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Two Films of the Same Genre Within Both Nations Will Also Be Compared ASIAN SCREEN MEDIA – ASSIGNMENT 3 Comparative Media Report South Korea & Japan Word Count: 3,499 (Excluding headings) *** INTRODUCTION In recent years, Asia has become a transnational public sphere in which media plays a large role. The use of screen media, for instance films and television programmes, in countries such as India, Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, China, Singapore and Malaysia, offer a look into their cultural nationalism and the way these media systems operate within political and cultural contexts. This report will focus on South Korea and Japan, providing an overview of their historical development of cinema, their regulatory environments, as well as the ways in which they project national agendas and identities outside their borders. Two films of the same genre within both nations will also be compared. OVERVIEW Historical Development & Regulatory Environments South Korean Cinema The global success of South Korea’s entertainment and popular culture including films, music and television dramas, has been given the term ‘Korean Wave’ (or Hallyu Wave). This term was first used by the Chinese press in the late 1990s to label the increasing phenomenon of Korean popular culture in China (KOCIS, 2015). South Korea is one of the only countries where its local production of films has the leading share in the local market, exceeding that of movies from the U.S. (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). Korean movies have won awards in respected international film festivals including Cannes, Berlin and Venice. In the 69th Venice Film Festival 2012, the best film award went to Pietà, by film director Kim Ki-Duk (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). By considerably improving their technical and visual qualities, Korean films have prospered in success (Shin and Stringer, 2005). However, in order to understand the popularity of its film industry, it is important to first understand how it was developed into what it is today. The grim history of South Korea as a country is linked closely with the history of its cinema. Significant historical and political events negatively impacted its development and creativity of the local film industry (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). The events that slowed down their film industry include the Japanese occupation within the years 1903 to 1945, World War II, the 1950 Korean War which lasted for three years, and finally the oppression by their government (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). The first Korean film is considered to be the Righteous Revenge (Uirijeok Gutu), produced in 1919. The ‘kino-drama’ comprised of a motion picture projected onto the background while actors performed live on stage (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). This was the same year when a major uprising by Koreans occurred against Japanese occupation (Min, Joo & Kwak, 2003, p. 27). The movie was financed by the only Korean film businessman at the time, who was the owner of Dansongsa Theatre in Sungpil Park, and it was directed by Dosan Kim (Min, Joo & Kwak, 2003, p. 27). Due to the difficulty of finding cameras and qualified cameramen in Korea, Kim invited a cameraman from Japan (Min, Joo & Kwak, 2003, p. 27). The film was a box-office hit upon release and received praise from reviewers, such as, “This motion picture was not only lucid and beautiful but also the background scenes were as good as those made by Western filmmakers.” (Min, Joo & Kwak, 2003, p. 27). This shows that the first film in Korea was acknowledged and praised by those that were already accustomed to American films. However, the craze of kino- dramas was brief (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). This is because they were not completely motion pictures, and they fell behind the advancement of foreign films (Min, Joo & Kwak, 2003, p. 27). In 1923, the first silent film Plighted Love under the Moon (Wolha-ui Maengseo), directed by Yun Baek-Nam, was produced, and in 1935 the first sound film Chunhyang-jeon was released, directed by Lee Myung-Woo (Paquet, 2007). Within 1926 and 1932, nationalistic movies were produced by independent companies; however, domestic as well as foreign movies faced “technical limitations and strict regulations, as every production…had to be approved by the colonial government” (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). By 1937, Japan had invaded China and censorship of the film industry increased (Paquet, 2007). Mostly propaganda films were produced; the circulation of the films were limited to Japanese people who owned private theatres, and profits from the movie did not go towards production (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). During Japanese occupation, only 157 films were produced in South Korea. Any movie made before 1934 cannot be found in its original form due to being altered, destroyed or poorly archived (Paquet, 2007). 21 out of 30 movies produced between 1940 and 1945 were war propaganda movies in support of the Japanese army (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). The government also banned movies spoken in Korean in 1942 (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). After the Korean War, the first President of South Korea Syngman Rhee (1948 to 1960), decided to exempt the film industry from paying taxes in hopes of reviving the nearly non-existent industry (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). The first colour film The Women’s Diary by Hong Seong-gi was released in 1949 (Paquet, 2007). Over 9 years, the number of films produced increased from 5 in 1950, to 111 in 1959, after being unrestricted by government regulation (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). Described as the “Golden Age”, the first genre films were developed, addressing ‘freedom and liberation’ from the Japanese (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). In 1961, Aimless Bullet (Obaltan) by Yu Hyun-Mok, was banned on its first exhibition; it’s a realistic post-war drama portraying an accountant struggling with the changing society (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). However, in the same year a military revolution resulted in the heavier regulation of the filmmaking industry (Paquet, 2007). Later in 1962, this resulted in a new government and new law, the “Motion Picture Law” (Paquet, 2007) allowing only a limited amount of films that were produced and imported, also affecting local production companies reducing from 71 to 16 within a year (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). Illegal subjects including communism, offensiveness or any others harming the reputation of South Korea were censored, resulting in weak storylines; between 1969 and 1979, less people attended cinemas, especially after television popularity (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). In the 1970s the industry began managing increased government censorship, with the formation of the “Korean Motion Picture Promotion Corporation to revive it (Paquet, 2007). Following the modification of the Motion Picture Law in 1984, liberated production was allowed under different circumstances (Paquet, 2007). Despite continuous low attendance numbers in Korean cinemas, the South Korean film industry began to be recognised internationally. Starting in 1981, Mandala by Im Kwon-Taek won the Grand Prix at the Hawaii Film Festival, in 1987 Kang Su-Yeon won two Best Actress awards for Surrogate Mother and Come Come Come Upward at Venice Film Festival and Moscow International Film Festival respectively (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). In 1988, Hollywood studios began to open first branch offices in Korea, controlled by United International Pictures (UIP) (Paquet, 2007), followed by Twentieth Century Fox, Warner Bros in 1989, Columbia Tristar in 1990, and Disney in 1993 (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). In 1993, a screen quota stated that every cinema must screen local films for 146 days a year, at the least (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). In 1992, chaebols (Korean conglomerates) entered the scene, with the first film Marriage Story 25% financed by Samsung; other chaebols include Daewoo, Hyundai, CJ, Orion, and Lotte (Paquet, 2007). In 1999, Shiri was a turning point for the success of Korean cinema. It was the first ‘big-budget action’ movie with an $8.5 million budget. Taking inspiration from Hong Kong cinema and American films from the 1980s, the story revolves around a North-Korean assassin pursued by two South Korean agents (Rousse- Marquet, 2013). This is an example of the way the media can be utilised to display their national agendas and identities outside their borders. The action film resulted in breaking the record of views, drawing in 6.2 million viewers and beating the Titanic which had 4.3 million (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). Between late 1990s and mid-2000s, the South Korean film industry gained global recognition, called the “Renaissance period” (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). While the major movie production centres of Asia have engaged in co-productions with Korean corporations, Hollywood has pursued profit from the popularity of Korean films (Gateward, 2007). American companies such as Warner Bros began acquiring rights to remake films such as The Host, My Sassy Girl and A Tale of Two Sisters (Rousse- Marquet, 2013). 2012 became a record-breaking year for South Korean cinema, with 195 million movie tickets bought; the highest amount of tickets in the history of Korean film (Rousse- Marquet, 2013). Exportation of Korean films increased by 8.4% to $37.8 million for the first time that exports went over the $20 million threshold in 2008 (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). 2013 saw Park Chan-Wook make his English-language entrance with Stoker, starring Nicole Kidman (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). More than 50 years on after the liberation from Japanese rule, South Korean society’s efforts to solve their national problems are inhibited from within by the “control strategy of those with vested political and economic rights and externally by changes in international conditions including the emergence of neo-conservatism and the global expansion of the movement of capital” (Erni and Chua, 2005). South Korea’s film industry has certainly been impacted over the years by historical and political events, which have shaped the industry into what it is today. Japanese Cinema Japan is widely known for having one of the oldest and greatest film industries in the world.
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