ASIAN SCREEN MEDIA – ASSIGNMENT 3 Comparative Media Report & Word Count: 3,499 (Excluding headings)

*** INTRODUCTION

In recent years, Asia has become a transnational public sphere in which media plays a large role. The use of screen media, for instance films and television programmes, in countries such as India, Japan, South Korea, , , Singapore and Malaysia, offer a look into their cultural nationalism and the way these media systems operate within political and cultural contexts. This report will focus on South Korea and Japan, providing an overview of their historical development of cinema, their regulatory environments, as well as the ways in which they project national agendas and identities outside their borders. Two films of the same within both nations will also be compared.

OVERVIEW

Historical Development & Regulatory Environments

South Korean Cinema

The global success of South Korea’s entertainment and popular culture including films, music and television dramas, has been given the term ‘’ (or Hallyu Wave).

This term was first used by the Chinese press in the late 1990s to label the increasing phenomenon of Korean popular culture in China (KOCIS, 2015). South Korea is one of the only countries where its local production of films has the leading share in the local market, exceeding that of movies from the U.S. (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). Korean movies have won awards in respected international film festivals including Cannes, Berlin and Venice. In the 69th Venice Film Festival 2012, the best film award went to Pietà, by film director Kim Ki-Duk (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). By considerably improving their technical and visual qualities, Korean films have prospered in success (Shin and Stringer, 2005).

However, in order to understand the popularity of its film industry, it is important to first understand how it was developed into what it is today.

The grim history of South Korea as a country is linked closely with the history of its cinema. Significant historical and political events negatively impacted its development and creativity of the local film industry (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). The events that slowed down their film industry include the Japanese occupation within the years 1903 to 1945,

World War II, the 1950 Korean War which lasted for three years, and finally the oppression by their government (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

The first Korean film is considered to be the Righteous Revenge (Uirijeok Gutu), produced in 1919. The ‘kino-drama’ comprised of a motion picture projected onto the background while actors performed live on stage (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). This was the same year when a major uprising by Koreans occurred against Japanese occupation (Min,

Joo & Kwak, 2003, p. 27). The movie was financed by the only Korean film businessman at the time, who was the owner of Dansongsa Theatre in Sungpil Park, and it was directed by Dosan Kim (Min, Joo & Kwak, 2003, p. 27). Due to the difficulty of finding cameras and qualified cameramen in Korea, Kim invited a cameraman from Japan (Min, Joo &

Kwak, 2003, p. 27). The film was a box-office hit upon release and received praise from reviewers, such as, “This motion picture was not only lucid and beautiful but also the background scenes were as good as those made by Western filmmakers.” (Min, Joo &

Kwak, 2003, p. 27). This shows that the first film in Korea was acknowledged and praised by those that were already accustomed to American films. However, the craze of kino- dramas was brief (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). This is because they were not completely motion pictures, and they fell behind the advancement of foreign films (Min, Joo & Kwak,

2003, p. 27).

In 1923, the first silent film Plighted Love under the Moon (Wolha-ui Maengseo), directed by Yun Baek-Nam, was produced, and in 1935 the first sound film Chunhyang-jeon was released, directed by Lee Myung-Woo (Paquet, 2007). Within 1926 and 1932, nationalistic movies were produced by independent companies; however, domestic as well as foreign movies faced “technical limitations and strict regulations, as every production…had to be approved by the colonial government” (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

By 1937, Japan had invaded China and censorship of the film industry increased (Paquet,

2007). Mostly propaganda films were produced; the circulation of the films were limited to Japanese people who owned private theatres, and profits from the movie did not go towards production (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

During Japanese occupation, only 157 films were produced in South Korea. Any movie made before 1934 cannot be found in its original form due to being altered, destroyed or poorly archived (Paquet, 2007). 21 out of 30 movies produced between 1940 and 1945 were war propaganda movies in support of the Japanese army (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

The government also banned movies spoken in Korean in 1942 (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

After the Korean War, the first President of South Korea Syngman Rhee (1948 to 1960), decided to exempt the film industry from paying taxes in hopes of reviving the nearly non-existent industry (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). The first colour film The Women’s Diary by Hong Seong-gi was released in 1949 (Paquet, 2007). Over 9 years, the number of films produced increased from 5 in 1950, to 111 in 1959, after being unrestricted by government regulation (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). Described as the “Golden Age”, the first genre films were developed, addressing ‘freedom and liberation’ from the Japanese (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). In 1961, Aimless Bullet (Obaltan) by Yu Hyun-Mok, was banned on its first exhibition; it’s a realistic post-war drama portraying an accountant struggling with the changing society (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). However, in the same year a military revolution resulted in the heavier regulation of the filmmaking industry

(Paquet, 2007). Later in 1962, this resulted in a new government and new law, the

“Motion Picture Law” (Paquet, 2007) allowing only a limited amount of films that were produced and imported, also affecting local production companies reducing from 71 to

16 within a year (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

Illegal subjects including communism, offensiveness or any others harming the reputation of South Korea were censored, resulting in weak storylines; between 1969 and 1979, less people attended cinemas, especially after television popularity (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

In the 1970s the industry began managing increased government censorship, with the formation of the “Korean Motion Picture Promotion Corporation to revive it (Paquet,

2007).

Following the modification of the Motion Picture Law in 1984, liberated production was allowed under different circumstances (Paquet, 2007). Despite continuous low attendance numbers in Korean cinemas, the South Korean film industry began to be recognised internationally. Starting in 1981, Mandala by Im Kwon-Taek won the Grand Prix at the

Hawaii Film Festival, in 1987 Kang Su-Yeon won two Best Actress awards for Surrogate

Mother and Come Come Come Upward at Venice Film Festival and Moscow

International Film Festival respectively (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

In 1988, Hollywood studios began to open first branch offices in Korea, controlled by

United International Pictures (UIP) (Paquet, 2007), followed by Twentieth Century Fox,

Warner Bros in 1989, Columbia Tristar in 1990, and Disney in 1993 (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). In 1993, a screen quota stated that every cinema must screen local films for 146 days a year, at the least (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

In 1992, chaebols (Korean conglomerates) entered the scene, with the first film Marriage

Story 25% financed by Samsung; other chaebols include Daewoo, Hyundai, CJ, Orion, and Lotte (Paquet, 2007). In 1999, Shiri was a turning point for the success of Korean cinema. It was the first ‘big-budget action’ movie with an $8.5 million budget. Taking inspiration from Hong Kong cinema and American films from the 1980s, the story revolves around a North-Korean assassin pursued by two South Korean agents (Rousse-

Marquet, 2013). This is an example of the way the media can be utilised to display their national agendas and identities outside their borders. The action film resulted in breaking the record of views, drawing in 6.2 million viewers and beating the Titanic which had 4.3 million (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

Between late 1990s and mid-2000s, the South Korean film industry gained global recognition, called the “Renaissance period” (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). While the major movie production centres of Asia have engaged in co-productions with Korean corporations, Hollywood has pursued profit from the popularity of Korean films

(Gateward, 2007). American companies such as Warner Bros began acquiring rights to remake films such as The Host, My Sassy Girl and A Tale of Two Sisters (Rousse-

Marquet, 2013).

2012 became a record-breaking year for South Korean cinema, with 195 million movie tickets bought; the highest amount of tickets in the history of Korean film (Rousse-

Marquet, 2013). Exportation of Korean films increased by 8.4% to $37.8 million for the first time that exports went over the $20 million threshold in 2008 (Rousse-Marquet, 2013). 2013 saw Park Chan-Wook make his English-language entrance with Stoker, starring Nicole Kidman (Rousse-Marquet, 2013).

More than 50 years on after the liberation from Japanese rule, South Korean society’s efforts to solve their national problems are inhibited from within by the “control strategy of those with vested political and economic rights and externally by changes in international conditions including the emergence of neo-conservatism and the global expansion of the movement of capital” (Erni and Chua, 2005). South Korea’s film industry has certainly been impacted over the years by historical and political events, which have shaped the industry into what it is today.

Japanese Cinema

Japan is widely known for having one of the oldest and greatest film industries in the world. In Japan the two histories of capitalism proper and film share the same span of time, which is 100 years (Cazdyn, 2002). Its number of films produced from 2005 to 2010 ranked fourth highest, following India with first place, then America and China with second and third (Screen Australia, 2011). The full extent of Japan’s film history will be explained to further appreciate its major success in the industry.

The first emergence of cinema began as early as 1887 with the introduction of the Lumière

Brothers’ cinematograph (Nakagawa, n.d.). The Gaumont camera was the first motion picture camera imported into Japan, which was used to film geishas playing musical instruments in Shimbashi (Volta, 2011). This was received well by audiences and considered to be the first Japanese film made for entertainment (Nakagawa, n.d.). Later, in 1899, a film of solely theatrical content showing a ‘kabuki’ play was made by photographic engineer, Tsunekichi Shibata’s Maple Viewing (Momijigari) (Nakagawa, n.d.). It can be seen early on that France has had an influence on the Japanese film industry, with the importation of French filming apparatus.

Three of Japan’s oldest movie studios Shochiku, Nikkatsu and Toho have existed since the 1930s and are still around today (Stafford, 2009). During the silent era, Japanese cinemas hired narrators known as “Benshi” to describe the content on the screens as the film played; they became a popular in cinemas from 1896 to 1939 (Harding, 2014). Over

90% of Japanese silent films have been lost due to an earthquake which hit film archives and the destruction caused by World War II (Volta, 2011). Prints of early Japanese films are rare, and those that do still exist are often incomplete (Nelson, 2012).

Known as the first ‘master’ of Japanese film, was Kenji Mizoguchi who debuted in the silent era in the 1920s. He became the only person available to work in the time of an industrial dispute, and he worked efficiently completing more than 50 films between 1920 and 1930 (Volta, 2011). These films included period dramas, samurai films, “kitchen- sink melodramas”, and romance (Volta, 2011). In the 1930s, Sadao Yamanaka emerged on the scene and his works are now an example of the style of pre-war Japanese cinema

(Nakagawa, n.d.). Three of his films The Million Ryo, Kochiyama Soshun, and Humanity and Paper Balloons were the only ones to last (Nakagawa, n.d.)

The increasing number of tendency films produced in the 1920s show that Japanese cinema was then acknowledged and exploited as a political implement for propaganda

(Harding, 2014). The years of Japanese cinema before the 1920s were no cause for concern with its conservative nature, however by the time in the 1920s, the Japanese authorities were more cautious and aware of the filmmaking industry and they had begun to ban more films (Harding, 2014). Due to the government awareness, it can be argued that the times during the 1920s resulted in people being either consciously or subconsciously persuaded politically through these tendency films, making the Japanese film industry significant and powerful (Harding, 2014).

From the late 1930s to early 1950s, the Japanese filmmaking industry was regulated by the Japanese military authorities that forced the “realignment of studios via mergers and then by the Allied Occupation Forces from 1945-52 who vetted script ideas and discouraged production of jidaigeki (‘period’ films which might promote traditional/non- democratic values)” (Stafford, 2009). The 1930s saw the Japanese film industry become one of the largest in the world, and re-claimed this position again in the 1960s, however with the introduction of video in the late 1970s, Japanese cinema suffered a loss of the position (Stafford, 2009).

In 1951, Kurosawa Akira’s Rashomon won first prize at the Venice Film Festival (Wada-

Marciano, 2008). In 1952, Kenji Mizoguchi’s The Life of Oharu won the Silver Lion at the Venice Film Festival, which heightened the popularity and success of the Japanese film industry in the West (Volta, 2011). The first Japanese film in colour that was released internationally, was Gate of Hell by Teinosuke Kinugasa in 1953 (Volta, 2011).

Demonstrating Japan’s popularity overseas, the film resulted in great success by winning two Oscars in 1954 for the Best Costume and Best Foreign Language Film award; it also became the first ever Japanese film to win the Palme d’Or at the Cannes Film Festival

(Volta, 2011). In 1953, channel ‘NHK’ had broadcast its first programmes on television, which resulted in the decrease of attendance numbers at cinemas (Nakagawa, n.d.).

Ishiro Honda’s monster movie Gojira, a low-budget film, was released in 1954. This movie was dubbed into English and given the English title Godzilla, eventually becoming a global phenomenon and being labelled as the icon of the Japanese film industry, scoring countless sequels, animations and a 1990s remake in America (Volta, 2011). During the 1970s, Japan had a change in the way sexual relationships were portrayed, with Oshima’s 1976 In the Realm of the Senses becoming a controversial period drama

(Volta, 2011). The film was never shown in Japan uncensored due to its sadistic love scenes (Volta, 2011).

Anime became a popular genre of Japanese feature-length animations in the 1980s, starting with Mamoru Oshii’s Angel’s Egg in 1983 (Volta, 2011). Anime films by Hayao

Miyazaki such as Kiki’s Delivery Service, Princess Mononoke and Oscar award winning

Spirited Away became immensely popular with audiences from all over the globe; more than half of Japanese film production is now accounted for by anime (Volta, 2011).

Comedy emerged in the late 1980s with comedian, writer and actor Takeshi Kitano with films such as Violent Cop, Sonatine and Fireworks which had won the Golden Lion at the

Venice Film Festival (Volta, 2011). During the time Takeshi Kitano, many aspiring

Japanese directors had been drawn to Cannes since the year 2000 (Nakagawa, n.d.).

Covering all of film over the span of a little more than a decade, Takashi Miike has produced over 50 films, such as horror with Audition, comedy musical The Happiness of Katakuris, and samurai classic Thirteen Assassins (Volta, 2011). Japanese horror films based on old stories and urban legends emerged, labelled as ‘J-Horror’, with films such as Hideo Nakata’s Juon (Ring) in 1998, and Dark Water (Volta, 2011). Hideo Nakata made his English-language debut with an English remake of Ring II (Volta, 2011).

In recent years, statistics show that approximately 162.2 million people watch movies at the cinema in Japan, with an average person going to the cinema 1.3 times each year, which is about three times less than those in France and South Korea (Nakagawa, n.d.).

Yearly sales in 2010 were 220 billion yen (about $231 billion) which proves Japan to be a major film market after America (Nakagawa, n.d.). TWO FILMS

South Korea – My Sassy Girl (2001)

At the beginning of the Korean Wave was Kwak Jae-Yong’s My Sassy Girl, which established the romantic-comedy genre in South Korea (Dear8lue, 2013). My Sassy Girl is an entertaining love story between an ‘inexperienced student’ Kyung-Woo (Cha Tae-

Hyun) and ‘sassy college girl’ (Jeon Ji-Hyun). Described as ‘arguably the most defining film of the era’ and marking a ‘paradigm shift in the region’, it made established film industries, particularly Hong Kong and Japan, take notice (Dear8lue, 2013). It became the second highest-grossing film for 2001 (Leong, 2002). After its success, numerous remakes from other countries such as America, Japan, , and China have tried but not succeeded in surpassing the original.

The first half of the movie deals with Kyung-Woo’s mishaps with the unnamed ‘sassy girl’ and the bizarre happenings she brings along. In the second half, the mood changes from bizarre and comedic, to melodramatic showing the ‘sassy’ girl’s vulnerability and both of their maturity (Dear8lue, 2013). The story changes throughout the movie, with the ‘sassy’ girl using Kyung-Woo, ‘to him needing her, to her needing him, and to them needing each other’ (Dramabeans, 2011).

The use of symbols is important, such as the necklace which signifies holding on to something and letting go. The ‘sassy’ girl had a difficult time letting go of her past love, which resulted in more grief. The time capsule which stands for time and remembrance, and the subway which serves as a meeting place for both of the ‘sassy’ girl’s love interests

(Dramabeans, 2011). The use of music in the film, with ‘I Believe’ by Shin Seung-Hun, sat well with audiences internationally, even being interpreted into multiple languages

(Dear8lue, 2013). The setting of the film in different scenes capturing the natural beauty of the nation saw the iconic locations become tourist hot-spots, expanding relations between countries. The theme of maturity is seen in the film with Kyung-Woo and the change of his character from not caring about anything, to caring about his future; the future of his life with the ‘sassy’ girl and for his own improvement. Other themes are that of destiny and the very obvious theme of love. My Sassy Girl, even with its international popularity, is not the best in Korea, however it has forever changed the way romantic- comedies are made and perceived, not just in Korea, but around the globe.

Japan – Ringu (1998)

In recent years, horror in Japanese cinema, otherwise known as ‘J-Horror’, has become a global spectacle. Nakata Hideo’s Ringu (1998) (Stringer, 2007) is about a video tape that kills anyone who watches it in seven days. Journalist Reiko Asakawa investigates the tape and, after watching it, only has a week to figure it out; she finds that the curse was connected to a psychic who died thirty years ago and her child Sadako.

In terms of international success, Ringu attracted the attention of particularly America and South Korea, in which adaptations were made. ‘Complex inter-media and cross cultural relations’ help to comprehend the workings of specific texts in ‘sophisticated contemporary media cultures such as Japan’s’ (Stringer, 2007). Nakata Hideo also directed the sequel to the film himself in America, and was given a ‘high-profile’ international release in 2005 (Stringer, 2007).

The use of sound effects of screeching sounds and the camera angles helped add to the

‘creepiness’ of the horror film. Ringu became the highest grossing film in Japanese history and one of the scariest (Argyrou, 2013). The theme of dysfunctional families is shown in the film with the detached ex-husband which links to the theme of fathers failing at parenthood; it is interesting to add that Sadako only attacks those not conformed to Japanese society (ConstantineInTokyo, 2009). The use of technology is significant to the type of horror seen in the film, with no mobile phones available, it creates the fear of not being able to call for help unless inside a house or at a public payphone (Argyrou, 2013).

Sadako crawling out of the television screen also contributes to the horror, as audiences can relate because televisions are found in the safety of one’s home. Ringu is not a horror film with sudden jumps or scares, however the piling up of the suspense creates tension for the audience.

CONCLUSION

Film as a medium in both South Korea and Japan have close connections to their nations’ historical, political and cultural contexts. The Korean Wave has assisted the South Korean film industry with becoming more well-known, however it was already prevalent before the start of the Wave, winning countless awards in international Film Festivals. Japan’s history of film began in the 1880s, being one of the oldest and longest running film industries in the world. Like South Korea, Japan has also received high profile awards internationally.

With this global recognition, both countries express their nationalism through their films in their own way. The romance-comedy genre came alive with the debut of My Sassy Girl by Kwak Jae-Yong in 2001. After reaching international audiences, several remakes have been made. Similar to Nakata Hideo’s Ringu in 1998 which marked the emergence of ‘J-

Horror’ to overseas viewers, which also generated an American remake The Ring in 2002.

This goes to show that the media can be used to reflect national agendas and identities beyond its state borders.

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