Family Engagement in US Schools Through the Lens of Four Saudi Mothers

Dissertation

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy

in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Ruba Hamam

Graduate Program in Education: Teaching and Learning

The Ohio State University

2020

Dissertation Committee

Laurie Katz, Advisor

Sarah Gallo

Michiko Hikida

Melinda Rhoades

Copyrighted by

Ruba Hamam

2020

Abstract

In this study, I examined how four Saudi mothers, temporarily living in the United States, engaged in the education of their elementary school-aged children. I used the framework of

Humanizing Family Engagement to discover the ways in which these mothers reported being engaged in their children’s education and how they viewed their roles in relation to their children’s education while in the U.S. Through a qualitatively designed project, I observed the authentic ways in which the Saudi mothers actively engaged with their children’s education and with the schools they attended. I employed what has come to be termed “friendship ethnography” (Stevenson & Lawthorn, 2017), as well as observation to conduct semi-structured interviews, establish a focus group, and collect artifacts. Findings indicate that the mothers engaged when the schools welcomed families, valued their cultures and their input, and communicated with them. This study also reveals that the Saudi mothers involved, embraced opportunities to participate freely in the U.S. schools.

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Dedication

إ ـھ ءاﺪ إ ﻟ ـ ﻰ و ا ﻟ ـﺪَﺗﻲ ِو ْﺟـﺪَان ووا ِﻟـﺪي َﻋﺒـْ ﺪ اﻟ ّﺴـ مﻼم

Dedicated to my parents, Wijdan and Abdul-Salam

{اﻟﻠﱠ ُﮭ ﱠﻢ ا ْﻧﻔَ ْﻌﻨِﻲ ﺑِ َﻤﺎ ﻋﻠ ْﻤﺘَﻨِﻲ، َو َﻋ ِﻠّ ْﻤﻨِﻲ َﻣﺎ ﯾَ ْﻨﻔَﻌُﻨِﻲ، َو ِز ْدﻧِﻲ ِﻋ ْﻠ ًﻤﺎ}

Oh God, help me with what you have taught me, teach me what helps me, and increase my knowledge

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Acknowledgments

First and last, thank you, ALLAH, for the amazing power that you have given me throughout my life. Thank you for your goodness and for your blessings. Thank you, too, for leading me on this journey to receive my Ph.D. You provided hope on the darkest of days.

Thank you for surrounding me with amazing people who always supported me.

From the depths of my heart, I offer words of gratitude to my beloved country, the

Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Thank you for making this opportunity possible and providing support for even the most minute details. May God bless you and uphold you, and may I continue to grow to be an honor for you.

I would like to also express my deepest appreciation and thanks to my superb advisor, Dr.

Laurie Katz. You have provided me with guidance and have continually motivated me from the time when I first arrived in the United States. Your insight, knowledge, wisdom, and nurturing support have been the foundation of my success as a student. Thank you for believing in me, and for pushing me out of my comfort zone. You provided opportunities for me to develop my skills as a presenter and writer. I will always treasure in my heart, the time that I have had as your student.

Special thanks to my wonderful committee members for their invaluable guidance and mentorship. Dr. Rhoades, you have encouraged me through your professional wisdom and your always helpful actions. You have supported me from the beginning of my journey to the end.

Thank you for accepting me into your full class when I first arrived in the United States even though the semester had already started. I am grateful for the opportunity to have learned from

iii you. As I approached the end of my journey, you stepped up again when I needed another committee member.

Dr. Gallo, your work has been an inspiration to me and a foundation for my dissertation research. Your work encouraged me to take a “humanizing” approach to the study of family engagement with schooling. Thank you for your continuous awareness of and support for the needs of international students. I also appreciate the path that you have carved for the field of family engagement.

Dr. Hikida, your support has greatly strengthened me throughout this journey. Your thoughtful and kind presence often comforted my heart on stressful days. Thank you for taking the time to understand my needs and my learning style, as well as supporting me as an international student. Thank you for the Origami flower you made for me on one of my presentation days. You have been an amazing source of encouragement and guidance throughout my journey.

Thank you to all of you participants who gave so willingly of your time to participate in my study. You opened your lives to me and trusted me with your stories. You shared with me, your personal experiences of engaging with schools in the United States, and I am forever grateful to you what I learned in the process of working with you. I greatly appreciate your commitment to and throughout the research process.

A special thanks to my beloved family for encouraging and motivating me to strive for my goal. In particular, thanks to my loving parents for their ever-present support and your heartfelt prayers. You have always inspired me to be the best I can be, and to accomplish my dreams. I would also like to extend my thanks to my brothers and sisters who have been with me

iv every step of the way and who never left my side. You have been such a blessing to me, not only through the doctoral journey, but also throughout all of my life.

I would like to thank my husband for encouraging me to accomplish my vision, for seeing my potential, and for believing in my abilities. I would also like to extend my thanks to my amazing children, Nour, Majd, and Abdulrahman. You have been the light in my heart from the moment that I first held each of you in my arms. I am thankful for how your unique gifts touched me at significant moment on my doctoral journey. Thank you for making it easier for me to keep going when I was feeling down. Thank you to my first grandchild, Kayan, who came to this world as I began my journey and were often my source of energy and hope. During this journey, I gained two sons-in-law. Thank you to both of you for your support and kindness.

I also gained a wonderful sister, Barbiti, without you, this would not have been possible.

Your generosity and patience have been the greatest gifts to me. You opened your heart to me.

You are one of the most gifted friends from ALLAH to me. Words cannot express how grateful I am to you. Thank you for your great love and care.

I would like to extend my appreciation to my wonderful friend Shaimaa, who was three in one to me. You have been a friend, sister, and daughter as you have looked out for me and helped me without hesitation. I would also like to thank my friend, Halah, for the wonderful companionship throughout the entire doctoral journey.

Thanks to Dr. Amal Altoaimi for her ongoing encouragement and belief in me. You have a special place in my heart.

Thank you to these special people; Dr. Boone, Dr. Soter, Bonnie, Maryalice, Flavia,

Mimi, and Tamara. You have supported and helped me with your encouragement and prayers.

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Vita

Personal Information

Work Experience: • 2012-2013………Princess Nora University, Lecturer and Assistant of vice dean, KSA. • 2011-2012………Education Expert, Project manager at preparatory year, and academy manager of Self Development section and health Edu, Riyadh, KSA. • 2008-2011………Dar Al Uloom University, Director of Student Affairs department, KSA. • 2007-2008………King Saud University, Supervisor of internship students in education early childhood college, KSA. • 2006-2007………King Saud University Kindergartens, Kindergarten teacher, KSA. • 2004-2006………The Kingdom Schools, Council member Collaborator parent, KSA. • 1996-2000………King Saud University Kindergartens, Kindergarten teacher, KSA.

Education: • 2010……………. Master of Educational Administration – King Saud University, Education College, KSA • 2010……………. Certified Trainer – Vocational Training Corporation, Riyadh, KSA • 1996……………. Bachelor of Early Childhood - King Saud University, Education College, KSA

Publications

Katz, L., & Hamam, R. (2018). Creating and Sustaining Community Schools: A Review of Creating Engagement Between Schools and Their Communities: Lessons from Educational Leaders. School Community Journal, 28(1), 349-352.

Fields of Study

Major Field: Teaching and Learning Specialization: Early Childhood Education

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Table of Contents Abstract ...... i Dedication ...... ii Acknowledgments ...... iii Vita ...... vi List of Tables ...... ix List of Figures ...... x CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Statement of the Issue ...... 3 Purpose of the Study ...... 6 Definition of Terms ...... 7 Significance of the Study ...... 8 Organization of the Dissertation ...... 9 CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 10 Historical Theoretical Framework ...... 10 Family Engagement and Immigrants ...... 17 Family Engagement Regarding Saudi Families ...... 24 Summary ...... 32 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 33 Methodology ...... 35 Data Sources ...... 44 Data Collection ...... 44 Phases of Data Collection ...... 50 Data Analysis ...... 51 Quality Criteria for This Inquiry ...... 53 CHAPTER 4: PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS ...... 55 Engagement in Schools ...... 56 Welcoming ...... 56 Summary ...... 63 Valuing ...... 64 Summary ...... 77 Communication ...... 80

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Summary ...... 92 Mothers’ Ways of Engaging ...... 94 Summary ...... 105 Emergent Finding: Alienation ...... 107 Summary ...... 110 CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS ...... 111 Participant-Observer/Researcher Positionality ...... 111 Negotiating Two Different Cultures ...... 115 Connection to research and theory ...... 123 Limitations ...... 125 Implications ...... 125 References ...... 132 Appendix A: Mother Interview Question ...... 137 Appendix B: Interview Timetable ...... 138 Appendix C: Coding Example ...... 139

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List of Tables

Table 1: Brief background of participants……………………………………………………….39

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List of Figures

Figure 1. Children writing their names in Arabic ……………………………………………....71

Figure 2. Book about Ramadan ……………………………………………………………....…73

Figure 3. Presentation of school life in Saudi Arabia …………………………………….….….75

Figure 4. Lesson plan sent by teacher ahead of time …………………………………………...77

Figure 5. School communication in preferred language…………………………………………83

Figure 6. Mona’s son’s daily folder………………………………………………………….….86

Figure 7. Writing to engage with home life………………………………………………….….87

Figure 8. Pre-conference survey for parents…………………………………………………….90

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

The first class that I took for my Ph.D. program was entitled Family Participation. After the first day of class, I told the professor that I was intrigued by the course subject, and I wanted to pursue family participation for my research. My interest grew as I continued to learn about the nature and history of family participation in schools in the United States. I recognized that family participation in schools in the United States was different from that in the Kingdom of Saudi

Arabia and found that my understanding of family participation in schooling developed significantly through courses that I took while in my program. As a result, I also developed an interest in how Saudi families, specifically those who living in the United States, participated in the education of their children. I decided, therefore, that the focus of my study would be Saudi family participation in the US education of their children.

As I read and studied the literature on family participation in education, I began to differentiate between the language, concepts, and practices of various theories related to this field of inquiry. Broadly, studies in this field of inquiry refer to family participation by through such terms such as family involvement, parental involvement, and family engagement. Recent research has shifted the concept from family or parental involvement to family engagement.

“Parental involvement can be seen as a reactive approach, whereas engagement is a more proactive approach” (Morgan, 2017, p. 1). Family engagement shifts from a school-centered approach to that of a family-centered approach. A family- centered approach creates a partnership with schools in which families become involved in decision-making and goal-setting and is based on the concept of open communication between schools and families. The family engagement approach acknowledges and values the cultures, communities, and communication

1 styles of families (Edwards, 2016; Morgan, 2017). My research, therefore, focuses on the mothers of Saudi students in U.S. schools and how these schools engage families who are from the Saudi culture.

In the United States it is generally accepted that parents, teachers, and schools all share, to varying degrees, responsibility for a child’s education. Nevertheless, research shows a strong correlation between family engagement in schooling, and the well-being and success of students

(Dearing, Simpkins, & Weiss, 2006; Nokali, Bachman, & Voturba-Drzal, 2010; Herrell, 2011;

Morgan, 2017). According to Bailey (2015), families and schools must share a commitment to the development of students in a partnership which implicitly accepts that “when power is shared within a connected community, all stakeholders have both greater autonomy and greater responsibility” (p. 73).

Families often want to interact with their children’s schools but, equally often, do not know how to be engaged. Research often refers to the importance of family involvement when discussing parental participation. For example, Epstein (2016) refers to involvement when describing the six types of involvement. However, statistics that measure a deeper level of family engagement can be difficult to find. According to Desforges and Abouchaar (2003, p. 15),

"studies often show strong positive links between parental involvement in school and pupil progress.” My study is significant for families in that it raises awareness of how families and schools can work together, rather than as separate entities, for the academic, emotional, and social success of the student.

Since all three agencies, namely, the school, the home, and the community of a child present opportunities for learning, family engagement provides a core connection for these areas

2 to intersect for the benefit of the child. Students enter school from diverse families, cultures, and communities, and therefore, family engagement is best observed through the lens of the cultures and communities of families.

Although society generally acknowledges that parents are their children’s first teachers, this concept is not always embraced or understood in the context and acceptance of diverse cultures in the home-school relationship. According to Goodenough (1957), “A society’s culture consists of whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members...Culture is not a material phenomenon; it does not consist of things, people, behavior, or emotions. It is, rather, an organization of these things. It is the forms of things that people have in mind, their models for perceiving, relating, and otherwise interpreting them.” (p.

167).

Statement of the Issue

Prior to the discovery of oil, Saudi Arabia was an extremely poor country. Most people lived in tribes and took care of sheep and camels. Their lifestyle was nomadic as they had to follow the rainfall to survive (Al-Sadan, 2000). Around 1940, oil was discovered, and within twenty-five years, Saudi Arabia was one of the world’s leading oil producers. This increase in wealth affected every aspect of life in the country. Formal education gradually shifted from that a traditional Islamic focus to that a modern state-sponsored educational system. The change, however, was slow due to the high levels of poverty and of illiteracy. In 1958, the Ministry of

Education was given the authority to establish a school system comparable to that found in the

West. This began with elementary schools and has expanded to include all education, including higher education (Al-Sadan, 2000).

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Throughout my research, I highlight the experiences of four Saudi mothers’ engagement in the education of their children in the United States. My study, then, addresses issues that families from Saudi Arabia but living in the United States, experience when engaging with their children’s education.

The focus of my research is the kind and level of engagement of the participating Saudi mothers with their collective six children aged five to eight attending several schools in the same city in the United States. It is intended and hoped that the study will strengthen Saudi family engagement with the schools that their children attend while in the United States. This study is significant for such Saudi families, in that it raises awareness of how families and schools in the

United States can, and do, engage. Increasingly, research is finding that meaningful family engagement in early learning years prepares students for later schooling and future academic success (Caspe, & Lopez, 2006).

Schools, as well as families often consider family engagement to mainly consist of attending a parent-teacher conference for the student or attending a school event. Current family engagement practices focus on communication with parents using various approaches. Some approaches include participation in activities outside of the school, newsletters, blogs, texting, and social media (Morgan, 2017). However, the initiative for wider and potentially, deeper and potentially more meaningful parental engagement, typically comes from the school, rather than from the parents.

A true partnership between schools and families occurs when personnel in schools such as teachers and principals, engage with and value parents as knowledgeable resources. Teachers sometimes fail to recognize and access the knowledge that parents have. Parental background

4 knowledge can positively impact the development of students in school. However, parents do not always see the necessity, or value, of being involved in their child's education. This gap between educators and families can lead to low levels of family involvement. Other potential barriers to family engagement are family circumstances, language and/or literacy barriers, social and cultural background, mistrust, and not feeling welcome in the school (Morgan, 2017).

Cultural gaps between educators and families can also create a lack of engagement.

Schools must understand that parents from minority cultures will likely view family engagement from their own cultural perspective. Barriers to engaging multicultural families include cultural differences, discrimination issues, and lack of understanding of the educational system in the new culture (Morgan, 2017). However, some schools in the US and elsewhere have incorporated approaches to address the barriers of engaging multicultural families. Effective approaches begin with staff training and cultural awareness training. Other methods that have been useful in engaging multicultural families include welcoming receptions, clear signage in multiple languages, the use of translators, and multicultural events (Morgan, 2017).

The current family involvement models in the United States are most beneficial when the cultures of the school and home are similar (Gee, 2007). However, schools in the United States are becoming increasingly diverse. In recent years, there has been an upsurge in Saudi students living in the United States. The number of Saudi students attending school in the United States increased from 9,873 students in the 2007-08 school year to 44,432 students in the 2017-18 school year. (Institute of International Education, 2018). In order to more deeply and richly understand what factors might inhibit as well as support greater parental involvement in the

5 education of their children, my research study participants consist of four Saudi mothers and their six elementary-school-aged children attending schools in the United States.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to better understand how Saudi families in the United

States engaged in the education of their children. The present study identified issues that Saudi families experienced in adjusting to schools in the United States, in particular, issues they faced when confronted with a different school culture. What did families have to do differently, with respect to schooling here in the US that they did not do in their home country? What was hindering the families from engaging with the schools their children attended in the U.S.?

Through this study, I was able to identify the ways in which families engaged with the schools that their children attended, and the issues that the families faced dealing with a different school culture. I learned of the ways that engagement impacted their home practices. To help achieve these goals, I drew on Gallo’s (2017) Humanizing Family Engagement framework in a six- month-long qualitative research study. The Humanizing Family Engagement framework was useful for my research because I worked with Saudi mothers who live in the United States.

According to Gallo (2017, p. 5), humanizing family engagement provides a lens to pedagogically leverage a wider range of education resources that diverse students and families bring to their classrooms. The framework which encourages educators and families to learn across cultural differences, was useful in identifying issues that Saudi families experienced in adjusting to schools in the United States as well as issues they faced when confronted with a different school culture. In this research project therefore, I explored how Saudi mothers reported family engagement in context of their children’s education.

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Definition of Terms

Culture

I draw on Goodenough’s definition of “culture” for this study, namely, that “A society’s culture consists of whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members… Culture is not a material phenomenon; it does not consist of things, people, behavior, or emotions. It is rather, an organization of these things. It is the forms of things that people have in mind, their models for perceiving, relating, and otherwise interpreting them” (Goodenough, 1957, p. 167).

Family engagement

I draw on Barton’s notion of family engagement which is a “dynamic, interactive process in which parents draw on multiple experiences and resources to define their interactions with schools and among school actors” (2004, p. 3).

Funds of knowledge

Funds of knowledge refers to “historically accumulated and culturally developed bodies of knowledge essential for household or individual functioning and well-being” (Moll et al,

1992, p.134).

Humanizing pedagogies

“Humanizing pedagogies” entail a “focus on the processes through which people actively co-construct knowledge" (Gallo, 2017, p.12). A “humanizing pedagogy” according to Salazar,

(2013) focuses on the educational practices that bring freedom and transformation to teaching and learning. Freire (2018) encourages educational practices in which teachers listen to their

7 students, build on prior knowledge and experiences that open the door to educational practices that enhance humanization and social justice.

Parent involvement

Parent involvement refers to when schools invite parents to participate in activities at

school and facilitate parent-teacher communication (El Nokali, Bachman, & Voturba-Drzal,

2010).

Involvement vs. Engagement

There are several aspects to distinctions between “involvement” vs “engagement.”

Morgan (2017) notes that “The concept of family engagement (versus parent involvement) recognizes all members of a child’s family (not just parents) and emphasizes the importance of the reciprocal relationship between families and school” (p.1). Furthermore, “parent involvement starts with the school and parent engagement begins with the parents” (Morgan, 2017, p. 1).

According to Halgunseth et al (2009), “Program staff must be aware that family participation in both the program and the home can take on many forms and depends on the unique characteristics of each family” (p.6). Finally, Ferlazzo & Hammond 2009), note that to "Involve is to enfold or envelop" (p. 4). According to Ferlazzo (2011), “One of the meanings of “engage” is "to come together and interlock. Thus, involvement implies doing to; in contrast, engagement implies doing with" (p.10).

Significance of the Study

There is a disconnect between family participation in schools and current research regarding family engagement. Schools in the United States often follow a model of family involvement that is school-centered (Lopez, et al., 2005). The perception on the part of schools,

8 is that involved parents attend conferences and volunteer for school activities. This model of involvement was developed based on the needs of the majority and assumed homogeneity of values. However, it does not acknowledge the diversity of families, communities, and cultures.

The significance of this study is that it examined what worked and what did not work with respect to family engagement with four Saudi mothers of elementary school children in the

United States. Educators in the United States can learn from the findings of this study about how these representative Saudi mothers perceived engagement in schools, and educators can implement what worked with the Saudi families involved.

Organization of the Dissertation

The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore how a group of four Saudi mothers in the United States engaged in U.S. schools through the lens of the Humanizing Family

Engagement theory (Gallo,2017). In Chapter One, I identified the research problem and the research questions. I presented the purpose of the study and theoretical frameworks employed. I defined key terminology that pertained to this study and discussed the significance of this study.

In Chapter Two, I provide a review the relevant literature regarding historical theories and family engagement. I also provide a discussion of the scholarship on family engagement. In

Chapter Three, I describe and explain the methodology employed to investigate this study. In

Chapter Four, I examine the findings derived from the analyzed data and present a discussion of the outcomes based on my analysis of the data. In Chapter Five, I present the findings and implications of the study, and present the implications drawn from this research for myself as a lecturer of teaching and learning, as well as the broader implications of this research for Saudi families living in the United States. In Chapter Five, I also consider the limitations of this study.

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CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Family engagement in the context of schooling, is an avenue for connecting the family and the school in potentially meaningful ways. To bridge the family-classroom gap, it is imperative for parents to know about their children’s activities in school, and for teachers to know his or her students’ cultures and funds of knowledge. Partnerships between schools and families have been known to empower students to acquire higher levels of achievement in education, and foster improved family relationships, as well as improve relationships between families and teachers. An essential aspect of this partnership between families and schools occurs when schools intentionally recognize and value the home practices of all families in order to better understand the families’ cultures, as well as the students’ funds of knowledge derived from those cultures. This chapter provides a review of studies and theories regarding the role of family engagement in schooling, and specifically, the theories that have informed this study.

Historical Theoretical Framework

Approaches to family engagement stem from theoretical frameworks that often align with and build upon one another. The theoretical frameworks regarding family engagement in this literature review are useful to both researchers and educators. Briefly, those most relevant to this study, are Epstein’s (2016) Theory of Overlapping Spheres of Influence, Moll’s (1992) Funds of

Knowledge Theory, Baquedano-Lopez et al’s (2013) Parental Involvement Approach,

Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) Ecological Systems Theory, Barton’s (2004) Ecological Parental

Engagement Approach, Gallo’s (2017) The Humanizing Family Engagement Model.

The frameworks often build upon findings of previous theories; however, there are distinctive differences that set some of them apart from each other. Theories that have impacted

10 family/school relationships have changed and adapted according to changing cultural and political climates.

In this section, I discuss the various frameworks that surround family engagement and explain the framework that best supported my research of family engagement between Saudi families and schools in the United States. Specifically, the discussion focuses on how Saudi families in the United States engage with schools, and how schools engage with Saudi families.

In the early 1990’s, Epstein developed a framework that explains how families should be involved with their children’s schools. Epstein’s approach encourages strategies for families to be involved to support their children’s education. Epstein’s (2016, p.44) “theory of overlapping spheres of influence,” integrated and extended ecological, educational, psychological, and sociological theories and perspectives on social organization and relationships. The theory is based on her earlier work (Epstein, 1992) in which she had developed a framework that defined six types of parental involvement: (1) parenting (assist all families with establishing home environments to support students of all ages); (2) communicating (create effective communication between home and school and school and home regarding school programs and progress of students); (3) volunteering (organize and recruit parent help and support); (4) learning at home (involve families in all aspects of curriculum with their children by coordinating family homework activities and providing parents with material about how to help students at home; (5) decision- making (include parent and student leaders from all backgrounds as representatives and decision makers); and (6), collaborating with community (identify resources and services from the community that benefit school programs, family practices, and

11 student achievement, and in turn, offer services to the community ” (Epstein, 1992; Epstein,

1995; Epstein et al., 2002; Epstein & Jansorn, 2004).

Epstein (1995) described the importance of a caring educational environment in improving academic success and communication skills. She assumed that children would be more likely to become better students if they felt cared for and challenged to work hard.

Although Epstein’s theory had opened the door for parental involvement between schools and families, there are, however, some families who do not fit into this model. According to Gee

(2007), this model only works when the school and family culture is the same. Some school models that utilized Epstein’s approach have goals that are geared toward white and middle-class expectations and values (Baquedoano-Lopez, et.al., 2013). Nevertheless, Epstein’s model provided a foundation for parental involvement from which family engagement has emerged.

Moll’s (1992) funds of knowledge theory expanded Epstein’s model of parental involvement practices but by getting to know their families according to their cultural resources.

Moll et. al (1992, p.134) defined “funds of knowledge” as “historically accumulated and culturally developed bodies of knowledge essential for household or individual functioning and well-being”. According to González, Moll, and Amanti (2006), the experiences of people’s lives have given them knowledge, and all knowledge is valued. Moll et al (1992) asserted that children bring to school, their backgrounds, cultures, and experiences pertaining to their family histories, their household environments, family values, and connections with family members.

Funds of Knowledge is a strength-based approach where all families are considered competent. Some models that use a deficit approach to family involvement attempt to make

12 learning at home mirror the school environment. In other words, such an approach would insist that parents do education at home, in a manner similar to that of a regular classroom.

Baquedano-Lopez et.al. (2013) used Moll’s funds of knowledge theory as a basis for the parental involvement approach. A funds of knowledge approach takes into consideration the language, cultural, and developmental diversity of students (Baquedano-Lopez, 2013). This framework differs from deficit-based approaches which attempted to make family instruction more like that of the school and instead focused on the assets that students, families, and their communities would naturally bring to the endeavor. This approach used the strengths of families to complement school practices. They presented a model that counteracted previous approaches to parent involvement that were institutional, that is, more school-like in practice. An important concept in this framework is that all families can contribute valuable input to the education of their children. Furthermore, the approach also embraces the notion that it is necessary to value the funds of knowledge of all families, and to move away from a deficit mentality regarding students who are viewed as deficient either in intellect and/or skills because of their minority or socio-economic status. Schools have long tended to cater to the dominant social class.

Many family engagement theories have utilized Bronfenbrenner’s (1994) Ecological

Systems Theory in order to formulate approaches that focus on relationships. The Ecological

Systems Theory (EST) encompasses the variety of systems that influence child development.

These systems impact a child both directly and indirectly (Weiss, et.al, 2005). Bronfenbrenner

(1994) compared the structure of EST to a set of traditional Russian dolls. The structures move from the inner-most (doll), or the influences closest to the child, to the external structures. There are five systems in this structure. Two of the systems in this structure that have significantly

13 impacted family engagement are the mesosystem and the exosystem. The mesosystem encompasses the interaction between two or more parts of the person’s microsystem such as between school and home or between home and peers. The mesosystem comprises of the relationships that are extremely important. The mesosystem is needed to strengthen family and school relationships. The exosystem is a system that does not contain the developing person, but it affects them (for a developing child, this could be the parent’s workplace, school and community). A parent’s work environment affects the child indirectly based on the quality of the work environment. A negative parental work environment can impact the child indirectly inside and outside of school.

The Ecologies of Parental Engagement (Barton, 2004) framework, shifted the focus from what parents do, to one of engaging with their children’s schools and other members of those schools and thinking about how parents understand the how and whys of their engagement.

Another consideration is the correlations between parents’ experiences both in and outside of the school community. According to Barton (2004), “The term, ecologies, focuses on the whole system – parents in relation to their environment” (p. 4). The EPE framework shifted the perspective from parental involvement to parental engagement. This shift has opened the door for schools to move from parental involvement that describes an individual’s participation in an event to family engagement which includes an individual’s “relationships with other individuals, the history of the event, and the resources available to both the individual parent and the event designers” (Barton, 2004, p.4).

The previous theories demonstrate the gradual shift from parental involvement to family engagement. The framework that best related with my research and incorporated the aspects of

14 family engagement from previous theories is humanizing family engagement. The “Humanizing

Family Engagement Approach,” is an approach to “family-school collaborations that privileges interpersonal relationships founded in mutual trust, in which educators and family members purposefully learn across their differences to pedagogically leverage a wider range of educational resources to support children’s learning” (Gallo, 2017, p.13). The Humanizing Family

Engagement approach is connected to the asset-based pedagogies which originated from the belief that knowledge is developed across all areas of learning. Students experience greater academic success when educators value and build upon the knowledge, experiences, and resources of students and families (Gallo, 2017, p.11). The Humanizing Family Engagement approach was particularly useful for my qualitative research study to enable me to understand how a group of Saudi mothers in the United States are engaged in the education of their children.

This framework assisted me in identifying issues that these Saudi mothers experienced in adjusting to schools in the United States, and to identify issues they faced when confronted with a different school culture.

The framework of Humanizing Family Engagement approach invites educators to understand the importance of learning from and with families. Paris and Winn (2014) described a humanizing approach to research as one that “attempts to honor local knowledge and the perspectives of participants” (p. 78). Gallo (2017) challenged schools to move beyond a narrow view and approach to family involvement. The Humanizing Family Engagement framework facilitated my research in identifying the authentic practices of the families. Gallo’s theory leveled the field for all students and families and gave credence to the knowledge and backgrounds of all families. The successful implementation of the Humanizing Family

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Engagement approach is dependent upon effective teachers who are on the front lines with students and parents.

Effective teachers are learners with families. Huerta (2011) argued that “Teachers who practice a humanizing pedagogy incorporate students’ language and culture into the academic context to support learning and to help students identify with, and maintain pride in, their home cultures” (p. 39). Huerta’s (2011) research described effective teachers as those who care about the emotional, social, and academic well-being of students; advocate on behalf of students; and understand the home life experiences of students.

The Humanizing Family Engagement approach also takes into account the political climate and accepted cultural beliefs that are often negative toward minoritized people. An example of this is moving from stereotypes to humantypes. In the current political and cultural climate of the United States, minoritized people are often stereotyped in the media and in the political arena. The term, humantypes, describes showing the many layers of individuals that often contradict the stereotypes (Tuck, 2009, as cited in Gallo 2017, p. 8). This framework (HFE) recognizes that family engagement includes a wide range of practices that benefit the education of students. Recognition of the practices of all individuals leads to a humanizing pedagogy.

Freire’s (1970) philosophy of humanizing pedagogy described the practice of co-intentional education (p, 12). Co-intentional education viewed all members as subjects as they discover reality and through that discovery, recreate the knowledge. Humanizing pedagogy recognizes the individual as being fully human and thinking critically (Freire, 1970, as cited in Gallo, 2017, p.12). In my study, I implemented this perspective to better understand how four Saudi mothers

16 in the US reported being engaged with their children’s education and how they viewed their roles in relation to their children’s education.

Family Engagement and Immigrants

Children who come from families of immigrants arguably have a long history of sacrifice which has had significant effects on their lives and academic learning. Figueroa, Suh & Byrnes

(2015), deconstructed teacher learning regarding immigrant families by means of family literacy programs to explore culturally sustaining modes of teaching when working with immigrant families and their children. The research site was a public elementary school; the family literacy program participants included speakers of English, Spanish, Korean, and Chinese. The research by Figuerora & Byrnes (2015) showed that teachers often looked at these families as having a deficit. Sarroub (2009) emphasized the needs of family-teacher bonding in the households where opposite gender interactions are prohibited while researching Muslim Arab-American families.

Gender isolation and its implications as these pertain to immigrant families have a strong effect on the relationship between their household cultures and school cultures (Sarroub, 2009). In

Saudi gatherings, activities, and schools, males and females prefer to be with their own gender.

Therefore, they are not accustomed to co-education or meeting with a teacher of the opposite gender. This difference in the two opposite cultures could act as an obstacle in finding a common ground between children’s learning at home versus their learning in school. These differences pose several challenges towards family-teacher alliances which can be addressed through understanding of cultural and household dynamics on an individual basis.

Family structures have changed over time, and therefore, historical data around teaching practices may no longer provide context to classroom teaching strategies. The teaching practices

17 that have been used historically may have worked for the masses, but lack in closing the gap between households and classrooms among students from minoritized backgrounds. Lawson

(2003) demonstrated how family engagement provided opportunities for teachers to get to know their students better in contexts other than the classroom as the initiated after-class settings. In a study with twelve teachers and thirteen parents, Lawson (2003) addressed teachers' and parents' perceptions of the meanings and functions of parent involvement. The teachers and parents participated in semi-structured ethnographic interviews. All participants were involved in an elementary school with ethnic concentration in a low-income, diverse, urban setting. Knowing the interests of individual students, their activities throughout the day, and their family interactions and problems are practices that enable teachers to understand the household dynamics of individual students. This information can be used to alter a number of things in the classroom such as teaching practices, evaluation and assessment techniques, and parts of the curriculum.

Another researcher analyzed a similar strategy for parent-teacher relationships and showed the impact of such interventions and interactions in terms of “multidimensional relationships and engagement of school, family and the community” (Nitecki, 2015, p. 209). The main finding of Nitecki’s research is that the school – family – community model “extends beyond individuals to include the larger community as an integral part of the child’s education”

(Nitecki, 2015, p. 209). The community includes not only parents, but grandparents, caregivers, extended family, and friends. An example from this study that demonstrated the school – family

– community model was the nature of communication between parents and teachers. Nitecki

(2015) shared information about a teacher who had daily chats with parents after school. Often

18 the teacher and parent connected behaviors and learning between home and school to provide the best environment and solution for the student. A great advantage of such strategies is that they enhance parents’ understandings about school education and sincere involvement and concern of teachers (Nitecki 2015. Parents gained more confidence in teachers as individuals and the educational institution overall. Since parents were aware of the sensitive and emotional capabilities of their children, they could communicate those well to the teachers. Similarly, teachers communicated the child’s actions, behaviors, and achievements to the family members.

In the context of the classroom, the emotional aspect associated with self-learning, doing homework, and taking exams was also addressed through communication. The welcoming environment seen in Nitecki’s study specifically catered to individual needs that was provided at home and in the classroom, eventually bridging the gap between the household culture and the school culture (Nitecki, 2005).

Researchers and educators recognize that there is a need for change in the theoretical concept and pragmatic implementation of family engagement. Courses for teacher education and certification often fall short in preparing teachers to engage families. There is research on family engagement and why it is necessary, but it can be difficult to find how it is pragmatically implemented. In the late 1990's, Katz and Bauch conducted research that found relatively few teachers had taken a course on family participation. They found that activities teachers were most likely to engage in with parents included introductory home and school activities, progress notes and phone calls to parents, meetings with parents for a child with special needs, and parent conferences (Katz & Bauch, 1999). The theories and practices that influence education in the

United States have often been geared toward middle class white families and their ways of

19 knowing and preparing their children to succeed in school. Parents are labeled as participatory if they attend conferences and other school-initiated activities (Barton, 2004). Family engagement is based on relationships in the school community between families and the school. This type of engagement welcomes families and values the ways of knowing of all families. Family engagement creates the environment for families to trust that teachers and administrators care about them and their children.

Barton’s (2004) study demonstrated a caring environment of engagement when he researched a single, African American mother who wanted to help her children but felt that she lacked the appropriate knowledge. Her past experiences with schools were negative and unwelcoming. Her son was hyperactive, and she did not know how to help him. His teacher became an advocate for him and an encouragement to the mom. The teacher created family nights specifically for the families of this class. This mother felt welcomed in a personal way through these family nights where she developed relationships with other families and the teacher. Eventually, the mother defined “engagement in school as a ‘presence,’ meaning that engagement in schooling is not so much about ‘what’ she does in the school, but rather, is more about becoming a part of the fabric of the school” (Barton, 2004, p. 7).

Gallo’s view of family engagement encompasses a humanizing approach. The premise of

Humanizing Family Engagement is that schools and families learn across differences. In her book, Mi Padre (2017), Gallo demonstrated the need for a humanizing approach with all students, but especially for minoritized students. She discussed the benefits of building family – school relationships that utilize the resources from families and students. It was a shift from seeing minorities as a stereotype, namely, as “other” to human types, and recognizes the

20 complexity and meaning that all students and families bring to the classroom. According to Gallo

(2017), teachers need to examine what counts as family involvement. Some of the teachers in

Gallo’s study made it their goal to develop trust and to learn across differences. Children benefit when teachers understand and embrace the authentic learning that occurs at home.

Gallo (2017) also considered undocumented immigrants and provided insight as to how they must learn to read the word (develop skills to engage with texts) and how they must learn to read the world around them. Undocumented, immigrant students bring politicized funds of knowledge to the classroom. Most families are aware that their children need to develop an understanding and a way of dealing with this reality. English-only approaches to literacy do not incorporate or value the wide resources that students bring to school. The problem is not with the students’ lack of ability but lies with the educational approach employed. The reality of the presence of undocumented students in schools must be acknowledged, and the silence regarding this needs to be broken. Through humanizing family engagement, teachers and schools develop relationships of mutual trust with these students and their families.

Teachers of immigrant and undocumented students are often unaware of the struggles that the students and their families face. Families do not readily share their status, especially, if they do not trust the system. From her research, Gallo (2017) provided an illustration of the impact a trusting relationship had between a teacher and family. One teacher positioned herself as both a teacher and a learner. She pushed beyond her comfort zone and was intentional in learning about her students' lives and experiences. She created an environment in the classroom that built upon the real-life experiences of her students. Unlike other classrooms, her students often communicated information about immigration practices. This teacher noticed that one of

21 her students was often sad and wanted to help the teacher during recess. The student's father had been deported which had greatly affected the student. The student shared that she had developed trust in her teacher because her teacher had noticed how sad she was. The mother and student decided to tell the teacher about the deportation because there was a relationship of trust. This teacher saw her student as a whole person and created ways for the student to deal with the challenges of her father’s deportation. For example, the teacher found a group of students in the same situation and arranged for counseling for the student. This teacher realized the importance of connecting issues from home to the learning environment of the classroom.

One of the findings from Gallo’s study was that teachers must intentionally learn about the diversity of students, their experiences, and their communities. Many teachers approach teaching as the expert and from their own cultural experiences. They expect the minority students to conform to their ways of doing and knowing. Developing ideological clarity is essential for creating an environment in which all cultures and ways of knowing are valued.

Effective teachers step outside of what they have always believed to be true and learn from minority families and community members. Instead of looking at what is lacking in students, educators can understand what students already know – and then build upon that knowledge.

Another finding of Gallo’s research was that educators need to expand pedagogical approaches to literacy development to include authentic real-world repertoires. Gallo's (2017) findings also include how Mexican males are often targeted for minor offensives because of current immigration practices. This can lead to family separations which affects the school aged children.

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Auerbach (2009) studied four school leaders who were proactive in their approaches to family engagement. Auerbach’s (2009) study focused on implementation which she referred to as walking the walk and not only talking the talk. The leaders in this study implemented programs for family engagement. Instead of giving directives (the talk), they actively initiated family engagement (the walk). One of the leaders in Auerbach's (2009) study was Franco, a principal who had implemented family engagement in an urban school setting. Franco believed that the basis for family engagement was to develop the communication and relationships between teachers and parents. He set up monthly workshops that involved members of the community rather than bringing in an outside professional. The workshops were conducted by teachers, community leaders, and administrators. They offered workshops such as teacher-led family math, science, and computer skills. Following the workshops, the community had lunch together. These workshops were a huge success, but Franco realized something more needed to be done to facilitate parent-teacher relationships. He initiated what he named house meetings that were voluntarily attended by teachers and parents. The participants shared the stories of their lives and discussed why education was important to them. In this setting, both teachers and parents were more vulnerable in their sharing. Parents commented after these meetings that they felt more comfortable approaching teachers with questions. The teachers gained an understanding of what was important to the families.

Another leader in this study, Ms. Young, described her start as a teacher in her first school system. Ms. Young was the only teacher who allowed parents into her classroom. She listened to parents and realized that they wanted to know more about the curriculum and the school. She organized the school's first parent workshop. At the request of the parents, Ms.

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Young organized a program for home visits from teachers. This had a snowball effect on the teachers in her school. Through the meetings and home visits, the teachers gained an awareness of the community in which they taught. This resulted in teachers becoming active volunteers in community organizations such as the Homework Club. The administrators, teachers, and families in this study demonstrated the reality of moving beyond “talking the talk” in family engagement and truly “walking the walk.” (Auerbach, 2009).

Family Engagement Regarding Saudi Families

Educational research in the United States has provided schools with a variety of approaches for engaging families. Research has often included engagement of specific minority families such as Latino and Chinese families. However, there has been minimal research regarding family engagement of Saudi families in the United States, even though Saudis are the fourth highest group of immigrants. In the 2017-18 school year in the United States, there were

44,432 students from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (Institute of International Education, 2018).

In order to better understand the perceptions of Saudi families’ engagement in schools in the

United States, it is helpful to understand the way Saudi families engage in the Kingdom of Saudi

Arabia (KSA).

Mahmoud (2018) conducted research of Saudi families living in KSA, entitled “Saudi

Parents' Perceptions of the Kind of Help they Offer to their Primary School Kids.” The study population consisted of one hundred parents with children in primary school in Jeddah. The primary schools included native students and students from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and

Italy. According to Mahmoud (2018), the majority of Saudi parents helped their children in primary school, especially with English. The help that parents provided, varied based on the

24 level of education of the parents, the difficulty of the curriculum, and the type of school the child attended. The research focused on the practices that parents engaged in to help their children and which of these practices were positive and which were negative. The researcher used a questionnaire to study three categories: the relationship between parents and teachers, the nature of help that parents provided to their primary school children, and the logistical indirect help parents gave to their children.

The findings from Mahmoud’s (2018) study showed that teachers had difficulty coping with the individual differences between students from different backgrounds and nationalities.

This was especially true in Jeddah, KSA which is home to many international people. At the same time, parents had difficulty discerning the best practices to pursue when helping their children. For example, 42% of parents responded that they answered for their child when the child could not answer comprehension questions.

Alhabeeb (2016) studied Saudi parent’s involvement in their children’s education while they were temporarily living in the United States. The children in Alhabeeb‘s (2016) study were enrolled in grades K-6 in American public schools. The study focused, specifically, on the perceptions of Saudi parents regarding their role in their children’s education in the United

States. Alhabeeb explored Saudi parents’ beliefs about their roles in their children’s education, understanding of the education system in the United States, and perceptions of the Saudi family- school relationship. Alhabeeb identified cultural differences in schooling in Saudi Arabia and the

United States and how those differences might influence Saudi families’ assistance in the

English literacy development of their children.

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Alhabeeb (2016) based her research on the theoretical frameworks of Gee and Epstein.

Gee’s theory (1990, 2008) of discourses encompassed language in use but went beyond that to include social practices such as values, ways of thinking, and ways of being. According to this theory, teaching and learning are most effective when the home and family discourses are similar. This was not the case for the Saudi families in Alhabeeb’s (2016) study. Gee’s research asserted that some families are aware of dissonance between the discourses and some are not.

Those who are aware, can navigate between the discourses. However, many of the families in

Alhabeeb’s (2016) study might not have been aware of the dissonance which could have impacted the learning of the child and created conflict. Epstein’s (1995, 2002) model focused on the influence that families, schools, and communities have on a child’s learning. Specifically,

Epstein emphasized how these spheres overlap and create a partnership with the child at the center. Alhabeeb’s (2016) research concluded that the spheres did not overlap in a positive way for Saudi families. The study demonstrated evidence of the effect of cultural differences that hindered the positive overlapping of influences. The overlap was much more difficult and problematic because the cultures of school and home were not the same. The spheres in Epstein’s model are more likely to overlap when the home environment is similar to the school environment.

Findings of Alhabeeb‘s (2016) study suggested that Saudi parents are less likely to participate using technology and volunteering in the classroom. These were not common practices in their experiences. The Saudi parents in Alhabeeb’s (2016) study preferred face to face communication. Alhabeeb suggested that teachers and schools acknowledge the cultural values and practices of minority families as a starting point for family involvement. Alhabeeb’s

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(2016) study explored the role of cultural differences in parental involvement. My study explored how Saudi mothers living in the United States engaged in the education of their children.

Similar findings occur in Moosa et al’s (2001) research of Arabic parents’ involvement in elementary schools in an urban Midwestern district in the United States. Moosa et al (2001) determined that the perceptions of teachers were crucial to the success of parental involvement.

Some of the stereotypic misperceptions regarding the Arabic/Muslim community included terrorists and religious fanatics. The study found that teachers were not always prepared for students and families from other cultures. They had difficulty meeting the needs, communicating with, and understanding these families. The lack of culturally relevant skills placed teachers at a disadvantage.

Drawing from an ethnographic study of three Saudi mothers living in the United States and their preschool children, Hamam (2018) examined how the mothers participated in the school lives of their children in contrast to the lack of participation in Saudi Arabia. Through observation and interviews, Hamam empirically illustrated how the mothers and schools collaborated to increase family involvement. Hamam (2018) found that the mothers would have liked to have participated in their children's school similarly to American families, but they were hesitant due to language barriers, cultural differences, and past experiences. Most schools in

KSA do not encourage family involvement; therefore, Saudi parents living in the United States have not had prior experiences with school involvement. The Saudi mothers in Hamam’s (2018) study embraced school involvement when they realized that they were welcomed by the school.

For example, one teacher asked a Saudi mother to come to her classroom and share information and insights about the Saudi culture. The mother volunteered to read a story about Haj to her

27 sons' class. Haj is an annual event where Muslims from around the world make their pilgrimage to Mecca, the holy land of Islam. This teacher welcomed the mother, and the mother embraced the opportunity to share her culture.

According to Hamam (2018), some of the mothers in her study stated their intention to initiate family involvement when they return to Saudi Arabia. They had a desire to use their knowledge to make changes in the schools in Saudi Arabia. One mother said, "I will try to participate in Saudi Arabia in my daughter's school if the school welcomes me".

Historically, there is little involvement of Saudi families in the school lives of their children. In Saudi Arabia, boys and girls attend school together until kindergarten. After kindergarten, they are educated separately. They are not in the same building. The girls are taught by female teachers, and the boys are taught by male teachers. Saudi mothers cannot participate in the physical school lives of sons after kindergarten in any way. They communicate with the teachers by phone. Since the participants in my study were mothers, I also learned that it was a new concept for them to attend school conferences and to engage in other activities with their sons.

Currently, there is limited research regarding family engagement in schooling in Saudi

Arabia. There are few examples of implementation. In the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the concept of family engagement is making an appearance on the horizon. The development of KSA has been rapid, in many ways, considering that the establishment of the country was less than 100 years ago. The focus of growth had been on economics, but the government has shifted the focus to include the development of people, including education. The purpose for the development of

28 education was to strengthen the society by giving students knowledge, skills, and a broad range of social, cultural, and educational resources.

The Saudi education system is influenced by the religion of Islam. The subjects and curriculum align with the Quran. All curriculum and activities are presented from an Islamic world view centered around the Quran. Students attend schools based on gender from elementary through university years. Students always have a teacher of the same gender. There are three basic types of schools in KSA. First, most students attend public schools which are free. Public schools across Saudi Arabia have the same curriculum, texts, and assessments (Al-Sadan, 2000).

Everything is taught in the Arabic language. Students have an English class to learn the basics of

English. The second type of schooling is private school. There are two paths from which to choose for private schooling. The Arabic path provides students with the opportunity to attend private schools taught in the Arabic language. The quality of education is higher in private schools than in public schools. Students study English at a deeper level than public schools. The

English path is found in an international school. Everything is taught in English except for religion classes. In addition, students take one class of Arabic language. The third type of school is for minority students. Schools for minority students teach in the home language of the students. For example, there are schools for minority students from India, Bangladesh, and

Pakistan.

Family engagement is relatively new in Saudi Arabia. Parents support their children’s education in the home, but not in collaboration with the school. Schools and families do not operate with a mindset of engagement and cooperation between home and school. The Saudi culture views home and school as separate entities. However, the culture of Saudi Arabia has

29 been undergoing significant changes. In recent years, the government has emphasized the importance of education for all. For example, (Hariri, 2015) stated in her research, that the government has been interested in supporting students at the pre-school level in order to nurture the students and to raise the educational level in the country. The education ministry has set specific objectives to achieve these goals. These objectives include preparing the child to receive the roles of life and school life, training the child in motor skills, and meeting the needs of children. Education has become a high priority, and Saudi Arabia provides opportunities and financial support for students to study within the country and abroad.

The goals and objectives of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for education are essential for the future of the students and the country. In her research (Hariri, 2015) noted several problems that hindered the achievement of these goals. Through interviews and observations of teachers and school administrators, Hariri found that the main problem was the lack of relationship and communication between the school and the family.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has embarked upon a phase that has created the potential for Saudi to become a vital hub for international business, education, and tourism. In 2016,

Mohammad Bin Salman initiated the 2030 Vision for KSA. The vision is based on three integrated axes which are the vital society, the prosperous economy, and the ambitious country.

The vision begins with the community and ends with the community. This vision includes a goal for the education of children and involvement of families in school activities. "We will establish positive values in the personalities of our children by developing the educational system with all its components. This will enable the school, in cooperation with the family, to strengthen the fabric of the society by giving the student knowledge, skills, and good behavior to be an

30 independent personality characterized by a spirit of initiative, perseverance and leadership"

(Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2019). The 2030 Vision is a complete paradigm shift in education in KSA and, specifically, in the area of family engagement.

The impact of “The Vision” can already be seen as programs are being developed to prepare educators and families to accomplish this goal. The Ascension program (Ministry of

Foreign Affairs, 2019) included a parents' council to present ideas and discuss issues that affect their children's education. The program has provided training programs for teachers to equip themselves with effective skills to communicate with parents, and to educate the teachers regarding the importance of family involvement. The goal of the program was to involve 80% of families in school activities by the year 2030.

Another program that has resulted from The Vision, "The Organizational Guide for

School Partnership,” was published by the Saudi Ministry of Education (2017). This guide was a directive from the education administration. The education administration had decided to create a department for school partnership in each school in Saudi Arabia. This department focused on creating partnerships with families. The Organization’s “Guide for School Partnership” was based on Epstein’s six types of parental involvement.

The Saudi Ministry of Education established a new path for education in KSA. In line with Vision 2030, family participation has emerged to build relationships between home and school. These changes in Saudi Arabia have opened the door for new research and implementation of family engagement in Saudi schools.

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Summary

My study expands the research described in this review of literature in that it focused on exploring how a small group Saudi mothers in the United States engage in the education of their children. The purpose of this study was to identify issues that these, and potentially other, Saudi mothers experience in adjusting to schools in the United States, and issues they faced, as might others, when confronted with a different school culture. My study contributes to the field of school-focused family engagement of Saudi families in the United States, by exploring how a particular group of four Saudi mothers engaged in their children’s education and in the schools their children attended.

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CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

As indicated in the previous chapters, the purpose of this study was to better understand how a group of Saudi mothers living in the United States engaged in the education of their children.

This study identified issues that the participating Saudi families experienced in adjusting to schools in the United States and issues they faced when they encountered a significantly different school culture. Through this research, my objective was to improve the education of Saudi students living in the United States by increasing the ways in which the families involved in the study support their children’s education. My study addressed the issues that Saudi mothers have faced while living in the United States and the ways in which they interacted and engaged with their children’s education.

This research is significant in that it explored how a group of Saudi mothers in the United

States engaged in the education of their children. Educators in the United States can learn from the findings of this study about what works with Saudi mothers in terms of school-family engagement. Understanding the expectations and beliefs that this group of mothers have of schools and education, based as it is on their prior experience in another culture, enables educators in the US to have a foundation on which to develop stronger parent-school interactions with parents from other cultures, and in particular with parents from Saudi Arabia. The present study provides information as to how schools in the United States welcome (or not) and involve

(or not) parents from other countries to support their child’s education.

In this study, I explored the following research questions:

1. How do the Saudi mothers in this study report being engaged with their children’s

education?

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2. How do the Saudi mothers in this study view their roles in relation to their children’s

education?

Qualitative research has a broad range of definitions. Definitions span from generalizations such as “any kind of research that produces findings that are not arrived at by means of statistical procedures or other means of quantification” (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, p. 17) to more specific constructions. Anderson (1987 as cited in Hatch, 2002), defines qualitative research as “a research paradigm which emphasizes inductive, interpretive methods applied to the everyday world which is seen as subjective and socially created” (p.6). An essential aspect of any qualitative study must include the voices and perspectives of the participants (Hatch, 2002).

For my study, I use Merriam’s (2009) definition of qualitative research, namely that it is defined as “understanding the meaning people have constructed, that is, how people make sense of their world and the experiences they have in the world” (p. 13). I used qualitative research to inform my inquiry. I was interested in knowing how the Saudi mothers in my study interpreted their experiences, how they constructed the world of their children’s education, and what meaning the mothers in the study attributed to their experiences in family engagement with the actual schools their children attended. In this sense, the study reflects Merriam’s (2009) explanation of the purpose of this kind of qualitative research as being “to understand how people make sense of their lives and their experiences” (P. 23). Through the kind of close collaboration that such research entails, I explored how four Saudi mothers living in the United

States made sense of their experiences with family engagement in their child’s education.

Qualitative methodology, therefore, was ideal for my research because my study focused on the lives and experiences of real people in real settings. The voices and perspectives of the

34 participants were imperative to my research. My position as a participant-observer was informed by friendship ethnography that included practices such as conversation, everyday interactions, and compassion (Stevenson & Lawthorn, 2017). The framework of Humanizing Family

Engagement was the underlying structure for exploring my questions. The Humanizing Family

Engagement framework created the foundation for utilizing the primary methods of friendship ethnography with the Saudi mothers. This framework is based on interpersonal relationships founded in mutual trust (Gallo, 2017). Through first-hand engagement then, I, as a researcher, gathered data to answer my questions through interviews, artifacts, observations, and a focus group.

Methodology

Participants

The selection of participants can include categories such as race, gender, age, and education (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). Again, the focus of my research was family engagement; the participants were four Saudi mothers of collectively, six children aged five to eight who live in the Midwest region of the United States. I chose families with children in this age bracket because my research required elementary school-aged children. Historically, there is little involvement of Saudi families in the school lives of their children. In Saudi Arabia, boys and girls attend school together until kindergarten. After kindergarten, they are educated separately. Boys and girls are not in the same building. The girls are taught by female teachers, and the boys are taught by male teachers. Saudi mothers cannot participate in the physical school lives of their sons in any way. They can communicate with the teachers through phone or email.

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Since the participants in my study were mothers, it was a new concept for them to attend school conferences and other activities in which their sons were involved.

Some of the mothers in my study were students at local universities, and some were in the United States because of their husband’s pursuit of graduate education. At the time of this writing, the Saudi government had provided a scholarship for students, spouses, and children. These scholarships covered tuition, books, and health insurance. In addition, the government provided funds for living expenses. Furthermore, the Saudi government covered the expense of airline tickets for each family member to visit Saudi Arabia once a year.

The mothers who were university students when they participated in my research, could communicate confidently in all areas of the language domains in the course of their graduate studies. However, some struggled with daily conversation. The mothers in my study who did not attend a university could communicate at a beginning level in English at the grocery store, and when interacting with neighbors, teachers, and doctors.

As noted previously, my research participants consisted of four Saudi women who were living temporarily in the United States. This group size enabled me to gather data from a variety of mothers and enabled me to gather data at great depth. As noted, the participants in my research represented a sample of Saudi mothers living in the United States. However, although they were all Saudi mothers, there were differences in cultures and experiences. A brief initial profile of each of the four women, identified by pseudonyms, is provided in the following paragraphs.

Dida was a 29-year-old woman who was in the United States because her husband received a scholarship to study for his Ph.D. in the U.S. Dida came from the western region of

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The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. She had two children, one 18-month old, and the second, a five- year old. The five-year old attended kindergarten at a private academy. The mission of the school which her son attended, was to provide caring teachers, small class sizes, a safe and secure environment, and hands-on learning. Both children were born in the United States. Dida had lived in Ohio the entire time that she had been in the U.S. and during the time when she participated in this study. Dida had a bachelor’s degree in nursing that she had acquired while in

Saudi Arabia prior to her arrival in the U.S. She had also subsequently completed a language program at a university in Ohio. When she participated in this study, she was a full-time mother.

Her husband was working on his Ph.D. in engineering. According to Dida, her interest was to focus on raising her children.

Mona was 43 years old and had dual citizenship in the United Sates and the Kingdom of

Saudi Arabia. She was born in the U.S. and had lived in the United States since she was ten years old. After she had turned ten years of age, she went back and forth between the Kingdom of

Saudi Arabia and the United States. Eventually, her family returned to their home in the western region of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to reside there permanently. Mona had four children whose ages were 8, 13, 15, and 18. The only elementary student in her family was the eight-year old who was in third grade. He attended a city school in a nearby suburb. The mission statement of this school was that each student was to become highly educated, be prepared for leadership and service, and “powered for success” as a citizen in a global community. All four of her children were born in KSA. Mona had a bachelor’s degree in Home Economics. She taught

Home Economics for eight years in a public school in KSA. In 2016, Mona and her husband saw that the vision of the country (that is, KSA) provided the opportunity for KSA citizens to gain

37 generous scholarships in order to study abroad for higher education. However, that was not the initial reason for Mona being in the United States. Mona and her husband had decided that Mona would move to the United States with her children while they were young so that they could adjust to the culture and education system in the United States prior to attending university at some point. She moved to the United States in 2016 and has lived in Ohio the entire time, including during the year when I was conducting this research project. When I began my research, Mona was the only parent of the two in the U.S. because her husband was working in

Saudi Arabia to provide for them. She had been the full-time parent for three years at the time that I began my research. By the end of this study, her husband had retired and moved to the

United States. While she was on her own, Mona had studied English at a church in her local community. According to her, Mona liked to read in her free time.

Nora was a 32-year old permanent resident in the U.S. She was from the central region of

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and had two children aged three and six-years old respectively at the time during which I was conducting this study. The six-year old was in first grade at an

Islamic charter school. A public school receives all funding from the local and state government; a charter school receives funds from the government, but also receives funds from other sponsors. Sometimes, charter schools are independently owned. The mission of this school was to provide the highest quality education to the diverse community of Muslim children in Central

Ohio within an Islamic environment that nurtures and builds each child’s identity as a Muslim

American. Both children were born in the United States. Nora came to the United States in 2011 with her husband who had begun his master’s degree with a scholarship from KSA. Nora also received a scholarship from KSA. While she was in the United States, she studied in an English

38 language program, completed a master’s degree in Early Childhood Education, and at the time of this research, was working on her Ph.D. in the same field. She had lived in Ohio the entire time that she has been in the U.S as of this writing. She enjoys reading in her free time. Nora seemed to have a photographic memory. According to Nora, she has a special ability of memorizing easily.

Reem was a 32-year old international student. She was from the western region of the

Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. She had four children, aged five, six, eight, and ten at the time of conducting this study. The five-year old was in kindergarten, the six-year old was in first grade, the eight-year old was in third grade, and the ten-year old was in fifth grade. The children attended a highly rated public school in an upper middle-class suburb. The stated mission statement of this school was to challenge and support every student every step of the way. Her first child was born in KSA, and the other three children were born in the United States. At the time of this writing, Reem had lived in the United States since 2010. She came to the U.S. with her husband so that he could attend medical school. Reem moved to Illinois from KSA and completed her master’s degree in Computer Science. After that, her family moved to Maryland.

While in Maryland, she worked at Optional Practical Training. Her family then moved to Utah to complete her husband’s medical degree, and they lived there for four years. Reem had a job in

Utah for one year. At the time during which she was involved in my study. Reem was a Ph.D. student at one of the local universities. Her husband studied in a city two hours away; Reem was the only full-time parent in the home. Her husband visited Reem and her children when he could, and they visited him sometimes. Reem and her husband were both studying with a scholarship

39 provided by KSA. Reem enjoyed engaging in craft projects in her free time and according to her,

Reem’s special ability was creativity. (See Table1)

Participants/ Dida Mona Nora Reem Mothers Child/children Five-year-old Nine-year-old Six-year-old son Five-year-old in the study daughter son daughter; six-year- old daughter; eight- year-old son Child/children’s Private academy Public city Islamic charter Suburban school school school school Participant’s Full-time mom Full-time mom PhD student PhD student. Co- position chair of The Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion committee (DEI) at her children’s school Husband’s Ph.D. student. in Works in Ph.D. student. Medical residency position Midwest. Saudi Arabia in a city two hours from research site Mother’s Bachelor’s Bachelor’s Ph.D. candidate Ph.D. student Highest Level degree degree of Education Father’s Ph.D. Bachelor’s Ph.D. M.D. resident Highest Level degree of Education

Table 1: Participant primary background information

Positionality

Qualitative inquiry was the overall approach that helped define my study. I used what I saw, heard, and felt to make sense of the data. My positionality as a research interviewer was informed by aspects of friendship ethnography. It is imperative for the interviewer to build a positive relationship with the participants (Hammersly, 2007). In my case, I had already built a

40 relationship with some of the mothers. The relationships that had been established, were a valuable resource for my research.

As a researcher, I identified with my participants as a Saudi woman. I am from Hejaz which is in the western area of KSA. I was raised in the southern region of Saudi Arabia, Asser.

When I was 17, I moved to Riyadh with my husband. Riyadh is the capital city and is in the central part of Saudi Arabia. Each region has a unique culture that is evident in cooking, dialect, style, and activities. As a Saudi woman, I am a blend of these three regions, namely Hejaz,

Asser, and of Riyadh. I also identify as a Saudi woman living in the United States. My family moved to the United States so that I could study for my Ph.D. I have participated in school conferences and activities for my three children and guided them as they navigated the education system in the United States. While living in the United States, two of my children have graduated from universities in the U.S., and my third child has entered college. When I arrived in the

United States, I learned to drive and received my driver’s license. At that time, women were not able to drive in KSA. My language skills in English were at a beginning level. I was determined to learn academic English, so I was a student in Ohio State University’s English Language program for two years. I have always been confident as a Saudi woman, and that confidence has transferred to my identity as a Saudi woman living in the United States.

I anticipated that there would be variables that I could not foresee in my research. I approached the research without assumptions of the women based on my experience as a Saudi woman living in the United States. I did not assume that the mothers in my research had experienced the same adjustments to living in the United States as I had experienced. The setting of my study was Saudi mothers living in the United States. “A setting is a named context in

41 which phenomena occur that might be studied from any number of angles” (Hammersley &

Atkinson, 2007, p. 32). Within the context of my setting, I anticipated that there could be logistical problems that would arise for my participants that might challenge my desire to have group as well as individual meetings. I had, for example, intended to have the focus group meet in January. The week that I had chosen in January was not good for one of the mothers because she was going to be away at a conference. Another mother asked if the focus group could be moved to another month because she had to attend a conference and complete a project. I moved the focus group to the following month (February) which was suitable for all participants.

Another unforeseen issue was that the father of one of the mothers died during the interviews phase. That particular mother returned to Saudi Arabia to be with her family during that time of grieving. This prevented me from completing the third interview with this mother in person. We resolved this problem by completing the information that I needed from her through utilizing the computer application known as WhatsApp.

My positionality during the interviews and focus group was informed by friendship ethnography. Friendship ethnography involved using the components of friendship in the context of research. Researchers often use traditional methods of interviewing and observation alongside friendship practices such as conversation, everyday interactions, and compassion

(Stevenson & Lawthorn, 2017).

One of the affordances of using friendship ethnography was the connection to the mothers in my study because they were Saudis, and two of them were my friends. Since two of them were my friends, there was at least some level of emotional involvement with each other.

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Emotional involvement “can provide a rich resource… rather than necessarily constituting a methodological problem to be avoided at all costs” (Owton & Allen-Collinson, 2014, p. 1).

An important component of this research was to understand the history of the group. A researcher must understand what is familiar before they can understand what is strange (Heath &

Street, 2008). Again, two of the women from the study group and I were friends. However, we all shared many of the same qualities, and because we were friends, they were comfortable and open to sharing their experiences. I respected the mothers and did not allow the study to interfere with our friendships. For example, I respected their time. I also separated times during which we focused on the research, from the times of gathering as friends. All of the women in the study were Saudi women, and two of them were in graduate school in the United States. The participants and I also shared the experience of being Saudi mothers with children in school in the United States. Furthermore, we shared the identity of being Muslim women. Nevertheless, although they were from my home country and living in the United States, I did not assume that their experiences would be identical to mine.

Context

Context is as equally as important as time and people in sampling. A researcher must not confuse context with settings. Contexts are social constructions and not physical locations. The behaviors of people vary in different contexts (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). I observed the differences in the mothers based on the context. I met one of the mothers outside of her home for the first interview. She chose the setting of a coffee shop for this meeting. Her social behavior was reminiscent of that as a guest in this context with me. The next interview was conducted in her home. This change of setting completely altered the dynamic of the social constructions

43 between the mother and myself. In this context, the mother had a welcoming and more assertive role in the interview. She was forthright with information about her engagement in her child’s education. I observed the change in context between individual interviews and the focus group.

The conversation between the mothers produced different data than I had received during the individual interviews.

Data Sources

My study which entailed an examination of how Saudi mothers engaged in the education of their children in the United Sates, made basic qualitative research an advantageous methodology. Qualitative research provided the opportunity to learn from the Saudi mothers about the authentic ways in which they participated in family engagement and to share knowledge with them. Specifically, for my research, I used methods such as friendship ethnography, semi-structured interviews, audio recordings, observation, a focus group, and artifacts. Methods such as these, enable researchers to immerse themselves into authentic settings over a period of time in which they can observe, listen, and ask questions to make meaning of the real lives of the participants (Given, 2008).

Data Collection

My approach to data collection was based on the framework of Humanizing Family

Engagement. This framework created an environment that enabled me to learn from and with the mothers. I used interviews, a focus group, artifacts, and observation to collect data. The approach that I used for interviews, namely, focus group discussions about artifacts and observations, falls under the umbrella of Humanizing Family Engagement. I entered into the phase of data

44 collection with an open mind, and attempted as much as possible, to observe without preconceived ideas or assumptions.

I recruited the mothers from the Saudi community in Columbus, Ohio. As noted previously, two of the participants were my friends that I knew through the Saudi community.

After recruiting two of my friends, I still needed more Saudi mothers of children ages five to eight to participate in my study. I used snowball sampling (Coleman, 1958) to find other participants. My friends in the study were familiar with other mothers in the same situation and helped me recruit two more Saudi mothers. I interviewed each mother individually for 30 to 60 minutes at three separate meetings with each mother. The interviews were conducted in Arabic because it was easier for the participants and I to use our first language. The interviews and focus group were audio recorded. Through the use of the audio recordings, I transcribed the interviews and focus group in Arabic. I initially transcribed the interviews and focus group in Arabic because it was easier for my mind to connect the concepts and patterns in Arabic. I wrote memos to reflect on the aspects of the interviews that connected to humanizing family engagement and to the research questions. I used the memos as an opportunity to reflect on the data as it was accumulated. The memos enabled me to see themes and patterns, and they became part of my data. I used highlighting to identify and to code recurring patterns and categories. Then, I translated the highlighted areas from Arabic to English.

Since the actions and attitudes of the mothers could vary from day to day, I determined that it would be best to spread the interviewing period over several weeks rather than conducting them in one or two days. During this phase, I collected data regarding how Saudi mothers reported engaging with their children’s U.S. schools.

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Through interviews, I discovered how the mothers viewed their roles and what challenges and support the Saudi mothers perceived in promoting their children’s education. Interviewing the Saudi mothers over a period of time increased the possibility for various challenges to arise.

Participants could have different frames of mind or attitudes on various days. However, spreading the time out provided the opportunity to enable a broader range of thoughts and experiences of the participants to emerge.

An important part of data collection for my study was to find out what mattered to the participants regarding family engagement. A method of data collection that was useful for my research was the use of artifacts. During the first interview with each individual mother, I asked each to gather any artifacts that were relevant to family engagement. Artifacts could include homework, flyers, worksheets, teacher reports, photos, and emails. The artifacts that the mothers gathered demonstrated some of what they perceived as important in their children’s education.

Artifacts were also helpful conversation starters with the mothers about how their home practices were impacted by their efforts to support their children in U.S. schools.

Interviews

According to Hikida (2015), semi-structured interviews can be a lens through which to view the thoughts and feelings of participants. The thoughts and feelings of participants provide a way of knowing, according to Seidman (2019) who noted that “At the heart of interviewing research is an interest in other individuals’ stories because they are of worth” (Seidman, 2019).

The interviews began with specific questions derived from my research questions (see Appendix

A). I conducted my interviews with the Saudi mothers in Arabic, our language in common.

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Friendship ethnography informed the interviews in that the interviews often became conversations between friends rather than between researcher and participant. The lines between the participants and the researcher became blurred (Tillman, 2015). Through the method of friendship ethnography, I easily connected with the four mothers as it highlighted the importance of relationships. Hikida (2015) stated that informal conversations that arise during semi- structured interviews provide insight into the decisions and feelings that participants make and experience close to the moments in which they occur. As an interviewer, I valued the thoughts and feelings of participants and shared my experiences and stories. According to Hoffman

(2007), the interview process itself is complex as the researcher facilitates the direction and responds to the emotions. The researcher must closely follow the actual dialogue as well as monitor responses and changes in the direction of the interview (Hoffman, 2007). The semi- structured approach created the environment for the participants to talk about what mattered to them (Hikida, 2015). The dialogue that expressed what mattered most to the participants regarding engagement in their child’s education, was the heart of the data for my research.

Artifacts

The mothers, as noted previously, also collected artifacts from school such as homework, flyers, and worksheets. Other artifacts collected included emails, report cards, visuals of events and activities, and parent teacher reports. Visual artifacts represent participants in a way that goes beyond reporting. Through visual means, a researcher can observe authentic emotions, body language, and nuances of relationships. Researchers learn about the participants through the use of images such as videos, photographs, artwork, and other visuals (Pink, 2013). These visual forms “provide a means for recording, documenting, and explaining the social worlds and

47 understandings of people” (Given, 2008, p. 3). The use of visual artifacts benefitted my research because I gained a deeper understanding of everyday interactions and emotions of the participants. Lykes (2006) stated that this approach is often used by researchers as a resource to capture what matters to the participants. This approach of using visual artifacts gives voice to the photographs (Given, 2008).

Another approach that I used was visual narrative. Visual narratives further the understanding of visual images as data (Given, 2008). I asked the participants to show me pictures that they had taken. As we looked at the visual images, the participants explained them, and that, in turn, provided me with an opportunity to observe their responses and reactions to the visual images. These sessions were also a time for clarification of the activities, thoughts, and feelings.

Focus Group

I conducted one focus group after the completion of the second individual interviews.

Focus groups are often used to obtain information from many people at one time. However, researchers also use group interaction as a method. Instead of being asked questions from an interviewer, focus groups invite participants to talk to one another, ask questions, share, and comment on the experiences and thoughts of others (Kitzinger, 1995). The goal of the focus group was to gain richer and potentially, more nuanced data regarding how Saudi mothers engaged with their children’s education in the United States. Focus groups can provide data that might not be obtained through individual interviews because the participants interact and feed off each other. “Focus groups can mitigate or inhibit the authority of the researcher, allowing participants to “take over” or “own” the interview space, which can result in richer, deeper

48 understandings of whatever is being studied (Kamberelis & Dimitriadis, 2013, p. 325). Although the group discussion initially began with topics from my research questions, the group dynamic carried the conversation into other issues regarding family engagement that had not arisen during individual interviews. According to Agar (2006), these are rich points in data gathering that can bring surprises and departures from an outsider’s expectations.

Observation

The observation process included audio recordings. The mothers were assured of confidentiality and anonymity of their recordings by signing a consent form guaranteeing their privacy of the recordings. This was an important step in creating a safe and honest environment in which participants were more likely to share thoughts and feelings openly. More important than the consent form in making the mothers feel safe, was building a relationship of trust with them.

The method of observation allows the researcher to register phenomena and/or behaviors in the setting that stand out to them. According to Blommaert and Jie (2010), “you start by observing everything and gradually start focusing on specific targets” (p.29). For my observations, I used what I saw and heard directly as well as what I sensed in the setting. After the observations, I used a notebook to record field-notes of what I had observed. Blommaert &

Jie (2010) suggest that field-notes tell a story throughout the research process. They show the way that researchers attempt to make new information understandable and help to make connections between events that occur at different times.

Throughout the individual interviews and focus groups, I used the observation process as a method of data collection. The observation process occurred during the interviews and focus

49 groups and continued afterwards as I reviewed field notes, artifacts, and audio recordings. The observation process provided the means to notice changes in facial expressions, tone of voice, comfortable topics, and moments of silence vs. verbal engagement. Observing the mothers, also helped me to answer my research questions by noticing the changes that occurred. I observed whether similar reactions occurred with each of the mothers (or not), regarding the same question. The focus group was also a time to observe which question ignited the most discussion, frustration, or excitement.

Phases of Data Collection

I collected data within three phases.

Phase 1: Entering the Field

The first phase occurred during the first two to three weeks of my research (October of

2019). I began in October because the mothers were somewhat adjusted to the school year, but it was still the beginning of the year. I ended the study in March (which was the sixth month).

Phase 1 mainly focused on meeting with the mothers to explain the nature of the research study and to ask them if they were willing to volunteer as participants in the research. I explained to the mothers that their decision would not affect any prior relationship that we had had. The mothers were assured of their privacy and that all information would remain confidential. I gave the mothers a consent form to review and sign.

Phase 2: Semi-structured Interviews, Observations, and Focus Group

Phase 2 began after receiving the consent forms from the mothers. I interviewed each mother individually. The first set of interviews was conducted in a mutually agreed upon setting in which each mother was most comfortable. This unstructured interview was biographical in

50 nature to enable me to understand basic information about the lives of the participants in the context of being Saudi mothers of children ages 5 to 8 in schools in the United States. The individual interviews lasted approximately 60 minutes, and they were audio recorded (see

Appendix B).

I conducted the second and third individual interviews with each of the four mothers using a semi-structured format. Through email and WhatsApp, the mothers sent pictures and artifacts of events in which they had participated prior to the interviews. Part of the interview time was dedicated to discussing the pictures and artifacts as related to engagement in education.

The participants and I met together for one focus group. The purpose of the focus group was to enable the mothers to share their experiences with their children’s schools as Saudi mothers with children in schools in the United States. The focus group lasted approximately three hours.

Phase 4: Exiting the Field

Phases 1, 2, and 3 were completed within six months. I exited the field by showing the mothers my appreciation for their participation in my study. We enjoyed breakfast together and each mother received a gift for participating in the research. I expressed my gratitude to the mothers for sharing their experiences with me regarding how and to what extent they were

‘engaged’ in their children’s education. I wanted to share items with them that I had discovered and gathered throughout my experiences in the United States. Included in their gift bags were local honey, and a key chain that said, ‘thank you for being part of my journey.

Data Analysis

The structure that I used for data analysis was based on the constant comparative method.

This method is often used for coding and analyzing qualitive data because it is “compatible with

51 the inductive, concept-building orientation of all qualitative research” (Merriam, 2009, p. 199).

Basically, the constant comparative method means to constantly compare data while also analyzing data. Comparison of the data enables the researcher to determine categories or themes that can be compared to each other and to other data types and sources. “Comparisons are constantly made within and between levels of conceptualization until a theory can be formulated” (Merriam, 2009, p. 200).

The main goal in qualitative research when using ethnographic methods is to learn from the participants what counts as cultural knowledge (Green, Skukauskaite, & Baker, 2012). The researcher studies the point of view of the participants in the research setting. As discussed in this chapter, I collected data through observation, semi-structured interviews, focus groups, audio recordings, artifacts, pictures, and field notes. A researcher must determine what they will do with the data once it is collected. Analysis means making sense of the data. This is done by looking for patterns of narrative and textual coherence (Blomaert & Jie, 2010).

Constant comparative analysis begins with looking for themes. During the first time reading through the data, I looked for themes. I read through the data a second time to solidify the themes and determine the categories and sub-categories. I used transcription, inductive analysis, and coding to analyze the data. For example, I used inductive analysis for field notes and transcription and inductive analysis for interviews. I searched for codes that indicated how the mothers in my study perceived being engaged with their children’s education and the ways in which the mothers were engaged with their children’s education. Coding made the data manageable by grouping the transcriptions according to specific concepts. The framework of humanizing family engagement is one that attempts to learn from families. My research focused

52 on mothers, so the data reflects what I learned about how four Saudi mothers engaged in their children’s education. The coding that emerged through the data included areas such as belonging, welcoming, valuing, trusting, and parent roles which align with the framework of humanizing family engagement. As I read through the interviews and wrote memos to reflect on the data, I highlighted patterns that consistently appeared. It is a common practice in qualitative research to look for patterns as it increases the validity of the data. According to Saldaña (2015),

“As you code and recode, expect your codes and categories to become more refined and, depending on your methodological approach, more conceptual and abstract” (p. 12). This process of coding, recoding, and refining occurred as I analyzed the data. Coding the transcriptions or breaking them down into meaningful and manageable chunks of data, was a critical part of the data analysis. Through the process of coding, the categories of welcoming, valuing, communication, and ways that mothers engaged emerged (see appendix C).

Humanizing Family Engagement theory was a logical framework to use with my qualitative research. During the analysis phase of my research, I looked for themes and patterns that depicted how schools attempted to honor and value the knowledge and home practices of the

Saudi families. Through the analysis phase, I identified authentic home practices of the families and determined how their home practices connected to the education of their children.

Quality Criteria for This Inquiry

Throughout the process of data analysis, I used triangulation to ensure that the data were valid. Validation of data occurs when multiple sources support the same finding. For triangulation, I needed to see the same occurrence two to three times in interviews, field notes, observations, focus group, or audio recordings. When I noticed something in the field notes, I

53 asked about it in subsequent interviews. This was an opportunity to use qualitative research as a dynamic and flexible methodology. While reading through the data and during the coding process, I purposefully searched for counterevidence of the developing constructs. This exercise of looking for discrepant examples added another layer to ensure that the data were valid.

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CHAPTER 4: PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS

In this chapter, I examine and interpret the data gathered over a six-month period and discuss the findings derived from that analysis. Again, the purpose of this study was to arrive at a richer understanding of how several Saudi mothers living in the United States engage in the education of their children in the US. As noted in the preceding chapters, the conceptual frame that guided the study in all its phases, is Humanizing Family Engagement. I identified issues that

Saudi families experienced in adjusting to schools in the United States and issues they faced when confronted with a different school culture to that in Saudi Arabia. To reiterate, the study focused on the following questions: 1) How did the Saudi mothers in this study report being engaged with their children’s education; and 2) How did the Saudi mothers view their roles in relation to their children’s education? A theme that emerged from the data is what constituted family engagement in schools for these Saudi families. In response to the first question, I found that the categories of welcoming, valuing, and communicating were consistently present. In response to the second question, I found the categories of communicating and mothers’ ways of engaging to be consistently present.

The discussion in this chapter focuses on how the Saudi mothers in this study reported family engagement in the education of their children. The findings of this study revealed that the mothers were welcomed by their children’s schools; the families’ cultures and parental input were valued; communication was an essential part of engagement; and the ways in which mothers engaged in their children’s education. Finally, the data also revealed that school personnel involved, are learning how to accommodate the values, beliefs, and patterns of

55 interaction of the Muslim families whose children attend their schools, and that the parents appreciate what these schools are doing.

Engagement in Schools

Welcoming

The Saudi mothers reported that they were engaged in the education of their children.

Engagement with the schools was evident in the stories from the mothers. The findings showed that the mothers were welcomed by the school; the families’ cultures and parental input were valued; communication was an essential part of engagement, as were the ways in which the mothers engaged in their children’s education

Welcoming surfaced as an important concept during the study. In response to Research

Question 1, the Saudi mothers reported being engaged with their children’s education by being connected to their school through how they were welcomed (i.e. invited to participate in the school). This discussion includes the mothers’ views of how schools welcome families through initial impressions, beginning- of-school events, and family participation.

Initial Impressions.

All of the mothers shared an experience of engagement with their children’s schools that reflect their initial impressions. Mona shared her experience of being welcomed through her initial impressions when she went to the school office for the first time to register her children.

Mona’s children attended a public city school. She was in the United States so that her children could learn English and be prepared to study at an American university after they graduated from high school. Her husband was in Saudi Arabia because of his job which provided the financial resources to support the family in the U.S. During the first interview with Mona, she shared her

56 experiences in finding a school for her children. She reported that when she was looking for a house to rent, she searched diligently in areas with high-ranking school systems. She found a home in a suburban community known for its good schools. Mona explained that the quality of the school that her children attended had always been important to her. When she was in Saudi

Arabia, her children attended an elite private school. The quality of education in public schools in Saudi Arabia is not as high as it is in private schools. Mona had heard that the public schools in the United States were similar to the private schools in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. She looked at the rating of the specific school in her area before she bought her house and registered her children.

To Mona’s distress, when she took her children to register at the school, she was informed that her address was not in the district of this highly recommended school. After leaving the school in that district, Mona and her children went to register at the designated school for her neighborhood. She was concerned about the quality of education at that school. However, from the moment they walked through the door of the school, the staff greeted them warmly with smiles and welcoming words. Mona expressed her response to this. “Even though I wore a hijab, and I looked different, they welcomed my children and me warmly.”

ﻋ" ﻠ ﻰ ا ﻟ ﻢﻏﺮ ﻦﻣ إ ﻲﻧ ﮫﺴﺑﻻ بﺎﺠﺣ ﻲﻠﻜﺷو ﺘﺨﻣ ﻒﻠ ﻢﮭﻨﻋ ﺲﺑ اﻮﺒﺣر ﺑ ﯿ ﺎ ﺎﻌﺑو ﺋ ﻠ ﻲﺘ راﺮﺤﺑ ة ﺣو ﻔ ﺎ و ة ﺮﻣ ه ﺒﻛ ﺮﯿ ة. "

Nora’s initial impressions expressed as to how she experienced being welcomed at her son’s school, were similarly positive. Nora’s son attended an Islamic charter school in one of the largest cities in Ohio. Her husband was also with the family, and studying for his Ph.D. Nora and her husband were both involved in her son’s education on a daily basis. She and her husband chose this school because they thought it would provide a place for their son to develop his ethnic identity by being surrounded by other English-speaking Muslim children. The school had 57 high ratings and had received recognition as one of the top STEM schools in Ohio. Nora described her experience of feeling welcomed in the first interview. She shared that she felt welcomed by the school personnel from the instant that she entered the school building. The receptionist and teachers greeted her with smiles and were kind. Nora said that they continued to be sweet to her whenever she visited the school. “From the first impression, I felt that this was my community, and I belonged here”.

ﻦﻣ" ﺔﻈﺤﻠﻟا ﻰﻟوﻷا ﺖﯿﺴﺣ ا ﻧ ﮫ ﺬھ ا ﻊﻤﺘﺠﻤﻟا ﻲﻘﺣ وإ ﻲﻧ ﻲﻤﺘﻧأ ﮫﻟ ."

Through Nora’s experience, it was evident that the way the school staff welcomed her made her feel like she belonged to the school community, a welcoming that was deeply appreciated as reflected in a comment during the second interview, when she stated: “I chose this school to give my son a place to find himself and his identity; however, it has not only given my son a place, but I have also found a place to belong”.

تﺮﺘﺧا" ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا ﯿﻣﻼﺳﻹا ﺔ فﺪﮭﺑ إ ﻲﻧ أ ﻰﻐﺑ نﻮﻜﯾ ﺑﻻ ﻲﻨ نﺎﻜﻣ ﺪﺠﯾ ﻓ ﮫﯿ ﻧ ﮫﺴﻔ ﺪﺠﯾو ﯾﻮھ ،ﮫﺘ ﮫﺣاﺮﺼﺑو ﺎﻣ ﺎﻛ ﻧ ﺖ ﻂﻘﻓ هﺬھ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا

ﻜﻣ نﺎ ﺑﻻ ﻲﻨ ﺎﻛ ﺖﻧ نﺎﻜﻣ ﻲﻟ ا ﻧ ﺎ أ ﻲﻤﺘﻧ ﮫﻟ . "

Her experience highlighted the importance of first impressions. Families look for reassurance that they will be welcomed in a school even before they set foot through the door. An example of this occurs when school staff is available both outside as well as inside the building to greet and talk with parents (Mapp, 2007). Reem shared during our first interview, that on the first day of school, the principal was outside greeting families and directing cars. “This made me think,

Wow! The principal is out here directing traffic and greeting everyone even though he has a high position.”

" ﻲﻧﻼﺧ ﺮﻌﺷا إ ﮫﻧ او وا ! ا ﺮﯾﺪﻤﻟ ﺑ ﮫﺴﻔﻨ او ﻒﻗ اﺮﺑ ﺲﻟﺎﺟو ﯾ ﻢﻈﻨ ﺔﻛﺮﺣ ارﺎﯿﺴﻟا ت ﺐﺣﺮﯾو ﺑ ﺎ ﻊﯿﻤﺠﻟ ﻰﻠﻋ ا ﻢﻏﺮﻟ ﻦﻣ ﮫﺒﺼﻨﻣ ﮫﺒﺼﻨﻣ ﻦﻣ ﻢﻏﺮﻟ ا ﻰﻠﻋ ﻊﯿﻤﺠﻟ ﺎ ﺑ ﺐﺣﺮﯾو

ﺪﻤﻛ ﺮﯾ ." 58

The first impression that Reem and her children had of the school was that of being welcomed.

At the same time, Reem noticed that her family stood out because of their skin color and her hijab. She determined that she would help to create an environment in the school that would give her children a sense of belonging.

Dida’s family had a similar experience of positive initial impressions with the principal at her daughter’s school. The first contact was between her husband and the school principal. Dida commented during the first interview, that she did not attend school events and conferences because of the cultural differences, explaining it in the following way: “I don’t like to enter into a culture different than mine”.

" ﺎﻣ ﺐﺣأ أ ﻞﺧد ﺑ ﺘﺠﻤ ﻊﻤ ﺘﺨﻣ ﻒﻠ ﻦﻋ ﺘﺠﻣ ﻲﻌﻤ ."

Dida’s husband attended school events and conferences. Despite her nonattendance at her child’s school, she was reassured by her husband of an initial feeling of being welcomed during the first day of school. Her husband dropped their daughter off on her first day of school. During the drop-off time, the principal introduced himself to her husband and daughter. He told Dida’s husband to contact him if he ever had questions or needed anything. Her husband said that the principal was kind, and he felt relieved about leaving their daughter at the school. His first impression of the school was positive because of this interaction. This brought comfort to Dida’s family on her daughter’s first day at this new school. The principal’s welcome was a small gesture, but it made Dida and her husband feel secure about leaving their daughter in the care of the school. Initial impressions between schools and families are pivotal moments for future engagement.

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Beginning of School.

Mona and Reem also reported being engaged through welcoming at the beginning of school. Mona shared during our second interview, that she felt welcomed by describing her perceptions about the meet and greet night. This event was held the week before school started to enable families to meet the teachers and have ice cream with other families and staff. She explained how impressed she was by this event and how welcoming the school felt – both personal and warm. Mona was nervous about attending the “meet and greet” event in part, because of how she might be perceived because of her use of English that she thought “was not good.” However, these perceptions evaporated as soon as her family entered the school. The principal was there, dressed in a clown costume. He greeted families and introduced himself to everyone. Mona said that her family could not take a single step without someone there to welcome and to guide them. “Everyone was smiling as they welcomed us. I felt so welcomed by all the staff that I felt like it was just for me and for my family.”

تﺮﻌﺷ" ﺑ ﺎ ﻟ ﺐﯿﺣﺮﺘ ﻦﻣ ا ﻊﯿﻤﺠﻟ ﻟ ﺔﺟرﺪ إ ﻲﻧ ﺖﯿﺴﺣ إ ﮫﻧ ﺬھ ا ﺘﺳﻻا ﻘ ﺒ لﺎ صﺎﺧ ﺑ ﯿ ﺎ ﻌﺑو ﺎ ﺋ ﻠ ﻲﺘ ."

Here, we see Mona’s excitement about the way her children’s school welcomed her family and showed appreciation for all the students and their families. For Mona and her family, it was non- traditional to see a principal wearing a clown costume while warmly welcoming the families to the school. Mona not only felt welcomed and appreciated by the principal, but by the entire school staff. Her experience at the “meet and greet” night made her feel more comfortable about her son’s school.

Reem had a similar experience to that of Mona’s at a beginning of the year event at her children’s school. During the second interview, Reem said that the school held an ice cream social one evening the week before school was to begin. This event was designed so that students 60 could see their classrooms and meet their teachers. Families had the opportunity to meet the principal and staff and to interact with other families. Reem explained that this event made her happy because her family was greeted warmly by the staff. Her children had a wonderful experience eating ice cream and playing with other students on the playground. Reem stated,

“the school did a nice job of preparing students and families to begin the school year.”

نﺎﻛ" ﺪﮭﺟ ﻞﯿﻤﺟ ﻦﻣ ا ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ ﻟ ﺰﯿﮭﺠﺘ ا بﻼﻄﻟ ﻞھﻷاو ﻟ ﺪﺒ ا ﺔﯾ ﺔﺳارﺪﻟا ."

Welcoming, therefore, appeared to create a foundation for how the families engaged in their children’s schools by setting the tone for future interactions. Each of the participants shared that feeling welcomed by the school impacted them significantly. Through the process of being welcomed, the mothers felt valued and that their families belonged.

Family Participation.

“Welcoming” events and thus, influencing initial impressions, and the kinds of beginning of school activities that were set up at the beginning of the school year, set the stage for future engagement between schools and families. Effective schools continue to demonstrate that families are welcome by providing opportunities for families to participate throughout the school year. In the third interview, Nora shared her perceptions of an event that was held at the school, namely, “Donuts with Dad.” The event was held from 8:00 a.m. to 8:30 a.m. at the regular drop- off time. “Donuts with Dad” was not just for dads; any significant figure in the child’s life was invited to attend. The idea was for the dad or the alternative significant figure to come to the event at drop-off time and have a donut with their child. Nora shared that “The school held this event without any expectation of parents doing something. They didn’t ask parents to bring anything or to volunteer – just to come.”

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ا" ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ يﻮﺴﺗ أ ﺔﻄﺸﻧ نوﺪﺑ يأ ﺗ تﺎﻌﻗﻮ ﻦﻣ ﻞھﻷا إ ﻢﮭﻧ نوﻮﺴﯾ يأ ﻲﺷ . ﺎﻣ اﻮﺒﻠﻄﯾ ﻦﻣ ﻞھﻷا إ ﻢﮭﻧ اﻮﺒﺠﯾ وأ اﻮﻛرﺎﺸﯾ ﺑ يﺄ .ﻲﺷ

ﻂﻘﻓ ﯾﺒ ﻢھﻮﻐ اﻮﺠﯾ ."

Nora’s husband went to the event with her son. Other students brought grandfathers, uncles, or special friends. Nora reported that her husband was surprised that so many people showed up for the event on that day. The line went from inside of the school to the parking lot.

The school chose a time that would be convenient for its guests, and they opened it up to anyone, not only the fathers. Nora commented that “I feel that they are creating opportunities for the parents to let them feel that they have a place in the school, and they are welcomed.”

" ﺲﺣأ ﻧإ ﻢﮭ ﻠﺨﯾ نﻮﻘ صﺮﻓ ﺎھﻸﻟ ﻲﻟ ﻢﮭﻧوﺮﻌﺸﯾو ﻧإ ﮫ ﻢﮭﻟ نﺎﻜﻣ ﺑ ﺎ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ إو ﮫﻧ ﺐﺣﺮﻣ ﻢﮭﯿﻓ ."

Mona explained during the first interview that her son’s school offered many opportunities for parents to participate. One morning, when she dropped her son off at school, the principal reminded her about an event that would be held that night. He told her that he would love to see her there. Mona said, “They not only invite us to come, but they want us to come.”

ﺎﻤھ" ﻮﻣ ﺲﺑ اﻮﻣﺪﻘﯾ ﻟ ﻨ ﺎ ﻮﻋد ة ،صﻼﺧو ﻤھ ﺎ اﻮﺤﻠﯿﺑ ﺎﻨﯿﻠﻋ ﻲﺠﯿﻧ ."

These events enabled Nora, Mona, and their families to build a sense of belonging with the schools. In Nora’s case, the school extended the “Donuts with Dad” invitation to other significant individuals. They recognized that each family structure was not the same. The dialogue between Mona and the principal indicated that this school created an environment that welcomed parents and other significant members of the family. Mona was happy when she explained the sincerity of the principal’s words. In both Nora and Mona’s situations, the school

62 was not asking the parents to do anything, but rather, intended to create an experience of engagement that, in turn, created a connection between the families and the schools.

Parent engagement was also sometimes initiated by the families. During our first interview, Reem shared how she initiated participating in her child’s school. Reem had created a presentation about the Arabic language. She volunteered to share this presentation with her son’s class and received permission from her son’s teacher. Reem volunteered because of her first impression that her family stood out as different. In a previous school encounter, Reem felt that everyone was looking at her at the beginning of school ice cream social because of her hijab.

Her goal in giving the presentation was to become a familiar face to the students, and also wanted to support her children in the school environment. At the same time, she wanted the other students to realize that her family was similar to other families even though there were differences. In this situation, Reem saw the need for cultural awareness among the school children concerning Muslim and Arabic culture. She wanted her children to feel comfortable and to have a sense of belonging in the school environment, and therefore, initiated engagement with the school, and the school was receptive to Reem’s input.

Summary

The schools purposefully initiated welcoming which set the tone for building relationships. The mothers appreciated being welcomed by the schools. We can see that the mothers’ responses to being welcomed by the school were positive. The welcoming experiences of my participants were a manifestation of the Humanizing Family Engagement framework.

According to Gallo (2017), family-school collaborations build interpersonal relationships founded in mutual trust.

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Schools demonstrate that families are valued when schools welcome families. A welcoming environment is initiated by the school, and in essence, is the first impression that families receive. “A welcoming process creates a sense of belonging. Not only do parents feel that they belong to the school, but they also feel that the school belongs to them” (Henderson, et.al., 2007, p. 50). The findings from my data showed that welcoming created a sense of belonging for the Saudi mothers. Nora reported being engaged with her son’s school through welcoming. Welcoming made her feel that it was her community and she belonged there.

Similarly, Mona expressed that engaging through welcoming resulted in feeling that the school was her family.

Valuing

Valuing was an important concept that emerged from the data. Previously noted was Reem’s recognition of the need for cultural awareness among the school children concerning Muslim and

Arabic culture. She intended for the school to value her family’s culture. Valuing, in this context, refers to recognizing the experiences and knowledge of families and initiating opportunities to experience shared learning. Valuing input within the scope of family engagement pertains to culture, family knowledge, and feedback. In response to Question 1, the Saudi mothers reported being engaged with their children’s schools through valuing. I discuss the mothers’ views of how schools value the cultures and input of families.

.(Valuing Family Cultures (Time, Customs, Language، Religion

Valuing Time

Dida shared in the first interview about a time that she felt valued by her daughter’s school in the United States. During orientation at the school, the school administration

64 emphasized that either the mother or father could attend parent/teacher conferences. Dida and her husband decided that he would attend the school activities because she was not comfortable going to the school. “This made me feel very relieved.”

" اﺬھ ﻲﻧﻼﺧ ﺲﺣأ ﮫﺣاﺮﺑ ."

Dida, who did not like going to her child’s school, felt her absence in this context was respected because her husband’s presence at events was not only acceptable but regarded as valuable.

Mona described her experience with valuing during the second interview. Her experience was from the viewpoint of a mother who was living in the United States alone with her four children. Since she was the only parent available, her schedule was often hectic. She divided her time between household duties, preparing food for her children, and transporting them to their individual activities. Her schedule was sometimes difficult to juggle, so she needed flexibility from the schools for events such as conferences. The school sent an invitation to sign up for conferences. The invitation stated that if parents were unable to attend on the designated day, they could contact the school and set up a conference on a different day. Mona had a conflicting appointment on the conference day. She contacted the school, and they made another appointment that was convenient both for her as well as the teacher. Mona shared that “it relieved my anxiety when the school was willing to accommodates me.”

بﺎﻌﯿﺘﺳا" ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا ﻲﻓوﺮﻈﻟ ﺮﻣ ه ﻒﻔﺧ ﻦﻣ يﺮﺗﻮﺗ ."

We can see in these scenarios from Dida and Mona, that both mothers experienced being valued by the school. In Dida’s situation, the school accepted that either parent could attend the conference. Dida valued the school because they were open to either parent attending. In Mona’s example, the school provided the scheduling flexibility that she needed. This took pressure off of her, and she felt valued by the school because they made an appointment at a time that was 65 convenient for her. Feeling valued by the school created an environment for relationship building. Because they believed that they were valued, Dida and Mona responded by valuing the schools in return. Valuing families leads to building interpersonal relationships between schools and families, and such relationships are foundational to engagement.

Valuing Customs.

As noted previously, all four mothers were Saudi and celebrated holidays related to their culture. During the first interview, Nora shared an experience in which the school demonstrated that they valued her culture. She wanted to share information with her son’s class about

“National Day,” a special holiday in Saudi Arabia, National Day is a significant holiday in Saudi

Arabia. This is the day that Saudis celebrate the creation of the union of the Kingdom of Saudi

Arabia. The theme for this day is green and white to represent the colors of the flag. The men, women, and children also wear something green and white. Palm trees are entwined with green lights, and buildings are illuminated in green. Flags are hung everywhere around the country.

The people wave small green flags, and the national anthem is played everywhere. At night, each city has a firework display that is entirely green and white. Nora wanted to send something to represent that holiday with her son to his school to celebrate this day. She asked the school if she could send a cake created especially for this day and reported that “the teacher accepted the idea warmly.”

ا" ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﺒﻘﺗ ﺖﻠ ةﺮﻜﻔﻟا ﻔﺤﺑ ةوﺎ ."

Her gift to the school in celebration of that day was cupcakes decorated with green whipped cream to represent the color of the flag of Saudi Arabia. The teacher also asked Nora for more information about National Day because she wanted to explain it to the students.

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Nora’s example showed that some categories entailed in “Valuing” are interdependent.

Her story reveals a connection between valuing cultures and the category of initiating which will be discussed later in this chapter. Nora initiated sharing information about her culture on

National Day by contacting the teacher. In this example, the teacher indicated that she valued the customs of the Saudi culture by her receptivity to Nora’s request, and by asking for details about the day. The teacher used this celebration as a resource for learning from and with parents, an example of Constantino’s (2016) belief that “The more we can learn and value the customs of particular cultures, the greater the likelihood that we can create relationships built on respect and trust” (p. 98).

Reem provided data in the first interview of a time when a teacher demonstrated that she valued Reem’s culture. Reem reported that the day of the Muslim celebration of Eid had fallen on a school day. Muslims celebrate Eid twice a year (Eid al-fitr and Eid al-adha). This particular day was the celebration of Eid al-fitr. Eid al-fitr is the first day after Ramadan, the month during which Muslims fast from sun-up to sun-down. On the morning of Eid al-fitr, families go the mosque together to pray. Everyone also wears new clothes on that day. Usually, men and boys wear thobes (Saudi men’s clothing). Families return to their homes, and the children receive money from their adult relatives. Children kiss the hands and heads of their adult relatives as a greeting, and the adults present the children with money. The next part of the day is spent visiting friends and relatives and sharing Saudi coffee, candy, and dates. Families spend the rest of the day out of the house. The towns and cities are decorated with beautiful lights and banners depicting Eid. Families may also visit amusement parks, go to restaurants, and watch fireworks.

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Reem reported that her family had gone to the mosque on the morning of Eid, and her sons were wearing thobes. After they finished praying at the mosque, Reem took her children directly to school. She asked them if they preferred to keep their thobes on or if they wanted to change. One of her sons decided to stay in his thobe. During lunch at school, many of the students began asking him why he was wearing this outfit. He became overwhelmed, and he went to the bathroom and changed into his everyday school clothes. Reem received a call from the principal explaining what had happened. She expected to find her son somewhat upset at the end of the day; however, by the time she arrived at school to pick up her son, she found him wearing his thobe again. Reem learned that her son’s teacher had discovered why Reem’s son changed his clothes. The teacher found a book from the library about Eid and read it to the class.

Then, she asked Reem’s son to share more information about Eid. Reem said, “my son was happy that the teacher read the book and asked him to share, so he decided to go back to wearing his thobe.”

" ﻲﻨﺑا نﺎﻛ نﺎﺣﺮﻓ إ ﮫﻧ ا ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ تأﺮﻗ ا ﺘﻜﻟ بﺎ ﺖﺒﻠطو ﮫﻨﻣ كرﺎﺸﯾ ﺎﻣﻮﻠﻌﻤﺑ ﮫﺗ رﺮﻘﻓ ﻊﺟﺮﯾ ﯾ ﻠ ﺲﺒ ﮫﺑﻮﺛ ."

Reem did not make the decision for her sons as to whether they should wear their thobes or their school clothes. She gave them the opportunity to make their own decisions. Reem knew that the school would be accepting of her sons if they wore their thobes. The school had demonstrated that they valued other cultures and invited families to share knowledge about their cultures. We can see that Reem felt safe within the school environment and had a sense of belonging. The evidence that the school engaged with Reem’s family is that the principal immediately called Reem, and the teacher responded to Reem’s son’s situation. The teacher used it as an opportunity to show him that she valued his culture and was also willing to respond to an opportunity to use his culture as a learning resource. She valued the culture of Reem’s son and 68 built upon the knowledge of his culture to further inform the classroom about the Saudi culture.

The teacher recognized that Reem’s son had experienced peer pressure that had caused him to change his clothes. She addressed this by creating a learning opportunity for the class about Eid.

“Teachers who practice a humanizing pedagogy incorporate students’ language and culture into the academic context to support learning and to help students identify with and maintain pride in their home cultures” (Huerta, 2011, p. 39).

Valuing Language.

Language is part of a culture, and languages and cultures are closely related. According to Agar (1996), it is impossible to distinguish languages from cultures. After all, the main form of communication for every culture is language. Schools that practice humanizing family engagement demonstrate that they value the languages of the families.

In her first interview, Mona told of an experience when her son’s ESL teacher demonstrated that she valued his first language. She said that she received a letter from her son’s ESL teacher.

The teacher had said that Mona’s son was improving in the English language, but the teacher had noticed that Mona’s son did not know how to read and write in Arabic. Mona said, “You cannot imagine how this letter impacted me. I really appreciate that the teacher cared so much about my child that she even noticed that he could not read or write in Arabic. It does not affect the school at all if my son reads or writes in Arabic, but the teacher was interested in him and his native language.”

" ﺎﻣ ﺗ ﻠﯿﺨﺘ ﻲ ﻢﻛ أ ﺮﺛ ﻓ ﯿ ﯿ ﺎ ﺬھ ا ا ،بﺎﻄﺨﻟ ﻲﻓﻮﺷ ﻒﯿﻛ ﺑ اﻮﻤﺘﮭﯿ ﺑ ﺎ ﻞﻔﻄﻟ إو ﻰﻟ يأ .ﺪﺣ ةﺮﻣ أ رﺪﻗ مﺎﻤﺘھا ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟا ﻲﻨﺑﺎﺑ ﺔﺟﺪﻟ ﺔﺟﺪﻟ

ا ﺎﮭﻧ ﺖﮭﺒﺘﻧا ﮫﻧإ ﻲﻨﺑا ﺎﻣ ﺮﻌﯾ ف أﺮﻘﯾ ﺐﺘﻜﯾو ﮫﻤﺳا ﻲﺑﺮﻌﻟﺎﺑ ﺶﯾإ ﻒﯿﻀﯿﺣ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻠﻟ ﮫﻧإ ﻲﻨﺑا ﻢﻠﻌﺘﯾ ﻻإو ﺎﻣ ﯾ ﻠﻌﺘ ﻢ ﮫﺘﻐﻟ ﯿﻠﺻﻷا ،ﺔ ﺲﺑ ﺲﺑ

ﻤھ ﺎ ﻢﮭﻣﺎﻤﺘھا ﻞﻔﻄﻟﺎﺑ ﺮﺘﻛأ ﻦﻣ يأ ﻲﺷ ."

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From this example, we can see the impact this school had on Mona when they valued her home language.

During the first interview, Reem shared about a time when she received an invitation from the school asking parents to come and read a story to the classroom in their mother language. Reem responded to the invitation and volunteered to read a story to her son’s first grade class. The teacher asked Reem to read a book of her choice in Arabic. One of Reem’s goals was for her children to feel proud of being Arabic and Muslim. Reem said that “When I received the invitation, I felt like the teacher valued diverse languages and wanted the class to experience story reading in various languages.”

ةﺮﻜﻓ" ةﻮﻋﺪﻟا ﻠﺧ ﺘ ﻲﻨ ﺖﯿﺴﺣ إ ﮫﻧ ا ﻟ ﻌﻤ ﻠ ﺔﻤ ﻘﻣ هرﺪ ةﺮﻜﻓ فﻼﺘﺧا تﺎﻐﻠﻟا ﺎﮭﻧإو ﻰﻐﺒﺗ ﻖﻘﺤﺗ ﻔطﻷ لﺎ ﮭﻠﺼﻓ ﺎ ﺑﺮﺠﺗ ﺔ عﺎﻤﺳ ﮫﺼﻗ ﺑ ﻠ ﺔﻐ ﻐﻠﺑ ﺼ عﻤ ﺔﺑﺠ ﻠﻓ ﺎﻔﻷﻖﺤ

ﺨﻣ ﺘ ﻠ ﻔ ﺔ . "

Reem chose to read ‘The Little Red Hen’ in Arabic because she thought it would be familiar to

English-speaking children. After the story, Reem wrote each student’s name in Arabic on individual pieces of paper emphasizing that words are written from right to left in Arabic. The teacher extended Reem’s sharing of her culture by providing students with the opportunity to practice writing their names in Arabic. The teacher wrote ‘Practice your name in Arabic’ at the top of the white board, and the children all tried writing their names in Arabic (see Figure 1).

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Figure 1. Children writing their names in Arabic

Reem was receptive to the teacher’s request to read a story in Arabic, and in turn, the teacher’s invitation was an expression of valuing Reem’s culture. The teacher recognized the importance of learning from and with families. We saw further evidence that the teacher valued diverse cultures when she encouraged the students to write their names in Arabic on the classroom’s white board.

Valuing Religion.

During Mona’s initial encounter with the school, she met a teacher who was also of the

Muslim religion. As previously mentioned, Mona had intended for her son to attend a suburban school. Instead, after renting her home, she discovered that the house was actually in a city school district. Mona was concerned about the quality of education at the school. In the first interview, Mona shared her concern with the Muslim teacher. In their conversation, the teacher noticed that Mona seemed concerned about the school. She told Mona that the school had many

Muslim students, and the school was attentive to the Muslim culture. Mona was relieved because of how important their religion was to her family. 71

Mona also shared, in the third interview, about a time when her son’s school demonstrated that they valued her religious beliefs. She said that during Ramadan, the school took great care of the Muslim children. Ramadan is a month-long period of fasting for Muslims.

From sunrise to sunset, Muslims do not eat or drink anything for the entire period of Ramadan.

During Ramadan, the Muslim students were allowed to go to another part of the school so that they were away from the students who were eating. Also, the fasting students did not need to participate in gym. The school reassured the students that this would not affect their grades.

Mona shared, “When I send my children to school, I feel they are in good hands because the school is attentive to and respectful of our religious beliefs.”

ﻲﻋو" ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا ﺎﮭﻣاﺮﺘﺣاو ﯾﺪﻟ ﻨ ﻨ ﺎ ﻠﺨﯾ ﻲﻨ ﻦﻤﻟ ﻞﺳرأ أ يدﻻو ﻟ ﻠ ﻤ ﺪ ﺔﺳر أ ﺮﻌﺷ إ ﻢﮭﻧ ﺑ ﺄ يﺪﯾ ﯿﻣأ ﮫﻨ . "

In this example, the school showed that they valued the beliefs of the Muslim students through their attentiveness to their needs. The school accommodated the Muslim students by providing positive alternatives for the students and did not make the students stand out in a negative way.

This humanizing handling of accommodating the religious beliefs of the Muslim students comforted Mona which is evident from her comment that she felt they were in good hands.

In her third interview, Reem similarly shared her experience with her children’s school and how the school valued her family’s religious beliefs. In the previous year, prior to Ramadan,

Reem had donated a book about Ramadan to the library (see Figure 2). It was a Curious George book that explained Ramadan. The teachers who had Muslim students borrowed the book to explain Ramadan to their classes. The Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) committee in the school, of which Reem was the co-chair, sent an email to the school counselor which explained

Ramadan so that the teachers would understand and support fasting children. The committee asked the counselor to share this information with the teachers in the school. Reem said, “I 72 noticed my son was excited about fasting. He said that during lunch time, they let him go to the computer lab or go to the library. Frankly, it was very nice to have a school with this position that understood.”

و" ﺖﻗ ﺔﺤﺴﻔﻟا ﻠﺨﯾ هﻮ حوﺮﯾ ﺮﺗﻮﯿﺒﻤﻜﻟا بﻻ وأ حوﺮﯾ ا ﺘﻜﻤﻟ .ﺔﺒ ﺔﺣاﺮﺼﺑ نﺎﻛ ةﺮﻣ ﻮﻠﺣ ﻦﻣ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا ﺎﮭﻤﮭﻔﺗ ﺎﮭﻠﻋﺎﻔﺗو ﺎﻨﻌﻣ ."

Figure 2. Book about Ramadan

Reem had initiated the foregoing engagement with the school about celebrating Ramadan because she wanted to explain this most important holiday in Islam. She felt comfortable giving this book about Ramadan to the library. The school’s response to the book demonstrated their openness to diverse cultures. Furthermore, the fact that the school has a Diversity, Equity, and

Inclusion committee exhibited that they intentionally engaged with diverse families and welcomed input. This was not just a stated practice, but it was implemented as demonstrated in the example of the librarian.

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The religion of Islam impacts a Muslim’s diet. One of the food items that cannot be eaten is pork. Dida gave an example of how her daughter’s school respected her dietary needs in the second interview. When Dida first registered her daughter in kindergarten, the school asked Dida to complete several forms. In the dietary section, Dida mentioned that her daughter should not be given any pork in her meals. One day, she noticed on the school App, that the meal for that day was a cheese sandwich with bacon. When her daughter came home, Dida asked her what she had eaten for lunch. Her daughter replied that she had eaten a cheese sandwich with something delicious on top of it. She said, “I don’t know what it is, but it is my favorite and I like it”. The next day Dida dropped her daughter off at school and spoke with the teacher about lunch the day before. Dida said, “The teacher informed me that their kitchen was aware of my daughter’s inability to eat pork and replaced it with turkey.”

ا" ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﺎﻗ ﻟ ﺘ ﻲﻠ إ ﮫﻧ ﺦﺒﻄﻣ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا ﺘﻣ ﻨ ﮫﺒ إ ﮫﻧ ﺑ ﻨ ﻲﺘ ﺎﻣ ﺪﻘﺗ ر ﻞﻛﺂﺗ ﻢﺤﻟ ا ﺮﯾﺰﻨﺨﻟ ﺘﺳاو ﺒ ﺪ هﻮﻟ ﺑ ﻲﻛﺮﺘ ."

Dida stated that she would have been happy if they had simply removed the bacon. The school went a step further and replaced the bacon with turkey. Through this experience, Dida saw that her family’s religious preferences were not taken lightly. The school recognized and responded to her family’s cultural needs.

Valuing Family Input.

In addition to valuing the cultures of families, schools that practice family engagement value input from families. Reem related an example of this in our third interview, of how the school valued the experiences and knowledge of parents. The first-grade level at Reem’s son’s school had a unit that focused on schools around the world. Her son’s first grade class chose to study Saudi Arabia. Reem presented a lesson to the class about school life in Saudi Arabia. She

74 brought books about Saudi Arabia and created a power point presentation. In the presentation, she explained that the schools in Saudi Arabia are separated by boys and girls. She showed them some schoolbooks and demonstrated how Arabic is read from the right to the left (see Figure 3).

She explained: “during my presentation, I was trying to tell the students about Maqsaf that we use at lunchtime. As I was explaining, I could see that the children were not understanding. The teacher helped me by telling the students it is like a mini market at a gas station.”

ﻛ" ﺖﻨ ﺎﺣأ لو أ حﺮﺷ ﻟ بﻼﻄﻠ ﻦﻋ ا ﻟ ﻤ ﻒﺼﻘ ﻲﻓ ﺖﻗو ﺔﺤﺴﻔﻟا ﻨﻋ ﺪ ﻧ ﺎ ﺑ ﺎ ﻟ ﺪﻤ سرا ﺔﯾدﻮﻌﺴﻟا ﻦﻜﻟ تﺮﻌﺷ إ ﮫﻧ ا بﻼﻄﻟ ﻮﻣ ﻦﯾردﺎﻗ ﻦﯾردﺎﻗ ﻮﻣ بﻼﻄﻟ ا ﮫﻧ

ﻮﺒﻋﻮﺘﺴﯾ ا ﻲﻌﻣ ةﺮﻜﻔﻟا . ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻣ ﻞﺼﻔﻟا ﻲﻨﺗﺪﻋﺎﺳ حﺮﺸﺑ ﻜﻔﻟا ةﺮ ﻗو ﺎ ﻟ ﻢﮭﺘ إ ﮫﻧ يز ا ﯿﻤﻟ ﻨ ﻲ ﺖﻛرﺎﻣ إ ﻲﻟ ﻲﻓ ا ﻟ ﺔﻄﺤﻤ ."

Through the collaboration between Reem and the teacher, the students were able to understand what she had shared. The class used the books from Saudi Arabia and the power point presentation to provide information about schools in Saudi Arabia to the other first grade classes.

Figure 3. Presentation of school life in Saudi Arabia

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Reem’s example showed how the school encouraged learning across cultures to provide educational resources that supported students’ learning. The school initiated an opportunity for input from parents, and Reem responded to that invitation. Evidence that this school valued input from the parents is seen in how school leaders welcomed Reem and other parents by inviting them to participate in the unit of schools around the world. In this way, Reem became a partner with the school in the education of her children as well as other students in the school by volunteering to share her ideas. This type of input from families would not be possible if the school had not valued interpersonal relationships and learning across cultures.

Another example is provided by Mona, who in the second interview, described how her son’s school demonstrated that it welcomed input from parents as partners with the school in their children’s learning. Mona shared information about an English teacher at her son’s school who sent parents the monthly plan at the beginning of each month. The teacher also described what was expected of the students. Mona said, that “because I have this information ahead of time, I can follow up with him to see if he reaches the goal and the level that the teacher has set. I can offer support if he needs it from me”.

نﺎﺸﻋو" يﺪﻨﻋ هﺬھ ا تﺎﻣﻮﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﻦﻣ يرﺪﺑ أ رﺪﻗ أ ﺗ ﺎ ﻊﺑ ﻊﻣ ا ﻲﻨﺑ أو رﺪﻗ فﻮﺷأ اذإ ﻖﻘﺣ ا ىﻮﺘﺴﻤﻟ ا بﻮﻠﻄﻤﻟ وأ ﻻ نﺎﻤﻛو أ رﺪﻗ ﮫﻤﻋدأ ﮫﻤﻋدأ رﺪﻗ أ نﺎﻤﻛو ﻻ وأ بﻮﻠﻄﻤﻟ ا ىﻮﺘﺴﻤﻟ ا ﻖﻘﺣ اذإ فﻮﺷأ رﺪﻗ أو

ازإ ﺘﺣا ﻲﻨﺟﺎ ".

This teacher provided a plan of learning goals for each upcoming month which demonstrated that she wanted to engage the family by making the goals available ahead of time. This teacher engaged the family at the time that the learning was taking place. In my analysis, it appeared that the successful implementation of engaging families was dependent upon effective teachers who initiated and valued input from parents.

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Nora provided another example in her third interview, of the school valuing input from parents. The school sent a weekly message on Friday or Saturday with an overview of the schedule and planned events for the following week (see Figure 4). Nora explained, “I loved this idea. I felt that they appreciated our roles as parents and that we could help. It also helped me to follow up with my child afterwards.”

ﺒﺠﻋ" ﺘ ﻲﻨ ﺮﻣ ا ةﺮﻜﻔﻟا . ﺖﯿﺴﺣ ﮫﻧإ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا هرﺪﻘﻣ ﻧرود ﺎ ﻞھﺄﻛ إو ﮫﻧ ﻧ رﺪﻘ ﺪﻋﺎﺴﻧ ﯿﻋ ﺎ ﻟ ﻨ ﺎ . ﺮﯿﻏو اﺬﻛ ﻲﻧﺪﻋﺎﺳ ﺎھﺪﻌﺑ إ ﮫﻧ

نﻮﻛأ ﮫﻌﺑﺎﺘﻣ ﻊﻣ ا ﻲﻨﺑ . "

Figure 4. Lesson plan sent to parents by teacher ahead of time

Summary

The data gathered in this study, reveal that the Saudi mothers in this study felt that the schools their children attended valued their cultures. Schools that value the cultures of and input from the families whose children attend them, create an environment for family engagement to

77 occur. The mothers explained that the schools demonstrated valuing their culture through valuing the families’ time, customs, language, and religion. In answer to research question one (i.e., How did the Saudi mothers in this study report being engaged with their children’s education?), the

Saudi mothers reported being engaged with their children’s education through their participation being valued. Again, we see how categories in this research were interdependent. The mothers often initiated sharing their cultures with schools, and the schools associated with this study, were welcoming of, and responsive to this initiation. The concept, “Culture,” represents the characteristics and knowledge of a particular group of people that encompasses language, religion, cuisine, social habits, music, and arts” (Vyomakesisri, Sonu, & Srikanth, 2020, p. 8).

Every country, every organization has, potentially, several cultures, as do schools. A school’s culture consists of whatever it is that students, teachers, and families must know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to the school community. The mothers in this study asserted themselves by sharing their individual cultures and also advocating for their children to have a place in the school culture. They brought with them their knowledge and their desire to make their culture known and valued in the schools. In other words, they did not simply assimilate to the culture of the school. The families, teachers, and administrators also bring their own cultures into the school culture. “Culture” shapes what people think and how they act; how people think and how they act shape culture (Constantino, 2016). We can see that the mother’s thoughts and actions helped to shape the culture of their children’s schools. This indicates that organizational cultures such as schools can be modified, broadened (or narrowed) by the members of any organization. According to Constantino (2016), school culture affects the achievement and behavior of elementary students. Considering the profound impact that a school

78 culture has on a student, it is imperative to value the cultural differences of families within the school community.

I, also, found that the schools were open to and initiated involvement and input from the families. The parents responded to the schools by sharing their time, customs, language, and other input with the schools. Gallo (2017) challenged schools to move beyond a narrow view and approach to family involvement, by utilizing for example, Epstein’s (1995) notion of the six roles of parent involvement. Epstein’s (1995) model invited families to participate through volunteering and learning-at-home activities that were based on the school curriculum.

Humanizing Family Engagement moves beyond participation that is school centered to recognize and embrace the home cultures and the knowledge families have. In the previous stories, the mothers reported that the schools valued the beliefs and practices of their families. Such practice depicts a humanizing approach to family engagement. The schools embraced the cultures of the families in my study for the benefit of the students.

Reem, Mona, and Nora’s stories demonstrated that the schools valued parental knowledge and purposefully accessed that knowledge as a resource to support the children’s learning. In Reem’s case, the school valued her knowledge of Saudi schools and used that knowledge as a resource in her child’s classroom. Constantino (2016) argued that “The more we can learn and value the customs of particular cultures, the greater the likelihood that we can create relationships built on respect and trust” (p. 98). Mona and Nora’s examples showed that the teachers valued parental input in their children’s education by providing lesson plans ahead of time for parents to support their children’s learning at home.

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Communication

A significant category was communication that occurred between the schools and the families. In response to Question 1, the Saudi mothers reported being engaged with their children’s schools through communication that was encouraged by the schools. In response to

Question 2, the Saudi mothers viewed their roles in relation to their children’s education as communicating for their child’s education. In this section, I discuss the mothers’ views of how they engaged in communicating with the school through the use of school apps, emails, daily and weekly folders, and translated information. According to each participant in the study, their child’s school provided methods for parents to communicate with the schools. Although the children attended both private and public schools and each school environment was different, they all reported that there was a channel of communication with their children’s schools in the

United States. In the following section, I describe how the mothers used written communication and face to face communication with school personnel.

Written Communication.

The mothers in this study used written forms of communication to send and receive information with school personnel. Written communication might be intended for general information as in weekly newsletters, announcements, and flyers or for personal information about the student to the parents. The most common forms of written communication that the mothers in this study used were apps, emails, and daily and weekly folders. Nora, Dida, and

Mona used an app that the school provided to communicate with school personnel about dates, events, and activities. Dida and Reem utilized email as their primary method of communication between home and school. Mona and Nora communicated through daily and weekly folders in

80 addition to other methods of communication. Mona was the only participant who received information translated to Arabic as a form of communication.

a) Apps and Email.

In the second interview, Nora said that her communication with the school provided topics for her to discuss with her son when he returned home from school. The teacher uploaded pictures of daily activities and special events on the school app. Nora explained how this increased communication between herself and her son about his education. When Nora’s son returned home from school, they looked together at the pictures that were on the school’s app.

She asked him to tell her about the pictures. Nora stated that “We both enjoy this because I get to hear about his day, and he likes to tell me about it. In fact, he often asks me to look at the pictures when he arrives home.”

ﺣ" ﻨ ﺎ ا ﺛ ﻨ ﯿ ﻨ ﺎ ﺘﺴﻧ ﻤ ﻊﺘ ،ﮫﯿﻓ ﺎﻧأ فﺮﻋأ إ ﺶﯾ رﺎﺻ ﺑ ﮫﻣﻮﯿ ﻮھو ﺐﺤﯾ ﯾ ﻲﻟﻮﻘ إ ﺶﯾ ﺎﺻ ر . ﻘﺣ ﯿ ﻘ ﺔ ، تﺎﻗوأ ﻮھ ﮫﺴﻔﻨﺑ ﺲﺑ ﯾ ﻊﺟﺮ ﻦﻣ ا ﻟ ﻤ ﺔﺳرﺪ ﺳﺪﻤﻟا ﻦ

ﺐﻠﻄﯾ ﻣ ﻲﻨ إ ﻧ ﮫ فﻮﺸﻧ ا رﻮﺼﻟ . "

In the third interview, Reem reported that the newsletter the school sends every week shared information about events that happened in school that week. She used this newsletter as an opportunity to discuss the events of the week with her children. The teacher directly emailed the parents if they needed to convey something specific about a particular student. Reem commented that “if my son completed something and needs to be rewarded at home, the teacher communicates that to me. The teacher might say “your son accomplished a goal, and it is cause for celebration!”

ﻦﻤﻟ" ا ﻲﻨﺑ ﺰﺠﻨﯾ ﻞﻤﻋ ﻦﯿﻌﻣ ا ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﻲﻠﺳﺮﺗ إ ﻞﯿﻤﯾ ﺗ ﻲﻟﻮﻘ إ ﮫﻧ ﻚﻨﺑا مﻮﯿﻟا ﺰﺠﻧأ ﻞﻤﻌﻟا ﻲﻧﻻﻮﻔﻟا اذإ ﻲﺒﺤﺗ ﻲﻠﻔﺘﺤﺗ هﺎﻌﻣ أ و

ﺎﻜﺗ ﺌﻓ ﮫﯿ . "

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Dida shared, in our second interview, that she used the school app to discover activities that her daughter participated in on a particular day. The indoor play section of Dida’s daughter’s school, hosted a variety of activities, including yoga. Dida was able to stay up to date on the activities available through this app. She commented, “This is a great idea. My daughter is excited to come home and find out what I know. I show her pictures, and she tells me about the activity and her friends.”

هﺮﻜﻓ" ار ﺔﻌﺋ . ﻲﺘﻨﺑ ﻦﻤﻟ ﻊﺟﺮﺗ ﺖﯿﺒﻟا نﻮﻜﺗ ﺔﺴﻤﺤﺘﻣ فﺮﻌﺗ أ ﻧ ﺎ ا ﺶﯾ فﺮﻋأ تﺎﻣﻮﻠﻌﻣ ﻦﻋ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا . ﺎﮭﯾروأ تﺎﻗوأ رﻮﺼﻟا

ﺲﻠﺠﺗو ﯿﻜﺤﺗ ﻲﻨ ﻦﻋ ﺔﻄﺸﻧﻷا ﻲﻟإ ﺎھﻮﺴﯿﺑ ﻦﻋو ءﺎﻤﺳأ ﺎﮭﺑﺎﺤﺻأ ."

Through the use of this particular app, Dida connected with her child about school activities.

Mona explained, in our second interview, how communication through the school app had provided opportunities to build relationship with her son. The teacher communicated what the learning topics would be for the week ahead through the school app. This gave Mona an opportunity to know what topics to discuss with her son. She asked him about daily activities and achievements according to the weekly plan. Sometimes, Mona would ask him to be her teacher, and asked him to explain some things that were in the lesson plan. Mona said, “My son gets very excited when he explains these things to me. From the way he explains things to me, I can tell whether he is on the right path or not.”

ا" ﻲﻨﺑ نﻮﻜﯿﺑ اﺮﻣ ﺲﻤﺤﺘﻣ ﻦﻤﻟ ﻠﺣﺮﺸﯾ ﻲ ﻦﻋ يأ .ﮫﺟﺎﺣ ﻦﻣو ﮫﺣﺮﺷ أ رﺪﻗ أ ﺪﺣ د ﺘﺴﻣ ﻮ ا ه ."

Mona’s engagement with her son created a deeper connection between parent and child.

Mona described how her son’s school offered communication in the preferred language of the family. At the beginning of the year, the school asked parents’ which language they preferred to use for communication. Mona chose the language preference of Arabic.

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Figure 5. School communication in preferred language

The school sent most of the information to Mona in Arabic. Mona commented,

“Receiving the communication in Arabic makes me feel like the school cares and wants to be sure that I understand what is being communicated. I feel like the school cares about our children, and they want to be sure that our children get the help that they need.”

ةﺮﻜﻓ" صﺮﺣ ا ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ ﻰﻠﻋ إ ﺎﮭﻧ ﺗ ﻢﺟﺮﺘ يأ ﻞﺻاﻮﺗ ﺑ ﯿ ﻨ ﻨ ﺎ ﻠﺨﯾ ﯿ ﻲﻨ ﺲﺣأ إ ﮫﻧ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا ﺔﺼﯾﺮﺣ ﯾو اﻮﻐﺒ ﯾ ﺘ اوﺪﻛﺄ ﻦﻣ ﻢﮭﻓ

ﺔﻣﻮﻠﻌﻤﻟا ﻲﻟإ ﻨﻨﯿﺑ ﺎ . ﻲﻨﯾﺪﯾ رﻮﻌﺷ ﮫﻧإ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا ﮭﻣ ﺘ ﺔﻤ ﺎﻧدﻻوﺄﺑ ﻢﮭﻧإو اﻮﻐﺒﯾ اوﺪﻛﺄﺘﯾ ﮫﻧإ ﻢﮭﺑﻼط اﻮﻠﺼﺤﯾ ﻰﻠﻋ ةﺪﻋﺎﺴﻤﻟا ﻲﻟإ

ﺘﺤﯾ ﺎھﻮﺟﺎ ."

The school interacted across differences and used the resource of translation to support Mona’s children’s learning. Providing communication for Mona in her preferred language, demonstrated the schools support of the family. Schools and families cannot support children’s learning if they are unable to communicate with each other. Mona felt the school cared about her children, and that in turn, built trust between the school and her family.

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Even though parents may understand the information provided, the school must ensure that the information is accurate. Attempts to communicate and collaborate with parents are effective only if the communication is reliable. Dida received information about her child through the school app and emails about, for example, what her daughter ate for breakfast or lunch that day. The latter was important information for Dida because of the dietary restrictions in her culture. However, even if Dida’s daughter was running late going to school, and therefore, did not eat breakfast that morning, or if she was absent for that day, the school nevertheless sent her the daily emails that indicated that she had eaten breakfast and/or lunch that day. Dida shared in the second interview, that this had happened many times, and reported that “It makes me feel like I can’t trust the information. I do not look at the app to see if my daughter has eaten or not.”

ﺧ" ﻠ ﺘ ﻲﻨ أ ﺮﻌﺷ إ ﮫﻧ ﺎﻣ أ ﺪﻗ ر ﻖﺛأ تﺎﻣﻮﻠﻌﻤﻟﺎﺑ ﻲﻟإ .ﺎھﻮﻠﺳﺮﯾ ﺮﺼﺑ ا ﺣ ﺔ ﺎﻣ ﺪﻋ ت ﻊﺟرأ بﻶﻟ نﺎﺸﻋ فﻮﺷأ ﺑ ﻨ ﻲﺘ ﺖﻠﻛأ وأ ﺎﻣ ﻠﻛأ ﺖ."

Dida’s response to this app is inconsistent with her reporting of the other forms of communication with the school. However, this inconsistency occurred enough times to keep her from using the app for the purpose of knowing whether her daughter ate breakfast or lunch.

Trust is the foundation for building relationships. The communication that Dida received regarding breakfast and lunch was not trustworthy. Because of this, she stopped using the app.

Forms of communication that are not accurate, can therefore, weaken family engagement.

The communications from Nora, Reem, and Mona’s schools provided the mothers with information that was current and accurate. This enabled them to facilitate their children’s learning through supportive home practices. As a result, the relationships between these schools and parents and between children and parents were strengthened. On the other hand, Dida’s example showed that at least some of the information communicated was not trustworthy;

84 therefore, the communication between the school and parent was ineffective in that particular instance.

These schools and parents share in the responsibility for effective communication. In the examples from the mothers in this study, the schools sent the information, but the mothers had to read the information and use it with their children. For example, if the mothers in this study had only read the information but not acted on it, they would have missed the opportunity to engage and build relationships with their children. In this study, however, they used the information from the schools, and as a result, engaged effectively with their children’s education while they were at home through the use of online communication.

b) Daily and Weekly Folders.

Mona and Nora’s children’s schools used daily and weekly folders to communicate with families. Daily or weekly folders typically, include work and concepts that had been covered in class. Parents usually sign the folder to indicate that they have read the contents. Mona’s son had a daily folder with a pocket labeled “keep at home” and another labeled “return to school”.

However, the use of a daily folder does not necessarily ensure that parents read what is in the folder. Daily folders can be a form of one-way or two-way communication. An example of one- way communication is when a school sends something home to the parents without expecting a response. This form of one-way communication provides little opportunity for families to engage in their child’s education. Two-way communication means that the school is expecting a response back from the parents. Most of the items in the folder included learning that has already taken place in the classroom, as well as events that were planned to occur at the school.

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Figure 6. Mona’s son’s daily folder

Daily and weekly folders (Figure 6) can entail two-way communication. For example,

Mona said, in the first interview, that she received a worksheet in the folder once a week with the name of a book that the teacher wanted the students to read. Students were requested to read 20 minutes every day. On the other side of the worksheet, students were asked to write about something that they had done that week or the previous weekend. Mona liked this assignment because it generated conversation between her family members. She said, “This activity creates a good opportunity for our family to communicate. My son often asks his siblings or me to think with him about what to write.”

اﺬھ" ا ﺐﺟاﻮﻟ ﻞﻤﻋ ﻮﺟ ﮫﺛدﺎﺤﻣ ﯿﻤﺟ ﮫﻠ ﺑ ﯿ ﻨ ﻨ ﺎ . ا ﺑ ﻲﻨ ﻗوأ تﺎ ﺑ لﺄﺴﯿ أ ﻮﺧ ا ﻧ ﮫ أ و ﺑ ﺄﺴﯿ ﻟ ﻲﻨ نﺎﺸﻋ ﻧ ﺮﻜﻔ ﺎﻌﻣ ه إ ﺶﯾ ﻋ ﻤ ﻠ ﻨ ﺎ ﻲﺷ ﻣ ﻤ ﯿ ﺰ

عﻮﺒﺳﻷا ا ﻟ ﻲﺿﺎﻤ ".

Mona’s son’s teacher used the daily folder to engage the family by asking students to write about an activity they did at home or with their family over the weekend. The teacher responded to each child’s writing with a personal note. For example, Mona’s son’s teacher responded to one of his writing activities (Figure 7) about a time he met a YouTuber with the following comment.

“Wow! It is always fun to get to meet a famous person!” Students brought their home culture

86 into school through this writing activity. One of the ways that effective teachers practice humanizing family engagement is by acknowledging the home life experiences of students

(Huerta, 2011).

Figure 7. Writing to engage with home life

Nora’s son had a similar type of homework that was part of his folder. She mentioned in the first interview, that her son’s teacher placed homework, upcoming events, and graded work in the daily folder. Every week, the teacher asked the parents to choose a book with their child to read with their parent together. After they read the book, they wrote a reflection about the story.

Nora said, “I often go to the library with my son to choose books to read for this assignment.

This has become one of our weekly fun events to do together”.

" ﺐﻠﻏأ ﻗوﻷا تﺎ حوﺮﻧ أ ﻧ ﺎ او ﺑ ﻲﻨ ﻟ ﺘﻜﻤﻠ ﺔﺒ ﺘﺨﻧ رﺎ ﺐﺘﻛ اﺬﮭﻟ ا .ﺐﺟاﻮﻟ ﮫﺴﺣأ رﺎﺻ ﺪﺣاو ﻦﻣ ﺔﻄﺸﻧﻷا ﯿﻋﻮﺒﺳﻷا ﺔ ﻲﻟإ ﯾﻮﺴﻧ ﮭ ﺎ ﺳ اﻮ ".ا

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Face-to-face communication.

Face-to-face communication was the preferred method of communicating for all of the mothers in my study. They used written communication on a regular basis. However, if there was an important issue that they needed to discuss, they wanted to meet face to face with the teacher.

In my study, the types of face-to-face communication that the mothers had, include drop-off and pick-up time spontaneous meetings with the teacher, scheduled appointments with the teacher, and parent/teacher conferences.

a) Drop-off and pick-up time and/or appointments.

Dida explained, in the second interview, that the information she received through the school app and email was usually general in nature. The information was not specific about her child. She preferred to hear something specific about her own child in the information from the school. Her daughter’s teacher often used face-to-face communication to convey information about her daughter. Dida noted that, “Sometimes, when I pick my daughter up from school, her teacher tells me something specific that my daughter did that day. It is a simple statement such as “your daughter enjoyed making a craft with her friends today. I enjoy hearing something about my child, even if it is a simple comment”.

ﺾﻌﺑ" ﻗوﻷا تﺎ ﻦﻤﻟ حورأ ﺪﺧأ ﺑ ﻨ ﻲﺘ ﻦﻣ ا ،ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ ا ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﺗ ﻲﻟﻮﻘ تﺎﻣﻮﻠﻌﻣ ﺺﺨﺗ ﺑ ﻨ ﻲﺘ ﻦﻋ ءﺎﯿﺷأ ﻼﺜﻣ ﻠﻤﻋ ﺎﮭﺘ . ءﺎﯿﺷأ ﺔﻄﯿﺴﺑ ﺔﻄﯿﺴﺑ ءﺎﯿﺷأ . ﺎﮭﺘ ﻠﻤﻋ ﻼﺜﻣ ءﺎﯿﺷأ ﻦﻋ ﻲﺘ ﻨ ﺑ ﺺﺨﺗ تﺎﻣﻮﻠﻌﻣ ﻲﻟﻮﻘ ﺗ ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ا ،ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ ا ﻦﻣ ﻲﺘ ﻨ ﺑ ﺪﺧأ حورأ ﻦﻤﻟ تﺎ ﻗوﻷا ﺾﻌﺑ"

هﺮﻣ يز ﻼﺜﻣ ﺑ ﻨ ﻚﺘ ا ﻟ مﻮﯿ ﺖﻌﺘﻤﺘﺳا ﺖﻗﻮﺑ لﺎﻤﻋﻷا ﺔﯿﻨﻔﻟا ﻊﻣ ﺎﺤﺻأ ﺑ ﮭ ﺎ . ﺮﻣ ه حﺮﻓأ ﺔﻣﻮﻠﻌﻤﻟﺎﺑ ﻰﻠﻋ ﺎﮭﺘطﺎﺴﺑ ﺲﺑ ﺎﮭﻧﻷ ﺺﺨﺗ ﻲﺘﻨﺑ ."

Mona said, in the first interview, that when she needed to communicate with the school, it was much better for her to go to the school and speak face to face instead of through email or a call. She could send an email and schedule an appointment. Another way that she experienced face-to-face communication was when she dropped her son off or picked him up. She could speak with the teacher or other staff members at the school. Mona explained that the school 88 accommodated her by providing an interpreter whenever she attended a meeting about her child.

Mona said, “I appreciate having the interpreter because it shows me that the school wants to make sure that I understand them and that they understand me”.

ﺮﻣ" ه رﺪﻗأ ﻢﮭﻧإ اوﺮﻓﻮﯾ ﺔﻤﺟﺮﺘﻣ . ﻮﻠﺻﻮﯿﺑ ا ﺎﯿﻟ ا ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ ةﺮﻜﻓ إ ﮭﻧ ﻢ ﺮﺣ ﯿﺼﯾ ﻦ إ ﮫﻧ نﻮﻛأ ﻢﮭﺘﻤھﺎﻓ ﺎﻤھو ﻲﻨﯿﻤھﺎﻓ ."

Reem appreciates that the school responded to emails, but she preferred to set up an appointment and go to the school if there was an important issue. Meeting the teacher face to face was more effective for her than emails when it came to issues that were important. The emails could not express what she really wanted to communicate. During the second interview,

Reem said, “I prefer face-to-face communication even though the school has communication available through technology.”

أ" ﻧ ﺎ أ ﻞﻀﻓ ا ﻟ ﻞﺻاﻮﺘ نﻮﻜﯾ ﺲﯿﻓ ﻮﺗ ﺲﯿﻓ ﻰﻠﻋ ا ﻢﻏﺮﻟ ﻦﻣ إ ﮫﻧ ا ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ هﺮﻓﻮﻣ قﺮط ﻞﺻاﻮﺗ ﺔﯿﺟﻮﻟﻮﻨﻜﺗ ةدﺪﻌﺘﻣ . "

b) Parent/teacher Conferences.

Invariably, the most common form of face-to-face communication that the schools offer is the parent and teacher conference. Teachers have a plethora of tools and templates for conducting conferences. For instance, conference guidelines and tools suggest leading with a positive comment, listening to the parents, and pointing out areas of improvement. The parent/teacher conference is a form of communication that means the parents must come to the school and the information covered is typically school-centered. If the teacher does not establish genuine concern and a desire to build a relationship with families, conferences can be ineffective.

Prior to the parent/teacher conference, Mona’s son’s school provided guidelines for conferences and a survey (Figure 8) for parents to complete before the conference. The teacher and the child completed a similar survey. Mona commented in our second interview, that she liked how her son’s school sent the guidelines before the conference. She said, “It helps you 89 know what to ask about your child. There are also blank spaces for me to write down any comments. Imagine a mother going to a conference for the first. This will make it so much easier for her”.

كﺪﻋﺎﺴﺗ" ﻲﻓﺮﻌﺗ إ ﺶﯾ ﺄﺴﺗ ﻲﻟ ﻦﻋ ﻚﻨﺑا ، ﻦﯿﻛرﺎﺗو نﺎﻤﻛ ﺴﻣ ﺎ ﺔﺣ جذﻮﻤﻨﻟﺎﺑ نﺎﺸﻋ رﺪﻗأ ﺐﺘﻛأ ﮫﯿﻓ يأ .تﺎﻈﺣﻼﻣ ﻲﻨﻌﯾ ﻞﯿﺨﺗأ مﻷا مﻷا ﻞﯿﺨﺗأ

ﻲﻟإ حوﺮﺗ ﺲﻠﺠﻣ ﻵا ءﺎﺑ لوﻷ هﺮﻣ حار ﻞﮭﺴﯾ ﺎﮭﯿﻠﻋ ."

Figure 8. Pre-conference survey for parents

Nora stated in her third interview that she signed up for a parent/teacher conference twice in the previous year. The conferences were held soon after parents received their child’s report card. She appreciated receiving the report card before the conference because she could discuss any questions at the conference. The teacher had prepared information that evaluated how Nora’s son was progressing academically and socially. Nora expressed that everything was presented in a positive way, adding that “The teacher made me feel comfortable. "

ا" ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﻲﻨﺘﻠﺧ ﺮﻌﺷأ ﺔﺣاﺮﺑ . "

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Mona and Nora appreciated what the school offered for the parent/teacher conferences.

Mona liked the pre-conference survey which provided information about what would be covered in the conference and allowed her to give input about her child. The school used the conferences as an opportunity to collaborate with parents and students through the use of the survey. The conferences did not focus completely on information from the teacher to the parent. Mona’s example demonstrated two-way communication and movement toward family engagement.

Nora indicated that she liked receiving the report card before the conference. However, Nora’s example of the parent/teacher conference appeared to be focused on information from the teacher to the parent. Her comments demonstrated the difference between involvement and engagement.

During the focus group session, we discussed which type of communication the mothers found most beneficial. Mona indicated that the parent/teacher conference was the best form of engagement offered by the school if you wanted to know about your child’s academic progress.

She said, “This is major way to know about my son’s grades is through the parent’s conference.

Any other information, I can easily get from the school app.”

أ" ﻞﻀﻓ ﺔﻘﯾﺮط ﺔﻓﺮﻌﻤﻟ ىﻮﺘﺴﻣ ﻲﻨﺑا ﻲﺳارﺪﻟا ﺲﻠﺠﻣ ءﺎﺑﻷا ﻦﻜﻟ يأ تﺎﻣﻮﻠﻌﻣ ﺔﯿﻧﺎﺗ رﺪﻗأ ﻟﻮﮭﺴﺑ ﺔ ﻞﺼﺣأ ﻠﻋ ﺎﮭﯿ ﻦﻋ ﻖﯾﺮط بﻵا . "

Nora and Reem agreed with Mona that the parent/teacher conference was the most beneficial form of engagement to learn about the academic progress of their children. Reem commented that “The parent conference is the only time that I have face to face communication to learn about my children’s academic achievement with the teachers from all courses at the same time.”

ﺲﻠﺠﻣ" ﻵا ءﺎﺑ اﻮھ ﺔﻘﯾﺮﻄﻟا ةﺪﯿﺣﻮﻟا عﺎﻤﺘﺟﻼﻟ ﻊﻣ ﻞﻛ ا ﻦﯿﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﻲﻓ ﺖﻗو ﺪﺣاو ﺎﮭﺟو ﮫﺟﻮﻟ ﺔﻓﺮﻌﻤﻟ ﺴﻣ ﺘ ىﻮ ﻞﯿﺼﺤﺘﻟا ﺎﻛﻷا د ﻲﻤﯾ

يدﻻوﻷ . "

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Mona, Nora, and Reem agreed that the parent conference was beneficial because they could specifically discuss their individual child’s achievement. These mothers also indicated they preferred this form of engagement because it was face-to-face communication.

Summary

The children of the families in this study attended different types of schools (public, private, charter, Islamic), and each school provided avenues for school-family communication. Family engagement between school and home was considered as beneficial for the students. Gallo

(2017) argued that students experience greater academic success when educators value and build upon the knowledge, experiences, and resources of students and families. The schools associated with the families in this study, provided numerous channels for communication. They tried to accommodate the Saudi families by offering translations of documents in Arabic and meetings with Arabic translators, as well as the previously mentioned written and face to face forms of communication. The mothers in this study appreciated the accommodations from the school and responded to the communications from the schools. The most common types of communication that the schools connected to this study used, were written communication and face-to-face communication. As Constantino (2016) argued, “There is consistent evidence that effective communication and relationship building creates environments in the schools that are welcoming, respectful, and conducive to family engagement” (p. 80). As the data indicate, the schools connected to this study used some form of written communication. Mona and Nora’s children’s schools used daily and weekly folders as a written form of communication with parents. All the schools used emails and apps to communicate with families. The mothers preferred face-to-face communication. In the focus group session, each mother mentioned that 92 face-to-face communication with their children’s teachers helped them to better understand the language. Mona, Nora, and Reem preferred the parent-teacher conference even if they could convey and receive information about their children through the school application process, emails, and phone calls. Through face-to-face communication, the mothers and teachers could also “read” facial expressions and body language.

The mothers in this study were highly educated and could effectively communicate in English.

They were able to read the information, connect it to their children’s lives, and respond to the school. However, many parents with children in schools in the United States do not have the tools to engage in the methods of communication that these particular parents had access to. Some parents have difficulty reading, comprehending, and/or even speaking English. Other families might not have access to computers or smart phones and would miss any information that is communicated through those methods.

When parents and schools value family engagement, they attempt to create ways to enable communicate and build good relationships. “There is consistent evidence that effective communication and relationship building creates environments in the schools that are welcoming, respectful, and conducive to family engagement” (Constantino, 2016, p. 121). The development of effective relationships between school and home is dependent on the school initiating consistent communication between schools and families (Walker & Sandler, 2005).

As discussed in a previous section, Epstein’s (2002) six types of involvement include effective communication between school and home. Schools with effective school to home communication use strategies such as conferences, language translators, and folders. The data

93 that I have provided regarding communication, reveals that the parents and the schools in my study valued engagement and attempted to create effective ways to communicate.

Mothers’ Ways of Engaging

The category of mothers’ ways of engaging in their children’s education emerged from the data. In response to Research Questions 1 and 2, the Saudi mothers reported ways of being engaged through different roles with their children’s schools. I discuss the mothers’ views of the ways in which they engaged in their children’s education through the roles of advocating, collaborating, facilitating home practices, maintaining primary culture, and sharing role with father. These roles are interdependent with previous categories where we observed the mothers’ ways of engaging with the schools their children attend through welcoming and communication.

In this section, I examine the specific ways in which the mothers in this study engaged in their children’s education.

Advocating.

The mothers in this study each perceived that they had a role as advocating for their children.

Dida shared, in the second interview, of a time that she had initiated a conversation with her daughter’s teacher to resolve an issue for her daughter. Her daughter had suddenly begun hating school. She had said that she hated nap time, and that she did not like her teacher because her teacher had punished her for not sitting down. Dida reported that this time period was difficult because her daughter was also sad at home, and therefore, Dida seriously considered moving her daughter to a different school.

Nevertheless, Dida met with her daughter’s teacher about her concerns. The teacher explained that her daughter had been playing loudly with other girls in the restroom. After the 94 incident in the restroom, the teacher had asked the girls to sit at a table and called each one of them separately for a private conversation with the child, Dida’s daughter was the last one to be called, so she had assumed that she was being punished. The teacher had told Dida that her daughter had the freedom to not sleep during nap time, but that she had to stay quiet during that period. After the school visit, Dida discussed the conversation that she had had with the teacher, to her daughter. Her daughter was very relieved, and after the conversation, began loving school again. Dida said, “I believe it was her feeling of being protected by me that made her feel relieved. She realized that she could come and talk to me when something is bothering her, and I will help her resolve it”.

ﺲﺣأ" إ ﺎﮭﻧ تﺮﻌﺷ ﺑ ﺎ ﺔﺣاﺮﻟ ﺑ ﺄ ﺎﮭﻧ ﮫﯿﻤﺤﻣ ﻦﻣ ﻧ .ﻲﺘﯿﺣﺎ ﺎﮭﺴﺣأ ﺖﺒﻋﻮﺘﺳا إ ﺎﮭﻧ رﺪﻘﺗ ﻲﻠﻌﺟﺮﺗ ﻲﻟﻮﻘﺗو ﻦﻋ يأ ﻲﺷ ﺎﮭﺠﻋﺰﻣ إو ﮫﻧ أ ﻧ ﺎ ﺎﻧأ ﻧإ ﺎﺠﺰ ﺷي ﻋﻲﻮﺗ ﻠﺟﺗرﻘ ﺎﻧإﺖﻋﺘا ﺎﺴأ ﻲﯿﺎﻧﻦ ﯿﺤ ﺎﻧﺄﺑﺔاﻟﺎﺑتﻌ ﺎﻧإﺲأ

رﺪﻗأ ﺎھﺪﻋﺎﺳأ . "

Dida, in general, was not comfortable going to the school, so her husband usually attended school functions. In this case, however, she had decided that she needed to be the one to advocate for her daughter. She recognized that she shared responsibility with the school to resolve this problem. Her daughter’s feelings were affecting her education both academically and socially. Dida advocated for her daughter but did not place blame anywhere. She understood the situation after speaking with the teacher, and she was able to help her daughter change her perception of the teacher’s intentions. Dida’s story highlighted the adjustment that she had to make by overcoming her discomfort of going to the school. Her belief in her role as an advocate for her daughter propelled her to reach out to the school.

Collaborating.

Nora shared, in our second interview, about her thoughts of moving her son from an English- speaking kindergarten to an Islamic school. She had moved him to the Islamic school to begin 95 first grade. Toward the beginning of the semester, his Arabic teacher had told Nora that her son was shy, and quiet, and did not participate in class. The teacher said this was affecting his development and learning. Nora thought this was part of his personality, but the teacher assured her that it was not. The teacher said that he participated and talked in his other classes. His other teachers were happy with his participation. Nora and the teacher met and talked about how

Nora’s son had transferred from an English school to the Islamic school. This teacher conducted her class entirely in Arabic. Nora’s son seemed to be confused about some of the Arabic vocabulary. The teacher and Nora decided that Nora could prepare him for the Arabic class in advance each day by using the weekly plan the teacher provided. Nora said, “Later, in the semester, his teacher and I met, and she told me that my son had changed tremendously. His participation had improved by leaps and bounds, and his confidence had increased in class.”

ﻰﻠﻋ" ﺎﮭﻧ ﺔﯾ ا ﻟ ﻞﺼﻔ ﻘﺗ ﺎ ﺑ ﺖﻠ ﻊﻣ ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻣ ﻲﻨﺑا ﻗو ﺎ ﻟ ﺘ ﻲﻠ إ ﮫﻧ ﻞﺼﺣ ﺮﯿﻐﺗ ﺎھ ﺋ ﻞ ﺎﻌﻣ .ه ﮫﺘﻛرﺎﺸﻣ رﺎﺻ ﻓ ﺎﮭﯿ ﻧ ﻘ ﮫﻠ ﺒﻛ .هﺮﯿ رﺎﺻ ﻨﻋ ﺪ ه ﺛ ﻘ ﺔ ﺔﻘﺛ هﺪﻨ

ﺒﻛ هﺮﯿ ﺑ ﻨ ﮫﺴﻔ . "

In this scenario, the teacher noticed that Nora’s son’s behavior was affecting his learning and his social skills in her class. She initiated a conversation with Nora about what she was seeing in

Nora’s son. The teacher had already had conversations with other teachers and had discovered that it was only in her class that Nora’s son’s behavior was problematic. According to Huerta

(2011), effective teachers care about the emotional, social, and academic well-being of students, and in this case, that care and concern was evident in the teacher’s behavior. Nora collaborated with the teacher to share her knowledge and experience regarding her son. Together, they came up with a plan to support her son’s learning.

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In the second interview with Reem, the latter provided an example of a time when she worked in collaboration with the school. During the previous year, the teacher had contacted

Reem and informed her that her son was having an issue with writing. The school requested

Reem’s permission to test her son for ADHD. She immediately responded and completed the necessary forms. The testing showed that he did not have ADHD, but that he did have some issues with writing. The teacher accommodated him by providing a sound-resistant head set and let him choose a place in the room to write. At home, Reem created a quiet environment for him to write. Reem said, “This year his teacher asked each student to share an ‘aha moment’. My son said his perspective on writing had changed as he now enjoys writing. This was an amazing change.”

هﺬھ" ا ﮫﻨﺴﻟ ﻲﻓ مﻮﯾ ﺎﻛ ﺖﻧ ﻠﻣﺎﻋ ﻢﮭﺘ ا ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﻲﺷ ﮫﻤﺳا ( اد ا ها ﺖﻨﻣﻮﻣ ) ﮫﻧإ ﻞﻛ ﺪﺣاو لﻮﻘﯾ ﻦﻋ ﻲﺷ ء ﺎﻣ ﺎﻛ ن ﻌﻣ ﺎ ه ﺄﺠﻓو ة ﺎﺻ ر . ﻓ ﻘ ﺎ ل لﺎﻘﻓ .رﺎ

ﻲﻨﺑا ﮫﻧإ رﺎﺻ ﺐﺤﯾ ﺔﺑﺎﺘﻜﻟا . ﺖﻧﺎﻛ ﺔﻠﻘﻧ ﯿﻈﻓ ﺔﻌ ﻊﻣ ﻲﻨﺑا ."

The teacher in this situation recognized that there was something hindering Reem’s son’s success in writing. The teacher shared her concerns with Reem which enabled Reem to be part of the solution. Effective collaboration improved the quality of education for her son. The improvement occurred due to the effort of the teacher in the classroom and the home practices performed by Reem.

Mona provided another example, in our first interview, of collaboration from an experience in her child’s education. Mona’s family had moved from KSA to the U.S. when her youngest son was entering first grade. He was placed in an ESL class, but he continued to struggle with the

English language and had difficulty completing all of his work. During the first parent-teacher conference, Mona spoke with his ESL teacher about her son’s struggle with English. The ESL teacher gave Mona many story books and suggested that her son read the books. However, 97 because he was struggling to learn the language and to complete his classwork, reading the books was overwhelming for him. He refused to read any of them. Mona came up with the idea of sitting beside him and holding the book. She also decided to read aloud to him. Mona said that her English language was not good, so she struggled with some of the words. When she came to an unfamiliar word, she would ask her oldest son how to pronounce the word. Eventually, when she struggled to pronounce a word, her youngest son would say, “I will tell you. I will tell you.

Don’t ask my brother.” As a result, her son gained confidence in his language skills, and this confidence expanded to all areas of learning. Mona said, “Now, he is in third grade and reading is his joy.”

" ﻲﻨﺑا ﻦﯿﺣد ﻲﻓ ا ﻟ ﻞﺼﻔ ا ﻟ ﺜ ﺎ ﺚﻟ ﺘﻌﺗو ﺮﺒ ةءاﺮﻘﻟا ﺎﺻ تر ھ ﻮ ا ﯾ ﺘ ﮫ ا ﻟ ﻤ ﻠﻀﻔ ﺔ ."

The teacher had offered a suggestion, and she provided material for Mona to use with her son. As Mona’s story indicated, her role in her child’s education was significant. Mona demonstrated how she used her own struggle with English to engage her son in reading at home.

Collaboration between Mona and the teacher greatly improved the quality of her son’s education.

Facilitating Home Practices.

Family engagement provides a way for schools and families to interact and learn from each other. A bridge that joins home and school is that of home practices. Home practices and family engagement are best observed through the lens of the cultures and communities of families. Despite the fact that society acknowledges that parents are their children’s first teachers, this concept is not always practiced in the acceptance of diverse cultures in the home- school relationship.

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Nora shared, in our second interview, about how she engaged in her son’s education through home practices. Nora had a subscription to the National Geographic magazines for kids.

When they released a new edition, she placed it in the car for her son. Nora said, “He gets excited when we go somewhere in the car, and he tells me that he will teach me about a new animal that day. It excites me to see his reading developing day after day.”

" ﻲﻨﺑا نﻮﻜﯾ ﺲﻤﺤﺘﻣ ﻦﻤﻟ حوﺮﻧ يأ ،راﻮﺸﻣ ﺮﯿﺼﯾ ﯾ ﻲﻟﻮﻘ إ ﮫﻧ ا ﻟ مﻮﯿ ﺑ ﻲﻨﻤﻠﻌﯿ ﻦﻋ ناﻮﯿﺣ .ﺪﯾﺪﺟ ﺮﻣ ه ﺮﻣ ه حﺮﻓأ ﻦﻤﻟ فﻮﺷأ ﻆﺣﻻأو ﻆﺣﻻأو فﻮﺷأ ﻦﻤﻟ حﺮﻓأ

رﻮﻄﺘﻟا ﻲﻟإ ﺮﯿﺼﯾ هﺎﻌﻣ ﻲﻓ .ةءاﺮﻘﻟا "

Reem similarly described, in our first interview, how she facilitated educational home practices after school. Her children’s school provided time during the day for students to complete homework. Because of this, Reem’s children usually did not have homework. She shared, “Our after-school time is a calm time where we do many activities to work on their academic development.”

ا" ﺖﻗﻮﻟ إ ﻲﻟ ﺪﻌﺑ ا ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ ﺮﺻ ﻧ ﺎ ﻊﺘﻤﺘﺴﻧ ﻓ ﮫﯿ و يﻮﺴﻧ تﺎطﺎﺸﻧ ﺘﻣ ﺔﻋﻮﻨ ا فﺪﮭﻟ ﺎﮭﻨﻣ ﻢھﺮﯾﻮﻄﺗ ﯿﻤﯾدﺎﻛأ ﺎ ."

Reem mentioned a math app that she used from Khan Academy. She followed their plan on how to achieve improved performance for her children and enable a move from one level to another. Reem used this time to reinforce skills that were age-appropriate for her children.

Mona described, in our first interview, her role with home practices and her children’s education. Mona’s children did not have much homework from their school in the U.S. In Saudi

Arabia, however, her children had had significant amounts of daily homework. Her home practices consisted of enforcing a strict schedule to complete homework. The evenings were often conflictual. In the U.S., this after-school time was completely different. Mona did not need to strictly monitor her children’s time after school; she simply followed up with her children by

99 asking them if they completed their homework. She did not sit with them to make sure they were doing their homework, but she supported them in another way. Mona said, “I believe that some exercise in the middle of the day provides positive energy for my children to continue to study.

For example, I take my children outside to go for a walk. After we return back home, I feel that they have more energy which helps them study well.”

" ﻨﻋ يﺪ ﻗ ﻨ ﺔﻋﺎ إ ﻧ ﮫ ﯾﻮﺷ ﺔ ﺗ ﻤ ﻦﯾرﺎ ﯾر ﺔﯿﺿﺎ ﻲﻓ ﺺﻧ ا ﻟ مﻮﯿ ﺗ ﻲﻄﻌ ﺎط ﺔﻗ إ ﺎﺠﯾ ﺑ ﯿ ﺔ ﻔطﻷ ﺎ ﻲﻟ ﻟ ﻮﻤ ﺔﻠﺻا ا ﻟ .ﺔﺳارﺪ ،ﻼﺜﻣ ﻢھﺪﺧأ ﻗوأ تﺎ تﺎ ﻗوأ ﺔﻘﯾﺪﺤﻠﻟ ﻲﺸﻤﻧ ، ﻦﻣو ﺪﺟ ﺑ ﺪﻌ ﺎﻣ ﺟﺮﻧ ﻊ ﺮﻌﺷأ نأ ﻌﺟر ﻮ ا ﺑ ﻨ ﻔ ﺴ ﯿ ﺔ ﺔﯿﻧﺎﺗ ﺔﻗﺎﻄﺑو إ ﺎﺠﯾ ﺑ ﺔﯿ ﺎﻋ ﻟ ﯿ ﺔ ﻢھﺪﻋﺎﺴﺗ ﻰﻠﻋ ا ﻟ ﺔﺳارﺪ ."

Mona’s role became that of a facilitator to oversee her children’s homework time. She did not sit with them and guide them through each step. Instead, she decided it was good for her children to incorporate exercise into their daily homework routine.

Dida created a home practice that provided her daughter with the opportunity to share what she learned at school. When Dida’s daughter arrived home from school, they role-played so that her daughter could share what she learned in school. Dida said, in our third interview, that her daughter became the teacher and she and her husband assumed the student role.

“I was able to understand what she learned, how the teachers treated her, and who she loved and who she didn’t love”

ﻲﻧﺪﻋﺎﺴﯾ" فﺮﻋأ إ ﺶﯾ تﺪﺧأ ا ﻟ مﻮﯿ ﺑ ﺎ ،ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ ﻒﯿﻛو ا ﺔﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﺖﻠﻣﺎﻌﺗ ،ﺎﮭﻌﻣ ﻦﯿﻣو ﺐﺤﺗ ﻦﯿﻣو ﺎﻣ ﺤﺗ ﺐ."

Dida and her family had found a way to use the home practice of role playing to reinforce learning and social skills.

The previous examples of how the mothers facilitated home practices demonstrate how families can engage in their children’s education without stepping foot inside the school

100 building. These mothers were highly educated, and their practices were intentionally focused on learning that occurred at school.

Maintaining primary culture.

The home pedagogies and educational practices of the mothers in this study were specific to the needs of their children and their culture. The mothers had created home practices to develop their children’s Arabic language, and indicated that learning Arabic was vital to maintaining their culture and understanding the religion of Islam, given that the Saudi education system is influenced by the religion of Islam, and that therefore, there is no separation of church and state in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, the subjects and curriculum in schools, align with the Quran, and the entire curriculum and activities are presented from an Islamic world view with the Quran as the foundation.

Mona described, in our second interview, how her religious beliefs impacted educational practices in her home. For her, it was imperative that her children retained their mother tongue.

She sought books in Arabic that were already familiar to her children in English. She encouraged this practice because their Arabic language had become weakened while living in the U.S. She explained that she wanted her children to understand Arabic books like they understood books in

English. She said, “I am so sad that they are losing their Arabic language, especially, since it is the language of the Quran”.

أ" ﻧ ﺎ ﺮﻣ ه ﺔﻨﯾﺰﺣ إ ﻢﮭﻧ اوﺪﻘﻔﯿﺑ ﻢﮭﺘﻐﻟ ا ،ﺔﯿﺑﺮﻌﻟ ﺎﺻﻮﺼﺧو إ ﺎﮭﻧ ﺔﻐﻟ ا ﻟ نآﺮﻘ ."

Reem explained, in our third interview, that her experience which was similar to Mona’s.

“Our language is the language of the Quran, and I always emphasize that this is something very important and necessary. I believe that the Quran is our identity.”

ﻟ" ﺘﻐ ﻨ ﺎ ﮫﯿھ ﺔﻐﻟ ا ﻟ ،نآﺮﻘ أو ﻧ ﺎ اد ﺎﻤﯾ أ ﺪﻛأ إ ﺎﮭﻧ ﻲﺷ يروﺮﺿ مزﻻو ﻧ .ﮫﻤﻠﻌﺘ ﯾإ ﺎﻤ ﻧ ﺎ ﮫﻧﺎﺑ نآﺮﻘﻟا ﺎﻨﺘﯾﻮھ ." 101

She used the Al Qaeda Illuminati App at home which was designed to teach Arabic to non- native speakers. Reem explained that her role in this activity was to guide her children and follow up with them to make sure that they moved from one level to another. Similarly, Dida shared her perspective, in the second interview, about her role in maintaining the home culture.

Dida explained, “it is very important that my daughter knows Arabic and speaks it correctly because it is the language of the Quran”.

ﻢﮭﻣ" ﻣ اﺮ إ ﮫﻧ ﺑ ﻨ ﻲﺘ فﺮﻌﺗ ا ﻟ ﺔﻐﻠ ا ﺑﺮﻌﻟ ﺔﯿ ﺗو ثﺪﺤﺘ ﻞﻜﺸﺑ ﺢﯿﺤﺻ ﻧﻷ ﮭ ﺎ رﺎﺼﺘﺧﺎﺑ ﺔﻐﻟ نآﺮﻘﻟا ."

Dida did not speak English to her daughter at home because she knew that her daughter would learn English from her school. Her purpose in choosing to use only Arabic at home, was to maintain and develop her daughter’s Arabic. Dida taught her daughter the Arabic alphabet and helped her memorize verses from the Quran. Similarly, although Nora’s son was in an Islamic school and had one class in Arabic, she considered it her role to encourage the Arabic language even though he had an Arabic class at school. She gave an example in our second interview, of how she facilitated learning Arabic vocabulary at home. Nora said, “Islam and the Arabic language are inseparable; you cannot learn one without the other”.

ﺎﻨﺣا" ﻧﺪﻨﻋ ﺎ مﻼﺳﻹا او ﻟ ﺔﻐﻠ ﺔﯿﺑﺮﻌﻟا ﻦﯿﻠﺼﺘﻣ ﺎﻣ ﯾرﺪﻘﺗ ﻦ ﻦﯿﻠﺼﻔﺗ اﺬھ ﻦﻋ .اﺬھ ﺔﻐﻠﻟﺎﻓ ﻨﻋ ﺪ ﻧ ﺎ ﻮﻣ ﺲﺑ ﮫﻤﮭﻣ نﺎﺸﻋ ا ﻟ ﻮﺘ ﻞﺻا ا ﻟ ﻲﺑﺮﻌ ﻲﺑﺮﻌ ﻟ ا ﻞﺻا ﻮﺘ ﻟ ا نﺎﺸﻋ ﮫﻤﮭﻣ ﺲﺑ ﻮﻣ ﺎ ﻧ ﺪ ﻨﻋ

ﮫﻤﮭﻣ نﺎﺸﻋ .ﻲﻨﯾد "

Language is important for all communication, but for Muslims the Arabic language is essential to understanding the Quran. Nora shared that she played an Arabic word game with her son in the car while driving. Her son would say an Arabic word, and she would respond with a word that began with the last letter of his word. Maintaining the culture of their home country was essential to the mothers in this study, and they took this responsibility seriously. They incorporated the language and religion of their culture into daily life. These mothers were busy 102 with monitoring their children’s schooling. Maintaining a home language could have gotten lost in the daily routines. However, these mothers were committed to maintaining their home language of Arabic because it is the language of the Quran.

Mothers Shared about child’s education with Father.

Family engagement is inclusive of all members of the family. The mothers reported the ways in which the fathers engaged with their children’s education in the United States. In Saudi

Arabia, it is rare for a father to be involved in the child’s education. However, some research shows that there is an increased success rate for students when the father is involved in the child’s education. For example, Nord (2001, p. vi) mentions that “fathers’ involvement in school is associated with a higher likelihood of students getting mostly A’s.” This information is intriguing as I look at my own experiences and the data from the mothers in my study.

Fathers in Saudi Arabia are typically the providers of the family. For example, the role of my father in Saudi Arabia was to provide for our family. He worked hard, and he was kind and generous to us, but he was not involved at all in our education. In contrast, my mother was actively involved in our school life and in our study time at home. Although both my parents attended conferences twice a year, only my mother showed up at the school once a month. The teachers did not like it at first because this was not a common practice. However, my mother intentionally engaged the teachers and made them feel comfortable. She could not go to school for my brothers because of our culture, so she reached out to the wives of their teachers. My mom did whatever she needed to do for our success.

Mona shared, in the first interview, that when she was in Saudi Arabia, she was entirely responsible for her children’s education. Her husband was busy and worked hard to provide for

103 their family. She could not enter her son’s school or participate in activities, however, because her husband was unavailable, Mona was the one who addressed educational issues. Mona shared about a time when her son was struggling with one of his classes, and she wanted to help resolve the issue. Since she could not enter the building, the principal came outside to talk to her. Her husband was the only one who could have entered her son’s school in KSA, but he did not participate in her son’s education because of the demands of his work. Mona commented, however, that, “Even though my husband is currently in Saudi Arabia, and my children and I are here in the U.S., he is engaged in our children’s education”.

ﻰﻠﻋ" ا ﻢﻏﺮﻟ ﻦﻣ إ ﮫﻧ ﻲﺟوز يدﺎھ ا ﻟ ةﺮﺘﻔ ﺑ ﺎ ﺔﯾدﻮﻌﺴﻟ أو ﻧ ﺎ يﺪﻟوأو ﻨھ ﺎ ﺑ ﺎﻜﯾﺮﻣﺄ ﻻإ إ ﮫﻧ كرﺎﺸﻣ ﻌﻣ ﺎ ﯾ ﺎ ﻢﯿﻠﻌﺘﺑ هدﻻوأ ."

Her husband accessed the school app in the U.S. and receives emails from the school. He followed up weekly with his children about their grades. Mona shared that her children began to take more responsibility for their grades because they knew they would be accountable to their father, her husband.

Reem’s husband was in his residency in another city albeit within the same state during the week. He was not usually in the home during school days, but he was, nevertheless, actively engaged in his children’s education. He received emails that the school sent out. Reem shared, in our second interview, about how he supported her in a shared role with their children’s education. She commented that “My husband cares very much about our children’s grades.

Through the emails, he is aware of how our children are doing. If there is a problem, he contacts that child directly which is a great support for me.”

ﻲﺟوز" ﺪﺟ ا ﺺﯾﺮﺣ ﻰﻠﻋ ىﻮﺘﺴﻣ دﻻوﻷا ا ﻟ .ﻲﺳارﺪ ﻦﻤﻓ لﻼﺧ ﻞﯿﻤﯾﻹا ﺮﯿﺼﯾ ﻨﻋ ﺪ ه ﺮﺒﺧ ﻦﻋ ﻒﯿﻛ دﻻوﻷا ﯾﻮﺴﻣ ﻦﯿ ﺑ ﺎ ﻟ .ﺔﺳارﺪ ﺔاﺪﻟﺎﺑ ﯿﯾﺴ دوا ﯿ ﻋﺮﺧ ﻋﺮﺼ ﻞﻤﻹ لﺧﻦﻓ .ﺳر ﻻﻷ ىﺘﻣﻰﻋﺺﺮ اﺪ ﺟز

اذإو ﻲﻓ ﺔﻠﻜﺸﻣ ﻊﻣ يأ ﺪﺣأ ﻓ ﻢﮭﯿ ﺒﻣ ةﺮﺷﺎ ﯾ ﻞﺻاﻮﺘ ﺎﻌﻣ .ه ﺎﻌﺒطو اﺬھ ﻢﻋد ﺒﻛ ﺮﯿ ﻟ ﯿ ﺎ ."

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Therefore, although, Mona and Reem’s husbands could not be physically present, they were clearly actively engaged in their children’s education. The mothers in the study whose husbands lived in the home with them reported how their husbands were engaged. For instance, in the third interview, Dida shared that her husband had recently attended a field trip with their daughter. She said, “I was happy that in the U.S., fathers can go with daughters instead of only the mothers.”

أ" ﻧ ﺎ ﺖﻨﻛ ةﺮﻣ ﺔﻧﺎﺣﺮﻓ ﻦﻤﻟ ﺎﻨھ ﺑ ﺎﻜﯾﺮﻣﺄ بﻷا رﺪﻘﯾ حوﺮﯾ كرﺎﺸﯾو ﻊﻣ ﮫﺘﻨﺑ لﺪﺑ ﻦﻣ إ ﮫﻧ ﺲﺑ مﻷا ا ﻟ ﻲﻠ رﺪﻘﺗ حوﺮﺗ ﻊﻣ ﺎﮭﺘﻨﺑ ."

Similarly, Nora described, in the third interview, how she and her husband shared roles in their son’s education in the U.S. She said that her husband helped her son with his homework. In addition, they often attended school activities and events together as a family.

The fathers’ shared roles with the mothers in this study were unique to each family’s situation. “Family engagement in schools is often understood as mothers’ work, which overlooks fathers’ engagement in their children’s schooling” (Gallo, 2017, p. 28). Families in Saudi Arabia have a wide network of support for mothers. Grandmothers, aunts, and housekeepers are readily available to support the mother. However, when transplanted to the United States, the mothers in my study did not have this support system. If the father did not take a role in their children’s education, there was no one to help the mother. In each of the previous stories, the fathers’ engagement in their children’s education was a positive factor both for the children as well as the mothers.

Summary

The mothers in this study viewed their roles in their children’s education as essential to their children’s academic success. Some were busy with their own education, and all of them were

105 managing their homes and families. For example, Reem had four children, and she was also studying for her Ph.D. She was the full-time parent during the week because her husband was studying in another city. Nora was similarly studying for her Ph.D. and had two children. Mona had four children, and she was the only parent living in the United States. Dida had two children, but she was not comfortable going to the school. The four mothers were in a foreign country where they had to navigate the culture, the language, and the education system. There were numerous obstacles that could have prevented them from engaging. However, they initiated and responded to engagement with their children’s education. They also advocated for their children when they believed it was necessary. The schools responded to the mothers and accommodated them when they advocated for their children, and the mothers collaborated with the schools to find solutions for their children. The schools welcomed collaboration with the mothers. The mothers creatively facilitated home practices to support their children’s education. In addition to these roles, they actively maintained the primary culture. According to Gallo (2017, p. 43), “it is important for educators to critically question what counts as home-based engagement to move beyond the assumption that school-like homes are the only pathway for families and schools to support a child’s education.” The mothers in this study did not wait for the schools to acknowledge their home cultures. Instead, they initiated engagement with the schools and pursued opportunities to bring their home cultures into the schools.

Effective family engagement happens when schools make families feel welcomed and when they validate their cultures. Parents share a responsibility in collaboration with the schools for the educational development of their children (Feriazzo & Hammond, 2009). When parents share

106 the responsibility with the school, they have a greater sense of influence on improving the quality of their children’s educational experience (Feriazzo & Hammond, 2009).

Emergent Finding: Alienation

An emergent finding in my data occurred during the focus group meeting. The mothers had each participated in three individual interviews with me prior to the focus group. They had shared that they felt welcome in the schools and that they felt a sense of belonging. As discussion in the focus group turned to the subject of belonging in the schools, Reem shared, “I feel alienated all the time. Everything here is different for us. If I am talking to an American, I often hear ‘Oh, you do it like that? We do it another way’. Our identity is different. One of the most common things that we feel we are different at the time of events.”

رﻮﻌﺷ" ﺔﺑﺮﻐﻟا زﻼﻣ م ﻟ ﯿ ﺎ ﻞﻜﺑ ﻗوﻷا .تﺎ ﻞﻛ ﻲﺷ ﺮﯿﺼﯾ ﻨھ ﺎ ﯾ ﻨ ﻘ ﺎ ﻟ ﻨ ﺎ ، ووا ﺎﻨﺣإ ﻨھ ﺎ يﻮﺴﻧ اﺬھ ا ﻲﺸﻟ ﺔﻘﯾﺮﻄﺑ ﺨﻣ ﺘ ﻠ ﻔ ﺔ . ﺎﻤﯾاد إ ﻨﺣ ﺎ ﺎﻨ

ﺮﻏ ﯾ ﺒ ﯿ ﻦ . ﺔﯾﻮﮭﻟا ﺨﻣ ﺘ ﻠ ﻔ ﺔ ، و ﻦﻣ ﺮﺘﻛأ ﯿﺷﻷا ءﺎ إ ﻲﻟ ﺮﻌﺸﻧ ﮭﯿﻓ ﺎ ﺔﺑﺮﻐﻟﺎﺑ ﻲﻓ و ﺖﻗ ا ﻟ ﻤ ﻨ ﺒﺳﺎ تﺎ ."

Dida agreed with Reem that her family always feels alienated when there was an event that they did not celebrate. If the event was during the school day, Dida let her daughter participate. At Halloween, the school notified the parents that the children could wear costumes to school on Halloween. Dida allowed her daughter to wear a costume to school on Halloween.

The school had a Halloween celebration in the evening, and they invited the parents to attend with their children. Dida explained, “We did not attend because it is a religious holiday. My daughter was very sad and asked why we couldn’t go. This made me feel bad for her, but I couldn’t change my belief in order to make her feel happy.”

" ﺎﻣ رﺪﻘﻧ حوﺮﻧ ﺎﮭﻌﻣ ﻷ ﺎﮭﻧ ﻨﻣ تﺎﺒﺳﺎ ﯾد ﻨ .ﺔﯿ ﺎﻌﺒط ﺑ ﻨ ﻲﺘ ةﺮﻣ ﺎﻣ ﺎﮭﺒﺠﻌﯾ ﻞﻋﺰﺗو ادو ﺎﻤﯾ لﺄﺴﺗ إ ﮫﻧ ﻟ ﺶﯿ ﺎﻣ حوﺮﻧ ﮭﻌﻣ ﺎ. ﷲو أ ﺣ ﺰ ن نﺰﺣأ ﷲ

ﻠﻋ ﺎﮭﯿ ﺲﺑ ﺎﻣ أ رﺪﻗ ﯾﻮﺳأ ﻠ ﺎﮭ ﺔﺟﺎﺣ ."

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Mona concurred that she felt alienated on American holidays. She shared, during the focus group, that her son could participate in holiday activities during the school day, but she did not accept practices in the evening such as “trick or treat” during Halloween. She created an alternative to “trick or treat” ─ she bought candy and sweets and put them in a pumpkin for her children. She said, “I prepared them the pumpkin filled with candy that day because I did not want my children to feel sad. Still, my children wanted to go out and trick or treat.”

ﻢﮭﻟﺰﮭﺟأ" ﯾﻮﻠﺣ تﺎ ﺎﮭﯿﺒﻋأو ﻲﻓ ﺔﻠﺳ ا ﻟ ﺒ ﻦﻜﻣﺎ نﺎﺸﻋ يدوﺎﻣ يدﻻوأ اﻮﻠﻋﺰﯾ . ﻰﻠﻋو ا ﻢﻏﺮﻟ ﻦﻣ ﺪﻛ ا ﻮﻣ ﻢﮭﺒﺟﺎﻋ ﯾو اﻮﻐﺒ اﻮﺣوﺮﯾ ﻚﯾﺮﺗ ﻚﯾﺮﺗ اﻮﺣوﺮﯾ اﻮﻐﺒ ﯾو ﻢﮭﺒﺟﺎﻋ ﻮﻣ ا ﺪﻛ

ﺪﻧا ﺖﯾﺮﺗ ."

Nora described her sense of alienation during the focus group meeting. She had a different perspective about alienation than the other mothers. Her son attended an Islamic school, and most of the teachers spoke Arabic. Nora was at the school often. “Even though I have cultural similarities and connections to the school, I still feel alienated from the school culture. I am not always sure what the expectations are or what the relationship should be with the school.

When should I speak Arabic? When should I speak English? This makes me feel like I am different.”

ﻰﻠﻋ" ا ﻢﻏﺮﻟ ﻦﻣ دﻮﺟو اور ﻂﺑ ﺎﺸﺗ ﮫﺑ ﻲﻓ ا ﻟ ﺜ ﻘ ﺎ ﺔﻓ ﻊﻣ ا ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟ ﯿﻣﻼﺳﻹا ،ﺔ ﺲﺑ ﺲﺣأ إ ﻲﻧ أ ﻞﺧد ﯾﺮﻏ ﮫﺒ ﻰﻠﻋ ﻊﻤﺘﺠﻣ ﺛو ﻘ ﺎ ﺔﻓ ﺔﺳرﺪﻤﻟا

او .تﺎﻤﻠﻌﻤﻟ ﺎﻣ فﺮﻋأ ﺶﯾإ ﻊﻗﻮﺘﻤﻟا ﻲﻨﻣ ﺶﯾإو ﻲﻟإ ﻻ ، ﺎﻣ فﺮﻋا ﺶﯾإ ﺔﻗﻼﻌﻟا ﻲﻟإ ضوﺮﻔﻤﻟا ،نﻮﻜﺗ ﺎﻣ فﺮﻋأ ﻰﺘﻣ أ رﺪﻗ أ ﻢﻠﻜﺗ ﻢﻠﻜﺗ أ رﺪﻗ أ ﻰﺘﻣ

ﺮﻋ ﺑ ﻲ و ﻣ ﺘ ﻰ ﻻ . ﻲﻨﻠﺨﯾ ﻢﯾاد ﺮﻌﺷأ فﻼﺘﺧﻻﺎﺑ ".

Culture is about more than similarities in language, customs, and religions. According to

Gee (2008, p. 100), culture can be defined as “the ways of being, doing, acting, interacting, and using language, objects, and tools that we associate with being an “everyday” (“nonspecialized”) person belonging to specific social groups. Nora’s son was in a school that was Arabic speaking

108 and Islamic. Nonetheless, the school had its own ways of knowing and doing that Nora did not have enough knowledge about.

The discrepancy in the data between the discussion in the focus group session and the individual interviews was a challenge. I had believed that the previous data supported the finding that the mothers felt welcomed and valued by the schools and that they had a sense of belonging.

The surprise of this outlier regarding the mothers’ feelings of alienation caused me to return to my previous data. According to Agar (2006) these are rich points in data that bring surprises and departures from an outsider’s expectations.

After the focus group meeting, I back mapped the data. I recalled that Reem had shared in the second interview that everyone had been looking at her the night of the beginning of school ice cream social. She had also shared that the first year her children were at the school, there was an after-school event to celebrate Halloween. Reem permitted her children to participate in school activities that were related to holidays during school hours, but not after school. The school provided an alternative after-school activity for children who did not celebrate

Halloween. One other family attended with Reem’s children. They were American children but did not celebrate Halloween. The school provided the alternative activity for the Halloween event again the next year, but no one attended except for her children. Reem said, “My children felt lonely and alienated.”

ﺎﻔطأ" ﻲﻟ اﻮﺴﺣ ﺑ ﺎ ةﺪﺣﻮﻟ او ﺔﺑﺮﻐﻟ ."

Although Reem typically actively participated in the school setting and was intentional about sharing her family’s culture, yet, she nevertheless felt alienated while she was attempting to engage in her children’s school.

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I also returned to the data that Reem and Mona had provided about Ramadan. The data showed that the schools accommodated the students during the time of fasting by separating them from the students who were eating. The school had made the accommodation; however, the children were isolated. The schools offered an alternative to the families, and their intentions were positive. Nevertheless, the students were keenly aware that they were different from the other students.

The finding from back-mapping the data, is that schools are trying to accommodate

Muslim families, and the mothers appreciate what schools are doing, but they also feel that they are not part of the school culture.

Summary

The mothers discussed their feelings of alienation in the school environment. Nora,

Reem, and Dida were in the United States with a full scholarship that provided for their tuition, insurance, and a salary. Mona’s husband was working in KSA and provided for all the needs of

Mona’s family. The mothers in this study were highly educated. They were in the United Stated under some of the most positive conditions that an international person could experience.

Nevertheless, they had a sense of alienation because they were a minority in the United States.

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CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS

The purpose of this qualitative research study was to better understand how Saudi families living in the United States engage in the education of their children. In this dissertation

I have presented a qualitative analysis of these data, and an interpretive discussion about how

Saudi mothers reported family engagement in the education of their children in U.S. schools.

This discussion included how the Saudi mothers in this study reported being engaged with their children’s education, and how the Saudi mothers viewed their roles in relation to their children’s schools. In the previous chapter (i.e., Chapter Four), I examined and presented an analysis of the findings from this six-month-long qualitative study begun in 2019 and concluded in 2020. In this chapter (i.e., Chapter Five), I begin with a discussion of the findings that I presented in Chapter

Four. I also present connections to research and theory and discuss the limitations of this research. Finally, I address the implications of this study and discuss the possibilities for areas of future research.

Participant-Observer/Researcher Positionality

This study identified issues that four Saudi mothers experienced in adjusting to schools and schooling in the United States. I examined how four Saudi mothers reported being engaged with their children’s education. The examination focused on the voices and perspectives of the participants. I am a Saudi woman living in the United States which enhanced my positionality as a researcher in this study, in that I did not enter the research setting as an outsider of my participants. I was familiar with the cultures of the mothers, and I am a Saudi woman currently living in the United States under similar conditions to those experienced by the participants.

Although I needed to understand the unique (and in that sense, individual) histories of members

111 of this group of Saudi women, I was not an outsider of the group itself. However, as Heath and

Street (2008) have argued, every researcher must understand what is familiar before they can understand what is unfamiliar. As noted in previous chapters, my participants and I shared a similar history with the participants, as a Saudis, as a mother, and as a Muslim. Another commonality among us, was that we were in the United States under similar circumstances. The similarities in our histories were advantageous for my position as a participant-observer in the study. However, as I stated in Chapter Three, I would not presume to approach the study with assumptions regarding the mothers, based on my own experiences as a Saudi woman living in the United States, and therefore, I did not encounter difficulties due to unwarranted preconceived assumptions. In contrast, my familiarity with the mothers’ histories enhanced the process of data collection as well as my interpretation of the findings.

My position as a researcher was partly informed by friendship ethnography that includes such practices as conversation, the inclusion of everyday interactions, and a compassionate mindset (Stevenson & Lawthorn, 2017). Two of the mothers in the study were my friends prior to the study. I did not previously know, nor had I met the other two mothers. However, by building a relationship of trust with them, I was able to utilize friendship ethnography with all each of the participants in the study. As previously mentioned, I attempted to enter the data collection phase without prior assumptions, despite considerable familiarity with the culture and the language of the women involved. I also applied this stance (i.e., friendship ethnography) to my interactions with the two participants who were my friends. Although I knew these two women and their families as friends, I endeavored to keep an objective stance in my interactions with them throughout the interview process and focus group. The interviews with the mothers

112 flowed easily, reminiscent of the manner in which one would converse with friends in daily interactions. Friendship ethnography, therefore, proved to be a valuable method for data collection, analysis and even retrospectively, in interpretation. In addition to facilitating the interviews and focus group, the use of friendship ethnography enabled me to empathize with mothers and feel compassion for them. For example, Dida did not like to attend school events and conferences due to cultural differences. Mona conveyed that she hesitated to attend school events because she believed her English was not good enough to comfortably use it in groups.

Reem felt that the students at her children’s school stared at her hijab. I felt compassion for all four of the mothers, and I identified with their situations. My early experience with schools in the

U.S. was similar to that of Dida’s experience. I did not register my children or go to the schools for events. My husband took care of everything. My son was in the same school system as

Reem’s children, and I noticed that the students stared at my hijab. Like Mona, I believed that my language was not good enough to enable me to communicate directly with the schools.

Nonetheless, I had to adjust to the culture in the same way that my participants had to adjust.

Because I wanted a good education for my son, I overcame my hesitancy to communicate with the school. As did the mothers in my research, I engaged with the schools for the benefit of my son.

The framework known as Humanizing Family Engagement was the underlying structure for answering my questions. This framework created the foundation to enable me to use the method of friendship ethnography with the Saudi mothers. Again, although I did not know two of the mothers in the project prior to their participation in the study, I was, through friendship ethnography, able to connect with them because of certain elements and experiences we had in

113 common. Among these, were my familiarity with Saudi cultural norms and our similar levels of education and life experiences. The research process also lent itself to developing even stronger relationships with the women in the study who were already my friends, as well as enabling me to develop and new friendships with the participants who I had not previously known.

I gathered data to answer my questions using interviews, focus groups, and artifacts. I met with each mother three times to conduct one-on-one interviews. All four mothers and I met together for one focus group discussion session. I had considered conducting two focus groups and focus group sessions with two mothers in each group. My first thought was to combine the two mothers who were friends in one group, and the other two mothers who had not previously known each other, in the second group. I also pondered dividing the mothers according to similar ages of their children. Finally, I settled on having them all in one group. My concerns were that the mothers might not share as readily in a larger group, or that one or two of the women might be more talkative and overpower the other mothers. I entered the focus group session with my concerns in mind and intentionally facilitated the session so that each mother was engaged. The purpose of the focus group session was to triangulate the data that I had gathered from the interviews and to include any new data as well as insights that emerged during the session.

I presented the data from the interviews and the focus group session in detail in Chapter

Four. Through analysis of the data, the theme of engagement in schools was triangulated as reported by the Saudi mothers during the individual interviews. As discussed in Chapter Four, the specific categories that surfaced were the following: welcoming of families, valuing families, communications, mothers’ roles, and feelings of alienation. Also, in Chapter Four, I connected

114 the findings of the data to research and the theory of the framing concept, Humanizing Family

Engagement.

Negotiating Two Different Cultures

Family engagement (in relation to schools) was a new concept to the mothers because, historically, there has been little involvement of Saudi families in the school lives of their children. To better understand the Saudi mothers’ perspectives on family engagement relative to schools, I provide a brief summary of the education system in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

The Saudi education system is influenced by the religion of Islam. The schools and curriculum align with the Quran. All curriculum and activities are presented from an Islamic world view, with the Quran as the foundational frame for that curriculum. Students attend schools based on gender from elementary through university levels. Typically, students have a teacher of the same gender as that of the students (i.e., male teachers for male students; female teachers for female students). There are three basic types of schools in KSA. First, most students attend public schools which are free. Public schools across Saudi Arabia have the same curriculum, the same texts, and the same assessments (Al-Sadan, 2000). Everything is taught in the Arabic language. Students also take an English class to learn the basics of English. The second type of schooling is the private school. There are two paths from which to choose within the private school grouping. The Arabic path provides students with the opportunity to attend classes taught in Arabic language except for one English language class. The English path provides students with the opportunity to attend classes taught in English. On the English path, all subjects are taught in English except for religion classes and Arabic language classes. The quality of education is higher in private schools than is the case in public schools. The third type

115 is schooling for minority students. Schools for minority students teach classes in the language of the students. For example, there are schools for minority students from India, Bangladesh, and

Pakistan.

This summary in the previous paragraph of Saudi education explains the educational environment that is familiar to the mothers in this study. They have knowledge of Saudi schools and how Saudi schools operate. They have been through Saudi schools themselves. American culture and schools in the United States were new for them. The discussion that follows, includes explanations as to why these mothers were able to successfully engage in the education of their children while living in the United States.

Prior to meeting with the mothers in this study, I had some pre-suppositions regarding how Saudi mothers engage with their children’s schools in the United States. I had thought that the mothers might face linguistic and cultural barriers when engaging with their children’s schools. Nonetheless, throughout the individual interviews, I was surprised and impressed with the level of engagement the mothers had with the schools.

Included in the findings for how the Saudi mothers engaged in the schools were ways in which families felt welcomed. The mothers had anticipated the possibility of not being welcomed in the school settings in the U.S., because their perceptions were that they looked different from most “Americans,” and especially because they wore hijabs. In Saudi Arabia, most women wear a hijab. Women who do not wear a hijab are not readily accepted in that culture. The mothers in this study were concerned that they would not be readily accepted because of their hijabs which represented that they were Muslim. Despite these concerns, Mona felt that she was accepted even though she wore a hijab. Reem observed that even though some

116 children stared at her hijab, she still felt welcomed by the school, its principal, its teachers, and the students.

Mona’s story about the “meet and greet night” before the beginning of school highlights the benefit of a welcoming environment. The principal was there to greet the families, dressed however, as a clown. In Saudi Arabia, this would never occur. In explanation as to why this would never occur in KSA, schools in KSA do not hold a special event in order to welcome families at the beginning of the school year. Principals usually wear elegant clothing. A male principal in KSA would wear a thobe. An event in KSA that might include a clown would never have a Saudi national as the clown. The clown would be a minority person working in Saudi

Arabia. There are companies that one can hire to provide clowns. To see the principal dressed in a clown suit was shocking for Mona and her family. However, the women did appreciate that the principal would humble himself to become a clown for the night to make the families feel more at ease, more comfortable and possibly to inject some humor into an otherwise formal and more serious occasion. Another behavior that was considered “beneath” a principal, was the principal at Reem’s children’s school in the U.S. outside the school, directing traffic on the first day of school. A principal in Saudi Arabia would not allow him/herself to be in that position. In short, directing traffic would be considered by all concerned to be beneath a principal’s duties.

The Saudi mothers’ experiences with family participation were limited in Saudi Arabia.

They participated in school conferences only if they had a daughter because Saudi women are not permitted to enter the boys-only schools. Another type of participation in KSA, is the

Visiting Mothers’ Day event. This occurs during the kindergarten year. Most mothers in Saudi

Arabia consider this to be a stressful experience. At the beginning of the year, mothers sign up

117 for a day as a visiting mother in their child’s classroom. Mothers usually begin to prepare a week ahead of the day they participate. They prepare activities, gifts, and food for the entire class. The event lasts for approximately one hour. The school expects this from the mothers. The Saudi mothers were relieved that there were opportunities to participate in their children’s schools in the U.S. without any requirement from them. Nora described this in her story about the invitation to Donuts with Dad when she said, “the school held this event without any expectation of parents doing something.” The schools created opportunities for parents to participate by welcoming them without expectations.

In addition to how the mothers felt welcomed, my findings included identification of the ways in which the Saudi mothers felt valued by their children’s schools. Dida shared that she felt valued by the school when her husband was permitted to attend conferences and activities. On the surface, it might appear unusual for a mother with a child in school in the U.S. to feel valued because the school accepts the father’s participation. However, these Saudi mothers’ background experiences regarding parental participation, was that schools did not include the participation of fathers in kindergartens, nor in girls’ schools. Dida’s daughter was in kindergarten at the time during which this research was being conducted, and she had an 18- month-old baby at home. In Saudi Arabia, Dida would have been the only parent permitted to attend conferences and activities, because their school-aged child was their daughter. Dida felt that her time was valued by her daughter’s school in the U.S. because they accepted either or even both parent for events. The mothers also reported that they felt their time was valued by the schools regarding conference schedules. In Saudi Arabia, there is a set day and time for parents to attend their child’s conference. There is no flexibility in the schedule. The schools of my

118 participants in the U.S. were considerate of the schedules of families and provided alternative dates and times for conferences. This flexibility made the mothers in my study feel valued.

Additionally, this flexibility made it convenient for the mothers in my study to engage in one-on- one conferences with teachers of their children.

The mothers also appreciated that the schools valued their cultures. Valuing diverse cultures within the school setting was foreign to the mothers. As mentioned, students of other languages (and hence, cultures) attend their own schools in Saudi Arabia. Arabic speaking students from other countries attend Saudi schools. Other specific countries are Syria, Palestine,

Lebanon, and Iraq. The students might be Christian, but the main identifier is that their culture is different from that of Saudi culture. Nevertheless, the school culture is Saudi and Muslim. The cultures and religions of other countries are not considered or highlighted. For example, when I was in school, my neighbors were from Jordan, and they were Christians. We went to the same school. Muslims pray five times each day at specific times. The second prayer of the day (Al- thohr) occurs during the school day. Each school in Saudi Arabia has a Musala which is a large room for prayer. All students go to the Musala to pray Al-thohr. My Christian neighbors participated in the prayer time daily as all students were expected to participate in the prayer time. Even the foreign students celebrated the national holidays of KSA. Some schools held an international day each year, and students were permitted to wear their national dress and bring some food from their culture on this particular day. The mothers in my study were positively impacted by the freedom to share their cultures openly in the United States. The schools in the

U.S. valued their cultures and customs and permitted the mothers to share their knowledge and customs with their children’s classrooms and schools. The findings indicate that the mothers’ felt

119 a sense of freedom in the school environments to participate in and share their Saudi cultures.

This freedom to share diverse cultures had not been part of the mothers’ experiences in Saudi schools.

Another finding in my study is that the mothers in the study engaged when they felt that the schools in the U.S. valued their input. Schools in KSA gather input from parents in an entirely different way from that which is customary in the U.S. In the U.S. schools, the mothers provided input by sharing their knowledge, sometimes in the form of presentations to other students in other classrooms as well as in the classrooms of their own children. For instance,

Reem presented a lesson on Saudi schools to her son’s classroom during a unit on schools around the world. The mothers also shared that they felt their input was valued when teachers provided lesson plans ahead of time for the parents to facilitate learning at home. In Saudi Arabia, schools expect parents to ensure that homework and projects are completed. Saudi schools do not share school information with the parents unless the student is not doing well. The schools in KSA do not receive input from the parents as to why the student might be struggling; on the contrary, they put the problem entirely on the parent’s shoulders. For this reason, interactions with schools and children regarding schoolwork in KSA are usually stressful for parents. In Chapter Four,

Mona shared that the homework time after school in KSA was conflictual. The Saudi schools held the parents accountable for their children’s success but did not provide a way for parents to have input into their children’s education at school. The mothers believed that the schools in the

U.S. appreciated their roles as mothers by accepting their input concerning their child’s handling of schoolwork either at home or at school.

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The mothers also reported that communication was an essential form of engagement for them in schools in the United States. In Saudi Arabia, there are few opportunities for communication between families and schools and there exists no system designed for communications between home and schools, such as email or apps. In contrast, in the U.S. schools, the mothers in my study eagerly used written communication and face-to-face communication with both teachers and principals of their children’s schools. As previously mentioned, the mothers in this study are highly educated and were keenly aware that communication with their children’s schools provided a unique opportunity for them to engage with the schools and to engage in a meaningful way in the education of their children.

Another finding related to the mothers’ ways of engaging in their children’s education is related to issues that the school might have with their child’s behavior. In Saudi Arabia, the schools contact parents if there is an academic or behavioral problem with their child. The Saudi schools do not ask for collaboration with the parents. Rather, they simply inform parents of the problem. Saudi school life and the home practices of families are kept completely separate. The mothers expressed during the focus group that their role in their child’s school in Saudi Arabia would be that of an advocate. From their experiences with Saudi schools, they recognized that they would only contact the school if their child needed them. They shared that in the schools in the U.S., they felt that they actually had a voice, and that voice would be heard. The roles of the mothers in this study in their children’s education in the United States went beyond advocating.

They collaborated with teachers and schools to resolve issues and share knowledge. They facilitated home practices to support the school curriculum, and they believed their home practices impacted their children’s learning. The mothers maintained the primary culture at home

121 and shared their cultures with their children’s schools. They also shared the role in their children’s education with the children’s fathers. As noted earlier in this chapter, and elsewhere in the document, in Saudi Arabia, the mothers can participate in school with only their daughters, and the fathers can participate in school only with their sons. In the U.S., both parents can fulfill the role as parent with either gender.

However, although these four mothers felt welcomed, they also felt that they were perceived as being “different.” They felt more accepted as guests rather than as a member of the school culture. The data revealed that this perception of being different was a form of alienation.

The schools in the United States that my participants’ children attended, did make the effort to accommodate Muslim families, and the mothers appreciated what the schools were doing, but they also felt that they were not (yet) part of the school culture. Throughout the data, are many instances where mothers indicated willingness to engage in their children’s education.

A thread that ran throughout my thought process was why these mothers seemed to easily engage in their children’s education in the U.S. The schools’ environments and cultures were unique to them. I surmised that engagement with their children’s education was culturally enriching for the mothers and for their children. They were in the United States for a period, and they wanted to experience the culture. These families were in the United States for positive reasons. They knew that they were going to return to KSA. Most of the families visit Saudi

Arabia every year at the expense of the Saudi government. They came to the U.S. because they chose to come. They did not come as refugees or because they had to flee their country.

Conversely, being in the United States was a culturally enriching experience for them.

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Certainly, these mothers were unique in their ability to navigate a new culture. They exhibited self confidence in their engagement with their children’s education. I determined that their confidence was likely related to their levels of education and socio-economic status in the

U.S. and in Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia provided a salary and tuition for the mothers and their families. They were free from the stress of financial strains. They did not need to work in the U.S., so they had time to enjoy their lives. They pursued higher education in Saudi

Arabia and in the United States. The mothers were from the upper middle class in KSA.

Connection to research and theory

Humanizing Family Engagement is an approach to family-school collaborations that privileges interpersonal relationships founded in mutual trust, in which educators and family members purposefully learn across their differences to pedagogically leverage a wider range of educational resources to support children’s learning” (Gallo, 2017, p. 13). As noted at the beginning of this chapter, the schools that associated with the mothers in my study, provided opportunities for the families to engage with schools through welcoming, valuing, and communicating. The mothers responded positively to the schools by engaging in communication, sharing their cultures, and collaborating with teachers. The schools and the mothers in my research demonstrated the foundation of trust and relationships by their willingness to learn from their differences. In these ways, it is reasonable to say that this group of mothers may not be typical of others who come to the US with different educational backgrounds, as well as with different socio-economic histories.

Interpersonal relationships provide schools with background knowledge of families. An experience that shows how a school used the background knowledge of one of the families

123 occurred in the story of Reem’s sons wearing their thobes to school. Because of the teacher’s relationship with Reem’s son, she noticed that there was something bothering him. As soon as she realized the reason that he was upset was because of the other students asking Reem’s son about his thobe, she used the situation to build the background knowledge of all students in her classroom by explaining the significance of both the thobe and Eid. This gesture of reaching across cultures from the teacher was significant enough for Reem’s son that he put his thobe back on. Students experience greater academic success when educators value and build upon the knowledge, experiences, and resources of students and families (Gallo, 2017). The schools associated with the families in my study demonstrated that they valued the knowledge of families by welcoming their cultures. The school which Reem’s children attended, invited her to share information about school life in Saudi Arabia. In another case, a teacher used a situation that occurred at during Eid as a teaching moment about Saudi culture.

The framework of Humanizing Family Engagement, then, invites educators to understand the importance of learning from and with families. This theory levels the field for all students and families and gives credence to the knowledge and backgrounds of all families. The framework of humanizing family engagement encourages educators and families to learn across differences.

This framework assisted me in identifying issues that Saudi mothers experienced in adjusting to schools in the United States and in terms of the issues they faced when confronted with a different school culture. The schools and mothers in this study were open and responsive to collaboration and learning across differences for the benefit of the education of the children.

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Limitations

The results of this study are specific to Saudi mothers who are highly educated. Most

Saudi families living in the United States are similar to the families in my study. Saudi families are in the United States mainly to study and return to Saudi Arabia. Another limitation is that the data cannot show if highly educated mothers from other countries would have the same experience with engagement in their children’s education. School personnel were not involved as participants in this study. Further research may help define what teachers and schools are doing to create an environment for family engagement. A limitation is that this study cannot identify how these same mothers would engage in their children’s education and schools if the study were conducted in Saudi Arabia.

Implications

An implication from this study is that “welcoming” is significant in making families feel valued by the school community. Schools should focus on welcoming parents with respect to positive initial impressions, and timing, particularly at the beginning of the school year activities, and through family participation. Schools that purposefully initiate “welcoming” as a key frame for schooling, set the tone for building relationships.

The mothers in this study readily initiated engagement with the schools to share their cultures. As the schools acknowledged the cultural and academic practices of Saudi mothers, the

Saudi families became eager to engage in the education of their children. This study also revealed that the Saudi mothers felt valued when they shared their home culture with the school.

The mothers’ engagement is linked to the freedom of having a voice in their children’s education. An implication and potential outcome from this study is for schools to explore how

125 they can learn about the cultures of all their families and how to implement practices that demonstrate they value the cultures of all families and give voice to all of the families involved.

This study also revealed that the schools actually offered many forms of communication.

For example, the mothers in this study used apps, emails, take home folders, translators, and conferences to communicate with the schools. The mothers stated that the conferences were the best type of communication offered by the schools. This does not suggest that conferences are always the best form of face to face communication that could occur; however, they are the best type of face to face communication offered by the schools that the children in this study attend.

The preferred method of communication by the mothers, was face-to-face meetings between school personnel and the mothers, as was used in parent-teacher conferences. An implication from this research is that schools may find it beneficial to offer more face to face communication, both inside and outside of the school.

The ways that the mothers in this study engaged in the education of their children is interwoven throughout their interactions as already described. Granted, there were obstacles such as language and culture that could have prevented the mothers from engaging. According to

Morgan (2017), potential barriers to family engagement are family circumstances, language and/or literacy barriers, social and cultural background, mistrust, and not feeling welcome in the school (Morgan, 2017). Such obstacles between educators and families could lead to low levels of family involvement. However, the mothers in my study initiated and responded to the schools’ high priority of engagement with their children’s education. They overcame these potential obstacles by responding to and initiating engagement with their children’s schools. The current family involvement models in the United States are most beneficial when the cultures of the

126 school and home are similar (Gee, 2007). However, I found that the mothers were involved in the schools even though the school and home cultures were not similar. They felt welcomed, valued, and they were able to communicate freely with the schools. The mothers appeared to engage both in spite of and because the culture was different. Reem intentionally engaged with her children’s schools to share her culture and create a comfortable environment for her children.

The research from Figuerora and Barnes (2015) revealed that teachers in that study, often looked at immigrant families as having a deficit. However, the story is different in the present study.

Although teachers were not participants in my study, there was no indication from the mothers that their families were viewed as having a deficit. Additionally, the mothers did not engage as though they had a deficit. An implication for the field of family engagement is that schools have a rich opportunity to nurture the ways that mothers engage in their children’s education as an effective tool to engagement,

Granted, the mothers in this study are highly educated and committed to their children’s education and to their cultural assimilation. The Saudi mothers appreciated that schools were trying to accommodate them, but the mothers also felt alienated from the American school culture. This is a potential area for further investigation. It may be that over time, the mothers would feel less alienated. It is also possible that this sense of alienation would apply in any culture when one is a relative newcomer to that culture. This study, nevertheless, indicates that parents respond to engagement when schools’ welcome families, when they value their cultures and input, and when they communicate with families. Furthermore, parents not only respond to the schools in a positive manner, but also feel encouraged to initiate engagement when they are given a voice.

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Further research might examine family engagement with families who are not actively initiating and responding to school engagement. Participants for further research could be comprised of families who are not college educated or include families from several cultures.

Further research might also explore how schools can initiate and implement a Humanizing

Family Engagement frame in order to work with parents who are not actively initiating and responding to school engagement? The Humanizing Family Engagement frame invites educators to understand the importance of learning from and with families. Paris and Winn (2014, p. 78) described a humanizing approach to research as one that “attempts to honor local knowledge and the perspectives of participants.” Gallo (2017) challenged schools to move beyond a narrow view and approach to family involvement. The findings of my study indicated that the schools involved in this instance, moved beyond what was familiar, and actively learned about important cultural practices and customs of the Saudi families. This was evident in several scenarios such as, for example, when the teacher found a book to read about Eid to her classroom, or when

Reem was invited to share about Saudi school life, and when one of the teachers asked for further information about Saudi National Day. The Humanizing Family Engagement framework could be used to study how schools can initiate and implement humanizing family engagement with parents who do not actively initiate and respond to school engagement.

This study also revealed how four Saudi mothers responded to and initiated engagement with schools in the United States. Future research with Saudi families, might also observe how

Saudi mothers engage in the education of their children in older grades.

Further studies might incorporate minority families from various cultures to find what works with different cultures. I envision future research to be conducted at multiple school sites

128 with minority families other than Saudi families as participants and using the conceptual framework of Humanizing Family Engagement. This framework is broad and inclusive of subsets and minoritized families.

Research is also needed to find ways for schools to implement educational and cultural awareness practices so that minority families do not feel alienated. The mothers in this study were educated and they communicated well in English. They were in the United States under positive circumstances. Despite these advantages, they felt somewhat alienated in their children’s schools. The emergent finding that despite all appearances to the contrary, the Saudis mothers felt alienated, obviously needs to be further explored. A further study might move beyond international families who are in the United States under highly positive conditions. For example, how do international families who are in the United States under negative circumstances experience alienation?

I intend to introduce the concept of family engagement to my home country of Saudi

Arabia when I return. I am a lecturer in the Education Department at Princess Noura University.

In consideration for implementing family engagement orientation when I return to KSA, I plan to create a course at the university to teach prospective teachers about family engagement. I am a certified trainer in Saudi Arabia and envision creating a workshop on family engagement.to present in educational environments for new teachers as well as for veteran teachers.

Another goal is to introduce family engagement to Saudi Arabia in practical ways other than to pursue the concept in academia. The influence of this research has already begun to impact engagement in a practical way in a school in Saudi Arabia. My family in Saudi Arabia has learned about my research topic of family engagement through many discussions on our

129 group app. One of my brothers has a four-year-old daughter in a private preschool. At this age, only mothers can attend school events with their children. Sometimes, my niece’s class took fieldtrips outside of school. My brother wanted to experience these trips with his daughter, but fathers were not permitted. Once, he decided to go to the site of the field trip so that he could observe his daughter from a distance. The school did not accept this, and the school staff told my brother that he could not be there. He told the school personnel that he had every right to be there to see his daughter. My brother continued to request to attend field trips, and the school finally enabled him to do so.

Usually in KSA, schools have special programs at the end of the academic year; mothers attend the programs for daughters, and fathers attend the programs for sons. In my brother’s daughter’s school, the mothers were the only parent who could attend such events. My brother often commented to the school that he thought fathers should be able to see their children perform. This particular school is a private school, and it is necessary for them to listen to what parents want. Recently, the children performed at a program at the school. Because of the persistence of my brother, the students performed twice. One performance was for the mothers, and the second performance was for the fathers. This was significant progress for engagement.

The private school setting would be the most receptive because parents are paying for high quality and progressive education.

Future research in Saudi Arabia regarding family engagement might focus on ways in which Saudi families would like to be engaged with their children’s education and schools. The

Saudi Ministry of Education has established a new path for education in KSA. In line with the

Vision 2030 set forth by Prince Mohammad Bin Salman, family participation has emerged as a

130 concept on which to build relationships between home and school. These changes in Saudi have opened the door for new research and implementation of family engagement in Saudi Arabia.

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Appendix A: Mother Interview Question

1. What activities take place from the time your child comes home from school until s/he

goes to sleep? What do you see as your role (s) in your child’s education?

2. What are the home practices in which you engage to support your child’s education?

Have your experiences engaging with US schools changed your home practices?

3. Have you been invited to engage in your child’s school? Did you feel welcomed in your

child’s school? If so, describe how you were welcomed in your child’s school? Give me

an example.

4. If you want to tell the teacher something about your child – how do you do it? Example?

5. What types of communication does the teacher use to inform you about your child?

(newsletters, email) How often do you check for this communication? How is it helpful

or not helpful?

a. Do you understand these types of communication? What form of communication

do you like best and why?

b. How is this way of communicating with families in the US different from Saudi

Arabia?

6. When your child has homework, do you do anything to support his/her work? Who is

involved in helping your child with their homework?

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Appendix B: Interview Timetable

Participants Dida Mona Nora Reem Dates October 8,2019 October 15 October3 October11,20 19 First Interview Where Coffee shop Coffee shop Mother’s Public Library house How long One hour Two hours and One hour Two hours half Dates November November November November 15, 2019 5,2019 7,2019 2,2019 Second Interview Where Mother’s house Coffee shop Coffee shop Food Court How long One hour Two hours One hour Two hours and Half Dates Due to December January January participant’s 12,2019 24,2020 8,2020 Third personal Interview Where circumstances, she Coffee shop Coffee shop Coffee shop How long had only 2 Two hours One hour Two hours individual interviews Focus Dates March 12, 2020 group Where Community center lounge How long Three hours

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Appendix C: Coding Example

Project/ Date Family Engagement on October 4, 2019 of Coding Date/ Thursday, Oct 3, 2019 Location Nora’s home Duration 0:59:46 Participants Nora, Ruba Associated Data Links 10/03 Interview- Nora’s Home.MP6:30

Time Code Data Code 0:30:01.9 R: Did you feel welcomed in your Welcoming child’s school? If so, how were you welcomed in your child’s school? N: Every time the principal sees me, she comes from her office and gives me a hug. The interaction and the hospitality are very unique. I have never felt that my presence is unacceptable or unwanted.

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