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The Bandung Legacy and the People's Republic of China in the Perspective of Global Modernity

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The Bandung Legacy and the People's Republic of China in the Perspective of Global Modernity Inter-Asia Cultural Studies ISSN: 1464-9373 (Print) 1469-8447 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/riac20 The Bandung legacy and the People's Republic of China in the perspective of global modernity Arif Dirlik To cite this article: Arif Dirlik (2015) The Bandung legacy and the People's Republic of China in the perspective of global modernity, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 16:4, 615-630 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2015.1103024 Published online: 07 Dec 2015. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=riac20 Download by: [Arif DIRLIK] Date: 08 December 2015, At: 10:49 Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 2015 Vol. 16, No. 4, 615–630, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2015.1103024 The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China in the perspective of global modernity Arif DIRLIK ABSTRACT The most important question concerning the 60th anniversary commemoration(s) of the Asian-African Congress of 1955 is what voices will be heard, and which voices will prevail. This may also be the most significant difference between this year’s commemorative gatherings and the event that provides the occasion for them. The delegates from 29 Asian and African nations that met in Bandung, Indonesia, in 1955 shared a sense of common experience in recent struggles against colonialism and racism. The hundred plus nations invited to this year’s official commemoration come with quite different experiences in the intervening years since then. More significantly, whereas it was states that spoke in 1955, this year’s commemoration has opened up political space to the voicing of public concerns by groups of activists, and representatives of diverse ecological, social, economic, political and cultural causes that are products of the present, many of them with only a tenuous dis- cursive linkage to the original conference. It would be silly to expect common ground even of a ritual kind among these constituencies. Extra-state voices add a whole new dimension to the commemoration. Whether they are heard in a substantial sense or simply ignored with verbal platitudes will determine the historical significance and meaning of the conference. This essay was written before the actual con- ference in April 2015. KEYWORDS: Asian-African conference, non-aligned nations, third world, Indonesia, India, the People’s Republic of China The most important question concerning the political space to the voicing of public con- 60th anniversary commemoration(s) of the cerns by groups of activists, and representa- Asian-African Congress of 1955 is what tives of diverse ecological, social, economic, voices will be heard, and which voices will political and cultural causes that are pro- Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 prevail. This may also be the most significant ducts of the present, many of them with difference between this year’s commemora- only a tenuous discursive linkage to the orig- tive gatherings and the event that provides inal conference. It would be silly to expect the occasion for them. The delegates from common ground even of a ritual kind 29 Asian and African nations that met in among these constituencies. Extra-state Bandung, Indonesia, in 1955 shared a sense voices add a whole new dimension to the of common experience in recent struggles commemoration. Whether they are heard in against colonialism and racism. The a substantial sense or simply ignored with hundred plus nations invited to this year’s verbal platitudes will determine the histori- official commemoration come with quite cal significance and meaning of the different experiences in the intervening conference. years since then. More significantly, The Bandung Conference was the culmi- whereas it was states that spoke in 1955, nation of revolutionary struggles against this year’s commemoration has opened up colonial rule and/or oppression, but the © 2015 Arif DIRLIK 2015. All Rights Reserved. 616 Arif Dirlik goals of the participants and the program It is necessary to keep in mind in any they signed on to was anything but revolu- assessment of the Conference that its tionary in their vision of the newly indepen- primary goal was political, and the politics dent nations, or with respect to the world had much to do with the politics of the order in which they found themselves. United Nations. In the force of its collective Indeed, the gathering was remarkably call for recognition of the new nations’ status quo oriented. The conference sought voices in decisions that would determine most importantly to protect and strengthen their fates, as well as their prerogatives in the new world order embodied in the speaking to global issues with which their United Nations against divisions between fates were interlinked, the Conference the capitalist and communist blocs that pushed against the limitations of the newly threatened to undermine it and turn it into established status quo as it had been envi- an instrument of great power politics. One sioned by its great power founders who after another, “the delegates stressed the also presided over it. In the words of the importance of the United Nations as the Prime Minister Ali Sastroamidjojo of Indone- best safeguard for the future of mankind sia, a moving spirit behind and president of and as the best guarantee of peace” (Abdul- the Conference, “…this Conference was gani 1964a, 27).1 But defending the UN born out of the fulness of time which has seemed, under the circumstances, a radical entrusted to the independent states of Asia act in the protection and promotion of and Africa their new task in the destiny of freedom and human security. The delibera- mankind, but I venture to state that the fore- tions were driven by a combination of most reason which gave birth to this Confer- plight and promise that in subsequent years ence was the agonizing tensions from which would characterize Third Worldist activity the world is suffering today” (Sastroamidjojo in global politics. While the seemingly unrea- 1955, 33). Among the stated goals of the Con- listic optimism of the Conference reflected ference was to strive for more inclusive mem- the lingering idealism inspired by recent bership in the UN, with an eye especially on victories over colonialism, underlying the the People’s Republic of China, which was a optimism was a deep-seated fear of impend- central concern of the participants. In his ing global conflict that threatened the own address, Prince Norodom Sihanouk of very conditions for the sustenance of their Cambodia noted with a hint of criticism achievement, and further prospects of that the conference “shatters the frontiers nation-building and development, if not which separated the two worlds: the commu- human existence itself. Both themes were in nist and the non-communist. In this respect, evidence in the official addresses, beginning our Conference appears to be an Afro- Downloaded by [Arif DIRLIK] at 10:49 08 December 2015 with the welcoming speech by President Asian offspring of the United Nations Sukarno of Indonesia: Assembly and offers an opportunity for regretting that the United Nations have not Yes, we are living in a world of fear. The yet opened their doors to some nations life of man today is corroded and made having already obviously fulfilled the con- bitter by fear. Fear of the future, fear of the hydrogen bomb, fear of ideologies. ditions of sovereignty and capacity required ” 2 Perhaps this fear is a greater danger for membership (MFARI 1955, 49). The than the danger itself, because it is fear Communique of the Conference declared “ which drives men to act foolishly, to act full support of the fundamental principles thoughtlessly, to act dangerously … I of Human Rights as set forth in the Charter beg of you, do not be guided by these of the United Nations and took note of the fears, because fear is an acid that etches Universal Declaration of Human Rights as man’s actions into curious patterns. Be a common standard of achievement for all guided by hopes and determination, be peoples and all nations” (MFARI 1955, guided by ideals, and, yes, be guided 165).3 It was not insignificant that the Com- by dreams! (Sukarno 1955, 22) munique placed human rights side by side The Bandung legacy and the People’s Republic of China 617 with explicit denunciations of colonialism commemorations in 2015 continue to and racialism, past and present. pursue this revival. Anti-colonialism and anti-racism were *** foundational to the political agenda to emerge from the Conference. As President The Bandung promise was overcome Sukarno of Indonesia stated in his welcom- within a matter of years by the very differ- ing speech to delegates of the 29 nations ences it had hoped to surmount. Gerard gathered at the conference, “We are united Greenfield has written that, “Far from repre- … . by a common detestation of colonialism senting a united front against racism, neo- in whatever form it appears. We are united colonialism and imperialism, the Bandung by a common detestation of racialism” Conference was characterized by divisive- (Sukarno 1955, 22). Elimination of these ness and conflict within Asia and Africa twin evils was a precondition for peace in a that not only undermined the ability of world threatened by great power rivalry Third World nationalists to contest the US and nuclear destruction. empire, but reaffirmed the legitimacy of US Putting these issues on the global imperial ambitions” (Greenfield 2004, 167). agenda was no mean accomplishment. The The criticism is well taken, and should success of the conference in uniting around serve as an important reminder for current them despite diversity of “color,” culture, commemorations of the “Bandung spirit,” religion, historical legacies, as well as differ- to which I will return below.
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