Knowing in Our Own Ways Women and Kashmir

REVIEW OF WOMEN’S STUDIES Knowing in Our Own Ways Women and Kashmir Nitasha Kaul, Ather Zia hen it comes to international confl icts, ignorance is of Kashmir. We have, deliberately and with intent included as much an ally as ill-will in their prolongation. The only work by Kashmiri women. We do not claim to be repre- Wvested interests entrenched in profi ting from con- sentative of or speaking for all Kashmiri women, but our moti- fl ict unsurprisingly seek to limit the range of possible political vation is to bring a heightened visibility to at least some Kash- options that might lead to demilitarisation, dialogue, concilia- miri scholars who are actively thinking about the intersection tion, a just peace, and eventually resolution. However, the of gender and the political dispute. The Kashmiri women writ- means by which the confl icts are prolonged relate just as much ing in these pages are scholars, professionals, and acti vists to the usually effective embargoes on what kind of knowledge who present their analysis in light of history, anthro pology, can be produced about the confl ict, by whom, and with what law, and feminist studies. No doubt, there will be other kind of visibility. endeavours where we can include a more diverse array of This is acutely so in the case of Kashmir, where ignorance Kashmiri scholars and scholars of Kashmir across genders. We and ill-will work synchronously to produce a simplistic under- consider this review issue as part of an ongoing endeavour standing of the region that belies its complexity in terms of that will prioritise Kashmiri voices that have been usually side- its history, politics, competing claims, traumatic memories, lined. We are aware that in this review issue there is relative divided populations, lack of justice, denial of rights, loss of absence of gender concerns as they relate to Kashmiri Pandits homes, and cycles of extremism, corruption, and occupation. and other Kashmiri minorities, the Kashmiri and Indian econ- The mainstream understanding of Kashmir outside the region omy, as well as the disputed parts of Kashmir administered by and globally is predominantly through the prism of an Indian Pakistan and China. It is not that we did not try to fi nd some and Pakistani statist narrative. There is little space for Kash- such voices, but it was not possible always to fi nd or to retain miris and their knowing in their own ways; even less for Kash- them. In that context, much more work needs to be done, and miri women speaking about women and Kashmir. In that this is only the beginning. sense, the present Review of Women’s Studies, with all its limi- Each paper in this review issue refers to the confl ict, and re- tations, provides Kashmiri women this space. lies on a wide range of narratives and sources. The aim here is The word “Kashmir” is hypervisible in the Indian discourse not to provide a defi nitive account of what Kashmiri women today, but in specifi c and limiting ways. Most Indians and others think, or say, or want, or experience. Indeed, for us, as editors, internationally have a received understanding of Kashmir that selecting and fi nalising the papers was a tough balancing act. is based mostly on media reports, which again tend to be On the one hand, it is not always possible to request a citation signifi cantly state-centric. Thus, the signifi er “Kashmir is a for the experience of being marginalised or of witnessing mar- tremendously powerful one in the contemporary Indian imag- ginalisation, and, on the other hand, scholarly work cannot inary and, depending on the qualifi ers attached to it, it can be rely entirely on assertions. We have tried, wherever possible, made to carry different political meanings and messages. For to walk this line between acknowledging the theoretical femi- instance, when used in the public discourse, the terms Kashmiri nist insights and making sense of the empirical realities faced Pandit, Kashmiri Muslim, Kashmiri men, and Kashmiri women in the colonial periphery of the postcolonial nation. will all perform different discursive functions. Kashmiri In a protracted confl ict as the one in Kashmir, the life of people women, as part of that hypervisibility, are often presented as remains suspended often, in the time between the next encoun- passive victims of their men and of the overarching political ter, killing, arrest or curfew. When men become direct victims violence. Our remit and motivation, here, is to initiate the of state violence, it falls to the women to hold the last vestiges reader into a more complex understanding of women and of the community together. Samreen Mushtaq’s (p 54) paper Kashmir—women of Kashmir, women in Kashmir—as a way of further interrogating the signifi cance of gender in questions of prolonged confl ict. We would like to thank the guest editors Nitasha Kaul and Ather Zia, and the members of the editorial advisory group of the Review At the outset, we refl ect on some of the issues of grouping of Women’s Studies Mary E John, J Devika, Kalpana Kannabiran, the themes and the challenges we faced in putting together Samita Sen, and Padmini Swaminathan for putting together this this review issue. As co-editors, being Kashmiris ourselves, issue on “Women and Kashmir.” our motive for this review issue was to include the “herstories” Economic & Political Weekly EPW december 1, 2018 vol lIiI no 47 33 REVIEW OF WOMEN’S STUDIES engages with the ways in which Kashmiri women are part of a meaningfully theorises Kashmiri women’s agency in the more overt and wider political struggle, but also part of the public sphere. everyday resistance where the binaries of home and outside Mir Fatimah Kanth (p 42) excavates the history of gendered do not hold, and where the home is not an indicator of safety. resistance, illustrating a continuity when it comes to women. She looks at the ways in which everyday resistance can be She looks at women, politics, and subjectivity in relation to the understood through visibility, resilience, and dignity in the state and its arbitrary exercise of power, and in relation to soci- reproduction of the daily existence of Kashmiri life. Ordinary ety and its gendered expectations of women. Kanth’s tracing of life also features in Mona Bhan’s (p 67) paper, but in an this history makes it clear that resistance to Indian authority is extraordinary manner. Bhan shows us how the daily life of not a post-1989 phenomenon and certainly has not been bereft ordinary Kashmiris is threatened as Indian policies increas- of women’s participation. In the context of the empowerment ingly weaponise nature. Bhan specifi cally locates her paper in of Kashmiri women, Hafsa Kanjwal’s (p 36) paper takes us back the aftermath of the fl oods of 2014, when Kashmiris en masse in time, alerting us to how state-sponsored women empower- challenged the notion that the fl ood was natural, and thus ment programmes in the early years of post-partition Kashmir apolitical. Kashmiris linked the questions of nature, and resulted in feminist projects that were affi liated with the state, ecological and resource sovereignties to their struggle for and, in time, became deeply contested and politicised. In this self-determination against Indian hegemony. Bhan’s paper context, women’s mobility and education were more geared in situates Kashmiri women’s narratives of dispossession and the service of consolidating the power and legitimacy of the the proliferation of Indian investments in mega hydroelectric state, rather than allowing indigenous movements—political dams on Kashmir’s rivers within this context. Uzma Falak’s or social—to grow and fl ourish. Essar Batool’s (p 60) paper (p 76) paper is a lyrical analysis of affective female alliances— tackles the issue head-on by focusing on sexual violence under vyestoan—and their liberatory potential. She theorises wom- intense militarisation and patriarchal norms. Batool, who is en’s mobilisation in friendships that emerge during protests, also a co-author of an important volume titled Do You Remem- demonstrations, and funeral processions of militants and ber Kunan Poshpora?, analyses the sexual violence against civilians alike who are killed by the government forces. She women, men, and transgender persons in Kashmir at the hands analyses these linkages not just as a form of support, but also as of the government’s troops, who are emboldened by the legal the creation of a gendered resistance. In Inshah Malik’s (p 63) immunity provided by laws like the Armed Forces (Special paper, we see how funerals have become spectacular sites of Powers) Act. While militarisation- related violence works dif- feminist resistance. She challenges the myth of the grieving ferently on men and women, issues of “shame,” “honour,” and mother as a passive symbol of patriarchal nationalism, and reprisals mean that fear results in under-reporting of such 34 december 1, 2018 vol lIiI no 47 EPW Economic & Political Weekly REVIEW OF WOMEN’S STUDIES violence for both men and women. Batool also makes the In 2018, the United Nations produced a “Report on the Situa- important point of how the structure of patriarchy can act as tion of Human Rights in Kashmir: Developments in the Indian an ally of state violence and oppression. Alliya Anjum’s (p 47) State of Jammu and Kashmir from June 2016 to April 2018, paper makes sense of how militarism and militarisation is and General Human Rights Concerns in Azad Jammu and linked to a denial and loss of rights, investigating the gendered Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan.” The reception of this report in effects of this in terms of how violence is experienced and the Indian media was overwhelmingly one of rejection and why it is perpetrated.

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