Militancy in niger delta pdf Continue The conflict in the Niger DeltaMap Nigeria numerically shows the states, usually considered part of the Niger Delta region: 1. Abya, 2. Aqua Ibom, 3. Bayelsa, 4. Cross River, 5. Delta, 6. Edo, 7.Imo, 8. Ondo, 9. RiversDate2003-present (17 years) Location Nigeria Delta Niger Abigail State Aqua Ibo State Bayels State Cross River State Edo State Ondo State Ondo StateStatus Current 15,000 militants signed for presidential amnesty Abigail State Aqua Ibo State Bayels Cross River State State-backed: Belarus 12 Israel 3 4 Niger Delta Avengers (2016-present) Niger Delta Greenland Justice Mandate (2016- present) Joint Forces Liberation of the Niger Delta Delta (2016-present) Joint Forces Liberation of the Niger Delta (2016-present) 2016-present) Niger Delta Red Squad (2016-present) Adaka Boro Avengers (2016-present) Asawana Deadly Force Delta Niger (2016-present) Niger Delta Revolutionary Crusaders (2016-present) New Delta Avengers (2017-present) Delta Niger Marine Force (2017-present) Reformed Brotherhood of Egbesu Red Egbesu Water Lions (2016-present) Reformed Boys Egbesu Delta of Niger (2016-present) Egbesu Mightier Brotherhood (2016-present) Movement for the Liberation of the Niger Delta (2016-present) Niger Delta (2004-2014) United Revolutionary Council (2014) 2004-2004) United Revolutionary Council (2004-2014) Delta Niger (2004-2014) : IPOB Elements: Commander Muhammadu Buhari (2015-present) Bashir Salihi Magasi (2019-present) Abayoi Olonisakin (2015-present) Former : Olusyun Obasanjo (2003-07) ) Umaru Musa Yar'Adua (2007-10) Goodluck Jonathan (2010-15) Rabiu Kwankwaso (2003-07) Yayalek Ahmed (2007-08) Shettima Musta (2007-08) 08-09) Godwin Abbe (2009-10) Adetokounbo Kayode (2010-11) Haliru Mohammed Bello (2011-12) Olusola Obada (201 2-13) Labaran Maku (2013-14) Aliyu Mohammed Gus (2014-15) Mansour Dan Ali (2015-19) Alexander Ogomudia (2003-06) Martin Luther Agwai (2006-07) Ovoie Andrew Azazi (2007-08) Paul (2008-10) Olyuzay Petinrin (2010-10) 12) Ola Ibrahim (2012-14) Alex Badeh (2014-15) Henry Okah (POW)Government EkpemupoloEbikabowei Victor-Bendokubo-AsariJohn Togo †General Busta Rhymes 5Corporal Oleum Bellum (New Avengers Delta) General Benikeme Hitler (Niger Delta Marine Force) 00,000 soldiers and the loss of 15,000 fighters surrendered in 2016. The current conflict in the Niger Delta first arose in the early 1990s because of tensions between foreign oil corporations and a number of ethnic minorities in the Niger Delta who felt they were being exploited, especially the Rani and Ijau. Ethnic and political continued throughout the 1990s, despite a return to democracy and elections Obasanjo government in 1999. The struggle for oil wealth has fuelled violence between ethnic groups, militarizing almost the entire region with ethnic militia groups, the Nigerian military and police forces, particularly the Nigerian mobile police. The violence has contributed to Nigeria's ongoing energy crisis, hampering foreign investment in new power plants in the region. Since 2004, violence has also hit the oil industry with piracy and kidnapping. In 2009, the presidential amnesty program, accompanied by the support and training of former militants, was successful. Thus, until 2011, victims of crimes were afraid to seek justice for crimes committed against them because of the inability to bring to justice those responsible for human rights violations. See also: Environmental problems in the Niger Delta, the oil industry in Nigeria, the Niger Delta and Nigeria's Warrie Crisis, after nearly four decades of oil production, by the early 1980s had become almost entirely economically dependent on oil production, which at the time generated 25% of its GDP. This part has since grown to 60%, as of 2008. Despite the vast wealth created by oil, the benefits are slowly draining to the majority of the population, which since the 1960s has increasingly been forced to abandon its traditional agricultural practices. Annual production of both cash and food crops has declined significantly in the last decades of the 20th century. Cocoa production, for example, declined by 43 per cent; Nigeria was the world's largest exporter of cocoa in 1960. Rubber production decreased by 29%, cotton by 65%, peanuts by 64%. While many skilled, well-paid Nigerians work for oil corporations, most Nigerians, and especially those in the Niger Delta and Far North, have been poorer since the 1960s. The population density is also one of the highest in the world, with 265 people per square kilometre, according to the Niger Delta Development Commission. This population is growing rapidly 3% per year, and the oil capital, Port Harcourt, and other major cities are also growing rapidly. Poverty and urbanization are on the rise in Nigeria, and official corruption is considered a fact of life. As a result, there is a scenario in which urbanization does not provide concomitant economic growth to provide jobs. Ogoniland See also: The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People and Ken Saro-Viva Ogoniland is a 1,050 square kilometer (404 square mile) area in the southeast basin of the Niger Delta. Economically viable oil was discovered in Goniland in 1957, just a year after the discovery of Nigeria's first commercial oil field. Dutch Shell and Chevron Corporation set up shop there over the next two decades. The Ogoni people, an ethnic minority, have satid about half a million people who call Ogoniland home, and other ethnic groups in the region indicate that during this time the Government began to force them to leave their land to oil companies without consultation, offering little compensation. The 1979 Constitutional Amendment granted the Federal Government full ownership and rights to all Nigerian territory and stated that outstanding land compensation for confiscated land would be based on the value of the crops on the land at the time it was purchased, rather than on the value of the land itself. The Nigerian government can now distribute land to oil companies as it sees fit, Human Rights Watch said. In the 1970s and 1980s, the government promised benefits to the peoples of the Niger Delta to fail and not materialize, and the fire is increasingly dissatisfied, and their environmental, social and economic apparatus is rapidly deteriorating. The Movement for the Survival of the Loni People (MOSOP) was formed in 1992, led by the playwright and author of Ogoni Ken Saro-Viwa, which became the main organization representing the Rani people in their struggle for ethnic and environmental rights. Its main targets, and sometimes adversaries, were the Nigerian government and Royal Dutch Shell. The Flag of The Ogoney, created by Ken Saro-Viva since December 1992, escalated the conflict between the Rani and the oil companies to a level of greater seriousness and intensity on both sides. Both sides began to carry out acts of violence, and THESOP issued an ultimatum to oil companies (Shell, Chevron and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation), demanding about $10 billion in accumulated royalties, losses and compensation, as well as an immediate halt to environmental degradation, as well as negotiations on mutual consent for all future drilling operations. Ogonek threatened with mass actions to disrupt the activities of oil companies if they did not comply with the requirements of the MOSOP, and thus shifted the focus of its actions from the irresponsible federal government to oil companies produced in the region. The justification for this appointment of responsibility was the benefits of oil companies from the extraction of the natural riches of the homeland of Goni, and the neglect of the unintended failure of the central government. In response, the Government banned public meetings and declared violations against oil-producing acts of treason. Oil production from the territory slowed to 10,000 barrels per day (1600 m3/d) (0.5% of total production). Military repression escalated in May 1994. On 21 May, soldiers and mobile police officers appeared in most of the villages of Ogoni. That day, the four chieftains of the Oni (all on the conservative side of the split in the MOSOP on strategies) were Killed. Saro-Wiwa, the head of the rival faction, was denied entry to Ogoniland on the day of the murder, but was detained in connection with the killings. The occupying forces, led by Major Paul Okuntimo of Rivers State Homeland Security, said they were looking for those directly responsible for the killings of the four Ogoni. However, witnesses say that they participated in terrorist operations against the population of The Fire. Amnesty International described the policy as deliberate terrorism. By mid-June, security forces had destroyed 30 villages, detained 600 people and killed at least 40. This figure eventually increased to 2,000 civilian casualties and the displacement of some 100,000 internal refugees. In May 1994, nine activists of the movement, later known as the Fire Nine, including Ken Saro-Viva, were arrested and charged with incitement to murder following the death of four Rani elders. Saro-Viva and his comrades denied the charges, but were imprisoned for more than a year before being found guilty and sentenced to death by a specially convened tribunal hand-in-hand by General Sani Abacha on 10 November 1995. The activists were denied due process and were hanged by the Nigerian State after being found guilty. The executions met with an immediate international response. The court was widely criticized by human rights organizations and other governments, which condemned the Nigerian government's long history of detaining its critics, mostly democratic and other political activists. The Commonwealth of Nations, which had requested clemency, had suspended Nigeria's membership in response to the executions. The United States, the United Kingdom and the EU have imposed sanctions, but not on, oil, Nigeria's main export. Shell claimed to have asked the Nigerian government for clemency for those found guilty, but said its request had been rejected.