Inter-Asia Cultural Studies

ISSN: 1464-9373 (Print) 1469-8447 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/riac20

The legacy and the People's Republic of in the perspective of global modernity

Arif Dirlik

To cite this article: Arif Dirlik (2015) The Bandung legacy and the People's Republic of China in the perspective of global modernity, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 16:4, 615-630

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2015.1103024

Published online: 07 Dec 2015.

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Download by: [Arif DIRLIK] Date: 08 December 2015, At: 10:49 Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 2015 Vol. 16, No. 4, 615–630, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2015.1103024

The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China in the perspective of global modernity

Arif DIRLIK

ABSTRACT The most important question concerning the 60th anniversary commemoration(s) of the Asian-African Congress of 1955 is what voices will be heard, and which voices will prevail. This may also be the most significant difference between this year’s commemorative gatherings and the event that provides the occasion for them. The delegates from 29 Asian and African nations that met in Bandung, , in 1955 shared a sense of common experience in recent struggles against and . The hundred plus nations invited to this year’s official commemoration come with quite different experiences in the intervening years since then. More significantly, whereas it was states that spoke in 1955, this year’s commemoration has opened up political space to the voicing of public concerns by groups of activists, and representatives of diverse ecological, social, economic, political and cultural causes that are products of the present, many of them with only a tenuous dis- cursive linkage to the original conference. It would be silly to expect common ground even of a ritual kind among these constituencies. Extra-state voices add a whole new dimension to the commemoration. Whether they are heard in a substantial sense or simply ignored with verbal platitudes will determine the historical significance and meaning of the conference. This essay was written before the actual con- ference in April 2015.

KEYWORDS: Asian-African conference, non-aligned nations, , Indonesia, , the People’s Republic of China

The most important question concerning the political space to the voicing of public con- 60th anniversary commemoration(s) of the cerns by groups of activists, and representa- Asian-African Congress of 1955 is what tives of diverse ecological, social, economic, voices will be heard, and which voices will political and cultural causes that are pro- Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 prevail. This may also be the most significant ducts of the present, many of them with difference between this year’s commemora- only a tenuous discursive linkage to the orig- tive gatherings and the event that provides inal conference. It would be silly to expect the occasion for them. The delegates from common ground even of a ritual kind 29 Asian and African nations that met in among these constituencies. Extra-state Bandung, Indonesia, in 1955 shared a sense voices add a whole new dimension to the of common experience in recent struggles commemoration. Whether they are heard in against colonialism and racism. The a substantial sense or simply ignored with hundred plus nations invited to this year’s verbal platitudes will determine the histori- official commemoration come with quite cal significance and meaning of the different experiences in the intervening conference. years since then. More significantly, The Bandung Conference was the culmi- whereas it was states that spoke in 1955, nation of revolutionary struggles against this year’s commemoration has opened up colonial rule and/or oppression, but the

© 2015 Arif DIRLIK 2015. All Rights Reserved. 616 Arif Dirlik

goals of the participants and the program It is necessary to keep in mind in any they signed on to was anything but revolu- assessment of the Conference that its tionary in their vision of the newly indepen- primary goal was political, and the politics dent nations, or with respect to the world had much to do with the politics of the order in which they found themselves. United Nations. In the force of its collective Indeed, the gathering was remarkably call for recognition of the new nations’ status quo oriented. The conference sought voices in decisions that would determine most importantly to protect and strengthen their fates, as well as their prerogatives in the new world order embodied in the speaking to global issues with which their United Nations against divisions between fates were interlinked, the Conference the capitalist and communist blocs that pushed against the limitations of the newly threatened to undermine it and turn it into established status quo as it had been envi- an instrument of great power politics. One sioned by its great power founders who after another, “the delegates stressed the also presided over it. In the words of the importance of the United Nations as the Prime Minister of Indone- best safeguard for the future of mankind sia, a moving spirit behind and president of and as the best guarantee of peace” (Abdul- the Conference, “…this Conference was gani 1964a, 27).1 But defending the UN born out of the fulness of time which has seemed, under the circumstances, a radical entrusted to the independent states of Asia act in the protection and promotion of and Africa their new task in the destiny of freedom and human security. The delibera- mankind, but I venture to state that the fore- tions were driven by a combination of most reason which gave birth to this Confer- plight and promise that in subsequent years ence was the agonizing tensions from which would characterize Third Worldist activity the world is suffering today” (Sastroamidjojo in global politics. While the seemingly unrea- 1955, 33). Among the stated goals of the Con- listic optimism of the Conference reflected ference was to strive for more inclusive mem- the lingering idealism inspired by recent bership in the UN, with an eye especially on victories over colonialism, underlying the the People’s Republic of China, which was a optimism was a deep-seated fear of impend- central concern of the participants. In his ing global conflict that threatened the own address, Prince Norodom Sihanouk of very conditions for the sustenance of their noted with a hint of criticism achievement, and further prospects of that the conference “shatters the frontiers nation-building and development, if not which separated the two worlds: the commu- human existence itself. Both themes were in nist and the non-communist. In this respect, evidence in the official addresses, beginning our Conference appears to be an Afro-

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 with the welcoming speech by President Asian offspring of the United Nations of Indonesia: Assembly and offers an opportunity for regretting that the United Nations have not Yes, we are living in a world of fear. The yet opened their doors to some nations life of man today is corroded and made having already obviously fulfilled the con- bitter by fear. Fear of the future, fear of the hydrogen bomb, fear of ideologies. ditions of sovereignty and capacity required ” 2 Perhaps this fear is a greater danger for membership (MFARI 1955, 49). The than the danger itself, because it is fear Communique of the Conference declared “ which drives men to act foolishly, to act full support of the fundamental principles thoughtlessly, to act dangerously … I of Human Rights as set forth in the Charter beg of you, do not be guided by these of the United Nations and took note of the fears, because fear is an acid that etches Universal Declaration of Human Rights as man’s actions into curious patterns. Be a common standard of achievement for all guided by hopes and determination, be peoples and all nations” (MFARI 1955, guided by ideals, and, yes, be guided 165).3 It was not insignificant that the Com- by dreams! (Sukarno 1955, 22) munique placed human rights side by side The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China 617

with explicit denunciations of colonialism commemorations in 2015 continue to and racialism, past and present. pursue this revival. Anti-colonialism and anti-racism were *** foundational to the political agenda to emerge from the Conference. As President The Bandung promise was overcome Sukarno of Indonesia stated in his welcom- within a matter of years by the very differ- ing speech to delegates of the 29 nations ences it had hoped to surmount. Gerard gathered at the conference, “We are united Greenfield has written that, “Far from repre- … . by a common detestation of colonialism senting a united front against racism, neo- in whatever form it appears. We are united colonialism and , the Bandung by a common detestation of racialism” Conference was characterized by divisive- (Sukarno 1955, 22). Elimination of these ness and conflict within Asia and Africa twin evils was a precondition for peace in a that not only undermined the ability of world threatened by great power rivalry Third World nationalists to contest the US and nuclear destruction. empire, but reaffirmed the legitimacy of US Putting these issues on the global imperial ambitions” (Greenfield 2004, 167). agenda was no mean accomplishment. The The criticism is well taken, and should success of the conference in uniting around serve as an important reminder for current them despite diversity of “color,” culture, commemorations of the “Bandung spirit,” religion, historical legacies, as well as differ- to which I will return below. It is also ences in political and economic interest, eli- wrong-headed in its blanket condemnation, cited wishful hopes of “determination to as if any event or movement must be dis- live together; to solve our problems peace- missed offhand unless it musters sufficient fully in a brotherly fashion” and realize unity and power to overthrow or “the end of co-existence between differing US imperialism. By that logic, if we are to political and social systems” (Abdulgani be consistent, we would have to dismiss as 1964b, 64).4 The optimism was no doubt irrelevant not only the United Nations, but partly a product of the euphoria the Confer- radical movements against capitalism ence generated, and the celebrated (including those that eventuated in socialist “Bandung spirit” it conjured, which argu- states) which equally have failed to over- ably has been its most enduring legacy. Its throw capitalism, capitulated to it, and longevity suggests that there was more to it turned into its active agents. It seems that than passing euphoria. The “spirit” was even in its failure the Conference as a histori- very much in evidence in the Third World cal event may have a good deal to tell us resurgence of the following two decades of about the dynamics of global politics, and

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 which the Conference was an inaugural the power relations that drive them, which moment, as well as the Non-Aligned Move- are blurred in a single-minded preoccupa- ment it inspired during the . To tion with US imperialism, and its suggestion all appearances, it has outlasted the demise that the overthrow of capitalism rules out of the Third World with the neoliberal recon- concerns for issues that may be of the figuration of global relations, and the irrele- utmost significance to others in “Third vance of non-alignment with the fall of World” (or “Global South,” or whatever in the late 1980s.5 It enjoyed a depiction is historically chosen). Capitalism revival with the 50th anniversary commem- is indeed a fundamental issue, but it is not oration in 2005 (described by some as necessarily the only one, and it is not Bandung II), “deemed more relevant than viewed through the same lens everywhere. ever by Left nationalists, pan-Asianists The Bandung Conference was no doubt and `Third Worldists’ seeking to restore or an important event in the political emergence reinvigorate a united front against US-led of the Third World, but what it represented is and/or US imperialism” best appreciated in the perspective of its (Greenfield 2004, 166). Sixtieth anniversary antecedents and its consequences. President 618 Arif Dirlik

Sukarno in his welcoming speech acknowl- Asian solidarity. Rahul Mukherji writes that edged the debt the Bandung Conference “Faith in Asian Civilization and values owed to the 1927 Brussels conference of the turned out to be a third (in addition to de- “League Against Imperialism and Colonial- colonization and non-alignment) – though ism” where “many distinguished Delegates much less effective – source of Asian solidar- who are present here today met each other ity” (Mukherji 2008, 166). and found new strength in their fight for Nehru himself stated in his report to the independence” (Sukarno 1955,19–20). That Indian Parliament (Lok Sabha) in the after- event, “covertly funded in part by the Com- math of the Conference that, munist International (and believed to be funded by the in China and While the Asian Renaissance has legiti- the Mexican government)” (Prashad 2007, mately and naturally played an impor- tant part in the thinking of the 19), pointed to the important part commun- delegates, it is important to note that ism had played in the anti-colonial move- they remembered and recorded, in ment since the founding of the Communist accordance with their age-old traditions International in the aftermath of the of tolerance and universality, that the of 1917, which first had Conference believed that Asian and found expression in the Baku Congress of African cultural cooperation should be the Peoples of the East in 1920. It is this back- developed in the larger context of ground that has prompted to world co-operation. (Nehru 1955, 16) write that “Bandung did not originate in the heads of the nationalist leaders (Nehru Finally, in a more immediate sense, the and Sukarno particularly, rather less, very existence of the UN provided a motiv- Nasser) as is implied by contemporary ation for convening the Conference. Accord- writers. It was the product of a radical leftw- ing to Abdulgani, “It was felt – and is still ing critique which was at that time con- felt – that the countries of Asia and Africa, ducted within the communist parties” because they have in many ways a similar (Amin 2014).6 international background and positive The other strand that was visible in the outlook, have the necessary foundation for Bandung Conference was pan-Asianism, such a regional grouping as the Charter of which since the turn of the 20th century the United Nations envisages” (Abdulgani had played an important part in fostering a 1964a, 22). The insistence of the organizers sense of shared political and cultural plight on “shared background” with Africa served among both radical and conservative intel- also as a disguise, if not an insincere one, for lectual activists across the breadth of Asia, the importance to the “Asian” cause of Afro-

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 more often than not finding expression in Asian alignment in UN politics. The align- problematic contrasts between a “spiritual” ment was one that promised reciprocal Asia and a “materialist” West that in their benefits. “Asian” support for their de-coloni- very reductionism enabled some sense of zation struggles was much appreciated by kinship against apparent differences within African states, most importantly in 1955 Asia itself. This contrast found its way into against in South Africa and many of the speeches at the Conference. French colonialism in the north. Support for There is no reason to doubt the sincerity of the Palestinian cause, similarly, offered an Conference organizers in including African inducement for Arab states to align with the states in the Conference, or the beliefs they emerging grouping. The UN “umbrella,” if expressed in a shared past and a common we may call it that, was important for the future with the peoples of Africa. But ability of the conference to bring together a “Asia” was the central concern of the Confer- variety of states who were otherwise suspi- ence. Already in 1947 Prime Minister Nehru cious of the communist legacies of interna- of India had convened an “Asian Relations tionalism or pan-Asianism, including Arab Conference” in to promote states who earlier had declined Nehru’s The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China 619

Asianist overtures, and even some like Burma seek common ground and not to create () and Malaya who already had divergence” (MFARI 1955, 63). He further expressed concerns that “Asian domination reiterated the PRC’s commitment to uphold might turn out to be worse than Western principles of mutual respect for territorial domination” (Mukherji 2008, 166). integrity, non-aggression, non-interference If these earlier ideological and organiz- and , as well as with- ational legacies had prepared the ground drawing the Guomindang government’s for the Bandung Conference, what gave it claims on overseas hua populations, recog- urgency in the eyes of its organizers7 was nizing their freedom to choose their citizen- fear of war and revolution. The global confla- ship. Despite Zhou’s personal charm that gration they feared had immediacy in won over the delegates, fear of eastern Asia in the conflicts surrounding as represented by the and the the People’s Republic of China (PRC), PRC as a new form of imperialism and colo- which at the time was the “focus of attention nialism (as in eastern Europe) remained a of the international world” (Abdulgani, contentious one at the Conference. It was in quoted in Ang 2008, 31). The the end more or less swept under the rug had just wound down to a standstill. by a verbal compromise over the scope and Vietnam was poised between the end of nature of “colonialism” that substituted one colonialism and the likely beginning of “colonialism in all its manifestations” for another. PRC claims on Taiwan threatened unqualified colonialism or “forms of coloni- war with the . States from alism,” as had been proposed by critics, India and to Burma and Laos had some of them allied to the US in various border problems with the PRC, some of pacts intended to “contain” communism them predating the colonial legacies that (Kahin 1956,30–31). had produced them. These frictions threa- US scholar George Kahin who had close tened states that were still in the process of access to the conference proceedings wrote in nation-building and consolidation of terri- his report that the organizers were motivated tories. Of equal concern were the hua popu- by a lations of Southeast Asian states (in particular and Indonesia), whom common concern over what they the previous Guomindang government had regarded as an increasingly dangerous claimed as Chinese, whose loyalties were tension between China and the United divided between places of origin and places States and their fear that this might of arrival (Abraham 2008). break out into a disastrous world war Much has been written about Premier from whose atomic consequences they ’ could not escape. Related to this … was Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 s stellar performance in the desire of the five sponsors to lay a Bandung, the combination of reasonable- ’ ness, dexterity and charm with which he firm foundation for China s peaceful relations with the rest of the world, not was able to turn hostility to the PRC into only with the West, but equally with them- something like hopeful acceptance of the selves and other areas of Southeast Asia per- possibility of peaceful coexistence. While ’ ipheral to China. Thus they envisaged the Zhou s promises of peaceful resolution of Conference as providing an opportunity problems with neighboring states were mol- for working toward three important lifying, it is doubtful that they alleviated objectives of their foreign policies.: (1) fears of Communist imperialism and internal avoidance of war, most immediately subversion. In his impromptu speech to the between China and the United States, conference (in addition to a prepared text) (2) development of China’s diplomatic in response to critics, Zhou assured the del- independence of Russia, (3) egates that “The Chinese Delegation has of Chinese and Vietminh military power come here to seek unity and not to quarrel and political influence at the southern … The Chinese Delegation has come here to border of China and the eastern 620 Arif Dirlik

boundaries of Cambodia and Laos, and been accomplished under capitalism. But it the combating of illegal and subversive could not be capitalist, as it would be led Communist activities in all non-Com- by the Communist party, representing munist Asia, particularly in their own workers and peasants, rather than the bour- countries (Kahin 1956,4–5, emphasis in geoisie, which was too weak in such societies original). to undertake leadership (Dirlik 1997). More to the point here, the underlying reasoning In Kahin’s informed telling, finding a suggested a double affinity if not identity modus vivendi with the People’s Republic for the PRC as both a socialist country and of China overshadowed all other issues at one that shared the experience of economic the Bandung Conference. Prime Minister and social backwardness of colonial Nehru played the leading part to this end, societies. In subsequent years, until the securing the PRC’s inclusion in the confer- 1980s, the PRC in many ways bridged the ence, and interceding on its behalf when second and the third worlds. In a fundamen- necessary. Nehru had been pursuing some tal sense, it also remained an outsider to kind of cooperation with the PRC since the both. It continues to remain an outsider at beginning of the decade (the PRC had been the present, this time belonging to both the established in 1949), advocating also that world of capitalism and claiming affinity China’s seat in the UN Security Council be with the Global South. turned over from the Guomindang govern- If Bandung was a coming out party for ment in Taiwan to the PRC (he apparently the third world, the debut of the PRC was also spurned an exploratory offer of that one of its most significant consequences. seat to India) (Harder 2015). He was con- The unfolding of events after the conference vinced that the PRC’s cooperation was indis- confirmed Kahin’s judgement that its main pensable to achieving Asian unity, and, accomplishment had been educational indeed, world peace. The PRC’s aggressive- (Kahin 1956,35–36). The apparent modus ness was exaggerated, he believed, attribut- vivendi established with the PRC was ing existing hostilities to mutual ignorance short-lived, unable to withstand the force of which, if overcome, would reduce tensions conflicting interests and claims the confer- and the threat of war. He also seems to ence had sought to overcome, culminating have had some conviction that the percepti- most seriously in the India-China War in ble differences between PRC (and Vietna- 1962, and the spread of Maoist revolutionary mese) and Soviet communism were activity from India to the in the evidence of the importance of the “Asian” 1960s (and to the present day). But the con- factor in the former, which needed to be cul- ference did initiate relationships, informed “ ”

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 tivated. Asianness aside, his distinction by some sense of kinship, that continue to was well-taken in pointing to different be called upon to the present day in claims paths socialism would take in Afro-Asian of affinity. If others found that they could (and Latin American) societies, including relate to the PRC in what it was trying to China. In 1955, the PRC was still under the achieve, for the PRC it offered a clientele sway of the “New Democracy,” which the wary of Cold War great powers that could Maoist leadership had adopted in 1940. be cultivated in projecting power and influ- New Democracy, Mao explained in the cele- ence beyond its national boundaries. brated essay of that title, referred to a histori- The issue of the PRC also has much to cal stage that must precede the transition to tell us about some of the fundamental limit- socialism in “semi-feudal semi-colonial” ations of the Bandung Conference. The Con- societies where collusion of colonialism and ference in the end was able to smooth over native “feudal forces” forestalled the devel- the hostility to Communism as represented opment of capitalism. It was a stage that by the PRC, but the hostility itself is reveal- would provide for socialism the material ing, and did not end with the conference. foundation that in advanced societies had While Communist “imperialism” seems to The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China 621

have been the primary focus of attention, no its limited understanding of colonialism as less important was the concern with Com- a problem between nations led to oblivious- munist infiltration and subversion. As ness to questions of internal colonialism attested by the likes of Samir Amin and the over minority ethnicities, nationalities and movements that had gone into the making indigenous peoples. The celebration of of the Conference, the issue of Communism “diversity” at the Conference (Sukarno was not merely a matter of imperialism or 1955,26–27) glossed over prolific problems subversion from the outside, but an impor- of ethnic and minority oppression as well tant strand that went into the making of the as religious conflict that accompanied Third World, accounting for the revolution- nation-building efforts in most if not all of ary turn it would take in the 1960s. In con- the societies involved. These problems have trast to the contemporary neoliberal persisted over the years, in some cases equation of socialism with state intervention, acquiring even greater saliency. While sys- hostility to socialism in the and 1960s temic racism, too, may have been a product was not directed at socialist privileging of of Euro/American colonialism, it was by no the state. Most of the leaders at the means absent from relations between Afro- Bandung Conference (Nehru prominently Asian societies. “Ethno-political faultlines” among them) believed in the centrality of between and within Afro-Asian societies the state in national development. Rather, did not go unnoticed, leading the Burmese as had been the case with the Guomindang delegate at the Conference to observe that in China, leaders of independence struggles “it was terrible to be ruled by a Western who saw nation-building as the foremost power, but it was even more so to be ruled task were suspicious of Communist advo- by an Asian power” (Abraham 2008, 54).10 cacy of social revolution that brought issues References by sympathetic scholars to a of class inequality and oppression into the “Bandung project” or to Bandung as the nation-building project. They were con- fountainhead for a “Third World project” cerned with questions of economic back- are not to be taken at face value to suggest wardness and poverty, to be sure, but a common program of action. They refer believed that those questions would be rather to parallel political projects that came resolved with national sovereignty and together during the following two decades development.8 While these leaders of the in struggles against colonialism and neocolo- newly independent nations were unanimous nialism in tenuous united front strategies led in their condemnation of colonialism, they by the “national bourgeoisie,” collapsing in were also anxious to separate issues of colo- the end under the weight of imperialism nialism from Leninist notions of imperialism and their own internal contradictions. The

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 as a necessary consequence of the capitalist closest the Bandung Conference came to for- economy. In foregrounding the links mulating a “project” was the final Communi- between of colonialism, racism and capital- que, which, along with the Five Principles of ism – Frantz Fanon is the most obvious refer- Peaceful Coexistence, represented more a ence – the radical turn in Third World politics “code of conduct” than a political program in the 1960s would not only challenge imper- (Acharya and Tan 2008,3–7).11 In the effort ial capitalism as the ultimate culprit in global to accommodate differences in order to oppression, but also point to the complicity achieve consensus, the terms of the Commu- in oppression of the Third World national nique were phrased in the most general bourgeoisie with its own class interests. terms, which left them open to interpretation National liberation movements in the 1960s in accordance with conflicting interests. As represented both the unfolding of the Kahin observed at the time, “with regard Bandung moment, and its negation (Amin to … Controversial issues it should be 1994, 2015b).9 noted that the breadth and lack of precision If the Bandung Conference had little to of the formulas found by the delegates say about issues of class in nation-building, covered different points of view, so that 622 Arif Dirlik

each delegation, within limits, was free to may be little question that Bandung has interpret them to suit itself” (Kahin 1956, served well as a political or mobilizing 31). In this sense, the Communique was myth, it is equally evident that the myth similar to “Asian values” discourse in later has been subject to different, and conflicting, years, which similarly is open to different significations and purposes. societies projecting their own values upon *** it. Even the US Secretary of State , who had been hostile to the The 50th and 60th commemorations of Conference, felt that the document was one the Bandung Conference also take place in “which we ourselves could subscribe to” the context of “Asia rising.” What is cele- (Ang 2008, 42). brated this time around is not the end of colo- Containing the contradictions in a single nialism but success in global capitalism that narrative, implied by the term “project” may surpasses by far the wildest dreams of the be consistent with the goals of the Bandung original Bandungers. Differences of the Conference. It also has theoretical justifica- present from the post-World War II tion going back to Lenin and the Communist decades are by now widely familiar. The International theses on the necessity of of socialism and the third cooperation between classes in “national- world of national liberation alternatives are democratic” revolutions against imperial- no more. Capital in its globalization has infil- ism, which had come into play in the 1920s trated the remotest corners of the earth. in China in the Communist Party’s relation- Eastern Asian societies have been the fore- ship with the Guomindang, and was implicit most beneficiaries as well as engines of glo- as well in Mao’s idea of “new democracy.” balization, culminating in the rise of the On the other hand, it also risks burying PRC. The bipolar configuration of global under a Bandung discourse the contradic- power that was the context for the Bandung tions that have beset Third World societies Conference was replaced by the unipolar in their relationship to capitalism, to one hegemony of the US with the fall of socialist another, and their own social, political, and states, which in turn is in the process of cultural constitution. If the Bandung Confer- receding before a multipolar world in ence inaugurated a new age of the Third which the PRC is the foremost claimant for World, described by some as the “Bandung a new hegemony. In contrast to the Cold Era” (Berger 2004), it is equally important War decades when socialism offered a see- that the Bandung spirit that emerged from mingly convincing alternative to capitalism, the Conference was quickly overtaken by it is pursuit of supremacy within the victor- more radical demands that called for the ious capitalist order that drives the compe-

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 overhaul not just of existing colonial or neo- tition for power. Claims to alternatives colonial relations but of the capitalist within this new context draw heavily on cul- economy in which they were grounded. It tural legacies in search of efforts to construct is not surprising that participants in the orig- “alternative modernities” to challenge the inal Bandung Conference proved to be reluc- universalist assumptions of Euromodernity. tant to attempt a second gathering, which Perhaps not so surprisingly, given its did not take place until 50 years later, limitations, the problems the “Bandung under quite different circumstances The movement” sought to resolve have not dis- radical turn in the 1960s represented a sig- appeared, although they have been reconfi- nificant turn against the “national-demo- gured by these changes, and the new cratic” aspirations of Bandung in its call for problems they have added to the old ones. the reconstitution of Third World societies Foremost is fear. Fear of “weapons of mass that suffered not just from ills left over destruction” is pervasive, the difference from the ;past but from their entanglement being that there is a wider range of them in in the global capitalist economy in which more hands available at the present.12 No they already were enmeshed. While there longer restrained by a bipolar arrangement The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China 623

of power, violent conflict between and within corporate interests, backed by atavistic reli- societies has become the new normal. Over- gious constituencies who find endless bliss shadowing it all is fear of impending ecologi- in ignorance. cal catastrophe brought about by the reckless But, as in 1955, albeit for different developmentalism intrinsic to capitalism, reasons, the PRC is also hampered in its emulated in turn by so-called socialist search for global leadership by suspicions societies, and rendered into a “global faith” of insidious imperial designs. Economic by the globalization of capital (Rist 2009). power has fertilized a chauvinistic national- Most interestingly, the People’s Republic ism that is indeed cause for concern not just of China remains at the center of Bandung for neighbors but globally, invoking sugges- concerns, although in a vastly transformed tions of fascist political repressiveness at role than 60 years earlier, in the promise it home and a lebensraum imperialism abroad. offers as well as the predicament it presents. Its righteously if spuriously voiced claims With its newfound wealth and power, the on territories adjoining its boundaries and PRC has emerged as a challenger to the over seas in Eastern and Southeastern Asia world order established under US hegemony has brought it into virtual (and, on occasion, following the Second World War – not as a real) conflict with all its neighbors, except revolutionary challenger as in the 1950s to perhaps North Korea. The colonialist tactics 1960s, but as competitor within the confines it uses in suppressing demands for auton- of global capitalism. Countries of the Global omy (legally guaranteed on paper) among South (if not just the Global South) increas- its own minority populations – most ingly look to the PRC for help in overcoming notably in Tibet and Xinjiang – have all the their developmental problems. The Bandung earmarks of state terrorism. Colonial pre- revival, on the other hand, provides the PRC sumptions also figure into threats of military with an ideal platform to further consolidate conquest against Taiwan, justified by a racia- its burgeoning initiatives to establish econ- lized notion of national unity that ignores the omic linkages across Afro-Eurasia, and historical, political and cultural gap that extending to Latin America. The 2015 divides the two nations A racialized notion Bandung Conference seems tailor-made to of “Chineseness” is also audible in calls for flaunt such initiatives as the “One Belt One unity of hua populations around the globe. Road” projects to link the PRC with Europe Domestically, the suppression of intellectual across Central Asia through the “Silk freedom and dissent has been compared Road,” and with Western Asia and Africa unfavorably by some of its victims to colonial through the old “Maritime Silk Road” rule, while the repression of popular (described by President Sukarno in 1955 as demands for justice among the workers and “ ” Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 the life-line of imperialism ) (Sukarno peasants exposes the hypocrisy of the Com- 1955, 21), the BRIC (, Russia, India munist Party that continues to claim them and China) Bank, and, most recently, the for its social foundation. Gender relations AIIB (Asian Infrastructure Investment have taken a regressive turn with the Bank) that has surpassed by far the retreat from revolutionary promises of equal- regime’s expectations in its attractiveness to ity and here, too, the leadership has been pre- prospective collaborators, across “North- pared to suppress all signs of dissent. Anti- South” or “East-West” divides. The timing imperialism, plausible in the revolutionary is propitious, as the US forfeits claims to past, has turned in the post-revolutionary global leadership by squandering its wealth period into a chauvinistic , and prestige in wasteful wars without con- which seems to be a predicament of anti- vincing reason, alienates Islamic and Arab imperialist nationalist ideologies. Despite its states in its servile loyalty to the apartheid economic attractiveness to its neighbors and regime in Israel, and more and more globally, PRC’s behavior confirms for many resembles a failed state in the dysfunctions among its neighbors the Burmese delegate’s created by the sale of government to wistful observation in 1955 quoted above, 624 Arif Dirlik

that while “it was terrible to be ruled by a common ground of material interests that Western power … it was even more so to the earlier Bandungers could only dream be ruled by an Asian power.” of. It is quite likely, indeed, that while the The PRC’s problems loom large because political events will be mostly of a ritual of the leadership it aspires to, and is perhaps nature, the real action will take place at the increasingly expected by some. But compar- Asia-Africa Business Summit scheduled in able if not similar problems plague most tandem with the political one ( Post Afro-Asian societies involved in the 2015a, 2015b; Santikajaya and Abdurrohman Bandung Conference. Corruption, authori- 2015).13 tarian intolerance for dissent, and ethnic This is where a crucial question arises. If and religious conflict are pervasive across Bandung contributes to political understand- the two continents. Some of these conflicts ing among the participants and moderates attest to the failure of postcolonial nation- their mutual distrust and conflicting inter- building projects, others are products of the ests, encourages greater solidarity, and identity politics that have acquired saliency offers even a glimpse of the possibility of a in tandem with globalization. Nativist cul- new world order based not on cut-throat tural revivalisms (more often than not with competition but compassion and religious overtones) against the universalist cooperation, it may indeed claim significance claims of Euromodernity, that meet with as a historical event, and not just ritual diplo- much applause in postcolonial criticisms of macy. But this itself is possible only if the hegemonic Eurocentrism, also produce paro- participants commit themselves to those chialisms that divide postcolonial societies qualities not just in terms of international from each other with uncompromising diplomacy, but as principles in the reconsti- claims to cultural difference, unmediated by tution of social and economic relationships common notions of humanity and human in their own societies and globally. In other rights. The contemporary scene in this words, if they are prepared to challenge the sense is a regression from the Bandung Con- economic injustices of global capitalism, the ference of 1955, where the participants saw social injustices that have proliferated no conflict between asserting at once under its regime, the injustices of “colonial- loyalty to human and cultural rights but, on ism in all its forms,” and the political injus- the contrary, saw the one as the confirmation tices of ethnic/cultural oppression and the of the other. denial to their populations of significant It is perhaps this spirit that the organi- voice in the determination of their fates. zers of the 60th anniversary conference Could Bandung in the spirit of solidarity have in mind. The goal of the conference is, take a step toward a “sharing economy”

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 after all, to revive a sense of friendship and instead of serving as an instrument for new solidarity that may help overcome divisions kinds of power within a destructive global and conflicts, which is also evident in the capitalism? (STWR 2015) inclusiveness of the list of those invited. In his draft proposal for a follow-up Whether or not they will be successful in cul- unofficial Bandung conference in October tivating a “spirit” that will outlast the rituals 2015, entitled “Building Sovereignty/ of the conference remains to be seen, Inclu- Preventing Hegemony,” Samir Amin writes: siveness, admirable and necessary as it is, “What model of society do we want? also increases the likelihood of immobilizing Founded on what principles? The destructive conflicting interests. On the other hand, competition between individuals or the affir- unlike in 1955 when what brought the par- mation of the advantages of solidarity? The ticipants together were intangible sentiments liberty that gives legitimacy to inequality or of anti-colonialism and anti-racism, the the liberty associated with equality? The present occasion nourishes off shared exploitation of the planet’s resources material interests that are already partially without regard for the future or by taking a reality, which enhances the possibility of a into consideration the precise measure of The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China 625

what is needed for the reproduction of the number one) economy in the world in conditions of life on the planet? The future terms of overall Gross Domestic Product must be seen as the realization of a higher (GDP) ranks somewhere around 90th stage of universal human civilization, not among more than 150 countries when it merely a more "fair" or more "efficient" comes to per capita GDP. Number ten, model of civilization as we know it (the India, ranks somewhere around number "modern" civilization of capitalism) (Amin 140th, number seventeen, Indonesia, 2015a; Khudori 2006). between 110th and 120th, and number eigh- These sound like improbable issues to be teen, in Western Asia, somewhere taken up in the official Bandung conference in the region of the 65th. Most sub-Saharan which, similar to its 1955 predecessor is African countries fall at the bottom of rank- likely to stay away from contentious issues ings of both GDP and GDP per capita. One of inequality, social justice and popular of the most advanced with global claims, democracy, in any form. Speaking to these South Africa, ranks number 33 by GDP and issues, cross-national boundaries, after all, in the 60s by GDP per capita ( would go against the commitment to “non- 2015; Wikipedia Contributors 2013).14 Econ- interference” if not cultural “autonomy.” omic power as reflected in the GDP has There is a suggestion in the conference given these societies – especially the PRC – organization that the business of Bandung enormous clout in global relations, but the is most likely to be, business, as APEC GDP per capita figures still qualify them, (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) used somewhat misleadingly, as developing to proclaim. Some Indonesian commentators societies. already have pointed to the potential econ- Development has come at a high social omic utility of the Bandung “brand” and ecological cost. Societies of the Global (Tarrosy 2014; Greenfield 2004, 169). South suffer from the same problems that If we look past official Bandung with its afflict all contemporary societies. Privatiza- social movement activists, then the grass- tion of resources in the name of market effi- roots problems that the original Bandungers ciency has led to the plunder of public had pointed to as projects that the new resources, most egregiously in the PRC, nations had to resolve still await solution. because of its socialist pretensions, where offi- They have been exacerbated even further cials supposed to serve the public have con- by voluntary or involuntary compliance verted enormous amounts of wealth into with the demands of global capitalism. private gain in systemic corruption. Land- Poverty remains a pervasive problem. grabbing and forcing dispossessed or Despite advances in societies that have surplus peasant (especially women’s) labor “ Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 been able to take advantage of the globaliza- into the market, typical of primitive tion of capital to improve the condition of accumulation” under capitalism every- their people, more than half of the world’s where, has been exacerbated in the case of people live in abject poverty or lead a precar- the PRC by far-flung and ruthlessly efficient ious existence at its margins. Poverty is most Communist Party bureaucracy, disguising serious in societies of the Global South (neo- coercive rule and corruption under the liberal avatar of the Third World), but it is sign of socialism. Similar corruption, using also increasingly a condition of life in so- the resources of the state to dispossess the called advanced capitalist societies, more so public is apparent everywhere under the for the racially oppressed. Asian societies regime of neoliberal global capitalism, with that have surged to the top tiers of the particularly devastating consequences for global economy over the last two decades populations already suffering from endemic nevertheless face seemingly insurmountable poverty. challenges in extending the benefits of devel- Hackneyed clichés about rising tides opment to their enormous populations. The lifting all boats don’t explain why the tide PRC, the number two (and by some counts rises to different levels for the billions living 626 Arif Dirlik

in abject poverty and the richest 1% (still The devastating ecological consequences mostly in the US but with increasing of development raises further questions numbers from the “Global South,” especially about its sustainability. Problems of environ- Asia) of the world’s population, which at last mental destruction and resource depletion count owns 46% of its wealth or, looking at that have accompanied development are some samples from Asia and Africa, why well-known and widely acknowledged, the top 1% in “socialist” China owns one- even by those who are devoted to it in the third of the country’s wealth, the top 1% of pursuit of economic gain or political power. India owns close to half of the wealth of the These problems have not diminished the country, 10% of the population in Turkey hegemonic appeal of the technologies of owns close to 80% of the wealth, and, in the development (or, better still, “maldevelop- host country for of the Bandung Conference, ment”) pioneered by advanced capitalist Indonesia, which has experienced a severe societies. The economic success of eastern increase in inequality over the last decade, Asian societies offers proof enough that emu- 0.01% of the population accounts or 25% of lating these technologies and riding the net- the GDP and 40 individuals for 10%. In works of capital offer prodigious Africa, the ten richest individuals own as possibilities in the pursuit of wealth and much as the poorest half (Reuters 2013; power, more so for those states and elites Rukmini 2014; Tadjoeddin 2014; Today’s capable of negotiating the vagaries of Zaman 2014; Zhou 2014; Lakner 2015). global capitalism. But disregard of long Obscene levels of consumption in the midst term consequences has come with a heavy of dire poverty exacerbates the crisis of price tag. The addition of hundreds of inequality while the promise of joining the millions of consumers over the last two so-called “middle class,” which in reality decades – much to the delight of capital – denotes not so much a “class” as those who has already put at risk the ecological health have joined the consumer economy, recedes of the globe and access to resources essential farther into the future for billions. As a to life, among them air and water. Emulating recent article puts it, the wasteful profligate consumption stan- dards and habits of advanced capitalist In 1981, nearly 1.7 billion Asians were societies such as the USA instead of seeking living on less than $1.25 a day. Today, alternatives to them as they did earlier has the figure is about 700 million. But vast brought countries such the PRC and India numbers cannot aspire to rise much to the brink of ecological disaster, with far- further. About 80 percent of the 3.6 reaching effects that reverberate across the billion people in developing Asian globe. Asia is not just the fastest growing countries still live on less than $5 a day,

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 source of newly-minted billionaires, it is many relying on day labor, rag picking also home to the world’s most polluted or other meager livelihoods. Even cities, land and rivers. It does not take migrants who arrived in cities years much imagination to foresee that further ago feel trapped in a seemingly perma- development along the same path will only nent underclass. At the same time, the deepen the current environmental crisis. numbers of millionaires and billionaires has burgeoned, creating elites that have A new challenge facing governments more in common with the ultra-rich in with ecological and social consequences is cities such as Paris and New York than meeting the sustenance needs of swelling their own countrymen. Outside of numbers of urban populations as consump- eastern China and the advanced econ- tion standards are globalized for the new omies of South Korea and , an consuming classes, with much larger Asian middle class has not taken wide- numbers of people straining to make ends spread hold. (Kurtenbach and Mason meet, and even larger numbers reduced to 2014)15 scavengers in the market economy. The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China 627

Incorporation in the global capitalist capitalist economy. Indeed, with some adjust- economy has accelerated globally the shift ments, what they sought was inclusion in the from agrarian to urban economy that every- capitalist world economy (the PRC was the where has accompanied capitalist develop- object of suspicion for that very reason). ment, displacing the peasantry, Greenfield is justified in pointing to their commercializing agricultural production support for capitalism. The unmet needs of under pressure from capital and growing millions of their subjects erupted in rebellions needs of urban populations, and adding the in National Liberation Movements that vagaries of the market to those of nature for sought to address these issues ignored in offi- both producers and consumers of agricul- cial Bandung. They, too, failed, with help from tural products. This is by no means a new imperialist domination, and in their failure phenomenon in cities of the global south, left behind half a century of turmoil that has but it has been speeded up by the globaliza- refused to go away. tion of markets and capital. Modern cities are This past is available to the leaders who both products of and responses to capitalism. will meet in Bandung in April to commemor- The new megacities are no exception, except ate and celebrate the conference of 60 years that they are more immediately self-con- earlier. Whether or not they confront the pol- scious about their location in global net- itical, social, cultural and ecological problems works of capital, which also distances them discussed above, that incorporation in global from their “backward” hinterlands. If urban- capitalism has brought with it in their ization is the source of new wealth and effi- various societies, or limit themselves to strat- cient use of some resources, the egies of expanding their power within it, commercialization of agricultural resources will serve as a measure of their success or to meet urban needs has led to further failure. The issue is no longer merely capital- encroachment on other resources such as ism, moreover, but corporate domination of water, essential not just to agricultural pro- the world that is at once economic, political duction but human existence, and forests and cultural. Euro/America still dominates essential to global ecological health. The use the global economy, but the global economy of agricultural resources for fuel production, is no longer just Euro/American. The and global markets for flowers and bottled burden is especially on the PRC in its aspira- water are some ready examples. Commercia- tions to leadership in a new kind of world lization also undermines food security and order. So far the outlook is not very sovereignty by shifting control over pro- promising. duction and distribution of agricultural com- The search for social justice, too, is no modities to global corporations, leaving longer just eastern or western, or southern

Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 entire populations at the mercy of markets and northern, but global. Participants in the they control, with the most severe effects. October conference for popular causes, such Food insecurity has become a topic of con- as Samir Amin, will go to Bandung from versation in state projects. Food sovereignty, the recent meeting of the World Social on the other hand, is among the foremost Forum in Tunisia (Amin 2015c; World demands of popular organizations, such as Social Forum 2015). If Bandung is to have the Movement for Landless Laborers in credibility in its professed aspirations, and Brazil or the Via Campesina, which represent not just serve ruling class interests, it is the people who find themselves at the wrong imperative for the leaders attending to incor- end of globalization (Tramel 2015).16 porate the demands for popular causes in their projects. Ignoring those demands will *** not invite revived revolutionary movements, Bandung leaders in 1955 were preoccu- but it will further fuel the vicious cycle of pied with the colonial roots of racism and social and political alienation that finds poverty, and failed to make the connection expression in outbreaks of violence, inviting to the context of all three in a globalizing deepening state surveillance and repression, 628 Arif Dirlik

more violence, and so on and so on, which collapsing the Bandung Conference with the has become the condition of social life. anti-colonial movements that preceded it as well as with the subsequent “non-aligned movement (Amin 2014). For questions concerning the Acknowledgement relationship between Bandung and later develop- ments, see Young (2005). I would like to recognize here the efforts of 10. Gender issues were not salient at the Conference. my friend Chen Kuan-Hsing to encourage, According to Prashad, they were the subject of in the 2015 Bandung commemorations, the subsequent Afro-Asian conferences in Cairo in 1957 and 1961 (Prashad 2007,51–61). discussion of the issues I take up in this 11. The Five Principles (), agreed to between essay. This essay is a product of his urgings India and the PRC in 1954, were: mutual respect and encouragement. for territorial integrity and sovereignty, non- aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and cooperation for Notes mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. Chan- ging PRC attitudes toward the Five Principles is 1. Dr. Abdulgani was the Secretary General of the analyzed in Chen (2008). Indonesian foreign ministry and chair of the con- 12. This term, popularized by the misadventures of ference secretariat. The UN had been established the Bush administration in Western Asia, was in 1945 at the conclusion of the Second World used by Prime Minister Nehru in his report to War. the Indian Parliament (Nehru 1955, 18). 2. The immediate such nation for Prince Sihanouk ’ 13. The invitees include Supreme Leader Kim Jung- was the People s Republic of China (PRC), un of North Korea. Among the stated goals is to which was of major concern to the conference as voice support for the people of Palestine. Israel, a whole. of course, has become a close partner of the 3. The Communique consisted of seven sections: PRC in India, especially in the weapons trade. economic co-operation, cultural co-operation, See Jakarta Post (2013). human rights and self-determination, problems “ ” 14. I exclude here the oil-rich countries of Southwes- of dependent peoples, other problems (which tern Asia which, with their ownership of this stra- included declaration of support for Palestinians), tegic resource, all along have commanded power and promotion of world peace and co-operation. out of proportion to their size and economic 4. See also the report on the Conference by the complexity. African-American writer, . ’ 15. Ashis Nandy captures the cultural consequences Wright s sympathetic description of the carnival- of severe inequality, with reference to India, in esque air of camaraderie that prevailed at the his juxtaposition of narcissism and despair Conference nevertheless remained skeptical of (Nandy 2013). its translatability into lasting ideological coher- – 16. For discussions of agrarian change under global ence and unity of purpose (Wright 1956, 175 176). capitalism, with an emphasis on Asia, see Dirlik, 5. Vijay Prashad has offered an engaged and enga- Prazniak, and Woodside (2012). For an interesting ging account of the prehistory and the afterlives discussion of the significance of the collective Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 of Bandung (Prashad 2007). See also Dirlik (2004). economy in meeting the challenges of commercia- 6. Amin has been a foremost participant-theorist of lization, see Donaldson and Zhang (2015) Third World movements since the 1950s. See, also, Petersson (2014). 7. Specifically, the Five “Colombo powers” of Burma (Myanmar), Ceylon (), India, References Indonesia and Pakistan. 8. One author has suggested that in contrast to the Abdulgani, H. Roeslan. 1964. Bandung Spirit: Moving attention it received in the 1960s under the influ- on the Tide of History. Badan Penerbit, Indonesia: ence of Latin American “developmentalism,” pol- Prapantja. itical economy was a relatively “neglected area” Abdulgani, H. Roeslan. 1964a. “The Asian-African at the Conference (Nesadurai 2008,71–74). Conference in Retrospect.” In Abdulgani 1964, 9. Prashad writes that the contradictions of the 9–36. Third World project and internal weaknesses Abdulgani, H. Roeslan. 1964b. “Let Us Cherish the “corroded the imagined community of the Third Bandung Spirit.” In Abdulgani 1964, 61–66. World, and eventually participated in the deci- Abraham, Itty, 2008. “Bandung and State Formation mation of its agenda” (Prashad 2007, 114). Amin in Southeast Asia.” In Tan and Acharya 2008, has also referred to “the Bandung movement,” 48–67. The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China 629

Acharya, Amitav, and See Seng Tan. 2008. in Southeast Asia.” In Socialist “Introduction: The Normative Relevance of the Register 2005: The Empire Reloaded, edited by Bandung Conference for Contemporary Asian Leo Panitch and Colin Leys, 166–196. London: and International Order.” In Tan and Acharya The Merlin Press. 2008, 1–16. Harder, Anton. 2015. “Not at the Cost of China: New Amin, Samir. 1994. Re-reading the Postwar Period: An Evidence Regarding US Proposals to Nehru for Intellectual Itinerary. New York: Monthly Joining the UN Security Council.” Woodrow Review Press. Wilson International Center for Scholars, Cold Amin, Samir. 2014. “The Countries of the South Must War International History Project, Working Take Their Own Independent Initiatives.” In Paper #76 (March). http://www.wilsoncenter. Samir Amin: Pioneer of the Rise of the South, org/sites/default/files/cwihp_working_paper_ 71–74. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer. 76_not_at_the_cost_of_china.pdf Amin, Samir, 2015a. “From Bandung (1955) to 2015; Jakarta Post. 2013. “Afro-Asian community must fight Old and New Challenges for the States, the for Palestine.” April 10. http://www. Nations and the Peoples of Asia, Africa and thejakartapost.com/news/2013/04/19/afro-asian Latin America, Proposals for the October 2015 -community-must-fight-palestine.html Meetings (draft).” http://www.bandungspirit. Jakarta Post. 2015a. “RI (Republic of Indonesia) to org/IMG/pdf/samir_amin-bandung_oct_2015. Invite 109 World Leaders for Asia-Africa pdf Conference Celebration.” January 28. http:// Amin, Samir. 2015b. “Deployment and Erosion of the www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/01/28/ri- Bandung Project.” http://www.bandungspirit. invite-109-world-leaders-asia-africa-conference- org/IMG/pdf/Bandung_deploy_and_erosion_ celebration.html E.pdf Jakarta Post. 2015b. “RI Should Use Bandung Amin, Samir, 2015c. “African Economist Samir Amin Conference to Resolve Conflicts.” March 27. on the World Social Forum, Globalization & the http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/03/ Barbarism of Capitalism.” Interview. Democracy 27/ri-should-use-bandung-conference-resolve- Now, March 27. http://www.democracynow. conflicts.html org/2015/3/27/african_economist_samir_amin_ Kahin, George McTurnan. 1956. The Asian-African on_the Conference, Bandung, Indonesia, . Ang, Cheng Guan, 2008. “The Bandung Conference Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. and the Cold War International History of Khudori, Darwis. 2006. “Towards a Bandung Spirit- Southeast Asia.” In Tan and Acharya 2008, Based Civil Society Movement: Reflection from 26–47. Yogyakarta Commemoration of Bandung Berger, Mark T. 2004. The Battle for Asia: from Asian-African Conference.” Inter-Asia Cultural Decolonisation to Globalisation. London: Routledge. Studies 7 (1): 121–138. Chen, Jian. 2008. “China and the Bandung Kurtenbach, Elaine, and Margie Mason. 2014. Conference: Changing Perceptions and “Beneath Asia’s Gleaming Cities, a Brutal Representations.” In Tan and Acharya 2008, Wealth Gap Lurks.” Daily Finance, September 22. 132–159. http://www.dailyfinance.com/2014/09/22/asia- Dirlik, Arif. 1997. “ and ‘Chinese cities-wealth-gap/ Marxism.’” In Encyclopedia of Asian Philosophy, Lakner, Christoph. 2015. “The ten richest Africans Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 edited by Indira Mahalingam and Brian Carr, own as much as the poorest half of the conti- 593–619. London: Routledge. nent.” The World Bank: Let’s talk development, Dirlik, Arif. 2004. “Spectres of the Third World: March 11. http://blogs.worldbank.org/develop Global Modernity and the End of the Three menttalk/ten-richest-africans-own-much-poorest Worlds.” Third World Quarterly 25 (1): 131–147. -half-continent Dirlik, Arif, Roxann Prazniak, and Alexander MFARI (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Woodside, eds. 2012. Global Capitalism and the Indonesia). 1955. Asia-Africa Speaks from Future of Agrarian Society. Boulder, CO: Bandung. Djakarta: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paradigm Publishers. Republic of Indonesia. Donaldson, John A., and Forrest Zhang. 2015. “Rural Mukherji, Rahul. 2008. “Appraising the Legacy of China in Transition: Changes and Bandung: A View from India.” In Tan and Transformations in China’s Agriculture and Acharya 2008, 160–179. Rural Sector.” Contemporary Chinese Political Nandy, Ashis. 2013. Regimes of Narcissism, Regimes of Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Despair. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Journal 1 (1): 51–74. Nehru, Prime Minister Jawaharlal. 1955. “Speech in Greenfield, Gerard. 2004. “Bandung Redux: the Lok Sabha, April 30, 1955.” In Asian-African Imperialism and Anti-Globalization Conference, April 18–24, 1955: Prime Minister 630 Arif Dirlik

Jawaharlal Nehru’s Speeches and the Final http://afkinsider.com/48375/spirit-bandung- Communique, by Ministry of Information and sweeping-across-africa-indonesia-africa-relations- Broadcasting, Government of India, 12–24. today/ Second printing. New Delhi: Government of Today’s Zaman. 2014. “Turkey’s Deep Income India Press. Inequality Persists: Report.” October 14. http:// Nesadurai, Helen E. S. 2008. “Bandung and the www.todayszaman.com/business_turkeys-deep- Political Economy of North-South Relations: income-inequality-persists-report 361603.html Sowing the Seeds for Re-visioning International Tramel, Salena. 2015. “Global Justice Movements Solidarity.” In Tan and Acharya 2008, 68–101. Converge on Revolutionary Ground.” Popular Petersson, Fredrik. 2014. “Prelude to Bandung: The Resistance,April7.https://www.popularresi Interwar Origins of Anti-Colonialism.” Imperial stance.org/global-justice-movements-converge- and Global Forum, October 20. http:// on-revolutionary-ground/ imperialglobalexeter.com/2014/10/20/prelude- Wikipedia Contributors. 2013. “List of Countries by to-bandung-the-interwar-origins-of-anti-colonial GDP (nominal) per capita.” Wikipedia, the free ency- ism/ clopedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_ Prashad, Vijay. 2007. The Darker Nations: A People’s countries_by_GDP_%28nominal%29_per_capita History of the Third World. New York: The New World Bank. 2015. “Gross domestic product 2014.” Press. World Development Indicators database. July 1. Reuters. 2013. “Richest 1 Percent Hold 46 Percent of http://databank.worldbank.org/data/download/ the World’s Wealth.” October 9. http://in. GDP.pdf reuters.com/article/2013/10/09/creditsuisse- World Social Forum. 2015. “The Declaration of the wealth-idINDEE9980ER20131009 Social Movements Assembly.” http://cadtm. Rist, Gilbert. 2009. The History of Development: From org/Declaration-of-the-Social,11452 Western Origins to Global Faith. Third Edition. Wright, Richard. 1956. The Color Curtain: A Report on London: Zed Books. the Bandung Conference. Cleveland and Rukmini, S. 2014. “India’s Staggering Wealth Gap in New York: The World Publishing Company. Five Charts.” The Hindu, December 8. http:// Young, Robert J. C. 2005. “Postcolonialism: From www.thehindu.com/data/indias-staggering- Bandung to the Tricontinental.” historein 5: 11– wealth-gap-in-five-charts/article 6672115 21. http://www.historeinonline.org/index.php/ Santikajaya, Awidya, and Adib Zaidani historein/article/view/70 Abdurrohman. 2015. “Strengthening the Asia- Zhou, Dongxu. 2014. “Top One Percent Has One- Africa Partnership.” The Diplomat, March 29. Third of China’s Wealth, Research Shows.” http://thediplomat.com/2015/03/strengthening China File, August 5. http://www.chinafile. -the-asia-africa-partnership/ com/reporting-opinion/caixin-media/top-one- Sastroamidjojo, Ali. 1955. “Address by Ali percent-has-one-third-chinas-wealth Sastroamidjojo, President of the Conference.” In MFARI 1955, 31–39. STWR (Share the World’s Resources). 2015. “A Primer Author’s biography on Global Economic Sharing – Analysis.” Eurasia Review, March 26. http://www.eurasiareview. Arif Dirlik lives in Eugene, OR, in semi-retirement. com/25032015-a-primer-on-global-economic- He most recently held the Rajni Kothari Chair in Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 sharing-analysis/?utm_source=feedburner&utm Democracy at the Centre for the Study of Developing _medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+eu Societies in Delhi, India (2011) and the Liang rasiareview%2FVsnE+%28Eurasia+Review%29 Qichao Memorial Distinguished Visiting Professor- Sukarno, President. 1955. “Speech by President ship at Tsinghua University, Beijing (2010). He will Sukarno of Indonesia at the Opening of the hold a brief appointment as Green Professor at Conference.” In MFARI 1955, 19–29. the University of British Columbia in February 2016. Tadjoeddin, Mohammad Zulfan. 2014. “Income His most recent book-length publications include Inequality High, Economic Inequality Higher.” Hougeming shidaide Zhongguo (Post-revolutionary The Jakarta Post, October 8. http://www. China, translation of Culture and History in Post-Revo- thejakartapost.com/news/2014/10/08/income- lutionary China) (2015), Quanqiu xiandaixing zhi inequality-high-economic-inequality-higher.html chuang: Shehui kexue wenji (Windows on Global Moder- Tan, See Seng, and , eds. 2008. nity: Social Scientific Essays) (2013), and the edited Bandung Revisited: The Legacy of the 1955 Asian- volumes, Global Capitalism and the Future of Agrarian African Conference for International Order. Society (2012) and Sociology and Anthropology in Twen- : NUS Press. tieth Century China (2012). Tarrosy, Istvan. 2014. “Is the Spirit of Bandung Sweeping Across Africa?” AFK Insider, March 26. Contact email: [email protected]