Sergei Kan. Memory Eternal: Tlingit Culture and Russian Orthodox Christianity Through Two Centuries. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1999. 696 pp. $60.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-295-97806-2. Reviewed by Olga Tsapina Published on H-Russia (March, 2000) Memory Eternal is a groundbreaking book The modern Native cultures have been often that cuts across many themes: the history of Rus‐ dismissed as not "authentic" enough to be worthy sian America, Alaska's indigenous peoples, the of study. Instead the emphasis has been made on Russian Orthodox Church, and popular religion. A the "original" or "pre-contact" traits of Native result of twenty years of study of the Native American culture, and studies of Indian Christian‐ American cultures of southeastern Alaska, Kan's ity were designed to recover the kernel of tradi‐ book is a thoroughly researched, innovative, and tional beliefs and customs from the superficial truly interdisciplinary study that successfully coating of religious and cultural values imposed combines methods of history, anthropology, and by Europeans. Kan's work is a study of Native social science. American Christianity as indigenous cultural sys‐ The book exceeds the somewhat limited scope tem, which eventually became one of the main of a history of Christian missions in the New components of Tlingit ethnic identity. World, which often tends to underrepresent or The core of the research is the era between even neglect the Indian side of the story. Kan re‐ the late 1870s and the late 1910s. However, Kan fuses to treat the Tlingit as merely a casualty, (or recreates the two hundred years of ethnohistory beneficiary), of the "civilizing" effort of missionar‐ of Tlingit-Orthodox relations in its entirety, from ies and politicians. Contrary to the conventional the frst contact to the present day. Kan's interdis‐ image of Native Americans as passive recipients ciplinary approach, founded on complex analysis of Europeans' "pacification," "edification," or "en‐ of numerous written accounts (the list of written lightenment," Kan treats Tlingit as "conscious his‐ sources includes records of the Alaska Russian torical actors" who determined their own destiny, Church archives, Russian American Company, sometimes concurring with the newcomers, and journals and letters of Orthodox and Presbyterian sometimes going against their policies. missionaries, reports of the Russian and Ameri‐ can officials, materials of the Presbyterian mis‐ H-Net Reviews sions, etc.), visual materials and artifacts, and re‐ Since the frst encounter with Europeans, sults of his own extensive feld study of Tlingit Tlingit were willing and even eager to contact oral history, has produced very impressive re‐ newcomers. However, they always regarded sults. themselves as the sole rightful owners of the land, The book tells the story of the evolution of and insisted that all transactions be made on their Tlingit Orthodoxy as an indigenous cultural sys‐ own terms. They were especially persistent in be‐ tem, created by Native Americans rather than im‐ ing treated with "respect," the most valued ele‐ posed by the missionaries, a result of a dialogue ment of Tlingit morality. rather than "influence." This cultural system was Russians, who were interested primarily in rooted in the Orthodox theology, Russian popular fur trading rather than exploiting the land, did religion shared with the Tlingit by ordinary Rus‐ not attempt to disturb the Tlingit subsistence sians, and the Tlingit's own traditions. Thus, Or‐ economy or social traditions. Russian colonization thodox rites reinforced the traditional Tlingit ritu‐ policy, forged during the conquest of Siberia, als, expressing them in Christian terms and tended to rely on collaboration with local Native metaphors. Kan thoroughly examines the Tlingit leaders and utilizing local social and cultural in‐ Orthodox cosmology, ideas of divine beings, pow‐ frastructures. The Tlingit interpreted this practice er of prayer and sacred objects, communion, for‐ as "respect." However, any infringement of the giveness (an especially difficult concept to com‐ Tlingit territorial rights, or any signs of "disre‐ prehend), the role of women, Church organization spect" produced immediate and at times harsh re‐ and hierarchy, and ideas of death and afterlife. At taliation. The fear of Tlingit resistance made the the same time, he successfully avoids the tempta‐ Russian government refrain from forceful mea‐ tion to interpret Tlingit Orthodoxy as a new, syn‐ sures. As a result, during Russian rule, the founda‐ cretized religion. He shows that Tlingit Christiani‐ tions of the indigenous culture and social order, ty does not deviate from the dogma or liturgical including Tlingit independence, remained largely canon of the Eastern Orthodoxy, but rather cre‐ intact. Although relations between Russians and ates its own, national version. Tlingit were far from idyllic, both cultures man‐ The story of the evolution of this remarkable aged to establish a viable symbiosis that lasted phenomenon makes for riveting reading. Kan fol‐ until the sale of Alaska in 1867. lows Tlingit-Orthodox relations from the frst con‐ The same type of relations was established tacts with Russian explorers and traders, the between the Tlingit and Russian missionaries. The years of Russian rule (1790s-1867), the sale of missionary drive of the Russian Orthodox Church Alaska and establishment of American rule, chal‐ was much more modest than that of the Catholic lenges of the Progressive era, World Wars, and the and Protestant missions. The frst missions started civil rights movement. The history of Tlingit Or‐ to work in the last decades of the eighteenth cen‐ thodoxy unravels against a backdrop of social, po‐ tury, when moderation and patience in dealing litical, and cultural history of Alaska and its Na‐ with the "heathens" became the official course of tive peoples. (One wishes, however, that the story the Holy Synod. Russian missionaries were cau‐ of the Alaskan mission were also presented in a tious about meddling in secular affairs and under‐ broader context of history of Russian Orthodox mining local leaders, be it Russian-American Com‐ missions to the indigenous peoples of Siberia, pany managers or Tlingit headmen. Central Asia, Far East, as well as Chinese and Japa‐ Certain aspects of the Orthodox theology and nese missions.) missionary practice facilitated their reception by the Tlingit. The Orthodox traditions of mourning 2 H-Net Reviews and commemorating the dead seemed the most "materialism" of the Tlingit, Brady saw it as a sub‐ attractive to the Native people, with their tradi‐ stantial advantage that, together with their seden‐ tional emphasis on veneration of ancestors. The tary way of life, would help them embrace Ameri‐ most noticeable trait of the Orthodox missionary can values. The authorities concurred with the practice was the use of vernacular in preaching Presbyterian missionaries in their optimistic and later in portions of the liturgy. Russian mis‐ views of the Tlingit acquisitiveness as a way to in‐ sionaries tended to utilize the indigenous beliefs corporate them in "civilized" world. and interpret them in Christian terms. Many of The well-meaning missionaries used rather the Russian missionaries were dedicated and drastic means in their relentless effort to incorpo‐ learned clerics who were genuinely interested in rate "uncivilized" Indians into "Christian society." the local culture. Prior to becoming Innokentii, The co-educational boarding school for the Na‐ first bishop of the Alaska diocese, the priest Ivan tives known as the Sheldon Jackson Institute, the Veniaminov was a skillful and dedicated preacher Sitka Industrial School, or the Sitka Training and a quite perceptive anthropologist who had School was one of the most important and effec‐ worked among the Aleuts and Tlingit in tive innovations. Although the school provided ex‐ 1823-1838. Although Orthodox preachers were cellent education in the "three Rs," the classroom generally tolerant towards the local customs, this instruction and sermons explicitly condemned all tolerance did not amount to promoting a syn‐ aspects of native culture and life, going as far as cretized Orthodoxy. Thus, Veniaminov simply be‐ making students wash their mouths after speak‐ lieved that temporary concessions to "hea‐ ing their Native tongue. then"customs was nothing but a way to gradually Despite these, at times heavy-handed, en‐ attract them to Christianity. As a result of this poli‐ croachments on their traditions and the increas‐ cy, the frst decades of proselytizing did not ing Native involvement in the market economy, change the authentic Tlingit religious system. the Tlingit retained the earlier ambivalent views This uneasy balance was tipped with the ar‐ of Americans. Even in the turn of the twentieth rival of the "Boston Men." Unlike the Russians, century, despite all outward appearances of hav‐ who were concerned primarily with extracting ing been fully "civilized" and, perhaps thanks to the region's fur, the Americans were eager to ex‐ this ostentatious compliance with the White plore all of its resources. American missionaries, man's standards, the Tlingit retained a great deal with their emphasis on eradicating the "old cus‐ of social, political, and cultural independence. In toms" and instilling Christian and American val‐ fact, they continued to "tolerate Americans as a ues, also differed from their Orthodox counter‐ necessary evil"(p. 280). Kan shows that the rise in parts. Tlingit