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A Comparative Analysis of Current Refugee Planning Approaches Advances in Applied Sociology, 2017, 7, 349-363 http://www.scirp.org/journal/aasoci ISSN Online: 2165-4336 ISSN Print: 2165-4328 Patterns of Refugee Planning: A Comparative Analysis of Current Refugee Planning Approaches Alyssa M. Wissel School of Planning, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH, USA How to cite this paper: Wissel, A. M. (2017). Abstract Patterns of Refugee Planning: A Compara- tive Analysis of Current Refugee Planning In 2015, there were more than 21 million refugees globally; as conflicts con- Approaches. Advances in Applied Sociolo- tinue and globalization expands, it is advantageous for planners to strategical- gy, 7, 349-363. ly manage population influxes of ill-equipped families. Refugee policy deci- https://doi.org/10.4236/aasoci.2017.711023 sions have imperative effects on housing markets, economies, segregation, in- Received: September 4, 2017 ternational relations, and refugees’ resilience. Bound by the 1967 Protocol on Accepted: November 5, 2017 the Status of Refugees, every member state is obligated to protect refugees. Published: November 8, 2017 This paper analyzes the varying conditions of refugees in the top six countries Copyright © 2017 by author and with the highest number of refugees; through a matrix, this paper compares Scientific Research Publishing Inc. what attributes promote effective refugee plans and which do not. Every con- This work is licensed under the Creative flict scenario is unique, and there are attributes that a refugee plan cannot change Commons Attribution International License (CC BY 4.0). (length of conflict, host country’s economy, status of host country’s govern- http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ment, cultural clashes between local population and refugees). However, this Open Access paper seeks to empower planners to use policy in ways they can mitigate current and future refugee situations. This analysis concludes that refugee policies work best for the host country and the refugees when refugees: 1) are able to live outside of camps and in cities; 2) can be employed; 3) are distributed to not overwhelm housing/infrastructure; and there are multiple funding sources. Keywords Refugee, Policy, Planning, Population, International Norms 1. Introduction Environmental degradation, civil war, natural disaster, territorial disputes, drug wars; refugees’ hopes of fleeing terrible living conditions have been complicated by modern borders and political debates of international responsibility. Accord- DOI: 10.4236/aasoci.2017.711023 Nov. 8, 2017 349 Advances in Applied Sociology A. M. Wissel ing to the world’s highest authority on refugees, United Nations High Commis- sioner on Refugees (UNHCR), in 2015 there were more than 21 million refugees globally (UNHCR, 2015). The story of refugees evolves over time with varying sources of conflict, number of refugees, budgets, sentiments of support, and suc- cess of refugee programming. Regardless of these discrepancies, people fleeing their homes from a “well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group” will not cease globally anytime soon (UNHCR, 2015). Understanding the nuances of failed refugee planning is vital to improving approaches in the future. This research is principal to not only mi- tigating mass migrations but capitalizing upon them. Policy-makers and plan- ners should not only design with these populations in mind, but view refugees as an opportunity, especially for aging populations or supply-heavy economies. For instance, the (western) German Economic Miracle of the 1950s (Eichengreen & Ritschl, 2008). Germany recovered rather quickly as a result of the Marshall Plan, which stimulated capital along with returning prisoners of war and an influx of Polish and Russian refugees as a labor force (UNHCR, 2015). As of spring 2017, more than half of all refugees are Somali, Afghan, or Syrian (UNHCR, 2017). The dominant host countries are the following: Jordan 664 thousand; Ethiopia 736 thousand; Iran 979 thousand; Lebanon 1.1million; Pa- kistan 1.6 million; and Turkey 2.5 million (UNHCR, 2017). These populations are disproportionately desperate women and children, who frequently sink into gridlocked checkpoint processes and camps for years, or even lifetimes. The agreed upon expectations in the 1951 Convention on Refugees declares that all member states of the United Nations (UN) must provide the right to liberty and security of person, freedom of movement, right to family life, access to employment, courts, and education. However, this is a non-binding convention, not a binding cove- nant, which results in states cherry-picking parts of the law to include and ex- clude (International Justice Center, 2017). These ambiguous “obligations” mean that states have unique methods of refugee planning policy with varying levels of suc- cess. This analysis seeks to explore the methods of refugee planning implemented by the top hosting countries (Jordan, Ethiopia, Lebanon, Pakistan, Iran, and Tur- key) by comparing their success with indicators. By measuring which methods harbor successful refugee planning, future efforts can be executed more effec- tively. Yet another question arises from this; for whom is a plan successful? One must consider who benefits from these policies. Perhaps it is successful for peace building after the conflict; the refugees themselves; or the host country’s reputa- tion. The most successful refugee policies structurally, economically, and socially integrate refugees with the local population; however, such plans are not popular to implement. 2. Historical Refugee Policy Precedents As the severity of the Holocaust became public, the world was shocked and DOI: 10.4236/aasoci.2017.711023 350 Advances in Applied Sociology A. M. Wissel vowed that these human rights violations would never occur again. The UN was established, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was written in 1948. This was the first internationally recognized document to define the “right to seek asylum” (United Nations, 1948). The (Fourth) Geneva Conventions of 1950 included the protection of refugees during times of war. This binding conven- tion means that a government cannot treat refugees as aliens or enemies while said government experiences war (Geneva Convention, 1950). The Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1951 was soon followed by the first UN document devoted specifically to refugees. This legislation boldly con- cluded that states must grant refugees rights that are equal to foreign nationals living in said state or equal to national citizens. The 1951 Convention is arguably the most fundamental document to define the roles and responsibilities that host countries inherit and to define the rights, which refugees bear (United Nations, 1951). The weakness of the 1951 Convention is that it only defines refugees from events preceding 1951 (essentially the events of World War II) and was regarded as a Eurocentric responsibility. Suddenly, there were refugees from non-European theatres, and these regulations did not apply. This loophole was amended by the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, which nullified the limitations of the 1951 Convention’s assumptions; ergo international refugee law finally ap- plied to any person in any place at any time (United Nations, 1967). There are countless UN documents that resemble unfeasible dreams rather than tangible ob- ligations. Apart from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, these papers are considered globally authorized, international law and not heart-warming as- pirations. Historical precedents built the construction of refugee norms just as much as official UN documents. Succeeding World War II, the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) sought to manage refugee resettlement and stimulate the economy back to into Europe. The UNRRA was organized by the Allied powers, but primarily by the United States. It was comprehensive and effective but ran out of funding after only four years (Holocaust Encyclopedia, 2017). The International Refugee Organization briefly took the UNRRA’s place only to be replaced again by the UNCHR in 1950. The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 was the first substantial refugee resettle- ment project using modern refugee law. The majority of the 200 thousand Hun- garian refugees fled to Austria. Austria quickly called upon the international Eu- ropean community to contribute equally to this refugee crisis: Austria will therefore take into consideration the number of displaced per- sons to be received in proportion to the total population of Austria, and will compare that to the corresponding proportions in the other Member States in order to ensure that the burden is shared equally between all the EU Member States (Zieck, 2013: p. 62). There was debate over how many states must “share the burden”. The reset- DOI: 10.4236/aasoci.2017.711023 351 Advances in Applied Sociology A. M. Wissel tlement of these Hungarian refugees was relatively swift and shared among many states. Currently, relocating refugees happens seldom and is typically viewed as not ideal; however in this case, western states had motive to take in refugees. This refugee population was mostly young and could fill a void in labor. Amidst the Cold War ideology, the US and other democratic powers offered freedom to these freedom-fighters; these refugees had valuable inside information on the Soviet regime; and the conflict was short-lived
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