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Sergei Kan. : Tlingit Culture and Russian Orthodox Through Two Centuries. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1999. 696 pp. $60.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-295-97806-2.

Reviewed by Olga Tsapina

Published on H-Russia (March, 2000)

Memory Eternal is a groundbreaking book The modern Native cultures have been often that cuts across many themes: the history of Rus‐ dismissed as not "authentic" enough to be worthy sian America, Alaska's , the of study. Instead the emphasis has been made on Russian Orthodox , and popular . A the "original" or "pre-contact" traits of Native result of twenty years of study of the Native American culture, and studies of Indian Christian‐ American cultures of southeastern Alaska, Kan's ity were designed to recover the kernel of tradi‐ book is a thoroughly researched, innovative, and tional beliefs and customs from the superfcial truly interdisciplinary study that successfully coating of religious and cultural values imposed combines methods of history, anthropology, and by Europeans. Kan's work is a study of Native social science. American Christianity as indigenous cultural sys‐ The book exceeds the somewhat limited scope tem, which eventually became one of the main of a history of Christian missions in the New components of Tlingit ethnic identity. World, which often tends to underrepresent or The core of the research is the era between even neglect the Indian side of the story. Kan re‐ the late 1870s and the late 1910s. However, Kan fuses to treat the Tlingit as merely a casualty, (or recreates the two hundred years of ethnohistory benefciary), of the "civilizing" efort of missionar‐ of Tlingit-Orthodox relations in its entirety, from ies and politicians. Contrary to the conventional the frst contact to the present day. Kan's interdis‐ image of Native Americans as passive recipients ciplinary approach, founded on complex analysis of Europeans' "pacifcation," "edifcation," or "en‐ of numerous written accounts (the list of written lightenment," Kan treats Tlingit as "conscious his‐ sources includes records of the Alaska Russian torical actors" who determined their own destiny, Church archives, Russian American Company, sometimes concurring with the newcomers, and journals and letters of Orthodox and Presbyterian sometimes going against their policies. , reports of the Russian and Ameri‐ can ofcials, materials of the Presbyterian mis‐ H-Net Reviews sions, etc.), visual materials and artifacts, and re‐ Since the frst encounter with Europeans, sults of his own extensive feld study of Tlingit Tlingit were willing and even eager to contact oral history, has produced very impressive re‐ newcomers. However, they always regarded sults. themselves as the sole rightful owners of the land, The book tells the story of the evolution of and insisted that all transactions be made on their Tlingit as an indigenous cultural sys‐ own terms. They were especially persistent in be‐ tem, created by Native Americans rather than im‐ ing treated with "respect," the most valued ele‐ posed by the missionaries, a result of a dialogue ment of Tlingit morality. rather than "infuence." This cultural system was Russians, who were interested primarily in rooted in the Orthodox , Russian popular fur trading rather than exploiting the land, did religion shared with the Tlingit by ordinary Rus‐ not attempt to disturb the Tlingit subsistence sians, and the Tlingit's own . Thus, Or‐ or social traditions. Russian colonization thodox rites reinforced the traditional Tlingit ritu‐ policy, forged during the conquest of Siberia, als, expressing them in Christian terms and tended to rely on collaboration with local Native metaphors. Kan thoroughly examines the Tlingit leaders and utilizing local social and cultural in‐ Orthodox cosmology, ideas of divine beings, pow‐ frastructures. The Tlingit interpreted this practice er of and sacred objects, communion, for‐ as "respect." However, any infringement of the giveness (an especially difcult concept to com‐ Tlingit territorial rights, or any signs of "disre‐ prehend), the role of women, Church organization spect" produced immediate and at times harsh re‐ and hierarchy, and ideas of death and . At taliation. The fear of Tlingit resistance made the the same time, he successfully avoids the tempta‐ Russian government refrain from forceful mea‐ tion to interpret Tlingit Orthodoxy as a new, syn‐ sures. As a result, during Russian rule, the founda‐ cretized religion. He shows that Tlingit Christiani‐ tions of the indigenous culture and social order, ty does not deviate from the or liturgical including Tlingit independence, remained largely of the Eastern Orthodoxy, but rather cre‐ intact. Although relations between Russians and ates its own, national version. Tlingit were far from idyllic, both cultures man‐ The story of the evolution of this remarkable aged to establish a viable symbiosis that lasted phenomenon makes for riveting reading. Kan fol‐ until the sale of Alaska in 1867. lows Tlingit-Orthodox relations from the frst con‐ The same type of relations was established tacts with Russian explorers and traders, the between the Tlingit and Russian missionaries. The years of Russian rule (1790s-1867), the sale of drive of the Alaska and establishment of American rule, chal‐ was much more modest than that of the lenges of the Progressive era, World Wars, and the and Protestant missions. The frst missions started civil rights movement. The history of Tlingit Or‐ to work in the last decades of the eighteenth cen‐ thodoxy unravels against a backdrop of social, po‐ tury, when moderation and patience in dealing litical, and cultural history of Alaska and its Na‐ with the "heathens" became the ofcial course of tive peoples. (One wishes, however, that the story the Holy Synod. Russian missionaries were cau‐ of the Alaskan mission were also presented in a tious about meddling in secular afairs and under‐ broader context of history of Russian Orthodox mining local leaders, be it Russian-American Com‐ missions to the indigenous peoples of Siberia, pany managers or Tlingit headmen. Central Asia, Far East, as well as Chinese and Japa‐ Certain aspects of the Orthodox theology and nese missions.) missionary practice facilitated their reception by the Tlingit. The Orthodox traditions of mourning

2 H-Net Reviews and commemorating the dead seemed the most "materialism" of the Tlingit, Brady saw it as a sub‐ attractive to the Native people, with their tradi‐ stantial advantage that, together with their seden‐ tional emphasis on veneration of ancestors. The tary way of life, would help them embrace Ameri‐ most noticeable trait of the Orthodox missionary can values. The authorities concurred with the practice was the use of vernacular in preaching Presbyterian missionaries in their optimistic and later in portions of the . Russian mis‐ views of the Tlingit acquisitiveness as a way to in‐ sionaries tended to utilize the indigenous beliefs corporate them in "civilized" world. and interpret them in Christian terms. Many of The well-meaning missionaries used rather the Russian missionaries were dedicated and drastic means in their relentless efort to incorpo‐ learned clerics who were genuinely interested in rate "uncivilized" Indians into "Christian society." the local culture. Prior to becoming Innokentii, The co-educational boarding school for the Na‐ frst bishop of the Alaska diocese, the priest Ivan tives known as the Sheldon Jackson Institute, the Veniaminov was a skillful and dedicated preacher Sitka Industrial School, or the Sitka Training and a quite perceptive anthropologist who had School was one of the most important and efec‐ worked among the Aleuts and Tlingit in tive innovations. Although the school provided ex‐ 1823-1838. Although Orthodox preachers were cellent education in the "three Rs," the classroom generally tolerant towards the local customs, this instruction and sermons explicitly condemned all tolerance did not amount to promoting a syn‐ aspects of native culture and life, going as far as cretized Orthodoxy. Thus, Veniaminov simply be‐ making students wash their mouths after speak‐ lieved that temporary concessions to "hea‐ ing their Native tongue. then"customs was nothing but a way to gradually Despite these, at times heavy-handed, en‐ attract them to Christianity. As a result of this poli‐ croachments on their traditions and the increas‐ cy, the frst decades of proselytizing did not ing Native involvement in the market economy, change the authentic Tlingit religious system. the Tlingit retained the earlier ambivalent views This uneasy balance was tipped with the ar‐ of Americans. Even in the turn of the twentieth rival of the "Boston Men." Unlike the Russians, century, despite all outward appearances of hav‐ who were concerned primarily with extracting ing been fully "civilized" and, perhaps thanks to the region's fur, the Americans were eager to ex‐ this ostentatious compliance with the White plore all of its resources. American missionaries, man's standards, the Tlingit retained a great deal with their emphasis on eradicating the "old cus‐ of social, political, and cultural independence. In toms" and instilling Christian and American val‐ fact, they continued to "tolerate Americans as a ues, also difered from their Orthodox counter‐ necessary evil"(p. 280). Kan shows that the rise in parts. Tlingit interest in Christianity and education in The Presbyterian missionary drive in Alaska, 1870's was essentially an indigenous movement, inspired by the Rev. Sheldon Jackson, operated on an endeavor to help the Tlingit adjust to and ben‐ the assumption that the subsistence economy and eft from the presence of the powerful newcom‐ traditional ways of life were "primitive," inferior ers. In fact, it was the Tlingits' willingness to be in‐ to the American economy and values, and, there‐ cluded in the world of the White man, motivated fore, doomed. However, like their Orthodox pre‐ by the desire to be treated with "respect" that was decessors, some Presbyterian missionaries, such the key element of success of the Presbyterian as John Brady, saw certain afnity between the missions. Tlingit way of life and American values. Whereas Although the Tlinglit, especially the younger the Orthodox preachers were unhappy about the generation, understood the advantages of a Pres‐

3 H-Net Reviews byterian education, they were becoming increas‐ the commemoration of the dead seemed more at‐ ingly resentful about the absence of the "respect" tractive to the Tlingit faithful, especially when they had established with the Russians. The "lack compared with "plain" of the Presbyteri‐ of respect" from the Presbyterian missionaries ans. However, the main cause was the Tlingits' and educators eventually resulted in their shift to‐ growing dissatisfaction with the Presbyterian mis‐ wards the Russian Orthodox Church in Sitka and sions. The Presbyterians' insistence on eradicating several other northern Tlingit communities in all "old customs" inevitably resulted in the alien‐ 1880-90's. ation of the majority of the Tlingit. In the Ortho‐ The story of the rivalry between the increas‐ dox Church they "could be both "civilized" and re‐ ingly impoverished and understafed Russian Or‐ spectable, but also largely independent" (p. 239). thodox and the well-fnanced Presbyterian mis‐ As Kan points out, the Sitka Tlingit found sions is one of the most fascinating stories of the themselves in a unique situation when they had a book. In seemed that at frst the Orthodox Church choice between two diferent versions of Chris‐ was doomed to lose. In the frst years after the tianity. ofered "much greater sale of Alaska it became obvious the infuence of material benefts and a quicker assimilation in was rather superfcial. The the dominant society," while ofering a "style of Russian Orthodox mission was despised as "for‐ worship that did not make much sense" to the eign," while the Presbyterians enjoyed wide sup‐ Tlingit (pp. 237-8). Orthodoxy, on the other hand, port of the authorities, especially in the frst guaranteed neither material benefts nor quick decade of American rule. The Presbyterians, acceptance by the mainstream society, but ofered putting the traditional Protestant anti-Catholicism a style of worship consonant with Tlingit tradi‐ to the good use, accused the Russian Orthodox tional . In the end, however, "Ortho‐ mission of promoting superstition, , and doxy promised less but delivered more." The most even making new converts "swear allegiance to important promise was "respect." For instance, an the emperor of Russia" (p. 236). The Russian Orthodox priest, while encouraging elaborate fu‐ priests, increasingly frustrated that government neral processions, did not shy away from attend‐ money went to fnance the Presbyterian boarding ing the post-funeral memorial feasts in the village, school (thus putting the impoverished parish something that his Presbyterian rivals blasted as school at an obvious disadvantage), responded in "." Albeit grudgingly, Russian and Creole kind, attacking the Presbyterian preachers as godparents felt obligated to visit their Tlingit ‐ "sectarians." Kan demonstrates that, although children's homes, attend their weddings and fu‐ both missions regarded Tlingit as "children" and nerals, and host them at and Easter objects of their "enlightening" endeavors, they in parties. fact, were "shrewd manipulators of the two mis‐ Russians' and Creoles' increasing disafection sions," and sometimes even played one mission with the mother Church also contributed to the against another. "Tlingitization" of Orthodoxy by the turn of the Despite all these obvious disadvantages, the twentieth century. Some Russian priests, such as Russian Orthodox enjoyed growing popularity Fr. Vladimir Donskoi, regarded the Tlingit, despite among the Tlingit. Of course, the fact that the Rus‐ their "pagan customs," as much better sian Orthodox mission had been part of Tlingit than Russians and Creoles, whose he dis‐ life since the late 1700's was one of the most obvi‐ missed as formal and superfcial and whose ous factors behind this success. The richness of had sunk in cynicism, moral corruption, and even the Orthodox and especially the of "freethinking." The main reason for the falling out

4 H-Net Reviews of Russians and Creoles with the Orthodox Church story of its survival between 1917 and 1967. The was traditional prejudice against Native Ameri‐ crisis started by the Bolshevik revolution and Rus‐ cans. This prejudice substantially exacerbated af‐ sian Civil War was followed by the challenges of ter the sale of Alaska, when Russians and Creoles the World War II and the movement for the civil strove to move up the social ladder and fnd their rights for the Native peoples of southeastern Alas‐ place among the White Americans by dissociation ka. The late 1960s were marked by the Tlingit po‐ from the "uncivilized" Indians and the "Tlingit" litical and ideological revival. One of Kan's consul‐ Orthodox Church. tants describes the late 1960s as the dawn of the The Orthodox Church played an important era "in which it was all right to be Native" (p. 523). role in the establishment of Native American Kan demonstrates that the revival of Orthodoxy, brotherhoods. Thus Fr. Anatolii Kamenskii coun‐ by now a truly , has an been tered the Presbyterian model of the complete as‐ important part of national and cultural revival. similation of the Tlingit as the only path to social For centuries Eastern Orthodoxy has been the and economic "progress" with his own outline of defning element of Slavic ethnic identity. Kan's social reform based on the importance of Native book ofers a unique insight in a non-Slavic and "communes, " similar to the Russian peasant com‐ non-European version of Orthodoxy. Memory munes. In 1896, following a long tradition of six‐ Eternal is indispensable not only for historians of teenth and seventeenth century Orthodox broth‐ Alaska, Native American cultures or Russian Or‐ erhoods established to combat the Catholic infu‐ thodox missions. It is an important contribution ence in Ukraine, he founded the St. Michael's Soci‐ to studies of history and sociology of popular ety of Temperance and Mutual Aid. Kan convinc‐ Christianity and relationship between native be‐ ingly demonstrates, despite Kamenskii's designs, liefs and Eastern Orthodoxy. It is hoped that dis‐ that the brotherhood promoted its own agenda of cussions of Kan's thorough, highly informative, in‐ trying to assert the status of Tlingit Orthodox by novative and luminously written research will successfully competing with the Creole Orthodox open new venues for comparative studies of reli‐ brotherhood and the Tlinglit Presbyterians. gion of Native peoples of the Russian Empire, as The growth and proliferation of the brother‐ well as of "double faith" (dvoeverie) of the Russian hoods continued after Kamenskii's departure. peasants. Kan's skillful analysis of the composition of two Copyright (c) 2000 by H-Net, all rights re‐ Orthodox sodalities in Sitka proves their aflia‐ served. This work may be copied for non-proft tion with the respective Native American clans. In educational use if proper credit is given to the au‐ both sodalities, women played a key role that of‐ thor and the list. For other permission, please con‐ ten corresponded with their role in traditional tact [email protected]. ceremonial and social culture. These brother‐ hoods, initiated by the Church for the purpose of fghting "old customs," evolved into Native social institutions, largely independent of the Church. In the aftermath of the Bolshevik revolution of 1917, when the Church was growing increasingly weak, these brotherhoods became the principal agent in fostering Orthodoxy among the Tlingit. The main proof of the strength of Tlingit Or‐ thodoxy as a cultural system is the remarkable

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Citation: Olga Tsapina. Review of Kan, Sergei. Memory Eternal: Tlingit Culture and Russian Orthodox Christianity Through Two Centuries. H-Russia, H-Net Reviews. March, 2000.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=3889

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.

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