominated IPV individual’s multiple circumstances. This approach research (see Yllo & Bograd, 1988). This approach is considers the social construction of power hierarchies questionable, however, because feminist theory is while examining the complex ways numerous limited in its ability to provide insight into the inequalities intersect to shape experiences experiences of sexual minority victims (Ball, 2011; (Crenshaw, 1989, 1991). The intersectional approach Bell & Naugle, 2008; Marrujo & Kreger, 1996). was initially developed in response to the idea that Feminist theory fundamentally posits that IPV women of color were often forced to choose one occurs as a consequence of gender power status over the other—to either shape their identity differentials maintained by a patriarchal society around being a woman or a person of color. (Burgess-Proctor, 2006; Renzetti, Edleson, & Bergen, Conceptualizing one social category as dominant 2001). Power dynamics, however, are often difficult over another ignores context and the fact that that to assess in same-sex relationships, as most models identity is rarely static and always socially mediated assume that power and gender/sex are inextricably (Crenshaw 1989; Harris, 1990). Focusing on the linked (Renzetti, 1998; Ristock, 2003). Bell and intersections of sexual orientation, race, class, and Naugle (2008) have argued that the principles of gender will facilitate the production of a universal feminist theory would have to be drastically altered language that criticizes the hegemonic culture while in order to be applied to same-sex IPV. Overall, concurrently creating the foundation for unified feminist theory’s application to same-sex IPV is activity against discrimination (Crenshaw, 1989). challenging. Neglecting to focus on individual Synthesizing prior literature on the experiences of experiences independently from sexual orientation, same-sex IPV victims through the lens of gender, ethnicity, class, race, and other aspects of intersectionality will enhance understanding identity creates a distinct voice that often ignores the regarding IPV, victimization, and justice processes. experiences of those on the margins (e.g., lesbian and Few studies have examined the barriers same-sex gay individuals; Harris, 1990). Extant IPV research IPV victims face when attempting to access social approaches have resulted in theory development that services, resulting in an underdeveloped area of offers few answers for gay and lesbian individuals. theorizing (Guadalupe-Diaz, 2013). The current Instead, acknowledging the ways societal and cultural theoretical paper identifies the barriers that same-sex

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IPV victims encounter when attempting to access that almost half of all IPV incidents remain social services since no one has synthesized what is unreported to the police (Wolf et al., 2003), making it known about their experiences using an intersectional one of the lowest reported crimes (McCart, Smith, & approach. Using an intersectional lens, we identify Sawyer 2010; Wolf et al., 2003). Victims detail a service barriers specific to same-sex IPV victims with number of reasons as to why they decide to not report the goal of providing synthesized information useful IPV victimization. For example, Wolf and colleagues for future research and theory development. In the (2003) compiled an extensive list that included first section, we discuss relationship barriers (e.g., apprehensions about law enforcement personnel as threats of outing). Section II describes structural and well as emotional barriers such as fear, shame, and institutional barriers (e.g., gender norms, minority embarrassment. Moreover, victims report avoiding stress). In Section III, we examine legal barriers (e.g., contact with the police due to feelings of privacy and justice system, anti-homosexual beliefs). The last the belief that IPV is not a matter serious enough to section offers recommendations for service providers warrant professional intervention (McCart et al., and future research based on prior literature. Placing 2010; Wolf et al., 2003). Another reason preventing historically ignored victims, such as sexual individuals from reporting and seeking help for IPV minorities, at the center of service barriers discussion victimization includes fears that their abuser may will facilitate the formation of knowledge (see harm or even kill family pets. In fact, Ascione and O’Neal & Beckman, in press). Doing so is necessary colleagues (2007) reported that concern for the well- for relevant theory and intervention development being of pets and companion animals factored into because mainstream inquiry has generally ignored the victims’ decision to leave. This may be due to the interests of those on the margins. fact that most IPV shelters do not have the proper facilities to provide shelter and protection for the pets Intimate Partner Violence and of IPV victims. (Ascione et al., 2007), complicating Barriers to Social Services the help-seeking process. Fear of outing. Threats of outing, or exposing Relationship and Individual Barriers to Help- an individual’s previously private sexual orientation Seeking to others, create a unique barrier to social services for same-sex IPV victims (Chan, 2005). Outing can be The cycle of violence. The cycle of violence, a used by perpetrators as a tool for abuse, creating a term first coined by Lenore Walker (1979) to barrier to help-seeking. In circumstances where describe the progression of violence in abusive victims hide their outward expression of sexuality— relationships, has been found in both abusive in fear of societal stigma or other repercussions—the opposite-sex and same-sex relationships (Burke & perpetrator may exploit this decision by threats of Owen, 2006). Both types of relationships experience forced outing. This can result in the manipulation of a tension building phase, followed by abusive victims, where they remain in abusive relationships behavior, and a cooling down phase--often referred to due to fears of isolation and rejection from the as the “honeymoon” stage (Walker, 1979). The community (for a discussion of gay male abuse present in the second phase takes many forms, relationships and threats of outing see Ashton, 2008). ranging from physical and sexual violence to Additionally, closeted individuals may be reluctant to emotional and psychological abuse, and is not limited seek help from family, friends, and formal service to any single type of abuse (Lundy, 1993). The providers due to anticipated discrimination or honeymoon stage of IPV is a period of resolution that rejection (Hammond, 1988; Kulkin, Williams, Borne, can take place immediately after or a few days de la Bretonne, & Laurendine, 2007). For example, following a severe incident (Walker, 1979). Hardesty, Oswald, Khaw, and Fonseca (2008) found Throughout this period, the abuser appears that closeted lesbian IPV victims often modified their remorseful and caring, promising not to assault their help-seeking efforts due to foreseen stigmatizing partner in the future. This behavior can result in the responses. It is clear that IPV help-seeking by same- victim placing blame on themselves, deciding not to sex victims is complicated by the unique stressors report the incident or dropping any legal charges, or they encounter regarding outing. Turell and actually believing that the history of abuse has come Herrmann (2008) found that lesbians’ biggest to an end (Kovach, 2004). concerns were to maintain anonymity regarding this Given the nature of the cycle of violence and the victimization within the lesbian and gay community manipulation that occurs during the honeymoon as well as avoiding homophobic and heterosexist phase, it is no surprise that most IPV incidents go responses when seeking out services. Until societal unreported (Kay & Jefferies, 2010; Lundy, 1993; attitudes become more positive and tolerant, threats Wolf, Ly, Hobart, & Kernic, 2003). It is estimated of outing will continue to be a tool used by

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 54 PARRY & O’NEAL perpetrators of violence in sexual minority when police cannot identify the true abuser, due to relationships (see Burke, Jordan, & Owen, 2002). lack of training and/or institutionalized homophobia, Fears of outing are complicated when both parties are either arrested or left to remedy the considering the economic consequences that can problem on their own (Hodges, 2000). It must be result when an individual’s previously private sexual noted that, despite the myth that same-sex orientation is involuntarily made public. Research relationships are teemed with mutual abuse, research suggests that employers are willing to discriminate suggests that bilateral battering is not common. against gay and lesbian individuals and that their Merrill and Wolfe (2000) found that, similar to IPV willingness translates into actual discriminatory between opposite-sex couples, violence in same-sex practices in areas such as hiring and promotion (for relationships is not mutual. Misconceptions may arise reviews, see Levine, 1979; Levine & Leonard, 1984; due to the fact that that gay males are more likely to Pizer, Sears, Mallory, & Hunter, 2011). The inability physically defend themselves from assaults by their to gain or maintain viable employment can directly intimate partner; however, this should not be influence experiences of IPV and help-seeking conceptualized or understood as mutual combat practices which can lead to reciprocal effects; (Letellier, 1994). Accepting the notion of mutual individuals who have less access to economic battering in same-sex IPV can result in the victim resources are more likely to be severely battered and self-identifying as a batterer due to efforts aimed at suffer prolonged IPV (Alcade, 2006). In addition, self-defense; this further complicates help-seeking Guadalupe-Diaz (2013) found that lesbian and gay behavior (for a discussion of lesbian IPV, see male IPV victims were less likely to seek out help if Renzetti, 1992). they were of lower economic class. The multifaceted Homophobia and racism. The small body of relationship between outing and financial literature exploring the attitudes of racial/ethnic consequences indicates that it is insufficient to minority groups toward gay men and lesbians examine IPV help-seeking without considering the indicates that many have negative views of sexual fact that sexual orientation can influence the minorities (Greene, 1994; Herek & Capitanio, 1995). distribution of economic resources through This causes gay and lesbian people of color to feel workplace discrimination. isolated within their racial and ethnic communities Misinterpretation that abuse is mutual. (Greene, 1994) while racism often prevents them Misguided beliefs that same-sex IPV perpetration is from fully identifying with the lesbian and gay shared or equal between partners (Kulkin et al., 2007) community (Kanuha, 1990). This can result in cause another help-seeking barrier that is relatively conflicting loyalties between the two communities of unique to same-sex victims. Turell and Herrmann identity (Greene, 1994; Kanuha, 1990). In addition, (2008), in their qualitative study of lesbian IPV minority stress—the negative life events that result victims, found that participants were concerned that from living in a racist and heterosexist society—is the violence would be perceived as mutual. These twofold due to their double minority status (Brooks, concerns are not unwarranted. Research indicates that 1981). Minority stress can result from visible service providers often assume that same-sex IPV is incidents of discrimination, including hate crimes, mutual, which influences agency responses (Simpson but may also result from covert incidents of prejudice & Helfrich, 2007). This results in lesbian and gay (Balsam, Molina, Beadnell, Simoni, & Walters, male victims being turned away by helping 2011) including denied access to social services. professionals due to beliefs that genuine IPV does not Because of their double minority status and the occur in same-sex relationships (McClennen, 2005). negative attitudes present in both communities of The police, for example, have been found to dismiss identity, gay and lesbian people of color are at an same-sex IPV reports due to misconceptions increased risk for experiencing negative responses regarding mutual combat (Letellier, 1994). In when attempting to access social services. These addition, gay men report negative perceptions of deleterious responses can include loss of employment police helpfulness due to learned expectations of or custody of children as well as anti-gay/race-based officer rejection. These learned expectations are often discrimination (Loiacano, 1993). This research fueled by heteronormative views that women, not suggests the salience of considering the connection men, are the sole victims of IPV (Finneran & between both racial-ethnic and sexual identities in Stephenson, 2013). Unfortunately, this troubling type terms of help-seeking (Crawford, Allison, Zamboni, of response does not end with the police. Hammond & Soto, 2002). (1988) found that judicial system members often Institutional Barriers to Social Services (mis)interpreted lesbian battering as mutual, despite their general sympathy toward battered women. Gender norms and the preservation of Inappropriate responses have real-life consequences; hegemonic masculinity. “Hegemonic masculinity" is

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 SAME-SEX IPV BARRIERS TO SERVICE 55 a form of gender practice constructed in relation to being viewed as less severe. Indeed, some lesbian other subordinated or less dominant masculinities as IPV victims have reported that they feared violence well as in relation to women (Carrigan, Connell, & would not be taken seriously (Turell & Herrmann, Lee, 1985; Connell, 1995). Hegemonic masculinity is 2008). Societal beliefs surrounding gender norms the term used to describe the criteria for ideal posit that women are less violent and aggressive than maleness within certain societies: “There is only one their male counterparts. Because of this, when complete unblushing male in America: a young, violence occurs within a relationship, the male is married, white, urban, northern, heterosexual, typically assumed to be the perpetrator (Brown, Protestant, father [….] Any male who fails to qualify 2008). This assumption is sometimes applied to in any one of these ways is likely to view himself– lesbian IPV incidents. Typically, the perpetrator is during moments at least– as unworthy, incomplete often presumed to be masculine or “butch” individual and inferior” (Kimmel & Aronson, 2008, p. 4). while the victim is expected to be the feminine Although numerous multifaceted performances of partner (Brown, 2008). This heterosexist way of masculinity exist that inform gay male masculinities, thinking may result in individuals avoiding reporting help-seeking is likely to be hindered by dominant if they present a gender or role that deviates from societal beliefs surrounding the ways in which men what is labeled “ideal” for the victim. The above- “should” act. Therefore, a discussion of traditional mentioned gender roles are frequently reinforced by gender norms surrounding hegemonic masculinity is numerous sectors of society including families, most relevant here. communities, and the media. In the community Traditional gender norms surrounding context, norms of nonintervention (i.e. the failure to masculinity often shape the way male same-sex IPV intervene or offer help) in cases of IPV can impart victims seek out social services (Ball, 2011). Western messages about how to respond—or ignore— society imposes strict gender norms on men that violence (Miller, 2008). The following section require them to be heterosexual and homophobic discusses how community can act as barrier to IPV (Cruz, 2000). When men deviate from this help seeking. hegemonic ideal, they are in danger of facing social Isolation: Denial in the lesbian and gay stigma and even violent retaliation (Kay & Jeffries, community. Social networks are defined as the 2010). Gay men are sometimes vulnerable to IPV structure of personal ties that serve various functions because their relationships necessarily involve two including emotional, social, and economic support men; this may result in heightened levels of (Barrera, 1986). Numerous studies have examined dominance, power, and control (Landolt & Dutton, the link between lack of support networks—or social 1997). First, gender norms surrounding masculinity isolation—and violence against women (Bauer, that emphasize independence and self-efficacy can Rodriques, Quiroga, & Flores-Ortiz, 2000; Heise, influence the way gay men seek out social services. 1998; Menjivar & Salcido, 2002). This research, Research indicates that gay men are more likely to which overwhelmingly examines the experiences of solve personal problems independently than seek heterosexual women and the racially marginalized, informal or formal help (Cruz, 2003; Guadalupe- indicates that fewer social networks prevent IPV Diaz, 2013; Meyer, 2008; Turell, 2000; for review, victims from gaining access to social services. Help- see Ball, 2011). Second, hegemonic ideals seeking researchers, however, fail to consider the surrounding toughness--beliefs that men should be unique ways isolation affects gay and lesbian tough and strong--may be particularly salient in the individuals. For example, “family” is a term used by discussion of barriers to help-seeking. Gay male gay and lesbian individuals to designate members of victims may be less likely to reach out for help due to the community. Unfortunately, despite the underlying general belief systems regarding strength; research assumption that this community is a cohesive one, suggests that attitudes toward traditional male gay men and lesbians often ignore IPV within the toughness are correlated with negative attitudes family and can respond in unsupportive ways (Istar, toward gay men (Davies, 2004). These two examples 1996; Turell & Hermann, 2008). Research indicates are by no means exhaustive, but they provide that friends of lesbian and gay male victims illustrations of the barriers gay men may encounter sometime minimize violence, convince victims to when seeking IPV help. Generally, when gay male stay in abusive relationships, or outright deny IPV victims do reach out for formal help they are often incidents to evade marginalizing stereotypes (Fahmy met with adversity due to violations of hegemonic & Fradella, 2014; Ristock, 2003). The widespread masculinity and violations of rigid gender denial of IPV in this community is complicated by expressions (Barbour, 2011). the fact that lesbians often feel the need to hide abuse Female gender norms also shape lesbian help- in efforts of maintaining intact images of lesbian seeking as societal beliefs can result in lesbian IPV relationships, or what has been coined “lesbian

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 56 PARRY & O’NEAL utopia” (Turell & Herrmann, 2008). Denial of the Hines & Douglas, 2011). According to Knauer problem is even more ubiquitous and problematic (1999), “[f]or abused men, there are simply no when discussing the experiences of gay men. Due to shelters” (p. 346). The lack of appropriate resources, the overall invisibility of male victims, lack of due to the overall lack of recognition, can perpetuate recognition results in feelings of isolation by victims feelings of isolation among gay male victims (Burke, who have experienced and continue to experience 1998). IPV in their relationships (Barbour, 2011). Due to the unequal distribution of social support Denial within the community is twofold for gay prescribed by sexual orientation, social isolation must and lesbian racial/ethnic minorities, making a be examined using an intersectional approach, where discussion of this intersection particularly relevant. various aspects of identity are considered. In other Miller (2008), in her study of gendered violence, words, it is necessary to consider the unique ways found that nonintervention was common in areas same-sex IPV victims are isolated through denial in characterized by urban inequality (Miller's work the lesbian and gay community, nonintervention in focused on the experiences of African American racial/ethnic communities, as well rejection in girls). She found that bystanders often justified their traditional shelter settings. This can aid in gaining neutralization and reluctance to intervene by denying insight into the unique experiences and barriers the victim. The problem of nonintervention is also facing same-sex IPV victims. perpetuated in the Latina/o community through Legal Barriers to Social Services assertions that IPV is a “private matter” where exposure can result in the division of community Inappropriate law enforcement response. The (Rivera, 1994, pg. 255). This is problematic, as justice system has historically used legal criteria to norms of nonintervention are linked to an increased avoid formal responses to IPV incidents (Phillips & prevalence of severe nonlethal partner violence Sobol, 2010). Government-sanctioned (Browning, 2002). Therefore, it is important to homonegativity continues to shape the experiences of recognize how norms of nonintervention (among gays and lesbians who attempt to access justice gay/lesbian and racial/ethnic communities) and system services (Murray, Mobley, Buford, & gender norms shape violence against gay and lesbian Seaman-DeJohn, 2007). Existing literature on the individuals. For example, Agoff and colleagues legal issues facing gay and lesbian IPV victims has (2007) found that Latina/o family members often primarily, and narrowly, focused on whether lesbians justified IPV by blaming the victim for not fulfilling have legal rights to interventions (Aulivola, 2005). In gendered family duties. In order to understand the terms of legal social services, gay and lesbian role of social isolation as it applies to gay and lesbian individuals often cite fear of homophobia as a barrier IPV victimization, it is necessary to move discussion to help-seeking (Balsam, 2001). Legal help-seeking beyond one community and explore the problematic among this group is complicated by the fact that norms of nonintervention that can be present in openly gay and lesbian individuals were once multiple communities of identity. branded criminals because of their sexual activity and Reaching a deeper understanding of the ways their refusal to comply with gender norms (that is social isolation and support networks affect gay and currently no longer the case; however, the stigma and lesbian victims of IPV is necessary for cultural memory remain; Merrill & Wolfe, 2000). comprehensive service efforts. Using an Discrimination based on sexual orientation and intersectional approach, where various aspects of gender has affected how law enforcement officials identity are considered, can aid in gaining insight into respond to victims of same-sex IPV (Little, 2008; the unique experiences of these individuals. For Potoczniak et al., 2003). Gay and lesbian victims example, the discussion of social isolation and IPV is report fear and mistrust of justice system personnel complicated when considering the many spaces gays due to issues of past conflict, a culture of and lesbians are denied access (e.g. see employment heterosexism, and institutionalized homophobia and discussion above). This intersection of isolation and homonegativity (Eaton et al., 2008; Hammond, 1988; denied access results in exclusion that fosters abusive Murray et al., 2007). Sexual minority crime victims situations by making gay and lesbian individuals often report inadequate and inappropriate police more vulnerable. For example, Renzetti (1996) found response in the forms of mocking, blaming, and that, although the majority of IPV shelters reported laughing (Wolff & Cokely, 2007). Renzetti (1992) that they accepted lesbian clients, only 10% offered reported that police are less likely to intervene in services or educational material specifically designed same-sex IPV situations due to prejudice and for lesbian victims. Moreover, research suggests that attachment to gender norms and stereotypes (e.g., IPV service providers are least likely to provide beliefs that men are the only IPV perpetrators). services to sexual minority males (for a review, see Likewise, Seelau and Seelau (2005) found that sexual

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 SAME-SEX IPV BARRIERS TO SERVICE 57 orientation affected law enforcement response as well rather than valid relationships where IPV can happen as other legal interventions. This is demonstrated by (Hill, 2000). In addition to the police, research the gay and lesbian individuals who have long suggests that therapist trainees hold negative reported both verbal and physical abuse at the hands stereotypes about gay men in relation to their mental of police (Renzetti, 1992; Wolff & Cokely, 2007). health (Boysen, Vogel, Madon, & Wester, 2006) These types of abusive law enforcement activity resulting in the differential treatment of same-sex influence help-seeking behaviors. Sexism and IPV victims in healthcare settings. Wise and homophobia can prevent lesbians from reporting Bowman (1997) found that graduate-level counseling incidents of abuse because prejudice “disempowers” students categorized lesbian IPV incidents as less them from seeking formal assistance (Potoczniak et violent compared to heterosexual incidents; they al., 2003). In addition, research indicates that help- were also less likely to suggest charges be pressed seeking gay men are often met with homophobic against lesbian batterers. These findings suggest the attitudes from law enforcement officials (Cruz, 2003; importance of examining help-seeking using an Merrill & Wolfe, 2000). Police responses to IPV intersectional framework, as gay and lesbian victims between gay men are further complicated due to encounter unique barriers when attempting to access beliefs about the male body and its inability to be competent law enforcement and mental health victimized in the domestic sphere. Consider services. Barbour’s (2011) relevant scenario: police officers Anti-LGBTQ legal policies, like stereotypes, respond to an IPV call and assess the situation as a also create barriers to social services. When laws are fair fight between two men and, as a result, do created that burden gays and lesbians, they result in nothing to assist the male victim. These reasons may collateral consequences, where individuals become prevent an individual from reaching out for help victim to not only the impact of law, but their when victimized. intimate partners as well (for a discussion of race, Police responses to complaints of IPV must also anti-immigration laws, and IPV, see Crenshaw, be contextualized through the historical relations 1991). States have historically adopted laws and between racial/ethnic minorities and law enforcement measures that explicitly excluded same-sex IPV officers. Despite positive reforms surrounding the victims and perpetrators from the legal interventions police response to IPV—resulting from outcries that opposite-sex victims and perpetrators receive made by feminists, advocates, and the overall (Hardesty et al., 2011; National Gay and Lesbian community regarding inappropriate tactics (see Task Force, 2005). Barbour (2012) argues that these Sherman, 1992; Smith, 2001)—legal changes have types of laws demonstrate that “power and often been called narrow-minded for failing to recognition to homosexual men by society is much consider the experiences of racial and ethnic less than that given to heterosexual men” (p. 4). minorities (Rivera, 1994). For example, research Overall, when laws are passed that exclude same-sex indicates that people of color often avoid contact with IPV victims from accessing services, such as legal law enforcement officials due to feelings of fear, intervention, they are prevented from using services frustration, and distrust, coupled with perceptions of that directly impact their experiences of IPV. ineffectiveness (Erez, 2000; Miller, 2008). Although the legal landscape for gay and lesbian Avoidance may be the result of the long history of couples has become more favorable (e.g., the discrimination towards ethnic and racial minorities majority of states grant same-sex couples the right to by law enforcement officials (Rivera, 1994). Overall, marry; National Conference of State Legislators stereotypes based on racism, ethnic discrimination, [NCSL], 2014), several states are currently homophobia, and sexism create unique experiences challenging the laws that allow gay men and lesbians for victims of IPV. Therefore, in order to understand to marry. Additionally, because these laws are in the role law enforcement play in preventing sexual their infancy, it is unclear how changes will affect minority victims from accessing social services, it is laws governing other legal spheres such as tax- and important to also recognize how experiences are inheritance-related issues as well as those shaped by race/ethnic relations. surrounding IPV. Anti-gay/lesbian beliefs and laws. Stereotypes, It is salient to discuss anti-LGBTQ laws and which are fundamental to the construction of sexual policies in relation to the laws that prevent racial and orientation-based discrimination, result in the ethnic minority IPV victims from help-seeking. Like differential treatment of gay and lesbian individuals anti-LGBTQ laws and policies, anti-immigration in social service settings. Law enforcement officials, laws create obstacles to social services that primarily for instance, sometimes believe that lesbians and/or burden individuals of color. For example, Dugan and gay men are promiscuous or dissolute; they view Apel (2003) theorized that immigrant individuals same-sex partnerships as illegitimate and ephemeral, may be hesitant to disclose victimization if the

Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 16, Issue 1 58 PARRY & O’NEAL offender is undocumented, fearing deportation of individuals information about their relative their significant other. In addition, when anti- worthiness in the community and in relation to immigration laws are passed that prohibit authorities (Tyler et al., 1996). When an individual is undocumented immigrants from accessing services treated fairly, messages of respect and value are such as health care and public education, communicated whereas unfair treatment undocumented victims are prevented from using communicates disrespect and reinforces institutions that directly impact their experiences. For marginalization (Tyler et al., 1996). Due to their example, Bauer and colleagues (2000), in their study contentious history with law enforcement and other of health care barriers encountered by battered governmental institutions, gay and lesbian minority women, found that some respondents feared individuals may avoid reporting IPV victimization or deportation. Participants believed that simply minimize the seriousness of an incident when police entering the health care system presented a risk for are called (Little, 2008; Potoczniak et al., 2003). deportation. If undocumented immigrant individuals Underreporting may be a result of prior ubiquitous are unable to seek medical attention (due to either negative treatment resulting in anticipated real or perceived policy-based barriers) for the unfavorable treatment (Tesch, Bekerian, English, & violence experienced in their relationships, they are Harrington, 2010). Conversely, research suggests that further prevented from exiting the partnership. In citizens are more likely to reach out when they feel order to understand the role anti-LGBTQ laws and supported and valued by authorities (Tyler, 1989). policies play in preventing sexual minority victims To this end, it is our recommendation that law from accessing social services, it is important to also enforcement personnel receive adequate training to recognize how race-based laws shape the help- better understand the historical mistreatment of gay seeking of racial/ethnic minorities. Gay and lesbian and lesbian individuals to encourage empathizing IPV victims of color may encounter laws that burden with the population. In efforts to reduce real and both of their communities of identity by potential police-community problems between systematically preventing them from seeking formal officers and sexual minority complainants, some help. police departments (e.g., Atlanta Police Department, Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Directions for Service Providers Columbia, Phoenix Police Department, Salem Police and Future Research Department, Dallas Police Department ) have developed programs that include gay and lesbian The general refusal to recognize IPV in the liaisons, specialized units that respond to hate crimes context of same-sex relationships—coupled with the aimed at minorities (racial/ethnic, gender), and barriers identified above—suggests that gay and special outreach teams that work to strengthen the lesbian victims may feel that their experiences of relationship between sexual minorities and officers. abuse are not legitimate. This can result in These programs represent first steps in addressing assumptions that their help-seeking will not be taken service accessibility problems as they work to create seriously. Lesbians often believe that community an atmosphere that acknowledges intersections and services are solely available to serve heterosexual the variety of factors that shape IPV experiences. women (Renzetti, 1996), and research suggests that Although more research is required to identify the IPV agencies are least likely to provide services to most effective types of outreach programs, it makes sexual minority males (for review, see Hines & sense that communities with growing lesbian and gay Douglas, 2011). Therefore—similar to the movement male populations should develop specific programs to improve the response to heterosexual IPV—police to address their needs. training, legal changes to afford more protections, Recommendation II: Shelters and increased community services appear critical in providing same-sex IPV victims avenues for exiting Gay and lesbian shelter services are limited and abusive relationships. Based on the literature review even non-existent in some areas, resulting in the above, we now offer recommendations for service invisibility of sexual minorities in this setting providers and future research.1 (Hammond, 1988; Pattavina, Hirschel, Buzawa, Faggiani, & Bentley, 2007). As mentioned above, Recommendation I: Law Enforcement Renzetti (1996) surveyed United States IPV shelters Individuals receive subtle, yet powerful, and found that only 10% offered services or messages regarding their social standing as citizens educational material specifically designed for lesbian through their interactions with legal authorities (Tyler victims. This could be due to the fact that some state 1989; Tyler, Degoey, & Smith, 1996). These laws expressly exclude gay individuals from interactions are significant because they provide receiving state funded assistance (Knauer, 1999;

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Murray et al., 2007). Extant research should guide welcoming atmosphere may promote help-seeking. In shelter services. For example, Turell and Herrmann addition, Ard and Makadon (2011) have suggested (2008) found that lesbian help-seeking IPV victims several steps that providers can take to address IPV wanted their first contact to be with a trained IPV among lesbian and gay male clients including advocate sexual minority woman. In addition, crisis adapting institutional IPV pamphlets, posters, and hotline workers often assume that the perpetrator is visual material to include same-sex relationships. male and the victim is female, sending subtle Recommendation III: Support Networks marginalizing messages to gay individuals when they call for service (for a discussion on lesbians’ crisis Research has established a link between the lack line experiences, see Turell & Herrman, 2008). of support networks and interpersonal violence Furthermore, although shelters now admit lesbian (Heise, 1998; Menjivar & Salcido, 2002). IPV women, many shelters have historically either turned between gay and lesbian partners is more invisible away lesbian victims or made them feel unwelcome compared to abuse occurring in heterosexual (Lundy, 1993). relationships; this has resulted in a lack of support Shelters that provide services for gay males are systems (Ashton, 2008). According to Guadalupe- even more lacking, resulting in hundreds of Diaz (2013), gay men may not have the supportive thousands of male victims remaining in abusive networks that are critical to exiting abusive homes because they have limited formal options relationships. In addition, Turell and Herrmann when seeking safety (Letellier, 1994). Most shelters (2008) found that lesbian and bisexual women rarely devote their resources to assisting female victims of used services provided by the general community. IPV (Ashton, 2008). The lack of formal protection This suggests that agencies should help same-sex IPV for gay males stems from the misconception that victims form support networks through females are the sole victims of IPV (Burke, 1998; unconventional approaches. Service providers could Merrill & Wolfe, 2000; Turell, 2000); women’s assist sexual minority victims in joining community shelters often turn away male help-seekers due to groups through local organizations. By joining such safety concerns for the women present (Island & groups, individuals would have access to social and Letellier, 1991; Merrill & Wolfe, 2000). As a result, emotional support while creating networks of gay male victims are typically forced to rely on opportunity. Building strong support networks is a HIV/AIDS treatment centers or homeless shelters— salient service technique for all IPV victims. More an environment that can foster hate-based violence— important still, is creating partnerships between when attempting to flee violent relationships official services and the victim’s social support (Barbour, 2011). Even more disheartening, women’s networks (Goodman & Smyth, 2011). Using shelters often report that serving gay men is not a intersectional thinking and recognizing the unique priority (Short, 1996 as cited in Merrill & Wolfe, factors that prevent same-sex IPV victims from 2000). It is no wonder that men who seek help from forming strong support networks will result in shelters report that the services they receive are not services that are more responsive to their specific very helpful (McClennen, Summers, & Vaughan, needs. For example, coordinated projects that work to 2002). These findings suggest that IPV shelters establish community networks and strengthen should work to overcome this marginalizing history organized efforts include projects such as National and mend relations. Lesbian and Gay Health Association and The It might prove helpful for shelters to draw Domestic Violence Program of the Gay and Lesbian inspiration from the various anti-violence campaigns Community Action Council. These organizations that outline best practices for stopping violence in the advocate change by drawing on established lesbian and gay community (e.g., Anti-Violence community resources and educating the public about Project, “Lifting the Mask off of Domestic same-sex partner violence. Recognizing the unique Violence,” Jane Doe, Inc., Aids Council of New barriers that sexual minority IPV victims encounter South Wales). One way to achieve this goal is to coupled with using joint approaches through develop trainings that help service professionals community collaboration can help distribute understand the factors that shape the experiences of problem-solving efforts more evenly throughout the same-sex IPV victims. For example, research community. This signals to victims that stopping suggests that closeted lesbian IPV victims often violence within the community is a cooperative and modify their help-seeking attempts in fear of unified effort. It also communicates to victims that stigmatizing responses (Hardesty et al., 2011). support networks are more evenly distributed Shelters can encourage help-seeking through throughout their residential community. campaigns targeted at same-sex victims. Educational public service announcements that communicate

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Recommendation IV: Future Research bisexuals is particularly troublesome given that the limited research on bisexual women and IPV has Future research that examines the experiences of shown that they represent a particularly at-risk lesbian and gay male IPV victims using an population. They are more likely to experience IPV intersectional framework can increase meaningful victimization than their lesbian or gay counterparts; discussion regarding barriers to service. Specifically, however, this victimization most often occurs in the future inquiry should aim to (1) uncover the ways context of their opposite-sex relationships sexual minority IPV victims reach out for formal and (Messinger, 2011). The unique status that bisexuals informal assistance (e.g., non-profit organizations, occupy may present additional barriers for IPV traditional IPV service providers, LGBTQ service victims, as they may not be welcomed or feel providers, friends, family), (2) identify the unique comfortable accessing resources designed barriers that sexual minority IPV victims face when specifically for opposite-sex or same-sex victims. In help-seeking (e.g., homophobia, disbelief, fears of addition, bisexuality has a history of being outing), (3) gain knowledge surrounding their overall completely disregarded or unacknowledged by experiences (e.g., ease of service attainment, service providers (for a discussion on the dismissal of assessments of service helpfulness), and (4) bisexuals and the overall denial of bisexuality see understand the barriers to help-seeking that James, 1996). Overall, further research should transgender and bisexual IPV victims encounter address the specific needs, as well as the potential when reaching out for assistance. Gaining insight into risk factors, associated with bisexual men and women these areas will help inform the development of anti- in relation to IPV victimization. violence strategies that cater to the specific needs of Integrating qualitative methodologies, such as sexual minority IPV victims. focus groups, may prove useful in the study of IPV in To point number four, the dearth of research sexual minority relationships as these approaches examining the help-seeking behavior and experiences allow individuals to assign meaning to their of transgender IPV victims is particularly experiences (Adler & Adler, 1987) while extensively problematic as research indicates that these examining the topic under discussion (Gerbert, individuals may experience increased risk of IPV Caspers, Bronstone, Moe, & Abercrombie, 1999). compared to other sexual minorities (Landers & Focus-group methodology can tap into shared Gilsanz, 2009). Transgender respondents have experiences of marginalization and help develop a reported a lifetime IPV rate of 34.6%, versus 14.0% structural examination of individual experiences for gay and lesbian individuals (Landers & Gilsanz, (Pollack, 2003). Feminist scholars have long 2009). Additionally, transgender individuals advocated the use of focus-group methodology for experience unique barriers to service not experienced researchers interested in investigating context-driven by other sexual minorities. For example, individuals gendered processes and experiences (Pollack, 2003). that identify as female but were born male may This methodology is particularly salient with encounter barriers when attempting to access interviews of sexual minority victims because it has women’s shelters (Hines & Douglas, 2011; Pattavina the ability to transfer power from the researcher to et al., 2007). A recent study of IPV service the interviewees (Madriz, 2001), which is appropriate professionals in Los Angeles found that non-LGBT for work with oppressed, marginalized, and affiliates reported feeling inadequately prepared to previously ignored research subjects. assist transgender persons (Ford, Slavin, Hilton, & From a feminist perspective, qualitative Holt, 2012). The higher prevalence rate of IPV found approaches are significant in IPV research as they in transgender relationships coupled with offer a voice for marginalized groups (Davis, Taylor, underdeveloped service provisions signal the need for & Furniss, 2001). Qualitative methods help to increased scholarly attention investigating the unique uncover the unique ways individuals function in experiences of this historically understudied group. dynamic social situations and are better equipped to Another area of particular concern is the lack of draw on the numerous factors that shape individual research directed at understanding the specific needs experiences (Tewksbury, 2009), which is especially of bisexual victims of IPV. This research neglect may salient for intersectionality-driven work. Certainly, be due in part to the fact that bisexuals run the risk of qualitative methodologies often do not result in being defined based on their current relationship or, generalizable findings. This limitation, however, is more specifically, their partner’s gender. For balanced by gaining in-depth knowledge example, a bisexual woman who is dating a woman (Tewksbury, 2009). Qualitative methods tap into the may be labeled as a lesbian whereas if she were aspects of identity that shape the experiences of dating a man she may be classified as straight by victims. Overall, further research on this historically outsiders (James, 1996). The lack of focus on ignored group—possibly with a focus on gay men

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10.1891/0886-6708.28.1.161 Walker, L. (1979). The battered woman. New York, About the Authors NY: Harper & Row. Wise, A. J., & Bowman, S. L. (1997). Comparison of Megan Marie Parry is a doctoral student and beginning counselors’ responses to lesbian vs. research assistant at Arizona State University in the heterosexual partner abuse. Violence and School of Criminology and Criminal Justice. Her Victims, 12, 127–135. research interests include cultural criminology, police legitimacy, and police officer stress, as well as the Wolff, K. B., & Cokely, C. L. (2007) “To Protect and systemic responses to and treatment of marginalized Serve?”: An exploration of police conduct in populations. relation to the gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender community. Sexuality and Culture, Eryn Nicole O’Neal is a doctoral student and 11, 1–23. doi: 10.1007/s12119-007-9000-z research assistant in the School of Criminology and Wolf, M., Ly, U., Hobart, M., & Kernic, M. (2003). Criminal Justice at Arizona State University. Her Barriers to seeking police help for intimate research interests include intimate partner sexual partner violence. Journal of Family Violence, 18, assault (IPSA), arrest and charging decisions in doi: 10.1023/A:1022893231951 sexual assault and intimate partner violence cases, poststructural approaches in feminist theory, and qualitative methods.

Endnotes

1 Because this review highlights the unique barriers that sexual minority IPV victims encounter when engaging in help-seeking, this section is aimed at providing recommendations regarding victim services. A discussion of batterers’ interventions is outside the scope of this paper; however, we acknowledge that the topic warrants future discussion. See Price and Rosenbaum (2009) for an assessment of American batterers’ intervention across 45 states.

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