BLACK WOMEN ARE HUMAN BEINGS, NOT PROPERTY:

A FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE OF SPIKE LEE’S

1986 AND 2017 PRODUCTIONS OF SHE’S GOTTA HAVE IT

A Thesis

Presente to

The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron d

In Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

Tonya M. Johnson

, 2019

May BLACK WOMEN ARE HUMAN BEINGS, NOT PROPERTY:

A FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE OF SPIKE LEE’S

1986 AND 2017 PRODUCTIONS OF SHE’S GOTTA HAVE IT

Tonya M. Johnson

Thesis

Approved: Accepted:

______Advisor Dean of College Dr. Mary E. Triece Dr. Linda Subich

______Committee Member Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Kathleen D. Clark Dr. Chand Midha

______Committee Member Date Dr. Kathleen Endres

______School Director Dr. Heather Walter

ii ACKNOWLEDEGEMTS

This thesis has been a fulfilling journey that would not be possible without the love, support, and encouragement of a number of people. I would first like to acknowledge Dr. Mary Triece for her time and effort through this entire process. It was her passion for rhetoric that inspired me to explore research through a feminist perspective. Her wisdom was there to guide me through the periods I felt most defeated. I would also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Kathleen Clark and

Dr. Kathleen Endres for their guidance. Your fields of expertise have been extremely valuable to becoming a scholar.

It is with the deepest gratitude that I acknowledge The University of Akron

School of Communication. For the past five years, this program has helped me grow both intellectually and professionally. No matter where I reside in the future, I will forever be a proud Zip.

It is with greatest sincerity I acknowledge my friends and family for supporting me from the very beginning. First, I thank my friends. Not only were you there for entertainment and laughter, you were also there for words of encouragement. Second, I thank my mom and dad. In addition to being wonderful parents, they both have contributed immensely to my education. They are the reason why I am this woman today. Last, but far from least, I would like to thank my sister Alyvia. As her younger sister, she has been nothing less than an exceptional role model. Although she often acted like a second mom, she believed in me when I

iii couldn’t believe in myself. It is with this that I offer my token of sincere appreciation.

Completing this thesis and earning my Master’s degree of Communication is by far my greatest accomplishment. I could not have done it without the support, encouragement, and guidance from each of you. I will always be indebted. Thank you.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………………………………….. vi

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………………...…..1

II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE……………………………………………………………………7

Representations of Black Women in the Media………………………………..7

Perceptions of Black Beauty Standards…………………………………………..14

The Role of Colorism……………………………………………………………………..17

III. METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………………………………21

IV. ANALYSIS…………………………………………………………………………………………..30

She’s Gotta Have It Synopsis………………………………………………………….31

Black Beauty Standards…………………………………………………………………34

Controlling Black Images……………………………………………………………….48

Sexual Objectification of Black Female Form…………………………………..55

V. CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………………………………..63

REFERENCES………………………………………………………………………………………………..68

v LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

5.1 Clorinda Bradford………………………………………………………………………………36

5.2 Shemekka Epps & Daughter………….…………………………………………………….37

5.3 Shemekka Epps (edited)……………………………………………………………………..37

5.4 Nola Darling: 1986 film……………………………………………………………………....38

5.5 Nola Darling: 2017 series……………………………………………………………………38

vi CHAPTER

I

INTRODUCTION

“In every crisis there is a message. Crises are nature’s way of forcing change –

breaking down old structures, shaking loose negative habits so that

something new and better can take their place.”

--Susan L. Taylor

There is a wide swath of research conducted on the undermining of African-

American women within a White male-controlled society (Chen, Williams,

Hendrickson, & Chen, 2012; Collins, 1990; Davis, 1981; hooks, 1989, 1993; Jones &

Shorten-Gooden, 2003; Miller et al., 2008; White, 1985). However, the impact dominant ideology has on Black female beauty, experience, and sexuality in our culture and the Black community, in particular, is often underexplored.

Mainstream media are a central facilitator for how we conceptualize Black women in our culture. During the beginning stages of media, Blacks struggled to represent their own stories, beliefs, opinions and identities because Whites controlled the entertainment industry and chose what images of Blacks to portray

1 (Kulaszewicz, 2015). Luther, Ringer-Lepre, and Clark (2012) write in Diversity in

Mass Media that:

Throughout history the mass media, in various forms, have tended to support the power of the dominant group by presenting to the general public highly negative, emotion evoking images of minority groups. ( p. 322)

In the twenty-first century, Black producers and creators are finding more opportunity in the White-controlled media industry. Still, Mercer (1992) argues that even African-American producers and creators of shows that represent Black life are oftentimes confronted with two opposing forces: (1) the need to present positive images to counter historical representations that reinforced negative stereotypes, and (2) the desire to “keep it real” which inevitably includes both positive and negative aspects of the African-American experience (Cornwell & Orbe,

2002).

Like African-American producers and creators, Black women are gradually gaining more opportunities in film and television by being offered more substantial roles and parts. Shonda Rhimes’s 2012 Scandal and 2014 How To Get Away With

Murder leading characters Olivia Pope, played by Kerry Washington, and Annalise

Keating, played by Viola Davis, are both depicted as strong independent women with successful political careers. Characters like Olivia Pope and Annalise Keating ignite controversy by giving African-American women a great deal of political power and challenging the ideology of hegemonic masculinity.

Amid such controversy, there is still a surplus of television shows and films that reinforce dominant beliefs about race, class, and beauty (Bennett, 2014). A

Black woman’s experiences in the workplace, the complexities of her romantic life,

2 the challenges she faces as a mother, and her spiritual and religious practices are all ways in which a Black woman can be misunderstood or understood in her community. Many images of Black women in the media are portrayed as ghetto, criminals, buffoons, or even hypersexual beings (Jones & Shorten-Gooden, 2003).

These images can be negative, limiting and degrading and may also impact both how

Black women perceive themselves and how others see them as well.

Reality television shows like Love and Hip Hop, for example, portray the angry licentious Black woman who constantly devalues herself because she entertains conflict and drama. Reality shows like this are interpreted by viewers as influential to society’s perception of violent Black women in African-American communities. Furthermore, it serves as a formula of success for the network that problematically reinforces the stereotype of the “angry Black woman” (Goff, 2012).

As media culture has emerged and spectacles helped produce the fabric of everyday life (Kellner, 2003), television shows and films that offer insight into communities that are underrepresented have become more common.

Despite media content evolving with the interests of society, representations of Black women are still situated through long-standing ideologies that create and perpetuate negative stereotypes. Therefore, the production of oppressive imagery that highlights Black female beauty, experience, and sexuality in society remains entrenched in subordination. As Brooks and Jacobs (1996) write, attention must be given to television’s ability to promote antiessentialist and nonstereotypical images of African Americans (as cited in Orbe, 1998).

3 There is a significant gap in the literature that critically compares past and present representations of Black women in a White male-controlled society. Yet, there is an even greater gap in scholarship on portrayals of Black women within the

Black community, which are created and produced by their African-American counterparts. Thus, it is extremely important to explore how representations of

Black women are influenced by preexisting ideologies in our culture.

Shelton Jackson Lee, also known as Spike Lee, is an African-American film director, producer, writer, and actor in Hollywood today. He is well known for his iconic films that highlight complex messages surrounding Black experience and culture within a White male-controlled society. In 1986 Lee paved his way into the

American film industry with his feature film, She’s Gotta Have It. His work was notable for its revolutionary portrayal of Black female beauty, experience and sexuality in a system of interlocking race, gender, and class oppression.

The main character, Nola Darling, lives her life free-spiritedly while entertaining multiple significant others and attempting to experiment with monogamy. Darling finds that lessons in love can be enlightening, heart rending, but mostly exasperating. Thirty-one years later, Lee brought his work back to life in his

2017 Netflix series, She’s Gotta Have It. The newly revived Nola Darling has a bit of a different outlook on life with more empowerment and control over her life. Still juggling many partners, she declares herself a “sex positive, polyamorous, pansexual who is not amused with the thought of a monogamous relationship.”

Similar to Lee’s film Chiraq, the content in both past and present She’s Gotta

Have It artifacts underscores the perception that women exert a great deal of

4 influence within their relationships, households, and communities because of their physical attractiveness (Layman, 2017). Rather than give men the power to construct women’s identities, Lee’s work attempts to place Nola’s character in the dominant role by giving her authority over her own social scripting. Simultaneously, portrayals of Nola and other Black female characters in the story convey multifaceted messages that contradict their resistance towards dominant ideology.

In 2019, women of color are still fighting to be active agents in defining their own life experiences. Further examination of this topic is crucial because mass- mediated images of Black women are deeply ingrained and perpetuated within our culture. If media begins to depict more Black women who exert ultimate control over their identities, we can work to eliminate oppressive representations that undermine Black female experiences in society. Thus, in order for viewers to interpret whether media portrayals of Black women have been amended over time, this critical analysis will work to explore complex messages that emerge from both and present She’s Gotta Have It artifacts.

Specifically, this study will juxtapose portrayals of Black female beauty, sexuality, and experience by examining issues of gender, race, and class. Utilizing the lens of a rhetorical feminist perspective, this analysis will work to compare and critique the 31-year-old evolution between Lee’s 1986 film and his 2017 Netfix series She’s Gotta Have It. In doing so, this thesis is in a position to answer the following research questions: How have images and narratives that represent

African-American women in film and television evolved over the past 30 years?

Specifically, how do Spike Lee’s film and television series She’s Gotta Have It

5 challenge and/or reinforce dominant ideology that undermines Black female beauty, experience and their sexuality?

The overarching purpose of this study is to mobilize Black feminism in order to deconstruct how She’s Gotta Have It’s story line paradoxically challenges and/or reinforces misogynistic and stereotypical understandings of Black women.

Continuing to analyze and critique the portrayals of women of color in the media is vital because shows and films starring African-American actors and actresses are very popular amongst Black viewers (Abrams, 2012). These negative depictions of

Black women in media continue to affect the way Black people, as well as American society, values, identifies and idealizes Black women in general (Francois, 2012).

This study begins with a review of literature of concepts and theories regarding the representation of Black women in the media. By approaching these issues with a feminist perspective, this thesis explores the societal constructions of

Black women’s experiences and sexualities in a White male dominated culture.

Through a comparative analysis of the evolution between the 1986 film She’s Gotta

Have It and the 2017 Netflix series She’s Gotta Have It, this study assesses the representation of women of color in the Black community. Lastly, it examines the public delivery of images and messages that challenge and/or reinforce the prevailing stereotypes of African American women in film and television.

6 CHAPTER

II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE Although African-American women have been granted entry into the entertainment industry, their characters are often drawn in a way that reinforces negative stereotypes. The following review of literature includes scholarly research that examines the historical and contemporary representations of Black women in film and television, the perceptions of Black beauty that are situated in dominant ideology, and an explanation of Black feminist thought in relation to the media. In doing so, a comparative analysis was conducted to explore the 30- year-old evolution between Lee’s She’s Gotta Have It original film and the Netflix series.

Lastly, after deconstructing the comparison between these two artifacts, this thesis specifically explores She’s Gotta Have Its use of Black female characters who reinforce and/or pose a challenge to stereotypical caricatures of Black women in the film and television industry.

Representations of Black Women in the Media

Many communication scholars have thoroughly critiqued and analyzed the limiting media representations of African-American women within a dominant culture (Chen, Williams, Hendrickson, & Chen, 2012; Collins, 1990; Davis, 1981;

7 Francois, 2012; Gray, 1995; Hall, 2003; hooks, 1989, 1993; Jones & Shorten-Gooden,

2003; Layman, 2017; Miller et al., 2008; White, 1985).

From the beginning of the Black woman’s existence in America she has been summoned to a life of oppression. Francois (2012) argues “the despicable imprisonment of African slaves in every way, especially physically and mentally, still affects Black American values, identities and ideologies to this day” (p. 3). The slave era was only the beginning of Black women’s’ identities being measured and controlled within the hegemonic order that defines America. Identifying as both

Black and female left Black women powerless, voiceless, and vulnerable against not only the dominant culture, but within her own culture as well.

Jones and Shorten-Gooden (2003) expound upon this idea and observe,

“while most people of color, and African Americans in particular are perceived through a distorted lens, Black women are routinely defined by a specific set of grotesque caricatures that are reductive, inaccurate, and unfair” (p. 3). Francois

(2012) reinforces this by arguing that “stereotypes of Black women in media have affected the way Black people, as well as American society, values, identifies and idealizes Black women in general” (p. 3). These labels have become embedded in humans in a way that can shape the perceptions of what is considered attractive or unattractive and socially acceptable or unacceptable in American culture. Stuart

Hall, in his book Representation: Cultural Representation and Signifying Practices, defines stereotypes as follows:

Stereotypes get hold of the few ‘simple, vivid memorable, easily grasped and widely recognized’ characteristics about a person, reduce everything about the person to those traits, exaggerate and simplify them, and fix them without change or development to eternity. (1997, p. 268)

8 Mass media play a significant role in continuing to facilitate these negative depictions of Black women by creating a message that can easily manipulate people’s attitude and opinions. The representations of Black women on television are located within relations of power that limit the realm of possibilities for women of color (Gray, 1995). Juxtaposed against the overarching normalization of

Whiteness in media, the controlling images of Black women in particular are highlighted in the following sections.

Patricia Hill Collins (1990) analyzes the objectification of how Black women are portrayed in society in her book Black Feminist Thought. She claims that “race, class, and gender oppression could not continue without powerful ideological justifications for Black women’s’ existence”(p. 70). The slave era dated portrayal of

African-American women as stereotypical “mammies, matriarchs, welfare recipients, and hot mommas, and has been essential to the political economy of domination fostering Black women’s oppression” (Collins, 1990, p. 70). These controlling images are viewed as a way to justify racism, sexism, and poverty amongst Black women as normal in society. In order to relate the importance of the generalized ideological perception of Black women in the media; these four controlling images must be investigated and understood.

The mammy. The first controlling image described in Collin’s text is the mammy. Since the early 1900s, the mammy has been one of the strongest stereotypical portrayals of Black women in mass media (Chen, Williams,

Hendrickson, & Chen, 2012). When applied to African-American women, the mammy is defined as the faithful, obedient domestic servant. Collin’s states, “created

9 to justify the economic exploitation of house slaves as sustained to explain Black women’s long-standing restriction to domestic service, the mammy image represents the normative yardstick used to evaluate all Black women’s behavior” (p.

71). Jesse Parkhurst (1938) describes the mammy as follows:

The ‘Black Mammy’ was a household servant who generally had specific duties to perform. These were mainly connected with the care of the children of the family, thus relieving the mistress of all the drudgery work connected with childcare. When these duties were not pressing which meant that, when the children were large enough to be able to help take care of themselves, she assisted mistress in household tasks. Her sphere of influence widened with years of her service. She was next to the mistress in authority and ‘bossed’ everyone and everything in the household. (p. 384)

The mammy holds a special role in relations to elite White power because she caters to the needs of the White family more than she does her own. Tyler Perry’s

2012 film, Madea’s Witness Protection, is an example of the mammy stereotype. In the film, Madea plays the role of the mammy when she is given the option to either serve jail time for her run-ins with the law or to provide an open- house to a

Caucasian family who is in need of witness protection. Choosing not to spend another night in jail, Madea takes in the family and is left to help with disciplining the White family’s disobedient children. Milloy (2009) argued that Madea reminds

Blacks of scars from years of oppression. The matriarch is usually a grossly overweight, large-breasted woman who is desexualized, maternal, and nonthreatening to White people, but who may also be aggressive toward men (G.M.

Chen, Williams, Hendrickson, & L. Chen, 2012). Although Madea is not portrayed as silent or obedient, she displays maternal instincts that identify her as a protector.

10 The matriarch. The second controlling image pinned against black women is the matriarch. Sewell (2012) claims that, “while the icon of the mammy looked at the Black woman from a point of view closely related to slavery, the Matriarch takes the Black female outside of the white home and looks at her life with children and possibly a husband” (p. 28). Even though the mammy has her own family, her depiction symbolizes what is known as the “bad” mother figure in Black homes.

Black women are supposed to cook, clean, and take care of their children. The idea of them doing anything less, labels them as a bad mother figure. Collins notes,

“spending too much time away from home, these working mothers ostensibly cannot properly supervise their children and are a major contributing factor to their child’s failure in life” (p. 74).

Lorraine Hansberry presents the matriarchal stereotype clearly in the play, A

Raisin in the Sun. The Mama, Mrs. Lena Younger, is depicted as the matriarch in her family. She possesses absolute devotion to her family and selflessly makes financial decisions to ensure their security. Instead of spending her late husband’s insurance money on herself, Mama decides the best way to safeguard her family is to move them to a house where they can escape the tensions that plague them. Like many mothers, Mama’s reasons for existence are her family. This play exhibits the historical roots of the Black matriarch as she attempts to shield her children from and to prepare them to accept the prejudices of the White world. Collins (1990) argues further that in continually reinforcing the idea that Black women have failed to pull themselves up by their boot-straps media has fostered the creation of this

11 “controlling image of the welfare other” and continually stigmatizes her as “the cause of her own poverty and that of the African-American communities” (p.77).

The welfare mother. The third controlling image of Black womenhood studied by Collins is the welfare mother, which was introduced post World War II.

According to Collins (1990), “this image provides an ideological justification for efforts to harness Black women’s fertility to the needs of a changing political economy” (p. 7). She remarks that the image of the welfare mother fulfills this function because by its label the fertility of women who are not white and middle class becomes dangerous to the values and beliefs of our country. Welfare mothers are viewed as breeding animals who have no desire to work, but are content to live off the government. The image of the welfare mother thus provides ideological justification for the dominant group’s interest in limiting the fertility of Black mothers who are seen as producing too many economically unproductive children

(Davis, 1981).

In society, Black mothers are upheld to a standard of being able to fully nurture the needs of her family, while holding an occupational position. Collins

(1990) argues that in continually reinforcing the idea that Black women have failed to pull themselves up by their boot-straps, media have fostered the creation of this

“controlling image of the welfare mother” and continually stigmatizes her as “the cause of her own poverty and that of the African-American communities” (p.77). As welfare queens, Black women are positioned as “a costly threat to political and economic stability” and heterosexual marriage because she is portrayed as a women living alone with her children (Collins, 1990, p. 76-77).

12 The welfare mother image stigmatizes African-American women by classifying her as a lazy woman of color. The 2009 film Precious is an ideal example for this controlling image by reaffirming in every respect the most undesirable stereotypes of the welfare mother. The character played by Mo’ Nique can easily be perceived as one of the worst mothers. Her character depicts Black women on welfare to be cruel ugly monsters. The character Precious played by Gabourey

Sidibe supports the role of Mo’Nique as a daughter who is illiterate, obese, and 16 years giving birth.

The Jezebel. The fourth controlling image – the Jezebel, whore, or sexually aggressive woman – is central in this nexus of elite white male images of Black womanhood because efforts to control Black women’s sexuality lie at the heart of

Black women’s oppression (Collins, 1990). Jezebel’s function was to relegate all

Black women to the category of sexually aggressive women, thus providing a powerful rationale for the widespread sexual assaults by white men typically reported by Black slave women (Davis 1981; hooks, 1981; D. White, 1985). In the

1800s, Sarah Bartmann, also known as the “Hottentot Venus,” was treated as an animal, being exploited and displayed at side shows in Europe, for her exotic features (Brooks, 2004). Since Bartmann’s time, Black women are still objectified for their bodily shape features, with the only difference being a source of income. Ice

Cube co-produced the 1998 film The Players Club starring actress Lisa Raye as an exotic dancer. Raye’s character goes by the stage name Diamond and performs in an

Atlanta Strip Joint known as The Players Club. While dancing and entertaining hundreds of different men, Diamond uses her body as a way to put herself through

13 college and raise her son. Layman (2017) states, “As Black women’s bodies are sexualized, objectified, and dehumanized across media, the meaning attached to their bodies seeps into societal perceptions of Black women” (p. 14).

Controlling images and stereotypical perceptions places Black women in a never-ending limbo in society. As Jones and Shorter-Gooden (2003) state:

If a Black woman is strong, she cannot be beautiful and she cannot be feminine. If she takes a menial job to put food on the table and send her children to school, she must not be intelligent. If she is able to keep her family together and see her children to success, she must be tough and unafraid. If she is able to hold her head high in spite of being sexually harassed or accosted, she must be oversexed or promiscuous. If she travels the globe, she must be ferrying drugs rather than simply trying to see the world. (p. 23)

In a myriad of White male dominant perspectives, Black women characters have come a long way within the film and television industry. However, there are still many challenges they face.

Perceptions of Black Beauty Standards

Physical appearance is extremely important in Western cultures. Many theorists have explored the unjust representation of Black and White beauty in media based on the dominant ideology of beauty standards (Brooks, 2004; Collins,

1990; hooks, 1989; Perkins, 1996). While both races are unfairly depicted, there is substantially less research addressing how Black beauty is marginalized in Western civilization. In addition, very limited research examines women of color and their experiences within the dominant beauty standard. Although Black women have been left out of research, various research findings on western standards of beauty consist of White participants, in which results are often generalized to “all women”

(Zinn, 1990). Historically, as well as in contemporary society, White males who

14 uphold and perpetuate Eurocentric perspectives determine the ideal of beauty for women (Perkins, 1996). These fabrications of beauty standards and practices depicted in media are major influences on continued oppression amongst Black women.

Perkins (1996) explores the role television images play in African-American women’s perceptions of their own physical attractiveness. She writes that:

The African-American female, existing in a society where White males define beauty, faces a unique set of challenges. If the much sought after “all American” beauty is blond haired, blue eyed, and thin, most women of any race are immediately excluded from what is considered to be “beautiful”. Although the Black female is held to the same sexist, unrealistic beauty standards as the White female, due to her immutable racial characteristics – color, hair texture, bone structure – she has little to no hope of achieving these ideals. (p. 454)

To expound on this theory, Bartky (1990) claims that beauty ideals represent culturally prescribed and endorsed “looks” that incorporate various features of the human face and body, and thus define the standards for physical attractiveness with a culture. For African American women, literature is replete with female characters that despair over their skin color, hair texture, and broad physical features (Perkins,

1996).

According to Zones (2000), at any given time and place, there are fairly

“uniform and widely understood models of how particular groups of individuals

‘should’ look” (p. 87). It has been observed that White women have a uniform notion of what “beauty” should be (Parker et al., 1995), and their conception of beauty tends to match the culturally popular images of women in mainstream media (Wolf,

1991). However, Black women are less likely to hold uniform notions of beauty, and

15 are more likely to describe beauty in terms of personality traits rather than physical ones (Landrine, Klonoff & Brown-Collins, 1992; Parker et al., 1995). Perceptions of the cultural standard of beauty add a variety of dimensions to the beauty standard that are often overlooked.

The proliferation of mass media in the 1920s, and throughout the 20th century, ensured the perpetuation of standardized beauty ideals, and the homogenization of Western culture (Calogero, Boroughs & Thompson, 2007). With various forms of mass media, Black women’s bodies continue to reinforce stereotypical images that are recognizable to the dominant public. According to

Schuman, Steeh and Bobo (1985), the manner in which Black women are presented in the media has important effects on the attitudes and behavior of the American public towards Blacks, as well as reflect the degree to which society is willing to accept Blacks into the mainstream. These images may take the form of what Collins

(1990) describes as controlling images: the mammy, the matriarch, the welfare mother, and the jezebel. Brooks (2004) claims that all of these controlling images are linked to sexuality and reproduction; so Black women’s bodies become a site of struggle in which they must fight to control their own bodies. Brooks (2004) thus argues that Black women may either choose to reject these stereotypical representations or embrace the stereotype already familiar to the dominant culture.

The prevalence of idealized images of Black women’s bodies throughout history and across media provides the clearest evidence of their pervasive objectification. “A person is sexually objectified when her sexual parts or sexual functions are separated out from the rest of her personality and reduced to the

16 status of mere instruments or else regarded as if they were capable of representing her” (Bartky, 1990, p. 26).

Today, many Black reality television stars and entertainers are getting plastic surgery to enhance certain features on their bodies, such as the buttocks or breasts, to appear more exotic. Richins (1991) studied the short-term effects of advertising stimuli consisting of highly attractive models used in advertising targeted at young women. Her results suggest “idealized images raised comparison standards for attractiveness and lowered satisfaction with one’s own attractiveness” (p. 71). The little Black girls and Black women who idolize these television stars and entertainers may pay attention to these celebrities and assume there is something wrong with their own appearance.

The Role of Colorism

According to Mathews (2013), there is an existing standard of beauty characterized by skin complexion amongst African-American women, which creates the framework for cultural identity, inclusion, mobility, and social acceptance. The term “colorism” was coined in 1982 by American novelist, poet, and activist Alice

Walker. The original concept devised by Walker (1983) describes colorism as the

“prejudicial or preferential treatment of same-race people based solely on their color” (p. 290). Colorism transpires when groups of individuals, with a darker complexion, are discriminated against in methodical ways on the sole basis of his or her skin pigmentation. Amongst the Black community, African Americans with lighter skin complexions have been favored over their darker skin counterparts.

17 The epidemic of colorism can be traced back to the 17th century when slavery became institutionalized in Western Civilization. White slave owners, without consent, raped African-American women resulting in the reproduction of lighter skinned slaves or Mullatos (Mathews, 2013). These sexual behaviors led to generations of lighter skinned Mullatos who resembled features of their masters.

Laws and customs that defined Mullatos and their relationship to whiteness stemmed from the phenomenon “passing” for white (Nakayama & Martin, 1999).

Complementary to the ounce of white blood instilled in Mullatos, light-skinned slaves were granted the “privilege” to work as house servants, while the dark- skinned slaves were forced to do field labor (Brown, Gillem, Robbins & Lafleur,

2003). Although light-skinned Blacks worked in the house, while dark-skinned

Blacks worked in the field, the assigned location of chores did not change the fact that the color of skin still classified each as a slave in a white supremacy world.

Many scholars believe that the classifications of dark-skinned Blacks and light-skinned Blacks during slavery instituted the divide within the Black community today (Hill, 2002; Hunter; 1998, Mathews, 2013; Nakayama & Martin,

1999). Hill (2002) claims that the institution of slavery was justified by a belief system that whiteness meant superior to all and any person with white genes was considered all that is civilized and beautiful. Thus, blackness signified shame, immorality, and unpleasantness (Mathews, 2013).

Hill (2002) and Hunter (1998) also point out, in present day, that colorism affects Black women more than Black men, particularly in the areas of beauty, mate selection, and self-esteem. Beauty provides women with status that can lead to

18 advances in employment, education, and the marriage market (Hunter, 2005). Light skin color, as an indicator of beauty, can operate as a form of social capital for women (Hunter, 2002). Different media outlets all contribute to the challenges dark-skinned women face.

Media, such as television and film, feature white women with blond hair as not only the cultural ideal, but the cultural imperative (Hunter, 2005). The rewards for having lighter skin have opened the door for opportunities for darker complexioned African-American women to alter their appearance toward whiteness. According to Hunter (2002), “they can purchase lighter-colored contact lenses for their eyes; they can straighten kinky or curly hair; they can have cosmetic surgeries on their lips, noses, or eyes” to make themselves “more White” (p. 4).

Skin color continues to shape Black women’s lives in powerful ways in society. Hunter (2002) believes that people with dark skin tones continue to pay a price for their color, and the light skinned continue to benefit from their association with whiteness. Thus the institution of slavery may have officially ended in 1865; but the importance of “lightness” and “darkness” has remained entrenched in society. If society continues to structure White dominant ideologies, colorism will continue to operate.

This literature review addresses scholarship on topics of representation in media, controlling images, sexualities, and physical appearances in terms of colorism for African-American women. To provide insight into how the depictions of

Black women function in culture and how this rhetorical strategy influences the continuation of their oppression, this thesis will examine which rhetorical

19 approaches to consider when analyzing Spike Lee’s 1986 film and 2017 Netflix series She’s Gotta Have It. This thesis will expand on previous studies conducted on representations of women in media by examining the themes and images in the rhetoric of both artifacts. Specifically, there will be an analysis of portrayals of race and gender roles in film and television series of Black women.

In this thesis rhetorical feminist criticism in popular culture is further explored to answer the research questions as followed. How have images and narratives that represent African-American women in film and television evolved over the past 30 years? Specifically, how do Spike Lee’s film and television series

She’s Gotta Have It challenge or reinforce dominant views that objectify Black women and their sexuality?

20 CHAPTER

III

METHOD This chapter explains the methodology used to examine the 1986 film She’s

Gotta Have It and the 2017 Netflix series She’s Gotta Have It. This section will also highlight specific scenes and characters that will be discussed in more depth in the analysis.

In order to discuss how Black women are depicted in both the film and television series She’s Gotta Have It, this thesis will use a rhetorical feminist critical approach. Rhetoric is the study of the ways in which humans use symbols for the purpose of communicating with one another (Foss, 2004). According to rhetorical critic Barry Brummett (2006), rhetoric in popular culture can be defined as “the ways in which signs influence people” (p. 4). The use of language through symbols creates messages designed to influence our attitudes, morals, beliefs, values, etc. The study of rhetoric is not concerned with the creator’s intent to deliver a specific message to their audience; rather critics use rhetoric to explore messages and find meaning in them.

Foss and Griffin (1999) points to the idea that “scholars of rhetoric, because they seek to discover how and to what degree our rhetoric constructs our worlds, are constantly reminded of the truism that theories provide particular perspectives on the data they organize and present” (p. 330). It is a rhetorician’s job to dissect

21 the meanings derived from the text and to discover how those meanings operate within our culture. Brummett (2006) claims “because texts can mean different things, they are often sites of struggle over meaning” (p. 91). He further points out that “the critical scholar must be prepared to dig into texts, to think about the ways that people are influenced as well as entertained, informed, and so forth by the texts” (p. 96). The complexity of interpreting the meaning behind a text and understanding the ways in which texts influence our view of the world is what makes the study of rhetoric worth exploration.

Furthermore, the modernization of the digital age and popular culture has contributed to the obstacles of discovering meaning within a text. Texts, for example film and television, “wield rhetorical influence because the meanings that they support” (Brummett, 2006, p. 91). In considering film and television as two primary forms of texts, it is important to understand how media culture influences dominant ideology, and vice versa. Hall (1981) uses the term ideology as “referring to those images, concepts and premises which provide the frameworks through which we represent, interpret, understand, and make sense of some aspect of social existence”

(p. 89). Individuals make ideological statements; however, ideologies are not the product of individual consciousness (Hall, 1981). Dominant ideologies denote the attitudes, values, morals, and beliefs that are collectively formulated by the majority of people within our society.

Revisiting Brummett’s claim that “texts are sites of struggle” further supports media culture and dominant ideology reciprocally influencing one another. Meaning derived from texts on film and television reinforce dominant ideology. Struggles

22 occur when such meanings challenge the already existing beliefs, moral, values, etc.

Brummett (2010) points out that:

Texts do not occur in a vacuum, nor are they “read” in one. An important part of being rhetorical exists in relation to some problem or situation. In other words, signs influence people for a purpose, to some end, in some context. Questions arise, that of what causes people to construct texts, as well as who is influenced by the texts, why they are influenced, and under what circumstances. (p. 93)

Therefore, popular texts require special attention from media critics (Hurt,

2007). When a “series and characters resonate with audiences to the degree that many recently have,” critics should “explore what is in these texts with an eye for their complexity instead of quickly dismissing them as part of a hegemonic, patriarchal, capitalist system” (Lotz, 2001, p. 114). Critics are given the task of assisting the world in understanding the meaning behind a text or artifact. By assisting, critics may expose the population to possible manipulations and intervene in order to “change the world for the better” (Brummett, 2006, p. 99). Kellner

(1995) suggests that critics analyze:

Texts in terms of actual struggles within contemporary culture and society situating ideological analysis within existing socio-political debates and conflicts rather than just in relation to some supposedly monolithic dominant ideology, or some model of mass culture that is simply equated with ideological manipulation or domination per se. (p. 103)

Following his suggestions Kellner later states, “learning how to read, criticize, and resist sociocultural manipulation can thus help empower one in relation to dominant forms of media culture (Kellner, 2009, p. 6). Although Kellner is referring to media critics, feminist critics often examine texts within the sphere of media

23 studies and embrace similar tasks. Both media and feminist rhetoricians examine underlying ideologies in texts. Feminist critical thinking particularly focuses on the gender inequality of men and women in today’s industrialized economies

(Brummett, 2006). According to Steeves (1987), the aim of feminist theories is to understand the origins and nature of women’s universal devaluation in society.

Specifically, feminist theory centers on issues of gender equality for all, explanations for women’s oppression, and proposed solutions for the elimination of women’s oppression (Tong, 2009).

Feminist theory helps promote a society that is more mindful of the social and political implications of “gender role stereotyping in popular media discourse”

(Watkins & Emerson, 2000, p. 152). Feminist critics have set out to identify, expose, and subvert the longstanding gender stereotypes that have been used to separate women from power. Furthermore, feminist rhetorical critics maintain that there is a male-dominant system of power, called patriarchy, ingrained in society, and feminist critics are “on the outlook for such denigrating use of language and images across texts of popular culture” (Brummett, 2006, p. 174). According to Brummett

(2006), feminist critics also “examine texts to discover sources of female empowerment, to explore ways in which inequalities may be refused and overthrown” (p. 171). Thus, feminist politics isn’t just about critiquing, but is foremost about implementing social change (Watkins & Emerson, 2000).

The patriarchal system that constructs a male dominance over women is evident in society, however, there is an existing assumption that the experiences of

White women are a representation of the lives of all women. Many feminist scholars

24 undermine such claims that Black women and White women have led similar life experiences (hooks, 1984; Collins, 1990; King, 1988; Crenshaw, 1989). According to bell hooks, this ideal of gender solidarity is built upon an assumption of sameness that is supported by the idea that there exists a common oppression of patriarchy around which women must rally (1984). hooks later claims:

In America, the social status of Black and White women has never been the same. Although they were both subjected to sexist victimization, as victims of racism Black women were subjected to oppressions no White woman was forced to endure. In fact, White racial imperialism granted all White women, however victimized by sexist oppression they might be, the right to assume the role of oppressor in relationship to Black women and Black men. (1989, p. 122)

Collins’ view in her book Black Feminist Thought follows the general standpoint of arguing that a subordinate group not only experiences a different reality than a group that rules, but a subordinate group may interpret that reality differently than a dominant group. This emphasizes the society’s connection between how a Black woman operates in society, in addition to how she and others perceive her experience. Yet, portrayals of Black women’s experiences are often times non-existent or negatively represented in mainstream media.

Thus, the representations of women of color in media can benefit from further exploration. It is for the limited amount of existing literature that this thesis will work to better understand how Black women are depicted in media. While it is important to explore the ways in which popular culture provides empowerment to all women, it remains important to study the portrayals of gender, race and women in popular culture through a critical lens. In order to help fill in the gap in research on the representation of Black women in media, this thesis will go a step further to

25 address both gender and race as characteristics that limit economic status. By taking a Black feminist approach, this research analysis seeks to explain how texts can be

“sites of struggle over meaning” when considering oppressed groups in society.

As demonstrated in previous literature, it can be argued that Black women have long been negatively stereotyped in film and television. Meanings generated through mediated images shape how we understand women of color. According to

Watkins and Emerson (2000), girls and women continue to struggle against sexist and male bias that saturates television and often excludes the female point of view.

Film and television images are located within and draw from larger historical context characterized by stereotypes such as the controlling images Patricia Collins examines in Black Feminist Thought which include mammies, matriarchs, welfare mothers, and jezebels. The meaning behind texts that reinforces dominant culture, the socialization of consumers, the influence within popular culture, and the ideological learning of cultural systems, has the power to solidify the continuation of oppression Black women face. According to Rabinovitz, “The feminist television spectator still remains a prisoner in her own home – both the subject and object of television’s efforts to capture her as one of its ultimate trophies” (1989, p. 17).

To discuss how a rhetorical feminist and racial perspective is used when film and television operates within a context, this thesis will work to explore the meanings derived from Spike Lee’s 1986 film She’s Gotta Have It and the 2017

Netflix series She’s Gotta Have It through an analysis. Lee’s work will be analyzed in three different sections in order to explain how the context is influenced by societal and cultural values and how these values alter representations of Black women.

26 The 2017 Netflix series attempts to recreate the storyline from Lee’s 1986 original film, which calls attention to racial tensions and social injustice. Both narratives center on the life of Protagonist Nola Darling and the experiences she faces as a Black woman living in America. Three years after the construction of traditional Nola character, the series narrative continues to explore her struggle to divide time between career, friends and relationships. However, different from the film, viewers of the series reboot are introduced to the life experiences of additional

Black female characters. For example, the character of Shemekka Epps is introduced. Shemekka’s character addresses issues related to Black female insecurities regarding their body physique. There is also the character of Clorinda

Bradford who presents the ongoing challenge of colorism in the African-American community. Clorinda represents the advantages of Black women with light-skinned

European features. There is a clear distinction in past and present portrayals of

Black women in film and television.

The film and series are two different forms of communication that gain the attention of slightly different audiences. For this analysis, I have chosen to focus primarily on the series use of Black female narratives to address issues that are relevant to today. First, this thesis will discuss Black beauty standards within

Western civilization by exploring portrayals of beauty that emerge from the story’s use of Black female narratives. Specifically, I will analyze the relationships amongst the Clorinda, Shemekka, and Nola characters. By exploring how each of these Black female characters are situated in ideal standards of beauty, viewers can interpret whether their narratives are hegemonic or counter hegemonic.

27 Second, I will examine dialogue amongst Black female characters and their male counterparts in the show. This section of the analysis uses Patricia Hill Collins’ study of controlling images as a guide to determine the ways in which Black women characters are identified throughout the artifacts. I will begin by analyzing portrayals of three different Black controlling images that appear in the story: the mammy, the matriarch, and the jezebel.

Lastly, I will address issues of sexual objectification by examining portrayals of Nola’s sexuality. Specifically, I will analyze Nola’s relationship between her three male lovers and her female lover. There is more than one reason why I chose to critique these relationships. Primarily, I find it interesting that Nola

Darling’s narrative is situated through sexual objectification. In addition, Lee’s work offers multifaceted issues that viewers can explore using Black female narratives. By examining She’s Gotta Have It’s discourse, we can better determine the ways in which Black female characters are objectified. The dialogue and imagery that depict

Nola’s relationships with both men and women are a good example of how media, and the creator, uses artifacts to portray Black women’s experience. Through an examination of scenes and discourse depicted in Lee’s work, my analysis seeks to understand how Black women are perceived in a White controlled society. The analysis takes a feminist perspective approach in order to answer the following research question: How do Spike Lee’s film and television series She’s Gotta Have It challenge or reinforce dominant views that objectify Black women and their sexuality?

28 Lastly, the final step in this analysis is a comparison of the 30-year evolution between the 1986 film and the 2017 Netflix series. I seek to understand the ways in which the portrayals of Black women were depicted in the past and how they are currently being represented in media today. Specifically, I address whether or not Spike Lee’s characterizations of Black women have challenged dominant ideology of Black women’s experience and sexualities over time. In addition, I also seek to understand how the narration of Black female characters in both artifacts is situated in issues that oppress a Black female experience. Thus, this layer of the analysis discusses specific issues of Black beauty standards, sexuality, and images that control Black women. By addressing these issues, this analysis will also answer the following research question: How have images and narratives that represent

African American women in film and television evolve over a course of 30 years?

29 CHAPTER

IV

There has been an increase in roles and greater diversity of ANALYSIS Black female narratives in media since characters like Mammy from Gone With The Wind or

Louise Beavers from Beulah. Yet, there are still very few portrayals of Black women in film and television constructed to challenge dominant perceptions. American film producer Shelton Jackson (Spike) Lee is one who has used his work to illuminate the

Afro-American experience. As cited in Simmonds (1988) , Film and Filming concluded in a review of Lee’s work that:

Only time will tell if he is going to make it as a mainstream American filmmaker. But if he does, and can do it without comprising, then he won’t only become the first important Black film-maker America has produced, but the first of any color, to tell it as it really is in Black America. (Film and Filming, 1987, p. 43)

Nearly a decade after this review, theorist McPhail (1996) stated, “Spike

Lee’s films have been both praised and condemned by critics of all persuasions, but most have argued that his presentation of the African-American experience offers a positive alternative to the negative images produced by an industry dominated by controlled Whites” (p. 225). Furthermore, McPhail argued that “critics, however, have looked beyond the surface of Lee’s films to suggest that his version of Black life is not necessarily representative of the African American experience, and that his

30 realism is essentially no less problematic than that promulgated in mainstream media” (McPhail, 1996).

The purpose of this rhetorical feminist critique is to thoroughly investigate representations of Black women and their sexualities as depicted in Spike Lee’s

She’s Gotta Have It. By examining the evolution between the 1986 film and the 2017

Netflix series, this critical analysis works to better understand how portrayals of

Black female characters are situated in patriarchal ideology that defines Black women’s experiences. Specifically, I examine the use of imagery and dialogue depicted in She’s Gotta Have It to answer the following research questions:

1). How have images and narratives that represent African American women in film and television evolved over the past 30 years?

2). Specifically, how do Spike Lee’s film and television series She’s Gotta Have

It challenge or reinforce dominant views that objectify Black women and their sexuality.

This critical analysis consists of three sections: Black Beauty Standards,

Controlling Black Images, and Sexual Objectification of Black Female Form. Before we get to the main points, this study provides a brief overview of the story line for

Lee’s She’s Gotta Have It.

She’s Gotta Have It Synopsis

Lee’s groundbreaking 1986 movie She’s Gotta Have It conveys complex messages of African-American experience, particularly Black women. Simmonds

31 (1988) argues that in various ways its use of black and white photography, direct address to camera and the combination of an all-Black cast gives She’s Gotta Have It the air of being different, and a more acceptable film about Black women’s experiences in America. Although the film was considered ahead of its time, it draws on issues that continue to affect Black women today. As a result, Lee’s 1980’s classic was recreated in a modernized 2017 Netflix series. While there are few apparent changes between the original and the reboot, She’s Gotta Have It’s message has remained the same over time.

The romantic comedy tells the story of a young beautiful African-American female artist living in Brooklyn, New York. Protagonist Nola Darling is an ambitious loveable, free spirit who struggles to balance her multiple relationships, work, and adult life. Nola’s opening monologue introduces us to her story. She emerges herself as a character to be reckoned with and despises putting labels on her unique way of life. “I consider myself abnormal. But who wants to be like everybody else,” she states.

In many ways, representations of Nola’s narrative complicate patriarchal views of Black female experience and sexuality. She identifies as a sexually fluid person and does not believe in society’s limitations of a specific gender or the number of sexual partners one should have. “You know, I don’t believe in labels, but as a sex-positive polyamorous pansexual, words like ‘monogamy’ and ‘family’ have never even seemed like a remote possibility,” series Nola argues.

She shares herself physically and mentally with three beaus: Jamie

Overstreet, the rich, suave, and married businessman; Greer Childs, the self-

32 absorbed, vain but cultured model; and Mars Blackmon, the comical yet immature wild child with no career. In addition to her three lovers, Nola has a lesbian friend named Opal Gilstrap who also shows interest. In the film, Opal tries a considerable number of times to become more than friends, but Nola shows resistance to the idea of experimenting. Distinct from the original, the series introduces the now millennial Nola as more sexually explorative. What was once just a lesbian friend, is now Nola’s fourth companion.

All four partners are made aware of Nola’s polygamous approach, but show discomfort in her decisions to simultaneously entertain them all. An ongoing competition between Nola’s beaus, specifically the males, is depicted as they each attempt to become her one and only. Yet, all three men are shown using control as a way to get Nola to commit. They each feel entitled to tell Nola who she ought to be and how she ought to live. Jamie wants to give her security; Greer wants to give her himself; and Mars wants to give her someone to confide in. However, none of them take the time to consider what Nola wants.

Nola may not know herself exactly what she wants in life, but she is certain that it doesn’t involve someone else controlling anything about her, especially her sexuality. She is attracted to the best characteristics in each of her relationships and refuses to commit to anyone. Thus, She’s Gotta Have It reveals a seductive case study in power dynamics. The core of Nola’s story and the symbolism that is to be explored from her emotional travails is really about the redistribution of authority, and the reimagining of female desire as something entangled, impulsive, and ideologically liberated.

33 Black Beauty Standards

In this section, I discuss Black beauty standards within Western civilization by investigating portrayals of beauty from Lee’s 2017 Netflix series. Specifically, I explore dominant ideology of beauty through portrayals of the Clorinda, Shemekka, and Nola characters. Lastly, I determine whether these three Black female narratives are hegemonic or counter hegemonic.

White beauty is embedded in our daily lives as Americans. This ubiquitous term, rooted in preexisting heteronormative beliefs, is practiced in many cultures around the world as well. It is a socially constructed notion that idealizes women who possess certain physical characteristics of European descent. This concept fosters the idea that physical attractiveness is one of women’s most important assets, something that should be valued and maintained. Therefore, the more closely associated a woman is to the White male dominant racial ideal of Western civilization, the more she is conceptualized as being beautiful.

Many scholars have highlighted the importance of redefining beauty that extends standards based on idealized White women’s physical features (e.g. fair skin, long straight hair, thin lips, small nose (Brooks, 2004; Bryant, 2013; Chapman,

2007; Collins, 1990; hooks, 1989; Miller, 2017; Perkins, 1996). Theorist Gina Miller writes on the dominant ideology that defines beauty in society:

Our culture consists of images of young, beautiful, slim, Caucasian females in our media, advertisement, and television. Studies show that only 1 in 40,000 women are considered model material, which proves that it’s false advertisement at its best because women generally are not shaped that way. This fake ideal way to look has caused some women to be ashamed of their

34 own appearance, which then provokes feelings of worthlessness, confusion, and depression. (Miller, 2017, p. 7)

Her claim supports the idea that it is impossible for many women, African American women in particular, to fulfill ideal Western beauty standards in its entirety.

Chapman (2007), a feminist scholar, conducted a study to investigate the ways in which Black women are active agents in their own social scripting of their physical appearances. Results found that among the White majority in the United

States, ignorance or indifference about Blackness hindered the ideal Black identity and contributed to the ideal Westernized standards of beauty to which many people around the world try to adhere. Bryant (2013) argues that this is because society’s perception of beauty emphasizes skin colors and hair types that exclude Black women, especially those of darker skin.

The devaluation of Black beauty compared to White beauty is well documented and researched. However, the negative impact on Black women’s experiences resulting from the idealized White beauty standard is less often addressed or identified as problematic. Thus, exploring portrayals of Black female narratives in the show is critical to our understanding of how Black women are situated within society’s division of hierarchical importance. Before dissecting the complex messages derived from Lee’s work, this study will first provide images and detail descriptions of all three Black female figures.

The show encompasses the different life experiences between protagonist

Nola Darling, played by DeWanda Wise, and her two Black female counterparts:

Clorinda Bradford and Shemekka Epps. Margot Bigham’s character, Clorinda, is depicted as the intellectual and sophisticated career woman. Not only does she have

35 the lightest complexion amongst Nola, Shemekka, and herself, but she also exhibits other features that are constructed in a way that promotes White ideal standards of beauty. She has long straight hair, narrow nose, and a slender body frame. Figure 5.1 below is a clear representation of the Clorinda Bradford character in the series.

Figure 5.1. Clorinda Bradford

In addition to representations of the Clorinda character being closely related to a woman of European descent, portrayals of Afrocentric descent or Blackness also emerge in the story through the Nola and Shemekka characters. Shemekka Epps, played by Chyna Layne, is depicted as a brown-skinned Jamaican woman from

Queens, New York. She has brown eyes, full lips, a wide nose, and course textured hair that she chooses to hide underneath hair extensions. Apart from conceptualizing her Blackness as undesirable through the story’s use of Black male gratification, portrayals of her lack of self-esteem are shown through her various attempts to achieve the dominant ideal of beauty. Portrayals of her desire to attain society’s standards of beauty are explored in depth later on in this analysis.

Shemekka’s narrative calls attention to the significant role media play in regards to society’s perception of Blackness. Its influence is particularly important

36 given that beauty ideals communicated through various media outlets are almost always White (Schooler, 2004) and when Black models and actresses are featured, they typically possess Eurocentric features (Perkins, 1994). Advertisements, for example, are often used to reinforce ideal beauty standards by reconstructing portrayals of darker skinned women to appear with lighter complexions.

The misrepresentation of Black female beauty in media is made apparent in the two following examples that contradict accurate portrayals of the Shemekka image.

Figure 5.2. Shemekka & Daughter Figure 5.3. Shemekka (edited)

Figure 5.2, a shot taken directly from episode 9 of the series, gives the audience a more accurate conceptualization of the Shemekka character. By depicting both mother and daughter as darker-skinned in the show, the story appears to challenge dominant ideology of beauty. However, rather than using the character of Shemekka to promote the positive image of natural Black beauty, the opposite message is given as the character engages in cosmetic surgery. Shemekka, reinforced by low self- esteem, attempts to attain ideal beauty standards that are later discussed in this section.

37 Contrary to Figure 5.2, a portrayal of Shemekka depicted in figure 5.3 conveys messages of beauty that support dominant ideology. The image was retrieved from an organization’s website known as Shadow and Act. The company’s objective is to promote content created by, for and about people of African descents.

Yet, it fails to depict realism of Black female beauty, by editing and retouching the portayals of Shemekka to appear lighter skinned and without flaws. Thus, misrepresentations of Afrocentric appearances in media are perceived by viewers as a way to devalue Blackness, while influencing the continuation of undermining

Black women’s experiences in a White controlled society (Bryant, 2013).

Similar to the story’s use of the Shemekka image, portrayals of protagonist

Nola also fails to meet ideal Westernized standards of beauty. Although there are slight differences in physical appearances, such as hair length and skin tone, the construction of Nola’s image remains parallel over the thirty-year evolution between artifacts. Her character is portrayed as a dark-skinned woman with full lips, a wide nose, and an exotic physique. The following two images are clear representation for both traditional and contemporary Nola Darling characters.

Figure 5.4. 1986 Nola Darling Figure 5.5. 2017 Nola Darling

38 Contrary to perceived attempts to achieve ideal beauty standards using the

Shemekka character, the storyline challenges this dominant view using the Nola figure in both past and present artifacts. Rather than succumb to alternative methods to attain an appearance of European descent, Nola chooses to embrace her

Blackness through portrayals of cultural expression. Nola’s Afrocentric hairstyle in both artifacts, for example, is viewed as one way Lee’s work uses her narrative to challenge society’s perception of beauty.

Between the 1960s and 1980s, many young African American individuals developed and celebrated cultural pride, which challenged the constructed meanings of Blackness in society (Hill, 2002). Wilder (2010) argued that these movements were marked by a rejection of hegemonic views of race and color, which deemed Eurocentric features as superior, and the “Black is Beautiful” ideology became the mantra of many Blacks. This was the start to a revolution of Black’s becoming more accepting of their physical appearance, like letting their hair grow wild and free in a style known as the Afro (Russell, Wilson, & Hall, 1992).

Unfortunately, public resistance towards hegemonic views of beauty that transcended from past movements did not overcome the long-standing impacts of slavery and race (Walker, 2014). Present day portrayals of Black women in media remain situated within preexisting Westernized standards of beauty. Thus, in order to interpret how dominant ideology continues to impact society’s perception towards Black female beauty and experience, we as feminist critics must decode intricate messages that emerge from the 2017 She’s Gotta Have It series reboot.

39 Specifically, this section will now work to condense the many facets surrounding issues of beauty by exploring Black female narratives in the show.

Although media portrayals of beauty are often associated with the social stratification between White and Black race in our society, there is an even greater division of social hierarchy based on skin color that is often underexplored. As previously stated in the review of literature, many race scholars have defined skin stratification or colorism, as the allocation of privilege and disadvantage based on one’s skin tone, where additional factors such as hair texture, eye color, facial features, education, income, housing, and marriage also shape perceptions of who is considered dark or light skinned (Burton, Bonilla-Silva, Ray, Bukelew, et. al, 2010;

Hall, 2010).

The skin color stratification process is the socially constructed notion that

Black persons who possess visible signs of European ancestry are awarded more opportunities in society. This is because light complexions are associated with physical attractiveness, which positions light skinned Blacks at the top of the social hierarchy in Black communities (Fraizer, 1957a; 1957b). In a study on the relationship between skin complexion and social outcomes, Thompson and Keith

(2001) write that:

If having a light complexion is considered as a form of beauty, using the stereotype of “what is beautiful is what is good … creates a ‘halo’ effect for light skinned persons.” The positive glow generated by physical attractiveness includes a host of desirable traits. (p. 339)

Lee’s She’s Gotta Have It reboot highlights deeply rooted issues of Black beauty within a Black community that are based on skin color stratification. For

40 example, the story draws on the idea that a Black female’s experience is controlled by the ways in which society, particularly White men, defines her physical attractiveness. Thus, in order to understand the advantages and disadvantages of women of color within the Black community, a comparison between the Clorinda,

Nola, and Shemekka narratives in the show are analyzed in this section.

Furthermore, after exploring the lives of these three Black female characters, viewers are made aware of a clear division in social hierarchy based on skin color stratification that contradicts the dominant ideology of beauty.

Clorinda Bradford’s narrative is explored and dissected first to determine how women with lighter skin attain a higher status over dark-skinned women within the division of social hierarchy. Clorinda has the fairest complexion amongst all three Black female figures and possesses features closely related to European descent. She has long straight hair, a narrow nose, and a slim figure, which viewers interpret as desirable, not only by her male counterparts, but to society as a whole.

A portrayal of her light skinned attractiveness, however, is one of various constructs used to represent the Clorinda narrative.

In the first episode, viewers meet Clorinda for the first time, and continue to follow her life as it is situated in privilege throughout the series. Clorinda and Nola once shared a luxury Brownstone apartment in Fort Green together until a moral disagreement caused Clorinda to move out. “I found this crib, and if you can’t hang, maybe you should start looking for another place of residence,” Nola asserted.

Although Nola is always behind on rent and struggles financially, she still initiates the request for Clorinda to find her own place. Unbothered by the ultimatum,

41 Clorinda nonchalantly said “bye” and with little effort she went on to purchase her own luxury Brownstone apartment around the corner. Clorinda’s reaction to Nola tells us that she is more than capable of living a comfortable life, which she does without any financial assistance.

Her fiscal security comes from having a successful career as an art curator where she uses her occupational platform to display the work and creativity of

African American artists. While planning for an art exhibit, Clorinda invites Nola, one of the artists in the showcase, to view the location where the event will be held.

Clorinda: Nola! Nola! Nola: Huh? Clorinda: You haven’t heard a damn thing that I’ve said. Hello, girl. This is the place I’ve been telling you about. For the Inaugural Diastopian Art Exhibition. Nola: Diastopian? Clo, what the hell is that? Clorinda: Diastopian. It’s a phrase coined by moi. Yes, it’s a movement of forward-thinking, Afro-centric artists, reaching across boundaries to fabulate, deconstruct, redefine, assert, and expand the breath and reach of millennial voices from the African dispora. Its about love and light.

The language and discourse between the Clorinda and Nola characters in this scene calls attention to issues surrounding educational and occupational disparity of

African American women within the Black community based on skin color variation.

Rather than Lee’s work depicting dark skinned Nola as equally and/or more intellectual than her light skinned counterpart, the conversation draws on her ignorance and incompetence towards Clorinda’s vernacular. Viewers interpret

Clorinda’s use of an extensive vocabulary, like her coined term “diastopian” for example, as a desired trait that emerges from her background in academia. Thus, the story line fails to challenge dominant ideology of beauty and its impact on the social and economic experiences for women of color.

42 As Matthew (2013) points out, the positive glow generated by physical attractiveness includes a host of desirable personality traits therefore; light complexions are more readily connected to intelligence and employability. She further argues “the conclusion to be drawn is not that African-American women with darker skin tones have fewer aspirations in education, but rather they are discriminated against in a way that pushes them out of the race in society” (p. 14).

Thus, because lighter skin is socially constructed to define beauty and posits a host of desirable traits, Black women with lighter skin have better chances of economic and social elevation in society compared to their dark skinned counterparts.

In past studies on the relationship between race, beauty, and class, Breland

(1998) contends that:

In general, attractiveness is associated with greater economic and educational outcomes. Evidence that American society values physicality over merit can be seen as the gap for education and occupation between African Americans with light and dark tones is almost indistinguishable from the gap between White Americans and African Americans in general. (p. 296)

Related topics that emerge from Clorinda’s narrative in the show tell viewers that light-complexioned African Americans are generally treated better by both fellow African Americans and Whites in the social world (Hersch, 2006). In Da

Jumpoff episode of the show, Nola Darling and her girlfriends are out enjoying a mid afternoon brunch. While ordering refreshments, Clorinda shows signs of dissatisfaction towards the service and demands better treatment from her White male waiter. As requested, the White male waiter concedes to give her better service.

43 Clorinda: (sips alcoholic beverage) What is this? Server: The Fo-Gre cucumber martini. Clorinda: This tastes like moonshine brewed in Bushwick. Server: Ma’am it’s what you ordered. Clorinda: Really? Nola: Clo --- Clorinda: (puts up index finger at Nola to not interrupt) No. Your beautiful beard and sense of entitlement do not intimidate me. Server: I will be right back with your drink. (walks away) Clorinda: Thank you. Nola: Was all that drama necessary? Clorinda: Absolutely. I’m standing my ground. I’m not gonna cede the Fort to hipster imperialism.

Not only does this scene support the idea that women with lighter skin will receive favorable treatment by depicting better service from the White male server, it also supports the idea that systems of prejudice operate on the levels of gender and race in society. When Clorinda gestures to Nola not to interrupt her while she is requesting better service from the White male server, she exposes a socially stratified hierarchy of status between Nola and herself. Nola’s character depicts the subordinate role not only when Clorinda silences her, but also when she asks “was all that drama necessary?”

By Nola questioning Clorinda for speaking up against the White male server’s poor service, the conversation highlights issues surrounding the undermining of dark-skinned women’s voices. Specifically, the story empowers the voices of light skinned women through Clorinda’s actions of speaking up, while simultaneously denying and devaluing the voices of the dark-skinned women through Nola’s choice of being silent. Thus, I argue that portrayals of Clorinda’s character as hegemonic situates her in the highest role of the division of hierarchy amongst Black female characters. However, there are implications of an even greater subdivision that

44 places Nola in the middle of social hierarchy amongst Black female figures in the show.

Viewers conceptualize portrayals of Nola as complex because her narrative highlights multifaceted messages that reinforce and challenge dominant ideology.

Despite the many disadvantages Nola encounters, she still has an advantage over many women with dark skin complexions. Although she struggles financially, she maintains her luxurious lifestyle and receives male gratification for her physical appearance as well. By the story portraying her narrative in a way that contradicts the undermining of women with darker skin, her role is interpreted as being both hegemonic and counter hegemonic.

Viewers are exposed to a pecking order through portrayals of Shemekka’s narrative as she is situated at the lowest social division of hierarchy. She is a depicted as an uneducated poor single mother with an ample amount of insecurity towards her physical appearance. In the second episode of the series, titled

BootyFull, representations of Shemekka’s life illustrate the ultimate hardship dark skinned women face in society and the Black community in particular. Viewers are first invited to follow Shemekka’s journey when Nola segues into an introduction of her character:

The Black Female form. Wide-hipped and honey-dipped under the sun and under the gaze of ‘mennnn-y.’ Many. I’ve always wanted to paint Shemekka, that special brand of Brooklyn brown. B.K. all day. Never apologizing for the suck of her teeth, the snap of her neck, or how she moves her Black female form through the world. Zero fucks given.

The title of the portrait and Nola’s introduction is used to raise awareness for empowering Black women’s experiences, which viewers interpret as a challenge

45 towards dominant ideology surrounding the undermining of dark skinned women.

Yet, the story portrays Shemekka in a way that reinforces negative perceptions, including self-perception, of dark skinned beauty and experience in society. Because of the negative portrayals of dark skinned women in the media, such as the

Shemekka character, Miller (2017) points out that some women actually start viewing themselves as objects and start to dissect their appearance to what is the culture’s standard of physical attractiveness.

The discourse of episode two, titled BootyFull, draws on Shemekka’s low self- esteem, which leads to a life altering decision. While Nola is painting a portrait of

Shemekka to capture her natural Black female form, Shemekka grows impatient and goes to take a peek at the unfinished work. To Nola’s surprise, Shemekka expresses disappointment in the authenticity of the portrait.

Shemekka: You couldn’t make my ass a little bigger? Nola: Are you for real? I already agreed to this fake phantom-ass weave. Shemekka: I agreed to pose. That’s the least you could do. Nola: The least I could do is paint something realistic. Shemekka: What the fuck that mean? Did I make a mistake confidin’ a certain bit of information to you? If I’d known you’d have been all judgy… Nola: Hold the fuck up. You’re not going through with it, though. Shemekka: I told you, I’m thinking about it. It’s not like I said I was going to sign up for She Ass’d For It. What? Don’t make that face. I told you I wasn’t going to do it. Nola: Good! Shemekka: The show I mean. Nola: Oh, my God. You do not need to do that shit to your body. Shemekka: It’s not up to you, boo. Nola: But you’re already gorgeous. Shemekka: I never said I wasn’t. I just… Wait. You mean to tell me that if I had a magic wand and I could change anything about your body, that you wouldn’t want nothing tweaked? Nola: No. I’m serious. I accept what I got and what I don’t got.

46 This scene offers viewers a glimpse into the personality of Shemekka and depicts the dissatisfaction she has towards herself. The story conveys a message that physical pain and harm to attain dominant ideology of beauty is worth it in order to overcome the hardships a Black woman faces.

Shemekka chose to disclose to Nola that she is considering butt enhancement surgery because she thought Nola would be more understanding. Yet, Nola completely disagrees with Shemekka’s choice, which causes her to become defensive. Nola still attempts to reassure to Shemekka that she is beautiful the way she is and that she shouldn’t allow her insecurities to influence such a permanent decision. Unfortunately, she can’t change Shemekka’s mind because she is too determined to attain male gratification.

Although she is comfortable talking to Nola about the situation, Shemekka made it a point for Nola not to tell Clorinda. Nola chooses to respect Shemekka’s wishes by not voicing her opinions in the presence of Cloinda. Ironically, following a mid afternoon workout, the topic is brought up after the women see the She Ass’d

For It advertisement on a public transit passing by.

Clorinda: Oh, my God. Do you see that? I mean, who in their right mind? Nola: I know, right. Dumb reality shows. Clorinda: It’s not just the show. Any woman that’s willing to alter her body is willing to affirm the male gaze. It’s just… so passé. Shemekka: Says the girl with the knockout body. Clorinda: What? Shemekka: Why you always gotta be so judgy? Nola: I don’t think she meant it. Clorinda: No, I meant it. I mean how many steps back must we take, ladies? She Ass’d For It? Uh, I bet a guy came up with that shit. You hear that? Pow! Harriet Tubman just shot herself with a pistol from the grave! Nola: Clo— Clorinda: No, I’m serious. What’s the point of freeing our bodies if all we’re

47 gonna do is carve ‘em up? Nola: Isn’t freedom also having the right to do whatever you will with your own body? Clorinda: I bet you Michelle Obama isn’t about to start carving herself anytime soon. Nope. She’s just way too busy being unapologetically black and fly. Am I lying? Nola: No Lie. Flotus state, gowned up, and tight! Shemekka: I’m out!

While the story attempts to challenge dominant ideology, it continues to reinforce ideal standards of beauty by undermining Blackness through Shemekka’s narrative. When Clorinda states, “any woman that’s willing to alter her body is willing to affirm the male gaze,” Shemekka responds with, “says the girl with the knockout body.” The conversation tells us that even though Clorinda is unaware of

Shemekka’s plan to get the procedure, her ignorance is perceived as insensitive and undermining to the disadvantages of darker skinned women.

Thus, while African--oAmerican women in general face hardship in society, women with darker skin struggle immensely with their Blackness. Patterson et al.

(2016) argue that Black women’s narrative has long been overdue within dominant culture and note that such stories correspond with Black Feminist Thought (Collins) in a meaningful way. This leads to another closely connected theme examined in the next section of this analysis.

Controlling Black Images

As previously stated, there are many portrayals of Black women in the media that continue to oppress their experiences in society. This section highlights complex messages surrounding Patricia Hill Collins’ controlling Black images, three in particular, that emerge from portrayals of Black female characters in Lee’s 2017

She’s Gotta Have It Netflix series.

48 The prevailing exploitations of Black womanhood in mainstream media are positioned through elite White male interpretations of Black female experience. In

Collins’ essay, “Mammies, Matriarchs, and Other Controlling Images,” she writes,

“portraying African-American women as stereotypical mammies, matriarch, welfare recipients, and hot mommas has been essential to the political economy of domination fostering Black women’s oppression” (1999, p. 142). She believes that such stereotypical representations of Black women were designed to make racism, sexism, poverty and other forms of social injustice appear to be normal, and inevitable parts of everyday life (1990).

In order for viewers to better understand how Black women are negatively represented in mainstream media, I examined three controlling images in particular: the Mammy, Matriarch, and Jezebel. As feminist critics, we must work to decode complex messages surrounding gender, race and sexuality through portrayals of Black female narratives in the show. Thus, viewers can interpret whether Lee’s 2017 series reboot challenges or reinforces dominant ideology that undermines Black female experiences.

The traditional Mammy, one of the most pervasive images of Black women, is

“characterized as a loyal domestic servant to White people… [that] loves, takes care of, and provides for her white family over her own” (Woodard and Mastin, 2005, p.

217). As the faithful obedient asexual Black woman, the Mammy’s role is passive, longsuffering, and submissive. This controlling image is made apparent through representation of Miss Ella as the modern day Mammy.

49 Although she isn’t directly represented as the traditional domestic servant to a White family, Miss Ella’s identity fits the Mammy role. Her characterization is desexualized, thus depicting a heavier set, middle-aged Black woman. Making her role even more potent is the fact that she wears a headscarf and dresses in unfitted attire to disguise her full figure. A representation of her personality is depicted as nurturing, loving and compassionate towards others.

In a scene from the LuvIzLuv episode, viewers are introduced to Miss Ella as the godmother to Nola Darling and the landlord of the luxury Brownstone apartments, in which Nola resides. Miss Ella is shown cleaning and sweeping the outside entrance to the apartment building. Her hard work is interrupted when Nola comes strolling down the street after carelessly locking herself out of her apartment the night before.

Nola: Hey Miss Ella. Miss Ella: You lost your keys again? Nola: I’m so sorry for calling so late last night. Miss Ella: Sit on my stoop, girl. Nola: I got my spare set from my mom’s, though. Miss Ella: That’s good, ‘cause I wasn’t gonna replace them for the third time. And where’s your rent, pray tell? It’s two and a half weeks late. Nola: My student loan deferment ended, so I’m bringing in less money every month now. Miss Ella: I said ‘rent’, not ‘deferment’. Rent! I’m already cutting you a deal because Septima and Stokes and I go way back. Nola: I know. I’m working on it. Miss Ella: I could be getting three times from these White folks what I’m chargin’ you.

This scene illustrates the complexity that surrounds Miss Ella’s narrative as the Mammy in various ways. On the other hand, portrayals of her character as a successful 21st century Black businesswoman challenges her role as the domesticated servant. Her ability to attain economic power and success by owning

50 the apartment illustrates the hard workings of Black women in a society that tyrannizes their experience.

On the other hand, however, this scene reinforces Miss Ella’s role as the modern day Mammy by portraying her as a domestic servant to her tenants, who are predominantly White. Therefore, the story draws on the use of White gentrification in the Brooklyn Brownstone area to reinforce the controlling Mammy image. According to Gibbons and Baron (2016):

Gentrification has a variety of meanings, but most agree that it reflects growth in affluence in places that is connected with changes in the local infrastructure, housing cost and availability, and the potential displacement of long-term residents who were often of lower social status. Gentrification has been critiqued for being disruptive to neighborhoods, especially for racial and ethnic minorities. (p. 909)

Portrayals of Miss Ella’s newly renovated apartment complex draw on the idea of cultural displacement and the conversion of a predominantly Black neighborhood to a White one. Thus, rather than depict Miss Ella as a traditional domestic servant to a single White household, the story gives viewers the impression that she works to better serve many White households.

Contrary to the love she has towards her Nola, she has very little sympathy towards Nola’s financial state and threatens to evict her if she continues to fall behind on rent. When Miss Ella stated, “I could be getting three times from these

White folks what I’m chargin’ you,” the conversation tells us that she would rather cater to the needs of White people than to the needs of her irresponsible god daughter. Although portrayals of her social and economic success poses a challenge to dominant ideology surrounding Black women’s experiences, her desire to serve

White families over her own reinforces her domesticated role as the Mammy.

51 Similar to the Mammy role, the Matriarch is another derogatory stereotype that is created by a White male elite in order to make racist biases and prejudice seem normal (Abdalla & Ghose, 2014). The Matriarch is perceived as an angry, hostile Black woman that often takes out her aggressions on her disloyal and lazy

Black husband. She is expected to work outside of her household while she simultaneously caters to the needs of her husband and children. Yet, society holds her responsible for the failure of her entire family because she doesn’t fully adhere to the female gender role in a patriarchal society.

The use of the Mrs. Overstreet narrative invokes the second controlling image in She’s Gotta Have It’s. Scenes from the 4MyNegusAndMyBishes episode tell the story of how the Overstreet’s failing marriage is negatively affecting their son. In the show, Mrs. Overstreet is portrayed as the estranged wife to Jamie Overstreet and the mother to their son, Virgil. She is depicted as the breadwinner of her family, yet she struggles to balance a work life and patriarchal roles in her household. Although

Mrs. Overstreet works hard to support her family, her failure is perceived as the main cause of her husband’s infidelities and her son’s outlandish behavior in school.

In the episode, Virgil creates a viral racially derogative music video as a class assignment. The video depicts Virgil with his face painted White, while his White classmates painted their faces Black. In addition to the derogatory language and the use of face paint, the video assignment also depicts Virgil and his classmates wearing tee shirts with the “N” word plastered on the front. When Mr. and Mrs.

Overstreet find out about their son’s culturally insensitive class assignment, they meet at the park to talk. Rather than working together as husband and wife to find a

52 solution, Mr. Overstreet starts the conversation off by accusing Mrs. Overstreet for their son’s behavior. The conversation quickly escalates to an aggressive blaming match.

Mrs. Overstreet: Are you telling me I don’t know how to raise my Black son? Virgil can see you’re halfway out of the door. Mr. Overstreet: Cheryl. You pushed me out! You got me sleeping in the fucking basement! Mrs. Overstreet: Because you’re fucking other women! Mr. Overstreet: We fell out. We can’t hide it. Mrs. Overstreet: How do you think your son is taking it? By putting on a modern age minstrel show. I’ve been doing everything I can to figure out how to be separated and still live under the same roof, but it’s taking a toll on Virgil. We at least need to be a united front for him. Mr. Overstreet: Cheryl, I’m here, aren’t I? I’m here. Mrs. Overstreet: This video is Virgil crying out for our attention.

The story in this episode situates the blame solely on Mrs. Overstreet’s character instead of addressing Mr. Overstreet’s infidelities. It is the gender inequality that has given life to the myth of the Matriarch in order to weaken gender equality in society (hooks, 1981). Throughout the story, we are made aware of Mr.

Overstreet’s affair with Nola Darling. Yet, Mr. Overstreet is depicted blaming his wife for not only the actions of their son, but also for their failing marriage. Rather than portray Mr. Overstreet’s betrayal as problematic, it is conceptualized as meaningless and unrelated to the failures of Mrs. Overstreet as a wife and a mother. Thus, viewers are led to believe that her failure to fulfill her traditional “womanly duties” and her overly aggressive behavior towards Mr. Overstreet is the reason he is

“halfway out the door.”

In contrast to the Mammy and the Matriarch, the Jezebel is the final overarching image discussed in this section. The Jezebel, or the sexually denigrated

Black woman, is considered the foundation that underlies elite White male

53 conceptualizations of the Mammy, Matriarch, and the Welfare Mother. Collins

(1990) writes that, “Jezebel’s function was to relegate all Black women to the category of sexually aggressive women…” (p.77). The Jezebel stereotype was also created to rationalize the sexual exploitation of Black women in ways that made them responsible for their own victimization.

Both She’s Gotta Have It film and television series depict Nola in the role of the Jezebel. She is constructed as lascivious by nature with a reputation for being sexually seductive. Nola’s female and male counterparts all view her as a sexually aggressive and desirable woman. This is evident in the way she attempts to manipulate and control her sexual partners by putting stipulations on when and where they have sexual intercourse.

In the first episode, Clorinda and Nola are having a conversation about Nola’s complicated dating life.

Clorinda: Have you ever thought about givin’ your choochie a rest? Nola: What, my choochie gonna get up and file for worker’s comp? Clorinda: She ain’t gonna get much.

Although the conversation is situated in humor, Nola’s narrative is portrayed as innately promiscuous. Her sexual behavior draws on the idea of the symbolic whore because she is depicted having no real desire for love, only sex. She is perceived as disconnected from her emotional feelings towards her intimate relationships with men and is only interested in her own sexual liberation. However, despite the exploitation of Nola’s sexuality, her narrative continues to pose a challenge to dominant ideology. Thus, scenes from She’s Gotta Have It must be

54 further explored to better understand how Nola’s hypersexualized narrative operates within systems of racial and gendered oppression.

Sexual Objectification of Black Female Form

The final section in this analysis explores the sexualized portrayals of Nola

Darling’s character and how sexually objectifying depictions of Black women in She’s

Gotta Have It have evolved over time.

Though there is a thirty-year gap between the She’s Gotta Have It 1986 film and 2017 Netflix series, the story line continues to draw on issues of race, gender, and sexuality. Specifically, it draws on complex messages surrounding issues of sexual objectification. This is made apparent through Nola Darling’s narrative, which is constructed as a complex, contradictory, and forthright. By examining the evolution of her narrative from film to television show, this section offers opportunities for examining preexisting assumptions suggested by the representations of Black women’s sexualities in media. Thus, viewers can better understand the ways in which sexual representations of Nola’s narrative, both traditional and contemporary, are viewed as multidimensional.

It is clearly depicted in the story line that Nola’s sexuality is significant to her character. Yet, her narrative draws on the idea of redefining dominant ideologies of sexuality that continue to suppress her Black female experience. Nola’s need to proclaim her independence and freedom poses a threat to Black manhood.

Although traditional Nola from the original 1986 film depicts a similar unconventional lifestyle, the portrayal of millennial Nola from the 2017 series is more assertive and outspoken about reclaiming her sexuality.

55 Thus, both past and present constructions of Nola’s narrative simultaneously reinforce and challenge patriarchal ideology that hyper-sexualizes Black women.

First, the story adheres to dominant views of hypersexualization by depicting Nola as a promiscuous Black woman, thus illustrating Collin’s controlling image of the Jezebel. As discussed in the previous section, the Jezebel image relegates all Black women to the category of sexually aggressive women (Collins,

1990). This overarching image is used to portray Black women’s sexualities as a way to manipulate and deceive their sexual partners. Throughout both the 1986 and

2017 story lines, sexual promiscuity is perceived as Nola’s only successful way of forming relationships with her three male lovers, Jamie Overstreet, Greer Childs and

Mars Blackmon. Thus, She’s Gotta Have It conveys a message that Nola’s sexuality is significant to who she is as a woman.

Before the audience is introduced to how Nola’s character is represented throughout the story line, the use of title offers an initial look into conceptualizing her hypersexualized narrative. The “it” in She’s Gotta Have It represents a male- defined meaning for sex, which draws on the notion that “all a woman really needs is a man who can fuck her” (Simmonds, 1988). In Nola’s case, she has three men that can fulfill her sexual needs. Therefore, “it”, rather sex, is seen as a necessity to her way of life, hence the title “She’s Gotta Have It.” The use of title that structures the misogynistic narrative of Nola Darling is only one example of how She’s Gotta Have

It dehumanizes Black women’s experiences. It also reinforces dominant ideology through its use of imagery and dialogue that depicts Nola as an object for male sexual gratification.

56 Thus, the story draws on the complex issues that surround the objectification of Black women and their sexualities. Sexual objectification occurs when a woman’s body or body parts are singled out and separated from her as a person and she is viewed primarily as a physical object of male sexual desire

(Bartky, 1990). Acts of sexual objectification are culturally common and often condoned behaviors in society. Yet, it is considered a driving and perpetuating component of gender and race oppression, systemic sexism, sexual harassment, and violence against women (Berdahl, 2007; Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997; Kozee,

Tylka, Augustus-Horvath, & Denchick, 2007). As Pasko (2002) states, “the sexual objectification and commodification of women reinforces notions of possession, authority and aggression in masculinity” (p. 65).

By understanding the issues of sexual objectification, we are forced to look at an asymmetric power relationship between the sexually objectified Nola Darling character and the males who objectify her. Since Lee’s original film, very little has changed in the ways she is sexually objectified by her male counterparts. In the opening scene from both the film and the series, male figures are shown making direct sexual advances at Nola. While simply strolling the streets of Brooklyn, she falls victim to derogatory catcalls like ““Psst! Psst! Why don’t you sit on my dick and peddle my balls” or “You so fine, baby, I’d drink a tub of your bath water.”

Her three male lovers, especially Mars, are also portrayed using similar vulgarity. On the evening of Nola’s birthday, she is depicted lying in bed with Jamie when Mars calls to wish her a happy birthday. When Nola tries rushing him off the phone, Mars repeatedly calls her name:

57 Mars: Nola? Nola: What? Mars: Nola? Nola: What? Mars: Nola? Nola: What? Mars: Just let me smell it. Nola: [laughing] You are ill! Mars: Please, baby. Please, baby. Please, baby. Baby, baby, please.

This scene tells us that Mars’ sexually objectifying behavior is acceptable because it is positioned in humor. Instead of depicting Nola’s anger towards Mars for saying, “Just let me smell it,” we are invited to laugh at his crudity. The conversation fails to “reflect the realization that Black women are inherently valuable and not merely auxiliary to the liberation of Black men” (Elise & Umoja,

1992, p. 83).

Still in many ways, imagery and discourse through Black female narratives in She’s Gotta Have It illustrates contradiction in the way that Black women and sexuality are portrayed. By interpreting the complexity of Nola’s narrative, it raises the question of who has control over her sexuality? The dominant ideology of the

Jezebel is challenged by portrayals of Nola as a woman of empowerment who gains control of her own sexuality. As I briefly mentioned, the opening scene presents a conversation about Nola’s Darling’s sexuality. In the film, Nola starts off saying:

I want you to know that the only reason I am consenting to this is because I wish to clear my name. Not that I care what people think, but enough is enough. And if in the end, it helps some other people out, well, that’s fine too. I consider myself normal, whatever that means. Some people call me a freak. I hate that word. I don’t believe in it. Better yet, I don’t believe in labels. But what are you gonna do? This was the deal.

Like the original, the trailer for the episodic remake starts with Nola telling us what she is – a sex-positive, polyamorous pansexual – and the scene ends with her telling

58 viewers what she is not – a freak, a sex addict, and “damn sure nobody’s property.”

Statements like, “I’m not a freak” or that she is “damn sure nobody’s property” seem to undermine the construction of Nola’s character as the Jezebel. Rather than succumbing to the vulgar discourse that surrounds her sexuality, Nola is shown resisting the stereotypes by controlling her voice. bell hooks (1989) writes in

Talking Back that:

Often when the radical voice speaks about domination we are speaking to those who dominate. Their presence changes the direction and shape of our words. Language is also a place of struggle. (p. 28)

When Nola attempts to give a justification for her sexuality, this forces us to

view her narrative in a less dehumanizing way. Yet, even when she takes control of

her voice, the context of the monologue simultaneously reinforces her portrayal as

a sex object. Specifically, her resistance is depicted in the very place her sexuality is

exploited the most: her bedroom. All scenes that depict Nola’s intimacy are

captured in what she refers to as her “loving bed.” In society, it is common to

associate the meaning of sexual intimacy with the context of the bedroom.

Images of Nola’s bed illuminated with scented candles, is shown as the focal point

to her Brownstown apartment. By labeling and depicting Nola’s “loving bed” in a

romanticized context, it conveys the message that her bed is symbolic to her

sexuality. “I can only do it in my bed,” Nola tells Jamie. This conversation draws on

the fact that her bedroom represents the only place she has control of her sexuality.

In her “loving bed,” she depicts the power by using her sensuous body to satisfy the

sexual needs of her lovers.

59 Given that sexual liberation surrounds her character, viewers are now

invited to look at how the dominant gaze shapes our understanding of Black female

sexuality. When dominant conceptualizations of masculinity and femininity become

embodied, embodiment can fuel the drive of hegemonic masculinity and the

oppression of women (Shilling, 1997). The term male gaze, similar to sexual

objectification, is used to explain the construction of women as passive objects

through the eyes of men. As Pasko (2002) states, “the sexual objectification and

commodification of women reinforces notions of possession, authority and

aggression in masculinity” (p. 65).

Much of the work conducted in respect to the male gaze makes reference to

Laura Mulvey’s seminal work within film studies. She writes, “In a world ordered

by sexual imbalance, pleasure in looking has been split between active/male and

passive/female. The determining male gaze projects its phantasy on to the female

figure which is styled accordingly” (Mulvey, 1989, p. 808). It is a concept that is

fostered through camera angles and the positioning of the artifact. Mulvey (1975)

suggests that the male gaze is considered to be voyeuristic, rational, distanced,

sadistic, controlled and controlling, seeking to exercise power over its object (p.

12).

The complexity of the male gaze directs us, as viewers, throughout the evolution between Lee’s film and Netflix series. She’s Gotta Have It tells the audience to identify with the male characters that control Nola’s sexuality. For example, watching the various sex scenes from Nola’s “loving bed” invokes the voyeuristic gaze. Simmonds (1988) points out that, “the voyeuristic, erotic scenes, the lingering

60 camera shots over Nola’s naked body, Nola making love and the slowing down of the film to make the moment last longer, are constructed to excite the (male) audience”

(p. 16).

I argue that a portrayal of one intimate relationship, in particular, was used to sexually arouse male observers. This is made apparent through the evolved relationship in both film and series between the hypersexualized Nola Darling and

Opal Gilstrap: the lesbian. In the introduction to her narrative, Opal states, “From an early age I knew what my preference was, and I pursued it.” She is depicted in the same way as Jamie, Greer, and Mars. They all share the active pursuit of trying to control Nola and her body. Yet, She’s Gotta Have It limits Opal’s control of sexuality by “over-emphasizing competition between men as one of the most important factors in Black female sexuality” (Simmonds, 1988, p. 19). Thus, the story line tells us that it is acceptable for male characters to be disparaging to women and their sexualities. However, because Opal is a woman, it undermines her patriarchal position of power.

Male characters in the show not only define Nola’s sexuality, but Opal’s sexuality is constructed through male gratification as well. By identifying as both a

Black woman and a lesbian, she is negatively labeled as a “freak.” The jarring aspects of the movie version depict Opal as more of a lesbian vixen trying to get Nola to

“change teams.” A scene from the film shows Opal making a move to kiss Nola. “Opal it’s time for you to leave,” Nola stated after rejecting Opal’s forward approach.

Although no intimacy emerged beyond their kiss, the film shows us a male fantasy of what a potential lesbian relationship would be like. Moreover, the series’ use of

61 same-sex scenes appeals to the male fantasy by encouraging the intimacy between

Nola and Opal as lovers. The gentle caressing of each other’s breasts and passionately kissing in the sex scene are shown to arouse fetishistic male fantasies.

In the third series episode, #LBD (Little Black Dress), Nola is shown making a bold response against harassment and male objectification after being assaulted on the streets. The scene depicts Nola walking alone at night from Clorinda’s apartment. While walking down the block to her home, a Black man tries to catcall

Nola to get her attention. After rejecting the man, he aggressively grabs her arm.

Nola pulls away and takes off running. The man proceeds to yell at her and calls her a “Black Bitch.” As a result of this incident, Nola first expresses her attack through her art. She plasters bold anti-street harassment posters all over the streets of

Brooklyn to make a statement. Yet, her movement was quickly overshadowed by the vandalism of her artwork. Rather than feel liberated and empowered by her actions, her male lovers treated her like a damsel in distress.

In a second attempt to gain back her self-confidence, Nola purchases an expensive “little black dress.” The scene depicts her wearing the dress on three separate occasions: at dinner with Jamie, at Greer’s home during a photo shoot, and at a club with Mars. All three men react in the same way to Nola wearing the “little black dress.” It is perceived through their eyes that she is wearing the dress because

“she wants it.” Nola replies by telling each of them that the dress isn’t for them, it’s for her, and just because she’s wearing it doesn’t mean she’s open to sex. Although her sexuality is symbolic to her identity, Nola shows resistance towards the objectification she receives from others, especially men.

62 CHAPTER

V

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION “Spike Lee’s first films are low-budget, minor masterpieces of cultural undercover work” that “find the sleeping or silenced subject and deftly awaken him or her to consciousness of currents that run deep and signify Black America” (Baker,

1991, p. 25) . The purpose of the present study was to investigate the effects of dominant ideology in relation to representations of Black female beauty, sexuality and experience within the Black community.

An overwhelming majority of scholars agree that women of color are situated within roles of subordination in society based on the intersection of race, gender, and class (Chen, Williams, Hendrickson, & Chen, 2012; Collins, 1990; Davis, 1981;

Francois, 2012; Gray, 1995; Hall, 2003; hooks, 1989, 1993; Jones & Shorten-Gooden,

2003; Layman, 2017; Miller et al., 2008; White, 1985) . Yet, there are even greater underlying messages that emerge from portrayals of Black women in media culture.

The influence mainstream media have on undesirable attitudes and biased judgments towards women of color have resulted in ambiguous internalized messages and standards (Mathews, 2012) .

Exploring She’s Gotta Have It 1986 film and the 2017 Netflix series through a feminist lens enables us to look at how messages perpetuate cultural norms and values. Some of these complex messages examined in this critical analysis draw on

63 issues surrounding ideal westernized beauty standards, sexual objectification and male gratification, skin color stratification, and social division of hierarchy amongst

Black women in society. Although thirty years have passed between both past and present She’s Gotta Have It artifacts, these issues are still significant to the social scripting of Black women. There is a direct correlation between mainstream media content and society’s perceptions. The way people view Black women in American culture is directly related to the way Black women are portrayed in media. Views have not changed much since the 1986 version of Lee’s film.

An examination of Lee’s work was critical to our understanding of how portrayals of Black female figures in the story challenge and/or reinforce dominant ideology and whether their narratives are perceived as hegemonic and/or counter hegemonic. Furthermore, a comparison on the 30-year-old evolution between the original black and white film and the Netflix series reboot was conducted in order to interpret how representations of Black women have changed over time. After a thorough investigation of messages that emerged from Black female narratives in both artifacts, I conclude that She’s Gotta Have It continues to reinforce dominant ideology that suppresses Black women in our culture. However, small movement towards redefining society’s perception of Black women seems to be happening in some present day films and television shows.

Collins’ points out, “race becomes the distinguishing feature in determining what type of objectification women will encounter” (p. 170). Black women in the story line are constructed in a way that makes them responsible, not only for how society perceives them, but for how they perceive themselves as well. It is in this

64 context that I argue Lee’s work is reinforcing to dominant ideology that continues to undermine Black women in westernized civilization. First, female narratives in the story fulfill the archetypes of Patricia Hill Collins’ controlling images, by which they are depicted as blameworthy for their failures within the Black community. A portrayal of Mrs. Overstreet as the Matriarch is a perfect example. Not only does her husband blame Mrs. Overstreet for their son acting out in school; she is also held responsible for the failures in their marriage.

Lee’s work also draws on the idea of ideal westernized standards of beauty negatively impacting society’s perception of Black female beauty through the use of the Shemekka character. Because there is a certain White standard of beauty that every woman must strive to achieve, the story highlights Shemekka’s attempts to attain male gratification. When she decides to go through with butt enhancement surgery, viewers get the impression that it is acceptable for women to alter their physical appearances to be perceived as more attractive in society.

Moreover, multifaceted narratives surrounding the Nola character in the film also convey complex messages that support dominant ideology and its impact on women of color in our culture. As Black women in media, they are often depicted as sex objects for male gratification. This is made apparent to viewers in the way Nola is hypersexualized by her Black male counterparts in the story. Viewers can interpret portrayals of her promiscuity and sexual liberation as a representation of the Jezebel controlling image. Thus, the story seems to perpetuate society’s perception of Black women and their sexualities within the Black community as negative. A significant amount of time has passed since the 1986 She’s Gotta Have It

65 original film, yet the construction of Nola’s narrative has continued to draw on prevailing views surrounding the sexual objectification of Black women through the male lens. In fact, the contemporary Nola narrative continue to illustrate messages of sexual oppression and the need for sexual liberation by the way her character is portrayed.

Apart from the construction of a few Black female narratives that reinforce progressive stereotypes, the series use of other Black female narratives in the story line calls for a revolution to reshape dominant ideology in society. In the 2017

Netflix series, there are apparent changes occurring. In small ways the character

Nola challenges patriarchal standards of Black female beauty, experiences, and sexuality. A Black woman’s voice is often held hostage. Nola is given a voice of empowerment that she uses to gain control over her own sexuality. In the series, the story line ends with contemporary Nola by telling us what she is not – a freak, a sex addict, and “damn sure nobody’s property.” By refusing to be defined by others, her narrative draws on the idea of Black women reclaiming power over their own social scripting.

So although dominant ideologies are made present in both Lee’s She’s Gotta

Have It 1986 film and 2017 Netflix series, we still see complexity in the way portrayals of Black women work to challenge negative perceptions. A few complex messages that emerge from the narration of the Black female characters in the 2017

She’s Gotta Have It Netflix series, for example, offer hope for future change. These messages suggest empowerment of Black women voices, less emphasis on negative sexual stereotypes, and embracing natural Black beauty.

66 In conclusion, this thesis uses a rhetorical feminist lens in order for viewers to better understand the ways in which portrayals of Black women in media remain situated in oppression. She’s Gotta Have It draws on many hegemonic messages, which allowed me as a rhetorical feminist critic to exhaust its multifaceted meanings and examine culturally relevant issues. After critically examining Lee’s past and present work, I hope readers of this study are made aware of how much work still needs to be done, in society as a whole, in order to further eliminate negative stereotypes of Black women in America. As Frederick Douglas declared during a speech on the 24th Anniversary of Emancipation in Washington, D.C, “Where justice is denied, where poverty is enforced, where ignorance prevails, and where any one class is made to feel that society is in an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob, and degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe” (1886).

67 R

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