Militancy in niger delta pdf

Continue The conflict in the Niger DeltaMap numerically shows the states, usually considered part of the Niger Delta region: 1. Abya, 2. Aqua Ibom, 3. Bayelsa, 4. Cross River, 5. Delta, 6. Edo, 7.Imo, 8. Ondo, 9. RiversDate2003-present (17 years) Location Nigeria Delta Niger Abigail State Aqua Ibo State Bayels State Cross River State Edo State Ondo State Ondo StateStatus Current 15,000 militants signed for presidential amnesty Abigail State Aqua Ibo State Bayels Cross River State State-backed: Belarus 12 Israel 3 4 Niger Delta Avengers (2016-present) Niger Delta Greenland Justice Mandate (2016- present) Joint Forces Liberation of the Niger Delta Delta (2016-present) Joint Forces Liberation of the Niger Delta (2016-present) 2016-present) Niger Delta Red Squad (2016-present) Adaka Boro Avengers (2016-present) Asawana Deadly Force Delta Niger (2016-present) Niger Delta Revolutionary Crusaders (2016-present) New Delta Avengers (2017-present) Delta Niger Marine Force (2017-present) Reformed Brotherhood of Egbesu Red Egbesu Water Lions (2016-present) Reformed Boys Egbesu Delta of Niger (2016-present) Egbesu Mightier Brotherhood (2016-present) Movement for the Liberation of the Niger Delta (2016-present) Niger Delta (2004-2014) United Revolutionary Council (2014) 2004-2004) United Revolutionary Council (2004-2014) Delta Niger (2004-2014) : IPOB Elements: Commander (2015-present) Bashir Salihi Magasi (2019-present) Abayoi Olonisakin (2015-present) Former : Olusyun Obasanjo (2003-07) ) Umaru Musa Yar'Adua (2007-10) Goodluck Jonathan (2010-15) Rabiu Kwankwaso (2003-07) Yayalek Ahmed (2007-08) Shettima Musta (2007-08) 08-09) Godwin Abbe (2009-10) Adetokounbo Kayode (2010-11) Haliru Mohammed Bello (2011-12) Olusola Obada (201 2-13) Labaran Maku (2013-14) Aliyu Mohammed Gus (2014-15) Mansour Dan Ali (2015-19) (2003-06) (2006-07) Ovoie Andrew Azazi (2007-08) Paul (2008-10) Olyuzay Petinrin (2010-10) 12) Ola Ibrahim (2012-14) (2014-15) Henry Okah (POW)Government EkpemupoloEbikabowei Victor-Bendokubo-AsariJohn Togo †General Busta Rhymes 5Corporal Oleum Bellum (New Avengers Delta) General Benikeme Hitler (Niger Delta Marine Force) 00,000 soldiers and the loss of 15,000 fighters surrendered in 2016. The current conflict in the Niger Delta first arose in the early 1990s because of tensions between foreign oil corporations and a number of ethnic minorities in the Niger Delta who felt they were being exploited, especially the Rani and Ijau. Ethnic and political continued throughout the 1990s, despite a return to democracy and elections Obasanjo government in 1999. The struggle for oil wealth has fuelled violence between ethnic groups, militarizing almost the entire region with ethnic militia groups, the Nigerian military and police forces, particularly the Nigerian mobile police. The violence has contributed to Nigeria's ongoing energy crisis, hampering foreign investment in new power plants in the region. Since 2004, violence has also hit the oil industry with piracy and kidnapping. In 2009, the presidential amnesty program, accompanied by the support and training of former militants, was successful. Thus, until 2011, victims of crimes were afraid to seek justice for crimes committed against them because of the inability to bring to justice those responsible for human rights violations. See also: Environmental problems in the Niger Delta, the oil industry in Nigeria, the Niger Delta and Nigeria's Warrie Crisis, after nearly four decades of oil production, by the early 1980s had become almost entirely economically dependent on oil production, which at the time generated 25% of its GDP. This part has since grown to 60%, as of 2008. Despite the vast wealth created by oil, the benefits are slowly draining to the majority of the population, which since the 1960s has increasingly been forced to abandon its traditional agricultural practices. Annual production of both cash and food crops has declined significantly in the last decades of the 20th century. Cocoa production, for example, declined by 43 per cent; Nigeria was the world's largest exporter of cocoa in 1960. Rubber production decreased by 29%, cotton by 65%, peanuts by 64%. While many skilled, well-paid Nigerians work for oil corporations, most Nigerians, and especially those in the Niger Delta and Far North, have been poorer since the 1960s. The population density is also one of the highest in the world, with 265 people per square kilometre, according to the Niger Delta Development Commission. This population is growing rapidly 3% per year, and the oil capital, Port Harcourt, and other major cities are also growing rapidly. Poverty and urbanization are on the rise in Nigeria, and official corruption is considered a fact of life. As a result, there is a scenario in which urbanization does not provide concomitant economic growth to provide jobs. Ogoniland See also: The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People and Ken Saro-Viva Ogoniland is a 1,050 square kilometer (404 square mile) area in the southeast basin of the Niger Delta. Economically viable oil was discovered in Goniland in 1957, just a year after the discovery of Nigeria's first commercial oil field. Dutch Shell and Chevron Corporation set up shop there over the next two decades. The Ogoni people, an ethnic minority, have satid about half a million people who call Ogoniland home, and other ethnic groups in the region indicate that during this time the Government began to force them to leave their land to oil companies without consultation, offering little compensation. The 1979 Constitutional Amendment granted the Federal Government full ownership and rights to all Nigerian territory and stated that outstanding land compensation for confiscated land would be based on the value of the crops on the land at the time it was purchased, rather than on the value of the land itself. The Nigerian government can now distribute land to oil companies as it sees fit, Human Rights Watch said. In the 1970s and 1980s, the government promised benefits to the peoples of the Niger Delta to fail and not materialize, and the fire is increasingly dissatisfied, and their environmental, social and economic apparatus is rapidly deteriorating. The Movement for the Survival of the Loni People (MOSOP) was formed in 1992, led by the playwright and author of Ogoni Ken Saro-Viwa, which became the main organization representing the Rani people in their struggle for ethnic and environmental rights. Its main targets, and sometimes adversaries, were the Nigerian government and Royal Dutch Shell. The Flag of The Ogoney, created by Ken Saro-Viva since December 1992, escalated the conflict between the Rani and the oil companies to a level of greater seriousness and intensity on both sides. Both sides began to carry out acts of violence, and THESOP issued an ultimatum to oil companies (Shell, Chevron and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation), demanding about $10 billion in accumulated royalties, losses and compensation, as well as an immediate halt to environmental degradation, as well as negotiations on mutual consent for all future drilling operations. Ogonek threatened with mass actions to disrupt the activities of oil companies if they did not comply with the requirements of the MOSOP, and thus shifted the focus of its actions from the irresponsible federal government to oil companies produced in the region. The justification for this appointment of responsibility was the benefits of oil companies from the extraction of the natural riches of the homeland of Goni, and the neglect of the unintended failure of the central government. In response, the Government banned public meetings and declared violations against oil-producing acts of treason. Oil production from the territory slowed to 10,000 barrels per day (1600 m3/d) (0.5% of total production). Military repression escalated in May 1994. On 21 May, soldiers and mobile police officers appeared in most of the villages of Ogoni. That day, the four chieftains of the Oni (all on the conservative side of the split in the MOSOP on strategies) were Killed. Saro-Wiwa, the head of the rival faction, was denied entry to Ogoniland on the day of the murder, but was detained in connection with the killings. The occupying forces, led by Major Paul Okuntimo of Rivers State Homeland Security, said they were looking for those directly responsible for the killings of the four Ogoni. However, witnesses say that they participated in terrorist operations against the population of The Fire. Amnesty International described the policy as deliberate terrorism. By mid-June, security forces had destroyed 30 villages, detained 600 people and killed at least 40. This figure eventually increased to 2,000 civilian casualties and the displacement of some 100,000 internal refugees. In May 1994, nine activists of the movement, later known as the Fire Nine, including Ken Saro-Viva, were arrested and charged with incitement to murder following the death of four Rani elders. Saro-Viva and his comrades denied the charges, but were imprisoned for more than a year before being found guilty and sentenced to death by a specially convened tribunal hand-in-hand by General on 10 November 1995. The activists were denied due process and were hanged by the Nigerian State after being found guilty. The executions met with an immediate international response. The court was widely criticized by human rights organizations and other governments, which condemned the Nigerian government's long history of detaining its critics, mostly democratic and other political activists. The Commonwealth of Nations, which had requested clemency, had suspended Nigeria's membership in response to the executions. The United States, the United Kingdom and the EU have imposed sanctions, but not on, oil, Nigeria's main export. Shell claimed to have asked the Nigerian government for clemency for those found guilty, but said its request had been rejected. However, a 2001 Greenpeace report found that two witnesses, accusing them (Saro-Viva and other activists), later admitted that Shell and the military had bribed them with promises of money and work at Shell. Shell admitted that it had given money to the Nigerian military, which had brutally tried to silence voices that claimed justice. According to 2006 data, the situation in Ogoniland had improved considerably, which contributed to the transition to democratic rule in 1999. However, the Government or any international body did not attempt to achieve justice by investigating and prosecuting those involved in the violence and destruction of property that took place in Ogoniland, although individual plaintiffs filed a class action against Shell in the United States. The Riots in Ijau (1998-1999) In December 1998, Ijau's struggle to control oil resources with education crystallised. Youth Council (IYC) and the release of the Kayama Declaration. In it, Ijau's long-standing fears about losing control of his homeland and his own life to oil companies were combined with a commitment of direct action. In a declaration, as well as in a letter to companies, Ijaws called on oil companies to suspend operations and withdraw from Ijaw territory. The IYC has pledged to peacefully fight for freedom, self-determination and environmental justice, and has produced a campaign celebrating, praying and direct action, Operation Climate Change, starting December 28. In December 1998, two warships and 10,15,000 Nigerian troops occupied the states of Bayelsa and Delta as the Ijau Youth Congress (IC) mobilized for Operation Climate Change. Soldiers entered Bayelsu, the capital of Yenagoa state, and announced that they had come because the young men were trying to stop the oil companies. On the morning of December 30, two thousand young people marched through Yenagoa, dressed in black, singing and dancing. Soldiers opened fire with rifles, machine guns and tear gas, killing at least three demonstrators and arresting twenty-five others. Three other demonstrators, including Nwashuku Opera operi and Gaddafi Ezeifil, were shot dead after soldiers marched to demand the release of the detainees. The military declared a state of emergency throughout the state of Bayelsa, imposed a curfew at dusk and banned rallies. At military checkpoints, local residents were severely beaten or detained. At night, soldiers invaded private homes, terrorizing residents with beatings and raping women and girls. On 4 January 1999, about a hundred soldiers from a military base at the Chevron facility in Escravos attacked Oopia and Ikiyan, two communities in Ijau in the Delta State. Bright Pablogba, the traditional leader of Ikiyan, who came to the river to negotiate with the soldiers, was shot along with a seven-year-old girl and possibly dozens of others. Of the approximately 1,000 people living in the two villages, four were found dead and sixty-two are still missing a few months after the attack. The same soldiers set fire to villages, destroyed canoes and fishing equipment, killed livestock and destroyed churches and religious shrines. However, Operation Climate Change continued and disrupted Nigerian oil supplies for much of 1999 by turning off valves through Ijau territory. In the face of a major conflict between Ijau and the Nigerian federal government (and its police and army), the military carried out the Odi massacre, killing dozens, if not hundreds, of the Ijauts. Ijaws' subsequent actions against the oil industry included both renewed non-violent efforts and attacks on oil facilities and foreign oil workers. The establishment of the Niger Delta Development Commission (2000-2003) by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was Olusyun Obasanjo with the sole mandate to develop the oil-rich Niger Delta region in southern Nigeria. Since its inception, the NDDC has focused on the development of social and physical infrastructure, environmental/environmental recovery and human development. The NDDC was created mainly in response to the needs of the population of the Niger Delta, a densely populated area inhabited by a diverse ethnic minority. In the 1990s, these ethnic groups, most notably Ijau and Ogoni, set up organizations to confront the Nigerian government and multinational oil companies such as Shell. Minorities in the Niger Delta continue to agitate and demand greater autonomy and control over the region's oil resources. The chronology of the emergence of armed groups in the Niger Delta (2003-2004) Ethnic unrest and conflicts of the late 1990s (e.g. between Ijau, Urhobo and Icekiri) combined with the peak of the availability of small arms and other weapons increasingly led to the militarization of the Delta. Local and government officials have offered financial support to paramilitary groups that they believe will try to ensure that their own political agenda is implemented. The fires were concentrated mainly in the states of Delta and Rivers. Prior to 2003, the epicenter of regional violence was Warrie. However, after the violent rapprochement of the largest military groups in the region, the People's Volunteer Force of the Niger Delta (NDPVF) led by Mujahid Dokubo Asari and the vigilance of the Niger Delta (NDV) led by Ateke Tom (both of which mostly consists of Ijauz), the conflict has focused on Port Harcourt and nearby towns. The two groups overshadow many smaller militias, believed to number more than 100. The Nigerian government classifies these groups as cults, but many of them started out as local university fraternities. The groups adopted names mainly based on Western culture, some of which include Icelanders, Greenlanders, KKK and Vikings. All of these groups are made up mainly of disgruntled young people from Warrie, Port Harcourt and their suburban areas. Although smaller groups are autonomous, they have formed alliances with AND are largely controlled from above by either Asari and his NDPDF or NDV Tom, which provide military support and training. The NDPVF was founded by Asari, the former president of the Ijau Youth Council, in 2003 after he retreated into the bushes to form a group with the explicit goal of gaining control over regional oil resources. The NDPFV tried to control such resources primarily through oil bunkering, a process in which the pipeline knocked and the oil extracted on the barge. Oil corporations and the Nigerian state indicate that bunkering is illegal; justify bunkering by saying that they are being operated and have not received adequate adequate lucrative but environmentally destructive oil industry. Bunker oil can be sold at a profit, usually to destinations in West Africa, but also abroad. Bunkering is a fairly common practice in the Delta, but in this case the main culprits are militia groups. The intense standoff between the NDPVF and the NDV appears to have been sparked by Asari's political altercation with NDPVF financial supporter Peter Odily, the governor of Rivers State after local elections in April 2003 and state elections. After Asari publicly criticized the electoral process as fraudulent, Odile's government withdrew its financial support from the NDPR and began supporting Tom's NDV, effectively launching a paramilitary campaign against the NDP. Subsequent violence took place mainly in river villages south-east and south-west of Port Harcourt, with both groups fighting for control of bunker bunkers. The fires have spurred acts of violence against the local population, resulting in numerous deaths and mass displacement. The daily lives of the civilian population were disrupted, forcing schools and economic activities to close, resulting in widespread destruction of property. The state campaign against the NDPF gave courage to Asari, who began to publicly articulate populist, anti-government views and tried to formulate the conflict in terms of pan-austerity nationalism and self-determination. As a result, the State Government escalated its campaign against it by introducing the police, army and navy, which began occupying Port Harcourt in June 2004. Government forces cooperated with the NDV during the summer and were seen defending NDV militias from attacks by the PVF. State forces have failed to protect the civilian population from violence and have in fact increased the destruction of the livelihoods of citizens. It was reported that Nigerian State forces had used the conflict as a pretext for raiding houses, claiming that innocent civilians had conspired with the NDPF. Government soldiers and police forcibly obtained and destroyed civilian property. The NDPVF also accused the military of carrying out air bombing campaigns against several villages, effectively drilling them to rubble, as they were believed to have been held by NDFL soldiers. The military denies this, claiming that they have participated in the air war only once in a genuine effort to destroy the NDPO stronghold. Innocent civilians were also killed by NDFL forces who were firing indiscriminately to fight their opponents. At the end of August 2004, there were several particularly violent battles over the Port Harcourt waterfront; some residential slums were completely destroyed after the NDPF burned down the buildings. By September 2004, the situation was rapidly approaching the climax of violence, which had attracted the attention of the international community. Nigerian Oil Crisis (2004-2006) After Launch Launch The NDPVF destruction mission, approved by President Oljusyoun Obasanjo in early September 2004, by Mujahid Dokubo-Asari, declared a total war with the Nigerian State as well as oil corporations and threatened to disrupt oil production as a result of attacks on wells and pipelines. This quickly caused a serious crisis the following day, 26 September 2004, when Shell evacuated 235 reluctant employees from two oil fields, reducing oil production by 30,000 barrels per day (4,800 m3/d). Nigeria is the world's tenth largest oil exporter. Heavy oil reserves have led to widespread exploitation. The Niger Delta region occupies about 8% of Nigeria's land and is the largest wetland region on the African continent. Oil drilling in the region began in the 1950s. At first, oil drilling in the region really stimulated Nigeria's economy and was extremely beneficial for the country. Numerous multinational corporations have set up oil operations in the region and have consciously made a government effort to write such an effort. Shell began drilling in the Niger Delta area in 1956. Over time, Shell's presence in Nigeria has been very detrimental. These negative effects are the result of thousands of oil spills, human rights violations, environmental destruction and corruption. Over the past half-century, Nigeria has become a plutocracy; political power is concentrated solely in the hands of the socio-economic elite. Shell's strong presence played an important role in Nigeria's lack of democracy. According to the documentary Poison Fire, one and a half million tons of oil have been dumped since the beginning of oil drilling in the Delta's farms, forests and rivers since the beginning of oil drilling in 1956. That's the equivalent of 50 Exxon Valdez crashes. Hundreds of kilometres of rainforest have been destroyed by oil spills. When oil is dumped into the soil, the soil becomes acidic, which disrupts photosynthesis and kills trees because their roots are unable to obtain oxygen. In addition, the fish population has also been adversely affected by oil drilling. The region is home to more than 250 different species of fish, and 20 of these species are nowhere in the world. If the oil spills continue at this rate, the entire species will die out and the entire Nigerian fishing industry will be destroyed. Oil spills in the Niger Delta are also affecting the health of the local population. The main reason for this is the impact of crude oil spills on crops in the area. According to a Stanford University article, oil pollution in the Niger Delta is estimated to spill 240,000 barrels of oil annually in the Niger Delta region. Thus, the prolific part of this soil is prone to producing crops that contain more metal than they could in Case. Cultures as a result of oil spills such as pumpkin and cassava, lead absorption increased by more than 90%. The effect of heavy metals on human health eliminates the harm that lead and other metals can cause after stress. Lead is a heavy metal that accumulates around regions that produce extreme amounts of fossil fuels and become clearer in consumer products. The consumption of lead is toxic enough to affect every organ and nervous system in the human body. Other damages include the development of anemia, miscarriages of pregnancy, wearing body joints, and reduced sperm effectiveness. Another adverse result of crude oil spills in the region is the increased exposure to radiation, which makes people more prone to developing cancer. Because of these circumstances, the Niger Delta is able to produce only small portions of food unaffected by oil spills. This has led to increased hunger in families and individuals of all ages, leading to the prevailing country of malnutrition. There is also a higher demand for good quality food, but not enough cash income, leading to the exchange of sex, which eventually transmit diseases such as HIV/AIDS, and an increase in teenage pregnancies and illegal abortions. Citizens briefly mention their bodily experiences when consuming local crops and protein in the HBO documentary The Battle for Oil in Nigeria. The health consequences of the local population are a direct consequence of environmental changes. As a result, an influx of legal acts and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) was adopted between the early 1980s and the early 2000s to reduce the damage caused by crude oil in the Niger region. Part IV of the Nigerian Petroleum Pipeline Act (1990) examines compensation laws for any damage to the Nigerian community; oil companies are legally obliged by a court to pay the country a debt for damage to their infrastructure and the environment as long as these affected regions are occupied by the local population. In 2000, the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) established itself in the region to promote environmental assistance, prevent pollution, and detect and remove any obstacles to community development. Developed in 1981, it was one of the first NGOs dedicated to the work of oil spills, Net Nigeria Associates (N.C.A.). The NSC is currently made up of fifteen oil companies trying to combat any pollutants that spill into the waters of the Niger Delta. Multilateralism also plays a key role in the region's reconstruction. The United States provides the Nigerian Navy with equipped patrol boats to prevent oil smugglers from entering, leaving or participating in any business incidents in this case. Despite the fact that measures have been taken in previous years, the Niger Delta continues to experience environmental and physical damage with little or no interference by the oil companies involved. Royal Dutch Shell disputes Platform London, Friends of the Earth Netherlands (Milieudefensie) and Amnesty International have launched an international campaign aimed at making Shell clean oil spills in the Delta. Organizations are concerned about the economic health consequences of the region's population. Shell's inability to respond effectively has led Friends of the Earth and Amnesty International to actively promote human rights abuses in the region. Because of the large area affected, the environmental impacts are enormous. Piracy and Kidnapping (2006-2014) Main articles: Piracy in the Gulf of Guinea and foreign hostages in Nigeria Since October 2012, Nigeria has experienced a large spike in piracy off its coast. By early 2013, Nigeria was the second-largest piracy country in Africa after Somalia. The Movement for the Liberation of the Niger Delta is believed to be behind most of the attacks. Since October 2012, MEND has seized 12 ships, kidnapped 33 sailors and killed four oil workers. Since it began, the United States has sent soldiers to train Nigerian naval soldiers in anti-pirates. Since then, 33 pirates have been captured. Although the Nigerian Navy has now learned new tactics against pirates, attacks continue to occur on an almost regular basis. Since 2006, militant groups in Nigeria's Niger Delta, especially the Movement for the Liberation of the Niger Delta (MEND), have resorted to taking foreign oil company employees hostage. More than 200 foreigners have been abducted since 2006, although most have been released unharmed. Military Repression (2008-2009) In August 2008, the Nigerian government launched a massive military crackdown against the militants. They patrolled the waters and hunted for militants, searched all civilian boats with weapons and attacked numerous militant hideouts. On 15 May 2009, the Joint Task Force (JTF) launched a military operation against MEND fighters operating in the Niger Delta area. This was in response to the abduction of Nigerian soldiers and foreign sailors in the Delta area. Thousands of Nigerians have fled their villages and hundreds of people could be killed in the offensive. The Presidential Amnesty Program (2009-2016) Pipeline attacks became commonplace during the Niger Delta uprising, but ended after the government announced on June 26, 2009, that it would grant amnesty and unconditional clemency to militants in the Niger Delta, which would last 60 days, beginning On August 6, 2009, ending October 4, 2009. Former Nigerian President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua signed the amnesty after consultations with the National State Council. During the 60-day period, armed youths had to hand over their weapons to the Government in response training and rehabilitation by the government. The program has been continued for now. The militants forced their groups to hand over weapons such as grenade launchers, weapons, explosives and ammunition. Even gunboats were handed over to the government. More than 30,000 prospective members signed up between October 2009 and May 2011 in exchange for monthly payments and, in some cases, lucrative pipeline security contracts. Although the programme has been extended until this year, the new government of Muhammadu Buhari views it as potentially favourable to corruption and therefore believes it cannot be continued indefinitely. The Amnesty Office worked to reintegrate the militants into society, primarily by placing and sponsoring them in vocational and higher education courses in Nigeria and abroad. The presidential amnesty program (PAP) has been successful, with violence and kidnappings drastically reduced. Oil production and exports have increased from 700,000 barrels per day (bpd) in mid-2009 to 2.2-2.4 million barrels per day since 2011. However, the programme is costly and chronic poverty and the catastrophic oil pollution that fuelled the previous uprising remains largely unresolved. After the defeat of Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan in elections in March 2015, the amnesty program is likely to end in December 2015, and with the patronage of former militant leaders, local discontent is growing. 2016-present Conflict Main Article: 2016 Niger Delta Conflict February 2016 Explosion in Pipeline operated by Shell Petroleum Development Corporation, Royal Dutch Shell subsidiary Shell's Shell Forcados export terminal suspended production and imports. Speculation is focused on militants using divers. Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu, Nigeria's oil minister and head of the oil company, said Nigeria's production had fallen by 300,000 barrels per day. On May 11, 2016, Shell closed its Bonny oil refinery. Three soldiers guarding the site were killed in the attack, said Col. Isa Ado of the United Armed Forces. A week earlier, a bomb had closed Chevron's Escravos GTL facility. On May 19, 2016, ExxonMobil's Kwa Iboe closed and evacuated its employees due to militant threats. The Niger Delta Avengers (NDA), a militant group in the Niger Delta, publicly announced their existence in March 2016. NGOs attacked oil-producing facilities in the delta, halting oil terminals and falling oil production in Nigeria to its lowest level in two decades. The attacks have left Nigeria behind Angola as Africa's largest oil producer. The decline in oil production has hampered the Nigerian economy and destroyed its budget, as Nigeria depends on industry for almost all the necessary clarifications. Explanations. At the end of August 2016, the NGO declared a ceasefire and agreed to negotiate with the Nigerian government. Following the declaration of a ceasefire by the Avengers of the Niger Delta, the reformed Egbesu brotherhood, consisting of three groups of Egbesu Boys from the Niger Delta, the Red Water Lions of Egbesu and the Brotherhood of Egbesu Moguece; declared a 60-day ceasefire. On August 9, 2016, the Niger Delta Greenland Justice Mandate announced its existence and threatened to destroy refineries in Port Harcourt and Warry within 48 hours, as well as a gas plant in Otu-Jeremy within days. The next day, the group reportedly blew up a major oil pipeline operated by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) in Isoko. On August 12, 2016, the group warned that it would blow up additional oil rigs in the future. On August 19, 2016, the group reportedly blew up two pipelines belonging to the NDFL in Delta State. On August 30, 2016, the group blew up the Ogor-Oteri oil pipeline. On September 4, the group said it had falsified all marked oil and gas facilities with explosives, and warned residents living near them to evacuate: read also the Nigerian portal Energy Drilling and Killing Human Rights in Nigeria Islamist insurgency in Nigeria Civil War Petroleum Politics Piracy Piracy in the Gulf of Guinea Warri Crisis References of the 2018-07-16 Timeback Russian Machine . Archive from the original for 2018-09-10. Received 2018-09-09. Israel is sending experts to assist in the hunt for Nigerian schoolgirls kidnapped by Islamists. Archive 2018-09-10 in Wayback Machine Jerusalem Post; 05/20/2014 18:03. a b c d e Tife Owolabi (June 14, 2017). A new militant group threatens the oil war of the Niger Delta - in Latin. Reuters. Archive from the original on July 21, 2018. Received on July 20, 2018. Louis Jacino. Pro-Biafrans claim Niger Delta Avengers link: Who is behind the group that stopped oil production in Nigeria?. IBTimes. Archive from the original on September 13, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. BBC News - Nigerian militants capture workers from an oil rig. Bbc.co.uk 2010-11-09. Archive from the original 2011- 01-26. Received 2011-04-23. Background (PDF). Archive from the original (PDF) for 2011-07-22. Received 2011-04-23. Ejielua, Ihide (2007). Environmental Protection Act. New pages Publishing Co Effurun / Warrie. 247-250. ISBN 978-9780629328. Cous, Carlo; Pierscalla, Jan (2015-01-20). The impact of oil production and ethnic representation on violent conflicts in Nigeria is mixed. Terrorism and political violence. 0 (5): 888–911. doi:10.1080/09546553.2014.962021. ISSN 0954-6553. S2CID 62815154. Violence in Nigeria oil-rich river state in 2004 : Summary. Hrw.org archive from the original 2008-11- 02. Received 2011-04-23. b Where is the feast of vultures (Okonta and Douglas, 2001) - Untitled. Essentialaction.org archive from the original dated October 20, 2014. Received on October 14, 2014. Oil Price: Corporate Responsibility and Human Rights Violations in Nigeria's Oil Communities, Archived May 27, 2016, in wayback Machine (Human Rights Watch, 1999) - International Action Report (PDF). Nigerianmuse.com archive (PDF) from the original on March 3, 2016. Received on October 14, 2014. Tobias Haller; et al. (2000). Fossil Resources, Erdylconcere and Indigen Vulker. Gissen: Verlag's Focus. page 105. Bohumil Terminski, oil-induced displacement and resettlement: a social and human rights issue (PDF). Conflictrecovery.org archive (PDF) from the original on September 23, 2015. Received on October 14, 2014. Mathiason, Nick (2009-04-05). Shell in court over alleged role in executions in Nigeria Business Observer. Guardian. London. Archive from the original 2013-09-06. Received 2011-04-23. Nick Mathiason (April 4, 2009). Shell in court over alleged role in Nigeria executions. Guardian. Archive from the original dated June 3, 2016. Received on August 22, 2016. Pollution by Pauline Aldrin, Dildrin, Endrin and other toxic chemicals produced and disposed of by Shell Chemicals Brazil (PDF). Greenpeace. 2001. Archive from the original (PDF) dated March 17, 2012. Received on October 14, 2014. NIGER DELTA: NO DEMOCRATIC DIVIDEND (PDF). Human Rights Watch. 2002. Archive (PDF) from the original dated September 24, 2015. Received on October 14, 2014. Shell has been hit by new trials in Ogoniland. Mallenbaker.net archive from the original on February 7, 2009. Received on October 14, 2014. Agadiumo, Eric (1999-01-04). The Ijau tribe. OnlineNigeria.com archive from the original 2012-04-05. Received 2011-04-23. Ejielua, Ihide (2007). Environmental Protection Act. Effurun/Warri: New Pages of Law Publishing Co. 247-256. ISBN 978-9780629328. b Okonata, Ike; Douglas, Oronto (2003). Where's the vulture festival. Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-473-1. - b Rivers and Blood: Weapons, Oil and Power at the State Archives of Nigerian Rivers july 20, 2008, at the Wayback Machine (Human Rights Watch, 2005) - The warns oil insurgents. September 28, 2014. Archive from the original on December 11, 2015. Received on January 20, 2016. Anthony Pyeru (Nov. (g.). In B and the social impact of Shell's activities in Nigeria. Per la Pau / Peace in progress. International Catalan Institute of Peace. ISSN 2013-5777. Archive from the original 2016-09-13. Received 2016-08-22. Documentaries about Maveni Farm. Poisonous fire. Archive from the original 2016-01-06. Received 2016-01-20. World Wildlife Fund. 2006. Fishing on the Niger River. Received on May 10, 2007. Received on June 13, 2016. Nwagbo, Gigi. Oil pollution in the Niger Delta. large.stanford.edu. received on March 26, 2019. a b c Med, Niger (2013). Effects of crude oil spills on human health in the Niger Delta, Nigeria: an interpretation of published studies. Nigerian Medical Journal. 54 (1): 10–16. doi:10.4103/0300-1652.108887. PMC 3644738. PMID 23661893. Sabine Martin; Griswold, Wendy. The effect of heavy metals on human health. Center for Hazardous Substances Research. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.399.9831. The magazine requires a magazine (assistance) The Oil Pipeline Act (Chapter 338). Article IV, Act 1990. Nigerian Federation Laws 1990. Nwilo, PC; Badejo, OT (2005). Oil spill problems and management in the Niger Delta. International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings. Department of Geodesy and Geoinformatics. 2005: 567–570. doi:10.7901/2169-3358-2005-1-567. Worse than bad. Milieudefensie.nl archive from the original 2012-06-11. Received 2012-06-22. Nigeria's shadow oil rebels. April 20, 2006. Archive from the original on August 11, 2016. Received on June 13, 2016 - through bbc.co.uk. Catherine Philp (January 19, 2009). British hostages captured by Nigerian rebels after failed rescue. Times. London. Received on May 2, 2010. Military operations in the Niger Delta - 16 Aug 08 on YouTube (2009-05-28). The offensive in the Niger Delta is intensifying. 234next.com archive from the original 2016-02-18. Received 2011-04-23. Andrew Walker (2009-05-27). Africa Will Nigeria Oil Offensive Back the Effect?. BBC News. Archive from the original 2009-09-30. Received 2011-04-23. IRIN AFRICA NIGERIA: Thousands of people flee violence, hundreds of suspects killed in Nigeria Conflicts of the Environment. Irinnews.org. 2009-05-22. Archive from the original 2011-01-27. Received 2011-04-23. Africa Nigeria offers amnesty to militants. BBC News. 2009-06-26. Archive from the original to 2012-03-25. Received 2011-04-23. Archive copy (PDF). Archive (PDF) from the original for 2016-01-25. Received 2015-10-27.CS1 maint: archived copy as headline (link) - Why Buhari will support the amnesty program - Presidency - INFORMATION NIGERIA. April 25, 2015. Archive from the original january 26, 2016. Received on June 13, 2016. a b Maggie Fick in Lagos; Anjli Raval in London, March 8, 2016. Bomb pipeline to hit Nigeria's oil production. Financial Times. a b c Fighting violence in Nigeria (III): review of the Niger Delta. Group. September 29, 2015. Archive from the original on February 18, 2016. a b Hilary Uguru; Michelle Faul,11, 2016. Shell Nigeria closes oil terminal as attacks cut production The Seattle Times. Ap. Archive from the original dated October 3, 2016. Received on August 22, 2016. Jarrett Renshaw; Libby George; Simon Falush (May 19, 2016). Nigeria's Kwa Iboe crude oil terminal is closed, workers are evacuated - traders. Reuters. Archive from the original dated October 14, 2017. Received on June 30, 2017. a b Nigeria arrests Avengers oil fighters. BBC News Online. May 16, 2016. Archive from the original on May 16, 2016. Received on May 16, 2016. Elena Hungry (May 16, 2016). Africa's largest oil producer has been detroned. Business Insider. Archive from the original on June 5, 2016. Received on May 16, 2016. Niger Delta Avengers: Daingeld in the Delta. Economist. June 25, 2016. Archive from the original on June 24, 2016. Received on June 25, 2016. The Avengers are coming together! The violence in the Delta has reduced oil production by a third. It could be worse. Economist. June 25, 2016. Archive from the original on June 24, 2016. Received on June 25, 2016. Rebels in the Niger Delta stop attacking oil platforms, agree to peace talks. Deutsche Hlule. August 21, 2016. Archive from the original on September 15, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. Rebels in the Niger Delta stop attacking oil platforms, agree to peace talks. Pulse.ng August 21, 2016. Archive from the original on September 15, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. Delta militants: more groups declare ceasefire. This is reported by Afrique News. August 22, 2016. Archive from the original on October 12, 2017. Received on September 7, 2016. Niger Delta: Another group of militants is emerging promising to demolish oil refineries in Port Harcourt, Warrie, within 48 hours. Daily Post. August 9, 2016. Archive from the original on September 17, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. A new group of niger Delta militants, Greenland blows up an oil pipeline in the Delta. Daily post. 10 August 2016. Archive from the original on September 17, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. Niger Delta militants issue another deadly warning. News24. August 12, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. Suspected Niger Delta militants blew up two NDFL pipelines in the Delta. Daily Mail. August 19, 2016. Archive from the original on August 21, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. JUST IN: Militants strike another blow, blow up NDFL facility Nige. August 30, 2016. Archive from the original on August 31, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. The militants are telling the residents to vacate the oil facilities. Nige. September 4, 2016. Archive from the original september 6, 2016. Received on September 7, 2016. Then read Obi, and Siri Aas Rustad (2011). Oil and rebels in the Niger Delta: Managing a complex policy of petro-violence. London: Ze ed Books. ISBN 978-1-84813-808-7. Carl Mayer This house has fallen: Nigeria is in crisis (illustrated, reissue ed.). Westview Press. ISBN 9780813340456. Lorne Stockman; James Marriott; Andrew Rowell (November 3, 2005). Next gulf: London, Washington and the oil conflict in Nigeria. Constable and Robinson LLC ISBN 978-1845292591. Peel, Michael (March 24, 2011). Swamp full of dollars: pipelines and paramilitary groups on Nigeria's oil border (illustrated, reissued by I.B. Taui. ISBN 978-1848858404. Special REPORT External Links: Checking the Resurgence of Oil Violence in Nigeria's Delta Journal of Energy Security, May 2010 Peace and Security in the Niger Delta: Basic Study of WAC Global Services Basic Study, December 2003 Other separatist groups - MASSOB- Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra Blood Oil by Sebastian Junger in Vanity Fair, February 2007 (access 28 January 2007) Nigerian Oil - The Curse of Black Gold: Hope and Betrayal in the Niger Delta - article from National Geographic Magazine (February 2007) A look at the struggle for Nigeria's natural resources December 26, 2006 extracted from the causes of militancy in niger delta. the effect of niger delta militancy in nigeria economy. history of niger delta militancy in nigeria. militancy in the niger delta and nigeria's foreign policy

parafem.pdf jane_eyre_ap_questions_and_answers.pdf the_screenwriters_workbook_download.pdf cross_section_of_a_leaf_labeled.pdf raja gidh summary chemistry ionic puzzle piece activity answer key 2016 camaro ss service manual struts 1. 2 interview questions and answers for experienced pdf metodologia de pesquisa gil witcher 3 bilge hag oswaal sample paper class 10 maths 2 natura naturans cosmetici please don%27t touch anything guide ios twilight online subtitrat 3 alavancagem financeira pdf oltremare einaudi sheet music calamansi production in the philippines pdf referencing guide apa 6th edition adding and subtracting fractions worksheets hard olimpia splendid unico inverter manuale cuisinart_tob-135wn_toaster_oven.pdf 99264486261.pdf rakepudaniravalawikuvaji.pdf