Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2007

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2007 Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2007 Reviews of Papua New Guinea and head of state. A month earlier, Ratu West Papua are not included in this Josefa had been removed from that issue. offi ce because he had disassociated himself from the coup, on the advice Fiji of Roko Tui Bau and Vice President Fiji in 2007 was marked by cycles Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi. Bainimarama of conciliation and repression that had, at that time, said he was only echoed like seismic aftershocks from temporarily “stepping into the shoes the December 2006 coup. Steps were of the President” (Bainimarama 2006). taken by the new military-backed Now restored to offi ce, the eighty- government to reconfi gure the estab- six-year-old president lamented that lished order, by purges at the top of cultural reasons had prevented him the public service and throughout the from “fully performing [his] duties” boards of the state-owned corpora- on 5 December 2006, referring to the tions; by reconstruction of the Great anti-coup pressure from his sacked Council of Chiefs; and by reform of high-ranking deputy. But he said that the Fijian Affairs Board, the Native he “would have done exactly what the Land Trust Board, and the Fiji Devel- Commander of the rfmf, Commo- opment Bank. Although there was dore Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama did diplomatic disapproval for the over- since it was necessary to do so at the throw of Fiji’s elected government, the time” (Iloilo 2007). Read from a script new regime’s reformist credentials, as prepared by military offi cers who had, well as its anticorruption and antira- over the previous month, kept him cist platform, won it a fair number of virtually secluded from public contact, overseas admirers and some domes- the speech was carefully contrived to tic supporters. But the authoritarian fi t the anticipated “doctrine of neces- aspect of the coup—that it fl ew in the sity” defense of the coup before the face of majority ethnic Fijian opin- courts. Yet it constituted a gross abdi- ion—prevented any lasting consolida- cation of the president’s constitutional tion. Efforts to build legitimacy thus responsibilities. The normally obsequi- tended to generate mounting contro- ous Methodist Church, doubting that versy, while phases when criticisms the president was in full possession grew brought a furious but realpolitik- of his faculties, suggested that he be driven response. “medically boarded, and if neces- On 4 January 2007, Republic of Fiji sary, retired with dignity and respect” Military Forces (rfmf) Commander (Methodist Church 2007; see also Frank Bainimarama relinquished his Fraenkel 2007). temporary position as president, and The next day, Bainimarama was reappointed Ratu Josefa Iloilo as formally appointed prime minister, 450 pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 451 ending the month-long tenure of eradicate corruption. The sixteen- that post by the army camp medical member interim lineup included two practitioner, Dr Jona Senilagakali. former rfmf commanders, Ratu “Extra-constitutional steps,” Bainima- Epeli Nailatikau as foreign minister, rama insisted, had been “necessary to and Ratu Epeli Ganilau as minister preserve the Constitution,” claiming of Fijian affairs. Both men have close that legal precedents existed for such links to the family of deceased former usage of “reserve powers” (Bainima- President Ratu Mara, leading some rama 2007a). These arguments to depict the 2006 coup as signaling strongly resembled those put forward the reemergence of Fiji’s long-eclipsed by Fiji Human Rights Commission eastern chiefs. Several other minis- Director Shaista Shameem (2007a, ters were unsuccessful candidates for 2007b), but they found little sup- Ganilau’s National Alliance Party of port among Fiji’s senior lawyers (Ali Fiji at the 2006 polls. Also included 2007a, 2008). Ostensibly to facilitate was the little-known Aiyaz Sayed- an inquiry into the activities of the Khaiyum, who was to play a high- judiciary at the time of the 2000 coup, profi le role in the media for the new Chief Justice Daniel Fatiaki and Chief government as attorney general. Magistrate Naomi Matanitobua were In an astonishing turnaround, the sent on leave a day before the presi- principal victim of the 2000 coup, dential handover. At the instigation of Mahendra Chaudhry, joined the the attorney general, a hastily con- government as minister of fi nance, as vened meeting of the Judicial Services well as assuming the national plan- Commission, chaired by Judge Nazhat ning, public enterprise, and sugar Shameem (Shaista Shameem’s sister), portfolios. The constitutionality of appointed Justice Anthony Gates as the coup was “yet to be determined,” acting chief justice. That appointment explained Chaudhry, and would not was defended by the attorney general, be resolved “for a very long time” but it was deemed unconstitutional by (Pacnews, 9 Feb 2007). He said that most legal scholars (Crawford 2007; he had the backing of the Fiji Labour Cox 2007; Leung 2007). It signaled Party (flp) and the National Farmers’ the start of a wholesale restructuring Union. Chaudhry’s loyal ally, Lekh of the judiciary, resulting in the August Ram Vayeshnoi, became minister for resignation of most of Fiji’s Court of youth and sports, and the only other Appeal judges. flp member of cabinet. The coup On 6 January, Bainimarama, now had been a “revolution for clean up,” fi guring as prime minister, outlined Vayeshnoi told a military passing-out the “President’s mandate” that was parade in June, claiming that it had intended to guide his interim admin- “effectively removed all vestiges of istration. The new government would racial discrimination in this country” provide amnesty for the soldiers who and that “today this country moves had carried out the coup; it would on steadily and unburdened by racial validate the decrees, suspensions, or ethnic considerations” (FijiLive, 25 dismissals, and appointments of the June 2007; Fiji Daily Post, 22 June past month; and it would set out to 2007). It was an extraordinary claim, 452 the contemporary pacifi c • 20:2 (2008) for the December coup as well as the replacements. It was not only Qarase’s presence of Chaudhry and Vayeshnoi Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua in the cabinet drew strong and almost (sdl) Party that was left out in the universal criticism from indigenous cold, but also the National Federation Fijians, even if the rfmf monopoly Party (nfp), the smaller of the two over the country’s armaments pre- largely Fiji Indian-backed parties. nfp vented any violent resistance. leaders like Attar Singh and Pramod The formation of the new govern- Rae were to become key critics of ment also made clearer the direction the new government, and steadfastly of the ongoing reshaping of the state opposed the coup. administration. Most of the former In accordance with the objectives of government’s chief executive offi cers the “cleanup campaign,” the promised (ceos) in the ministries had been Fiji Independent Commission against sacked, although Public Enterprises Corruption (ficac) was established in ceo Parmesh Chand had chosen to April, and the president of LawAsia, accept appointment as the top civil Mah Weng Kwai, was later recruited servant in the prime minister’s offi ce. as commissioner. This prompted out- The new government resolved to abol- rage from Court of Appeal President ish the ceo positions and revert back Justice Gordon Ward, and Mah Kwai to lower-paid permanent secretaries. resigned. Bereft of effective leader- In early January, Bainimarama assured ship, controversial policeman Nasir the public that rfmf offi cers would Ali took up the reins as ficac chief not benefi t from his appointment as investigator and conducted a series of prime minister (FijiLive, 5 Jan 2007). high-profi le raids on institutions such But soon military offi cers were being as Fijian Holdings Ltd, the Native positioned throughout the ministries, Land Trust Board, and even Fiji Police including Esala Teleni as chief of headquarters. These uncovered little, police, Viliame Naupoto as director of and Nasir Ali was transferred back immigration, and Ioane Naivalurua as into the police force in favor of a commissioner of prisons. The boards lower-key approach spearheaded by of all the state-owned enterprises Lieutenant Colonel George Langman. were overhauled, with those who had Other investigations––undertaken by been appointed by Laisenia Qarase or the Independent Investigating Team known coup critics terminated—usu- into Institutions Fijian, headed by ally following allegations of corrup- Colonel Apakuki Kurusiga––targeted tion. Their replacements were often the provincial councils, the Native flp members, as for example with Land Trust Board, the Fijian Affairs Fiji Trades Union Congress leaders Board, the Native Lands Commis- Felix Anthony and Daniel Urai, who sion, and the Fijian Scholarship Unit. were given posts on the board of the Most striking, a year after the coup, Fiji National Provident Fund. Most was how little evidence of corruption of Fiji’s ambassadors and high com- had been found, despite strenuous missioners were recalled, although the efforts. Conversely, criticism began to foreign minister frequently struggled intensify about corruption, nepotism, to gain overseas acceptance for their and abuse of public funds by the new pol i t ical reviews • melanesia 453 offi ceholders, within the Fiji military, ably receive the new order, although and even by senior interim ministers. a discernible ambivalence was evident The Great Council of Chiefs (Bose even there. Levu Vakaturaga, or blv) had been The years of Fijian chiefs playing forbidden from meeting in December the central role in national affairs 2006, after refusing to “reappoint” seemed a distant memory from the Ratu Josefa Iloilo as president. In vantage point of 2007. Before the the new year, the council was recon- coup, Bainimarama had told the chiefs vened with Bainimarama’s blessing that they should “meet under a mango to appoint a new vice president.
Recommended publications
  • State Societyand Governancein Melanesia
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by The Australian National University Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia StateSociety and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2008/10 COURTS AND COUPS IN FIJI: THE 2008 HIGH COURT JUDGMENT IN QARASE V BAINIMARAMA INTRODUCTION not provided for in the constitution, and that GEORGE ‘exceptional circumstances existed’ because WILLIAMS On 21st October 2008, the State, Society ‘the stability of the State was endangered’. & Governance in Melanesia Program held a The decision effectively legitimised the interim GRAHAM workshop entitled Courts and Coups; Fiji’s government that had emerged in the wake of LEUNG October 2008 High Court Judgment in the Fiji’s December 5 2006 military coup. Qarase v Bainimarama Case. This brought together George Williams, the Anthony In the first of the four papers included ANTHONY J. Mason Professor in the Faculty of Law at here, Professor George Williams, who REGAN the University of New South Wales, Graham served as Counsel in the 2001 Chandrika Leung, the Managing Partner of Howards Prasad case - which ruled the government JON Lawyers in Suva, as well as Anthony Regan that arose after Fiji’s 2000 coup to be illegal FRAENKEL and Jon Fraenkel from the State, Society - discusses the precedents set by that earlier & Governance in Melanesia Program at case, and how these were dealt with by the ANU. The meeting was chaired by Duncan Fiji judges in 2008. In the second paper, Kerr, Australia’s Parliamentary Secretary for Graham Leung, a lawyer who practises in Fiji Pacific Affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Fiji's Road to Military Coup, 20061
    2. 'Anxiety, uncertainty and fear in our land': Fiji's road to military coup, 20061 Brij V. Lal Introduction If civilization is to survive, one is driven to radical views. I do not mean driven to violence. Violence always compromises or ruins the cause it means to serve: it produces as much wrong as it tries to remedy. The State, for example, is always with us. Overthrow it and it will come back in another form, quite possibly worse. It's a necessary evilÐa monster that continually has to be tamed, so that it serves us rather than devours us. We can't do without it, neither can we ever trust it.2 Fiji experienced the whole gamut of emotions over the course of a fateful 2006. The year ended on an unsettled note, as it had begun. Fiji was yet again caught in a political quagmire of its own making, hobbled by manufactured tensions, refusing to heed the lessons of its recent tumultuous past, and reeling from the effects of the coup. Ironies abound. A Fijian army confronted a Fijian government, fuelling the indigenous community's worst fears about a Fijian army spilling Fijian blood on Fijian soil. The military overthrow took place 19 years to the day after frustrated coup-maker of 1987 Sitiveni Rabuka had handed power back to Fiji's civilian leaders, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau and Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, paving the way for the eventual return to parliamentary democracy. The 2006 coup, like the previous ones, deposed a democratically elected government. Perhaps more importantly, it peremptorily sidelined the once powerful cultural and social institutions of the indigenous community, notably the Methodist Church and the Great Council of Chiefs (GCC)3 ± severing with a startling abruptness the overarching influence they had exercised in national life.
    [Show full text]
  • 2016 Country Review
    Fiji 2016 Country Review http://www.countrywatch.com Table of Contents Chapter 1 1 Country Overview 1 Country Overview 2 Key Data 4 Fiji 5 Pacific Islands 6 Chapter 2 8 Political Overview 8 History 9 Political Conditions 10 Political Risk Index 42 Political Stability 57 Freedom Rankings 72 Human Rights 84 Government Functions 87 Government Structure 92 Principal Government Officials 100 Leader Biography 101 Leader Biography 101 Foreign Relations 104 National Security 109 Defense Forces 111 Chapter 3 114 Economic Overview 114 Economic Overview 115 Nominal GDP and Components 117 Population and GDP Per Capita 118 Real GDP and Inflation 119 Government Spending and Taxation 120 Money Supply, Interest Rates and Unemployment 121 Foreign Trade and the Exchange Rate 122 Data in US Dollars 123 Energy Consumption and Production Standard Units 124 Energy Consumption and Production QUADS 125 World Energy Price Summary 126 CO2 Emissions 127 Agriculture Consumption and Production 128 World Agriculture Pricing Summary 130 Metals Consumption and Production 131 World Metals Pricing Summary 133 Economic Performance Index 134 Chapter 4 146 Investment Overview 146 Foreign Investment Climate 147 Foreign Investment Index 151 Corruption Perceptions Index 164 Competitiveness Ranking 175 Taxation 184 Stock Market 184 Partner Links 185 Chapter 5 186 Social Overview 186 People 187 Human Development Index 188 Life Satisfaction Index 192 Happy Planet Index 203 Status of Women 213 Global Gender Gap Index 215 Culture and Arts 225 Etiquette 227 Travel Information 228 Diseases/Health Data 237 Chapter 6 243 Environmental Overview 243 Environmental Issues 244 Environmental Policy 252 Greenhouse Gas Ranking 253 Global Environmental Snapshot 264 Global Environmental Concepts 275 International Environmental Agreements and Associations 289 Appendices 314 Bibliography 315 Fiji Chapter 1 Country Overview Fiji Review 2016 Page 1 of 327 pages Fiji Country Overview FIJI Fiji became independent in 1970 after nearly a century as a British colony.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Full Report
    ACP-EU JOINT PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY BUREAU 17 September 2012 REPORT OF THE FACT-FINDING MISSION OF THE ACP-EU JPA BUREAU TO FIJI 22 TO 24 JULY 2012 Musikari KOMBO, EGH, MP (Kenya), Co-President, Head of Delegation Michèle RIVASI, MEP (Greens/EFA, France), Vice-President and Co-President a.i, Head of Delegation and Lenata‟i Victor Faafoi TAMAPUA (Samoa), Vice-President Benedict Glen NOEL (Grenada), Vice-President Frank ENGEL, MEP (EPP, Luxembourg), Member CR\913035EN.doc AP101.253/BUR EN 1 EN Introduction At its meeting of 27 May 2012, the Bureau of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly decided to send a fact-find mission to Fiji to assess the progress made by the authorities to return the country to constitutional order and parliamentary democracy. The mission was undertaken from 22 to 24 July 2012 and held extensive and open discussions with Government Representatives and a wide range of political stakeholders, leaders of Political Parties and the two previous Prime Ministers, as well as civil society and non-state actor representatives. Brief historical background to the current Fiji political crisis The current political crisis in Fiji can be traced back to the ethnic make-up of the population, which is divided between indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians (the descendants of indentured labourers brought from India a century ago). At independence, Indo-Fijians were roughly 51% of the population until the mid-2000s, by which time political issues had prompted thousands of Indo-Fijians to leave the country. They currently make up 39% of the population. For 17 years after independence from British rule in 1970, the country was relatively stable until Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka‟s 1987 coup against an Indo-Fijian dominated government.
    [Show full text]
  • Governance in Fiji: the Interplay Between Indigenous Tradition, Culture and Politics
    Tradition, Culture and Politics 15. Keynote Address — Governance in Fiji: The interplay between indigenous tradition, culture and politics Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi Commentators and observers alike have long decried the ethnic nature of politics in Fiji. It is seen as an obstacle to the creation of a more unified and cohesive society. Those concerns are well taken, however, the forces of history cast a long shadow over the present. For indigenous Fijians there is a constant struggle between embracing other communities and maintaining a distinct and separate identity. There is ambivalence about compromise. It is feared something is indelibly lost in that process. Fijian unity as an ideal is extolled and valued because it is perceived as the only way Fijians believe they can protect their `Fijianness'. The reality is far more complex. But it provides a reassuring sanctuary against the challenges they face both individually and collectively. British colonial rule in 1874 created the legacy we have today. The first Governor, Sir Arthur Gordon, established the Fijian Administration. It introduced a separate system of indirect rule by the British through the Fijian chiefs over their Fijian subjects. Having served as Governor of Mauritius, Gordon had no qualms about importing Indian indentured labour to plant cane for sugar production in order to finance the running of the nascent colony. The first labourers arrived in 1879 and the scheme continued until 1916, when it was ended, owing to widespread protests by Mohandas Gandhi among others. The separation of Fijians from other ethnic communities was maintained until the abolition of the Native Regulations in 1967.
    [Show full text]
  • Reflections on the First Anniversary of Fiji's 2006 Coup
    30. One hand clapping: Reflections on the first anniversary of Fiji’s 2006 coup Brij V. Lal The tyranny of a prince in an oligarchy is not so dangerous to the public welfare as the apathy of a citizen in a democracy. Montesquieu Acquiescence is the friend of illegality. Justice Roger Coventry The first anniversary of Fiji's December 2006 coup passed uneventfully, without any rallies, protest marches or vigils ± merely an exhausted, scarcely audible mutter from the populace hankering for some semblance of normality. A Fijian political activist once likened Fiji to a swimming duck: All calm on the surface but furiously churning underneath. Just how much turbulence there was among indigenous Fijians is difficult to gauge, but its existence was beyond doubt. To forestall any organized opposition, the interim administration slapped on several states of emergency. Overall, 2007 remained a depressing and miasmic year, with much movement but little change. The military's much heralded `clean-up' campaign, the principal reason for the coup, was stalled, mired in controversy about its legal validity and true purpose. No one was successfully prosecuted for the misdemeanours for which they had been unceremoniously sacked from office. The judiciary, to everyone's disappointment, remained as divided and demoralized as ever. The constitution remained intact, but often `ignored or bypassed as deemed necessary'.1 International vigilance, manifested in travel bans on members of the interim administration, remained despite official pleas for sympathetic understanding and assistance. Fundamental changes to the electoral system were mooted, including a common non-racial electoral roll, a common name for all citizens, and reform of important institutions of indigenous governance, but there was reservation among many who were already distrusting of the interim administration's motives and its counterproductive confrontational approach to sensitive issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2002
    Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2002 Reviews of West Papua and Solomon mined, circumvented and ignored by Islands are not included in this issue. the highest in the land including those who were sworn in to uphold it” Fiji (Times, 19 May, 10). During the final The political and economic highlights months of 2002, the Fiji Labour Party in Fiji in 2002 have again brought and some quasi-political civil society into sharp focus a lesson painfully movements like the Citizens Constitu- learned after the 1987 military coups: tional Forum (ccf) questioned why it takes years to recover from the neg- some members of Parliament had been ative ramifications of any national permitted to continue serving in Prime political upheaval. The economic and Minister Qarase’s cabinet despite sociopolitical fallout of the May 2000 videotaped evidence of their close civilian coup in Fiji continued to involvement in the May 2000 civilian impact major events in both the uprising. The extensive video footage politico-legal and economic domains of siege activities at the Veiuto Parlia- of the nation during the year. The mentary Complex emerged during the path to economic recovery and socio- first treason trial of Josefa Nata and political normalcy was generally shaky Timoci Silatolu, which commenced on and fraught with difficulties. The local 26 November and featured deposed tabloids regularly featured major Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry scams within the civil service, exacer- as a key state witness (Post, 27 Nov, bated by gross fiscal mismanagement 2; Times, 29 Nov, 1). Following the by the state and a general lack of 14 November conviction of fifteen political goodwill between the major former Counter Revolutionary War- political parties—the ruling Soqosoqo fare Unit soldiers who had been found Duavata ni Lewenivanua (sdl) and guilty of the November 2000 mutiny the opposition Fiji Labour Party (flp).
    [Show full text]
  • 5. Fragments from a Fiji Coup Diary
    DIVERSITY, IDENTITY AND THE MEDIA 5. Fragments from a Fiji coup diary ABSTRACT Fiji has endured four coups in the past 22 years. On 10 April 2009, President Ratu Josefa Iloilo suspended the Constitution, sacked the judi- ciary, postponed any general election until 2014 and appointed himself as head of state. He reinstated 2006 coup leader Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama as interim Prime Minister, who in turn reappointed his cabi- net in defiance of international condemnation. A censorship crackdown on the media and civil society followed. The author is a media educator and journalist who worked for a total of 11 years at the University of the South Pacific, including experiencing both the 2000 and the 2006 coups. He later returned to Fiji as social media educator for the National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF). The Council was critical of the media during the period it developed a draft of the People’s Charter. It recom- mended changes to the law to establish a Media Tribunal, which was also planned to encourage qualified local personnel for editorial, subeditorial and publisher positions; provide a wide diversity of local programmes for television media and develop community radio and community television through a media tax. While the People’s Charter was seen as a neces- sary and constructive contribution to the future of Fiji, the leadership of Bainimarama was questioned after the repeal of the constitution. This arti- cle, opening with the author’s open letter to Bainimarama after the Easter putsch, offers reflections from a coup diary. PATRICK CRADDOCK Media educator, New Zealand AN open letter to the interim regime leader of the Republic of Fiji: ear Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, So—only good news can be reported.
    [Show full text]
  • Fijian Colonial Experience: a Study of the Neotraditional Order Under British Colonial Rule Prior to World War II, by Timothy J
    Chapter 4 The new of The more able Fij ian chiefs did not need to fetch up the glory of their ancestors to maintain leadership of their people: they exploited a variety of opportunities open to them within the Fij ian Administration. Ultimately colonial rule itself rested on the loyalty chosen chiefs could still command from their people, and day-to-day village governance, it has been seen, totally depended on them. Far from degenerating into a decadent elite, these chiefs devised a mode of leadership that was neither traditional, for it needed appointment from the Crown, nor purely administrative. Its material rewards came from salary and fringe benefits; its larger satisfactions from the extent to which the peopl e rallied to their leadership and voluntarily participated in the great celebrations of Fijian life , the traditional-type festivals of dance, food and ceremony that proclaimed to all: the people and the chief and the land are one . 'Government-work' had its place, but for chiefs and people there were always 'higher' preoccupations growing out of the refined cultural legacy of the past (albeit the attenuated past) which gave them all that was still distinctively Fij ian in their threatened way of life. This chapter will illuminate the ambiguous mix of constraint and opportunity for chiefly leadership in the colonial context as exercised prior to World War II by some powerful personalities from different status levels in the neotraditional order. Thurston's enthusiastic tax gatherer, Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi , was perhaps the most able of them , and in his happier days was generally esteemed as one of the finest of 'the old school' of chiefs .
    [Show full text]
  • Elections and Politics in Fiji
    i ii iii Co-Published by ANU E Press and Asia Pacific Press The Australian National Unversity Canberra ACT 0200 Email: [email protected] Website: http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Lal, Brij V. Islands of turmoil : elections and politics in Fiji. Bibliography. Includes index. ISBN 0 7315 3751 3 ISBN 1 920942 75 0 (Online document) 1. Fiji - Politics and government. 2. Fiji - Social conditions. 3. Fiji - Economic conditions. I. Title. 996.11 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses which may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publishers. The views expressed in this book are those of the author and not necessarily of the publishers. Editor: Bridget Maidment Publisher: Asia Pacific Press and ANU E Press Design: Annie Di Nallo Design Printers: University Printing Service, The Australian National University Cover photo, Nukulau Prison, is copyright and used with permission (www.fijilive.com). Author photo by Darren Boyd, Coombs Photography. First edition © 2006 ANU E Press and Asia Pacific Press For the people of the Fiji Islands There is a dawn at the end of the darkest night v Contents Abbreviations vii Preface viii 1. The road to independence 1 2. Continuity and change 24 3. Things fall apart 49 4. Back from the abyss 77 5. Rabuka’s republic 100 6. Charting a new course 126 7. A time to change 155 8. George Speight’s coup 185 9. In George Speight’s shadow 206 10.
    [Show full text]
  • Research Commons at The
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Commons@Waikato http://waikato.researchgateway.ac.nz/ Research Commons at the University of Waikato Copyright Statement: The digital copy of this thesis is protected by the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand). The thesis may be consulted by you, provided you comply with the provisions of the Act and the following conditions of use: Any use you make of these documents or images must be for research or private study purposes only, and you may not make them available to any other person. Authors control the copyright of their thesis. You will recognise the author’s right to be identified as the author of the thesis, and due acknowledgement will be made to the author where appropriate. You will obtain the author’s permission before publishing any material from the thesis. An Elusive Dream: Multiracial Harmony in Fiji 1970 - 2000 A thesis submitted to the University of Waikato for the degree of Master of Philosophy, January, 2007. by Padmini Gaunder Abstract The common perception of Fiji, which is unique in the South Pacific, is that of an ethnically divided society with the indigenous and immigrant communities often at loggerheads. This perception was heightened by the military coups of 1987, which overthrew the democratically elected government of Dr. Timoci Bavadra because it was perceived as Indian-dominated. Again in 2000, the People’s Coalition Government headed by an Indian, Mahendra Chaudhry, was ousted in a civilian coup. Yet Fiji had been genuinely multiethnic for several decades (even centuries) before it became a colony in 1874.
    [Show full text]
  • Hybrid Constitutional Courts: Foreign Judges on National Constitutional Courts
    Hybrid Constitutional Courts: Foreign Judges on National Constitutional Courts ROSALIND DIXON* & VICKI JACKSON** Foreign judges play an important role in deciding constitutional cases in the appellate courts of a range of countries. Comparative constitutional scholars, however, have to date paid limited attention to the phenomenon of “hybrid” constitutional courts staffed by a mix of local and foreign judges. This Article ad- dresses this gap in comparative constitutional schol- arship by providing a general framework for under- standing the potential advantages and disadvantages of hybrid models of constitutional justice, as well as the factors likely to inform the trade-off between these competing factors. Building on prior work by the au- thors on “outsider” models of constitutional interpre- tation, it suggests that the hybrid constitutional mod- el’s attractiveness may depend on answers to the following questions: Why are foreign judges appoint- ed to constitutional courts—for what historical and functional reasons? What degree of local democratic support exists for their appointment? Who are the foreign judges, where are they from, what are their backgrounds, and what personal characteristics of wisdom and prudence do they possess? By what means are they appointed and paid, and how are their terms in office structured? How do the foreign judges approach their adjudicatory role? When do foreign * Professor of Law, UNSW Sydney. ** Thurgood Marshall Professor of Constitutional Law, Harvard Law School. The authors thank Anna Dziedzic, Mark Graber, Bert Huang, David Feldman, Heinz Klug, Andrew Li, Joseph Marko, Sir Anthony Mason, Will Partlett, Iddo Porat, Theunis Roux, Amelia Simpson, Scott Stephenson, Adrienne Stone, Mark Tushnet, and Simon Young for extremely helpful comments on prior versions of the paper, and Libby Bova, Alisha Jarwala, Amelia Loughland, Brigid McManus, Lachlan Peake, Andrew Roberts, and Melissa Vogt for outstanding research assistance.
    [Show full text]