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The Conference London International Model United Nations 19th Session | 2018

Table of Content

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Table of Contents

Introduction Letters ...... 3 Introduction to the Bandung Conference ...... 5 Introduction to the topic: Developing a treaty framework for the creation of the Non- Aligned Movement ...... 7 History until 1955 ...... 9 and the Afro-Asian Community ...... 9 History of Decolonisation – Timeline ...... 10 Previous Conferences ...... 12 Topic to be discussed ...... 14 The Non-Aligned Movement ...... 14 Decolonisation ...... 15 Internal Divisions/Potential Crises ...... 16 Economic links ...... 17 Cultural links ...... 18 Country positions ...... 19 Questions a Resolution Should Answer ...... 26 Sources ...... 27 Conference Information ...... 30

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Introduction Letters Director – Aditya Ranjan

Political discourse is dominated by our opinions of the present, and our hopes and concerns for the future. We have subscribed to an idealism that forms our world view - that any problem can be solved through debate, diplomacy and compromise. At some point we lose this idealism, getting jaded as the realities of politics wear us down. But that's when we must turn to the past.

In the past lie the chronicles of our successes, as well as those of our failures. Documented are the arguments we've while shaping our identities and the values to which our society has subscribed. The laws of nature governing how we behave don't change, only circumstances do. There must then be a strength in our history that can answer the question that I have twice asked in the last couple of years as I woke up at an ungodly hour to observe the results of what was incorrectly termed 'an unprecedented vote‟: "What the hell is going on?"

Airlines drown in technical debt as they grow and forget where they came from. The legacy of a tyrant government acts as a chip on the shoulder hindering attempts at legislative gun control in some counties. Pop music in the 2010s bears the signature of Schubert's work in the 1800s. All of this goes to show that the present and our future in every avenue are just so indelibly linked to our past, and so is the identity that allows us to know who we are.

I hope that attending this historical simulation will serve as just one of many initiatives that you undertake to learn from the past. My colleague Niels and I will take immense pleasure in stepping back with you into the „50s and throwing at you a range of ever-evolving circumstances to challenge your commitment to the values of the country you represent.

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I am a German of Indian origin living in the UK. I studied Aeronautical Engineering at Imperial College London, and have been working at Oliver Wyman (management consultancy) for the last year and a half. I support various airlines on strategic issues related to fleet, network and crew planning. I have also worked on other interesting topics – preventing financial crime and money laundering, and the impact of Brexit on corporate treasuries and payments between the UK and EU27 countries. Outside of work I enjoy music, theatre, food and driving, and am working towards a Private Pilot's Licence.

I've been engaged with MUN since middle school, attending conferences in Asia and Europe. I served as President of Imperial College MUN and Under Secretary General of Chairing for LIMUN 2016 while at university. MUN has helped me develop a lot of the skills that university and consulting have required of me. For this reason and for the lasting friendships that I have built through MUN, I greatly value these experiences. I look forward to welcoming the delegates of the Bandung Conference to LIMUN 2018, and to supporting the Secretariat in providing an equally valuable experience to them.

Assistant Director – Niels Boender

I am a 2nd Year History Student at the University of York, especially interested in the history of imperialism and decolonisation (so this committee is right up my alley). In terms of MUN, I have attended over a dozen conferences, especially interested in historical committees and organizations like NATO. Beyond MUN, I love debating, Judo and strategy gaming. I am really excited about LIMUN, because it promises to be a great opportunity for myself and delegates to learn, but also because simulating the Banding Conference is a really fascinating and unique MUN opportunity. I expect delegates to really engage with their countries‟ historic position in 1955, but also be willing to change history and make a better future. 4

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Introduction to the Bandung Conference

The Bandung Conference was a momentous meeting between the leaders of formerly colonised peoples, dedicated to promoting Afro-Asian unity and bringing a definitive end to . The conference was hosted by ‟s president and was attended by 29 independent Asian and African nations, with observers from several national liberation movements also in attendance (Mackie, 2005, 30). Since many countries particularly in Africa were still subject to colonial rule, delegates in attendance took it upon themselves to speak in their interest. The conference ended with attendees formalising their intent to fulfil a set of concrete objectives, which are out of the scope of this simulation, but may serve as interesting background reading.

Core to the conference were five guiding principles: political self- determination, mutual respect for sovereignty, non-aggression, non- interference in internal affairs, and equality (US Bureau of Public Affairs, 2017). LIMUN delegates participating in this simulation are encouraged to consider what these principles mean in the context of the , as well as in awareness of their own country‟s state of affairs.

The 1955 conference served as an avenue for forward-thinking debate about the place of the global „South‟ in international affairs, with divisions between and internal issues within the states coming to the forefront. Most importantly, the term „non-aligned‟ came into public usage as a result of the conference even if the earnest founding of the movement was still some ways away. The course that the would take was fundamentally impacted by the existence of this third power bloc.

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Every country at Bandung is represented by their actual leaders (for instance Prime Minister Sastroamidjojo of Indonesia) or by delegates working with full plenipotentiary powers (like Nguyen van Thoai for South Vietnam) (Mackie, 2005, 77). Therefore, there are no concrete limitations placed on the delegates‟ authority. Unanimity is not required – if a country does not accept an eventual resolution, their country simply does not participate in the agreement. The presence of countries such as North and South Vietnam that found themselves in vehement disagreement would preclude unanimity in any case. Delegates are encouraged to start with a framework based on common guiding principles and tackle individual issues in the form of amendments resting on that framework. Some of the individual issues that delegates are encouraged to consider are outlined in this guide.

Leaders at Bandung in 1955 (NewAge, 2017)

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Introduction to the topic: Developing a treaty framework for the creation of the Non- Aligned Movement

The topic that we will discuss is related to the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement, specifically in the Afro-Asian context, pulling in all the issues discussed at the real-life Bandung Conference. This was a critically pressing issue for the world in 1955 because it allowed for the transition of nascent states recently having gained freedom from imperialism into powerful actors on the international stage. In order to ensure that their interests were appropriately considered in international politics, these states represented the interests of other countries still fighting for freedom, while ensuring that they themselves didn‟t allow their young democracy to be swayed by neo-colonial superpower influence.

It is important to stress that this simulation will not be a repeat of history, as the real world non-aligned movement was founded only in 1961, and was heavily influenced by the and the Sino-Soviet Split after 1956. Since these events have not happened yet, the idea of „non-alignment‟ at Bandung should focus on state-building and resisting imperialism specifically in the context of recently decolonised nations.

Many nations such as , , South Vietnam and were still closely aligned to one of the two power blocs, but were still interested in cooperating closely with recently decolonised states. Many debates at Bandung centred on the role of in national liberation and whether the ‟s policies in Eastern Europe constituted imperialism (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2014). These issues should also be considered in the framework for NAM.

The structure, form and constitution of such a movement are up to the delegates, accepting that there may be radically different approaches. Some countries such as 7

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India and Burma may favour a full international movement and formalised non-alignment. Others such as China and North Vietnam may just wish to see closer cooperation and an organised way to aid decolonisation.

Delegates are encouraged to be aware of and actively debate on several key topic areas including but not limited to diplomatic cooperation and non-alignment, decolonisation, economic cooperation, cultural cooperation and the relationship with the United Nations. Whether the Non-Aligned Movement should have any form of established organisation would also be under discussion.

Critically, the many divisions between states and their own internal strife must be overcome. An eventual solution should strive towards consensus that will enable them to establish themselves as a credible third bloc.

We will bring in a range of dynamic crises to place strains upon established relationships between countries. These developments will require delegates to deal with diplomatic tensions and mitigate crises while they negotiate an Afro-Asian NAM. These crises will be ahistorical, but will attempt to draw as truthfully as possible on historical factors of the mid-1950s.

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History until 1955

Imperialism and the Afro-Asian Community A major factor binding the states present at the Bandung Conference is their shared experience of western imperialism, either directly (as in the case of and Indonesia) or in indirect forms (as with China and Japan). The long history of imperialism withheld from native populations the very „voice‟ that was heard so loud at Bandung (Wright, 1995). It is important to note that imperialism was not a singular phenomenon, with radically different colonists and systems that they deployed in their domination. However, this system created a series of transnational networks and problems that stand at the root of all the discussions at Bandung (Mackie, 2005, 14).

Pan-Asianism and Pan-Africanism were both potent movements during the inter-war years, allowing for a cognitive break with the railroaded ideas of civilisation that came with colonial rule. These movements were partially inspired by Leninist doctrine, for example with the League against Imperialism that created , but also intellectual movements like Negritude, inspired by Marcus Garvey and William E. Dubois. Thus, discussion on post-colonial unity may stretch far back beyond Bandung, pulling both from socialist and liberal sources. Reconciling these ideas is one of the key challenges at Bandung, given the fact that many countries in attendance drew on them for their own decolonisation (Chamberlain, 2000).

There was an ideological component to imperial domination, with structural and systematic denying the rights of nationhood to the many peoples of the global „South‟. calls this division the “Colour Curtain” and sees it as the true polarising border along which international rights are forced to develop (Wright, 1995). The mission civilatrice and white man‟s burden were no longer accepted by 1955, but they cast a long shadow on those countries recently decolonised.

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Despite the strength of the anti-imperialist movement, alignment was still a distinct feature with countries engaging in . A clear example is that of the Sino- Soviet-Vietnamese axis, as well as the SEATO and CENTO treaties. Western-aligned Afro-Asian states were drawn into mutual military alliances with the UK and US (Mackie, 2005, 47).

The world was being drawn into two opposing camps led by USA and the Soviets. Both these blocs were deemed to be equally hegemonic and tarred by imperialism – driven in part by the American protectorate in the , the Russian Empires concessions from the Qinq Empire as well as the conventional European empires.

Note that many countries present at Bandung had not yet been admitted to the UN, and many national liberation movements, such as in and Kenya, had not yet won their independence. In consideration of that, the Bandung Conference served as a forum to discuss some broader issues – such as economic development and extending the reach of self-determination.

History of Decolonisation – Timeline The roots of many of the issues at Bandung lie in the history of international relations and decolonisation up till 1955. The great year of decolonisation in Africa (1960), was still half a decade away, but most of Asia had then won their struggles or secured at least a self-governing status. The roots of these movements lay in the “fratricidal European war” of 1939-1945, but were also heavily influenced by the ebbs and flows of the conflicts that followed. Outlined below is a timeline of key occurrences to guide you in your own research – prior knowledge of all of these events is not expected, but may be helpful in setting context.

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1919 Woodrow Wilson‟s 14 Points attest to every country‟s right to self-determination. 1936 becomes a sovereign state granted self-government by the United Kingdom, but remains effectively dependent. 1941 Atlantic Charter issued, stating that the post-war order should be based on modernist co-existence between nation-states, implicitly rejecting imperial rule and spurring many nationalist groups. 1942 Fall of , Indonesia, Burma to the Japanese, while Free French forces concede independence to and . 1945 The War is brought to an end with the Japanese surrender. The August Revolutions take place in Indonesia led by Sukarno and in Indochina by Ho Chi, both begin wars against their colonial rulers (the Dutch and the French). The UN is also founded, prmoting the ideals of national self-determination and sovereignty. The leads to escalating Cold War tensions. 1946 The USA begins „‟ policies under the , acting to stop the spread of Communism across the globe. The Soviet Union begins imposing communist regimes on the countries of central and eastern Europe. 1947 Rising tensions, failed UK diplomatic missions and savage inter-communal violence leads to the rapid departure of the UK from the Indian subcontinent and partition into India and . UNSCOP plan calls for partition of Palestine, leading to the Israeli War of Independence. 1948 UDHR is signed. Aung San‟s overwhelming electoral victory in Burma lead to its peaceful independence in Britain, with a similar amicable agreement for Ceylon. Federation of Malaya is established, under British patrimony, lasting until 1957 fighting a gruelling guerrilla war against Chinese Communists. Serious rioting in the Gold Coast. Coup in Czechoslovakia completes the USSR‟s expansion into Europe. 1949 Founding of the British Commonwealth. Chinese Communists victorious under , flees to Taiwan but keep Security Council seat. Indonesia gains its independence from the Dutch after they are forced to the negotiating table by the UN and US. Foundation of NATO as well as a military alliance between the PRC and the USSR. 1950 Pakistan and India both become Republics. Beginning of against the British in Kenya. Beginning of the , seeing direct engagement between UN and US forces and the Chinese Communists. 1951 Gold Coast constitution allows Kwame Nkrumah to become Prime Minister and slowly Africanize the government. Second at its height in the USA. China annexes Tibet. 1952 Coup in Egypt ends pro-Western Royalist government replaced by military clique, eventually led by . 1953 American led coup overthrows Iranian President Mohammed Mossadeq for steering an anti- Western course. Laos and are granted independence under royal governments if they remain part of the French Union. End of the Korean War in stalemate. 1954 After the crushing Vietnamese Battle of Dien Bien Phu the Geneva Conference leads to a division of Vietnam along the 17th parallel, with a communist North under Ho Chi Minh, and the CIA backed Ngo Dinh Diem in the South. Sudan achieves internal self-government, full independence in 1956. Red All Saint‟s Day signals the beginning of the of Independence. Founding of SEATO including Australia, New Zealand, France, UK, USA, Philippines and . Also sees the Colombo Conference as prelude to Bandung. 1955 Signing of the CEATO Treaty, including , Britain, Iraq, Iran and Pakistan. Taiwan Straits Crisis intensifies over the first few months of 1955.

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Previous Conferences The Colombo Conference was held in April-May 1954. It was attended by Ceylon, Indonesia, Burma, India and Pakistan, who would become the organising powers behind Bandung. Colombo was not designed to target a specific issue, but to more broadly secure the common interests of Afro-Asian states through increased cooperation.

Some countries did attempt to highlight specific issues. Ceylon pushed an anti- communist agenda, India stressed harmony with the PRC and Indonesia lay the groundwork of a full Afro-Asian Conference. The states called for a ceasefire in Indochina, condemned colonialism, committed to reinforce democratic institutions, and also supporting Chinese admittance to the United Nations (Tariq 2014). It was stated in the final communique of the conference, that Indonesia should explore holding a conference including all Afro-Asian states.

Through 1954, two critical events made the Afro-Asian Conference more likely and included the Chinese in the Colombo project. Firstly, of PRC and Nehru of India agreed on the Panch Sila, the five principles of coexistence as the basis for future bilateral cooperation. These where: 1. Mutual respect for each other‟s territorial integrity and sovereignty 2. Mutual non-aggression 3. Mutual non-interference in each other‟s internal affairs 4. Equality and mutual benefit 5. These negotiations led to a blossoming of Chinese-Indian relations and drew China into a more independent foreign policy, separate to that of the USSR.

Secondly, India and Indonesia were both urged to join SEATO, raising tensions in the area. This was accompanied by the expansion of SEATO defence commitments to the Indochinese region. This was described by Krishna Menon, a key ally of Nehru, as a 12

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reversion to imperial spheres of influence policy. Thus the mid-1954 period set the stakes for Bandung (Mackie, 2005, 62).

The Conference of late December 1954 saw far more cooperation than at Colombo. It was agreed that attendees needed only to agree to the general principles of the Pancha Sila, but that agreement on the issues of Israel, the Central African Federation, Taiwan (ROC) and the two Koreas would not be a prerequisite, in part because this would have led to a large number of countries not attending. It is in Bogor that the venue of the next conference – Bandung – was decided upon (Mackie, 2005, 65).

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Topic to be discussed

The Non-Aligned Movement As has been discussed previously, the Non-Aligned Movement did not form until 1961, but many of its critical ideas and motives were surfaced at Bandung. Therefore, the establishment of an Afro-Asian Non-Aligned Movement should be fully achievable at the conference, and within that many other issues can be tackled in line with the set objectives of the movement. An Afro-Asian Non-Aligned Movement can do a lot more than the historical NAM, because many of the countries have aligned economic and cultural policies, as well as a general will to support decolonisation having experienced imperialism in their recent pasts.

The key debate about constituting the NAM would be about the degree of alignment, because many countries still want protection from either the USSR or the USA. For example, China and North Vietnam would not forsake their alignment with USSR, while countries like Thailand, Philippines or Iran would not forsake their powerful economic and military links with the USA. Therefore, a compromise is needed between opposing interests. The degree of alignment can involve all the following topics, i.e economic, cultural political and diplomatic. To what extent should countries coordinate with one another on the global stage, for example ahead of important votes at the UN? Aligning positions on several complicated and divisive issues would be required, for instance on the Israel-Palestine question. The mid 1950s are one of the more polarised times in modern history, just after the Korean War and at a time when both superpowers are trying to acquire satellites in the . Non-alignment is fundamentally about resisting this trend.

Discussions about the Afro-Asian NAM should consider the degree of cooperation, whether purely diplomatic or stretching further, as well as to what degree USSR/US interventions should be condemned. The conflict that collective defence

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arrangements like NATO, CEATO and SEATO have with the principles of non-alignment should also be discussed.

In more concretely laying out the framework for the Afro-Asian NAM, the desired composition, forums of diplomatic cooperation, committees and liaison offices and leadership may be considered to a limited degree, but the focus must lie on the core principles that will serve as a bedrock for future cooperation.

Decolonisation Given the shared experience of imperialism, it is incumbent on nations in attendance to aid other decolonising movements around the world. The conference meets during the beginnings of the Algerian War, and is intimately bound in the resolution of the , when China first flexed its diplomatic muscles and Vietnam became partitioned. Furthermore, many nationalist movements in Africa are agitating for independence, for example in Nigeria, Kenya, Morocco and Tunisia. Much of the conference should discuss how to help these existing constitutional struggles, and how to catalyse other fledgling movements.

Delegates should consider what the most appropriate way to aid such struggles could be. There are a wide range of positions on this. China is willing to directly supply arms to nationalist movements as they did in Vietnam, while countries like Iran would not wish to compromise their positive relationship with western colonisers like the United Kingdom. How can these conflicting positions be brought into harmony? What kind of diplomatic initiatives can be undertaken and what pressure can be applied to the UN? Is there merit to selectively recognising nationalist movements and more actively supporting them, and is that assistance military, economic or moral in nature?

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Consider the notion that a greater number of colonies gaining independence and then membership of the UN enables the NAM to grow in size and influence.

Internal Divisions/Potential Crises Given the broader political climate of the 1950s, it is perhaps unsurprising that there are several military conflicts and escalating tensions across the world. Many of these circumstances play an impactful role in shaping the policies of countries in attendance at Bandung.

The West Irian Dispute – This dispute between the and Indonesia is based on the Indonesian claim to the territory of Netherlands New Guinea (Catley and Dugis, 1998). The Indonesians argue that as the successor to the Dutch East Indies, to which that territory had belonged, the Dutch-controlled West Guinean territory is rightfully theirs. As of 1955, the Indonesian approach has begun to shift from negotiation with the Dutch to garnering support for its claim at the international stage and seeking to apply diplomatic pressure on the Dutch through the UN (Djiwandono, 1996).

The – This is a guerrilla war fought between the communist forces led by the Malayan National Liberation Army (the military arm of the Malayan Communist Party) and the Commonwealth forces led by the United Kingdom, but also supported by Thailand. Underlying the conflict are racial undertones that are straining relations between ethnic Chinese and Malays, as well as the economic issues arising from the neglect of British occupiers and the short-lasting Japanese invasion in 1941. While the ethnic Malay population only tepidly support the guerrilla insurgency, support of the ethnic Chinese population is crucial (Tilman, 1967).

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The Taiwan Straits Crisis – As the between the People‟s Republic of China (PRC) and the Kuomintag-led Republic of China (ROC) had wound down, the territory controlled by the ROC had been reduced to Formosa (Taiwan) and a few other island groups. Only a few months prior to the Bandung Conference, the PRC invaded the Yijiangshan islands and backed the ROC into seeking American support to abandon the Tachen islands and evacuate to Formosa. This crisis is notable for the very public debates around the potential use of nuclear weapons by the Eisenhower administration (Lilly and Downs, 1997).

Mau Mau Uprising in British Kenya – This is an uprising that started in 1952, pitting the Mau Mau groups of people against the British. The British policy of divide and rule is exploiting internal divisions and limiting the efficacy of the uprising. Several allegations of war crimes and other atrocities have been levelled at both sides of the conflict (BBC, 2011). Delegates are encouraged to read up on this conflict from a range of different sources to eliminate confirmation biases.

In addition to the above conflicts, there are simmering tensions in Algeria, Korea, Suez, Israel-Palestine, Vietnam, Germany, and in Hungary. Delegates are encouraged to research further into these.

Economic links Varying durations of colonial rule and the exploitation of the land, resources and people of the colonies have left many of their economies struggling to cope with the shifting political landscape. The architecture of the economies of many countries represented at Bandung has been built around the import demands of Western economies with a severely depleted domestic industry based largely around agriculture. Industrialisation is very much in its nascent stages and the lack of appropriate infrastructure is a key hurdle to overcome.

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The precarious state of their economies has led several countries to rely heavily on Western or Soviet influence. This reliance is a threat to a truly independent and non-aligned third bloc. Delegates are encouraged to look into economic data on the countries they represent to source meaningful insights on how they can utilise this emerging third block for economic benefit.

Greater economic integration through trade agreements and common markets could be considered to stimulate international trade and mitigate the challenges of resource gaps. Sharing intellectual capital could accelerate industrialisation and account for technology transfer. India, for example, has a particularly advanced rail transportation network compared to its peers. The absence of infrastructure is not only limited to the physical realm of transport and utilities, but more broadly to the democratic systems and economic institutions that are required to facilitate a formal economy.

Cultural links As previously highlighted, ethnic and religious tensions both within individual nations as well as between them are a substantial risk that threatens to distract from the Bandung. In addition to that, a rejection of the racism to which the colonies had been subjected to by their European occupiers is core to the decolonisation movement in its adjacency to the principles of sovereignty and self-determination. The that has been key to the freedom struggle in many former colonies may now be a barrier to strengthening the decolonisation movement through cooperation.

Given the lack of diplomatic institutions at the time and the relative isolation of the colonies by their occupiers, a coordinated approach to build trust through cultural exchange as well as promote the independent identity of the sovereign states is expected to be key to the long-term success of decolonisation.

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Country positions

Countries represented in Bandung (Wikipedia)

Kingdom of – Represented by Foreign Minister Mohammed Naim, the is a pure non-alignment state. It fears Soviet expansionism from the North, but also bears the scars of three Anglo- Afghan Wars fought against the British. In 1955, they want to preserve their sovereignty and believe non-alignment is the most appropriate method to do so.

Union of Burma – Represented by Prime Minister , Burma is perhaps the quintessential non-aligned player at Bandung. Burma has experienced an arguably more straightforward path to decolonisation from Britain when compared to their peers. Opposition to the USA for their support of the Kuomintang, which occupied Burma till 1948, runs deep. Espousing the „Burmese Way to ‟ but simultaneously opposing communist encroachment, Burma is seeking support to maintain the country‟s national unity and avoid neo-colonial (Mackie, 2005, 62). As an organising

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state of the Conference, they thoroughly support a powerful NAM as a potent force against colonialism.

Ceylon – Represented by Prime Minister Sir John Lionel Kotelawala, Ceylon broadly supports the principle of non-alignment, but is willing to specifically condemn Soviet actions as a new form of colonialism. Having declined to join SEATO, it is not a favourable ally of the US either. Decolonised peacefully from Britain in 1948, it supports the rapid rolling back of imperial domination. Ceylon represents a middle ground in the formation of the NAM, and can probably provide a lens of diplomacy and compromise.

People’s Republic of China – Represented by Premier Zhou Enlai, PRC is the largest and arguably most powerful country present at Bandung, having recently won the Chinese Civil War in 1949. PRC supports decolonisation using arms and moving towards a Marxist ideology, and doesn‟t wholeheartedly embrace the Pancha Sila. It sees a need for the prohibition of atomic weapons, economic development, respect for national sovereignty, and fuller cultural exchanges. However, it opposes the radical anti-communism of some states at Bandung, and wants to normalise its own relationship with the UN and other Afro-Asian states. PRC is currently involved in the Taiwan Straits Crisis, a source of escalating tensions with the US.

Nationalist Arab States - Republic of Egypt/ Lebanese Republic/ Syrian Republic – Represented by Premier Gamel Abdel Nasser, Prime Minster Sami Bek Solh and Foreign Minster Khaled El-Azm respectively. These states represent the countries in the Middle East actively pushing for socialism and a third way in the Cold War. They are therefore active participants in the search for a Non-Aligned Movement, willing to militarily contribute to the decolonisation struggles. The tensions between these states and the more

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traditionalist Kingdoms would have to be resolved for full diplomatic cooperation, and economic and cultural bonds would serve as tailwinds to that end. They find „martyred‟ Palestine one of the most critical elements of the modern world and would want to see it included in a statement of principles.

Independent African States - and Republic of represented by Ambassador Yilma Derresa and Secretary of State Momulu Dukuly respectively. These countries are the only fully independent states in Sub-Saharan Africa and want to push decolonisation through all means possible, especially harnessing the forces of the UN, of which they are both full members. They also stand to gain from economic integration and cultural exchange, due to their economies not being highly developed. Fear of the spread of communism runs deep in these nations.

Self-Governing Colonies - Gold Coast and the Republic of Sudan represented by Minster of State Kojo Botsio and Prime Minster Sayed Ismail El-Azhari. These countries are still officially colonies of the British, yet have achieved sufficient self-government to be allowed an independent foreign policy in the face of impending independence. Their peaceful transition to independence and fear of communism means that they are very willing to support a NAM, especially in how it can aid decolonisation around the world. They also seek economic integration and cultural cooperation to help build their states.

Republic of India – Represented by Prime Minister , India is one of the key supporters of non-alignment at Bandung, as well as economic and cultural cooperation. It strongly supports pacifism and seeks to steer a middle course between the British, Americans and Soviets. Their policy of friendly coexistence stretches to quickly recognizing the PRC, and defending nationalist movements across the colonised world. However, a large section of

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their foreign policy is dedicated to supporting their cause in Kashmir, straining relations with Pakistan. It still expects to build a strong power bloc in the UN.

Republic of Indonesia – Represented by Prime Minister , Indonesia is the host of the Bandung Conference and wishes to use a Non- Aligned Movement to shore up its own profile on the global stage. Independent from the Dutch since 1949 in large part due to UN and US pressure, it strongly believes in a middle course in global affairs - a strong NAM, with economic and cultural cooperation as well as maintaining good relations with both the USA and USSR. Indonesia wishes to harness the support of the Afro-Asian world in the West Guinea dispute, and create a diplomatic backing for its own position.

Imperial State of Iran – Represented by Ambassador Dr Jalal Abdoh, it is consistently supportive of the western alliance since the Shah‟s coup in 1953. It has opened up its old fields and is receiving aid from the USA. Thus, virulently opposing communism and economic insularity, Iran would support a NAM in the sense that it can provide a platform to resist communist expansion into the global „South‟ and support a global economic system.

Arab Kingdoms - The Hashemite / The Hashemite Kingdom of / / Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen/ Kingdom of – Represented by Ambassador Dr Mohommad Fadhil Jamili, Minister of Justice Huza El-Majali, Ambassador Mahmoud Muntasser, Prime Minister HRH the Emir Seif Al-Islam Al-Hassan and Foreign Minister HRH the Emir Faisal Ibn Abdul Aziz Al-Saud respectively. These countries are all in favour of a non-aligned movement to secure themselves from communist influences, which they all deeply fear. They all support the Palestinian struggle

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and prioritise it in their political demands, but all have relatively close alignment to the UK and US and want to continue receiving the economic benefits of that relationship. A big motivation in their actions is resistance to Arab nationalists, as they fear their regimes‟ existence might be threatened.

Japan – Represented by Minister of State Tatsunosuke Takasaki, Japan maintained a lower profile at the conference due to the events of the Second World War, but was a key proponent of economic cooperation and revitalisation of the Afro-Asian sphere. It is dedicated to democracy and peace, but reliance on the US for economic, military and political support limits its policy options.

Indochinese Kingdoms - Kingdom of Laos/ Kingdom of Cambodia – Represented by Prime Minister Katay Don Sasorith and Prime Minister Prince Norodom Sihanouk. Both kingdoms are dedicated to keeping their countries free from French or American imperialism, as well as resisting the Vietnamese-backed communists. Both independent since 1953, they support decolonisation but would likely oppose violent means.

Kingdom of Nepal – Represented by Major-General Sovag Jung Thapa, Nepal is a fragile democracy wedged between India and China. It is primarily defending its independence and was never truly colonised. It explicitly supports the Pancha Sila, but does not believe that a new power bloc would protect their interests.

State of Pakistan – Represented by Prime Minister Mohammed Ali Bogra, Pakistan is a member of the pro-US collective security agreement CEATO, but is also supporting negotiations with the PRC against India. Since independence

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in 1947, they have public supported non-alignment, decolonisation and further economic integration.

Kingdom of Thailand – Represented by Foreign Minster Prince , Thailad is a signatory of SEATO. It is fervently anti-communist, fearing Vietnamese and Chinese infiltration. Having never been colonised and having aligned itself with Japan, the Kingdom has become a key strategic ally of the USA. It supports the Pancha Sila, further egalitarian economic cooperation and cultural exchange. It wishes to openly criticise China and the USSR for their actions, and provide for the third bloc‟s mutual security.

Republic of the Philippines – Represented by Ambassador General Carlos Romulo, Philippines is a close ally of the and a critic of communism. It peacefully acquired independence in 1946, and fought off the communist (Sheehan, 2009). It is a founding member of SEATO. It supports economic integration in Africa and Asia, and is explicitly anti-communist.

Republic of Turkey – Represented by Deputy Prime Minister Fatin Rustu, it is aligned to the , having become a member of NATO in 1952. Turkey almost uniquely opposes non-alignment and wishes to have the freedom to oppose communist encroachment in the Western bloc. Beyond that, the deeply ingrained secularism of the state disallows close cultural links with some of the Muslim states but would consider economic cooperation. It strongly supports decolonisation and an end to racist practices.

Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North) – Represented by Deputy Prime Minister Phạm Văn Đồng, North Vietnam is the recent victor of the First Indochina War having ousted the French from the northern section of the

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country. This communist state won its independence through the aid of the Chinese Communists and in direct opposition to the US-backed South Vietnamese regime of Ngô Đình Diệm. It is willing to support violent mean sof decolonisation, and would like to use a non-aligned movement to radicalise recently decolonised states. It has effectively no Western diplomatic recognition, and thus would like to explore a strategy to achieve this (Shirer, 2005).

State of Vietnam (South) – Represented by Minister of State Nguyễn Văn Thoại, the is a creation of the Cold War, fully propped up the United States and relying to ex-colonial aristocrats and Christians. It faces a rising insurgency in the countryside (Shirer, 2005). In order to establish itself as a secured power in South-East Asia, it needs to align itself with regional powers and find support to mitigate the threat of the Viet Minh insurgents. Complete dependence of the regime on the US leaves limited room for policy manoeuvring.

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Questions a Resolution Should Answer

 How can former colonies reinforce their democratic institutions and prevent themselves from being swayed by neo-colonial influences?  How can the countries in attendance support others still fighting for independence and further the decolonisation movement? To what extent should former colonies assist these colonies?  What does a framework of common guiding principles look like?  What form should an Afro-Asian Non-Aligned Movement take? Should it be a formalised non-alignment or simply closer cooperation?  How can non-alignment be achieved in the face of varying degrees of economic and military reliance on countries in the two blocs?  What impact will supranational treaties and defence arrangements have on non-alignment?  What impact will internal issues within former colonies surface to a supranational level? What role does sovereignty play in this?  How can former colonies increase diplomatic cooperation and present themselves as a formidable third bloc? How will this shift the power balance on the global stage and more specifically in the UN?  How can the third bloc coordinate for economic benefit?  What cultural shifts are required to counter racism and build mutual trust, while reaffirming the individual identities of the nations?

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Sources

History.state.gov. (2017). Milestones: 1953–1960 - Office of the Historian. [online] Available at: https://history.state.gov/milestones/1953-1960/bandung- conf (Accessed 2 Dec. 2017).

Catley, B. and Dugis, V. (1998). Australian Indonesian relations since 1945. Aldershot: Ashgate.

Djiwandono, J. (1996). Konfrontasi revisited. : Centre for Strategic and International Studies.

Tilman, R. (1967). The non-lessons of the Malayan emergency. New Haven: Yale University, Southeast Asia Studies.

Lilly, J. and Downs, C. (1997). Crisis in the Taiwan Strait. Ft. Belvoir: Defence Technical Information Center.

BBC (2011). Mau Mau uprising: Bloody history of Kenya conflict. [online] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12997138 (Accessed 3 Dec. 2017).

Chamberlain, Muriel Evelyn. The Longman companion to the formation of the European empires, 1488-1920. Harlow, Longman, 2000.

Chamberlain, Muriel E. Longman Companion to European Decolonisation in the Twentieth Century. S.l., Routledge, 2017.

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Mackie, James A. C. Bandung 1955: non-Alignment and Afro-Asian solidarity. Singapore, Editions Didier Millet, 2005.

Sheehan, Neil. A bright shining lie: John Paul Vann and America in Vietnam. Modern Library, 2009.

Tariq, Ali. “Colombo Conference (1954).” History Pak, historypak.com/colombo-conference-1954/.

The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica. “Bandung Conference.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., 5 Aug. 2014, www.britannica.com/event/Bandung-Conference. (Accessed 12 Nov. 2017).

“The History of the Asian-African Conference | Museum of the Asian-African Conference.” Museum of the AsianAfrican Conference, asianafricanmuseum.org/en/sejarah-konferensi-asia-afrika/.

“Summary of the introductory speeches at the Bandung Conference (18–19 ).” Edited by The National Archives of the United Kingdom, University of Luxembourg, 1 Mar, 2017. www.cvce.eu/content/publication/2015/10/20/831656d3-62e4-4978-a44f- c043c8fb9011/publishable_en.pdf. (Accessed 12 Nov, 2017).

Wright, Richard. The color curtain: a report on the Bandung Conference. Jackson, MS, Univ. Press of Mississippi, 1995. New Age | The Outspoken Daily. (2017). Bandung conference and its relevance. [online] Available at:

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http://www.newagebd.net/article/13758/bandung-conference-and-its- relevance (Accessed 12 Nov. 2017).

En.wikipedia.org. (2017). Bandung Conference. [online] Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bandung_Conference (Accessed 7 Dec. 2017).

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Conference Information When looking for information regarding LIMUN 2018 (and subsequent editions) your first step should be to visit our website: www.limun.org.uk

To contact the chairs of the Bandung Conference and to submit position papers, email [email protected]

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Agenda & Rules of Procedure The agenda for the 2018 conference is available online at www.limun.org.uk/agenda

The Rules of Procedure can be accessed here: http://limun.org.uk/rules

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