Common Sense Revolution, 20 Years Later 8 Trish Hennessy
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12 01 Ganddhs Newsletter
October 02, 2019 Page 1 of 15 Sheila Mccahon From: Historical Society Glencoe <[email protected]> Sent: September 18, 2019 6:55 PM To: Sheila Mccahon Subject: Glencoe & District Historical Society - Fall Newsletter 1 October 02, 2019 Page 2 of 15 Glencoe & District Historical Society Fall 2019 Newsletter 2 October 02, 2019 Page 3 of 15 G & DHS Executive Committee President - Ken Beecroft Vice President - JoAnn Galbraith Past President - Lorne Munro Treasurer - Marilyn McCallum Secretary - Mary Simpson Director - Harold Carruthers Director - Ina Nelms Director - Ken Willis Director - Dennis Harmsworth Well.... here it is September already. I don't know about you, but I found that the summer went by extremely quickly, maybe because of the damp and cool weather. At any rate, no doubt you've all been busy. Here at Glencoe & District Historical Society, we've been busy also. Since our big move to the Archives last Fall, we realize that there's more that we can and should be doing in the way of policy and procedural development, along with better identifying and tracking of our assets, especially books, documents and artifacts. To that end, we've established a committee of volunteers who will work on these goals.... More on that to come. With regret, I must let you know that G & DHS has lost another past Executive member. Karen Kendrick-Diamond passed away September 11th after a long and courageous battle with cancer. Karen was a life long resident of Glencoe and worked in the past at the Glencoe Library. Her 3 October 02, 2019 Page 4 of 15 Service of Remembrance will be September 26th at Van Heck Funeral Home in Glencoe. -
DRAFT Five Principles Open Letter
c/o Mennonite Central Committee Ontario The Honourable Deb Matthews, MPP 50 Kent Ave. Minister of Health Kitchener, ON N2G 3R1 10th Floor, Hepburn Block 80 Grosvenor Street Toronto, Ontario M7A 2C4 March 25, 2010 Dear Minister Matthews, The decision the McGuinty government has taken to end the Special Diet Allowance for people on Ontario Works and the Ontario Disability Support Program has been interpreted as a disturbing signal about the degree to which government is committed to the goals of poverty reduction and the importance of protecting the human rights of people with disabilities. However, it also presents you with the opportunity to create a new program that will address the acknowledged shortcomings of the Special Diet Allowance program, while ensuring continuation of the important financial support it provides to people with documented health challenges. In light of the government's announcement that the Ministry of Health will be creating a replacement program for the Special Diet Allowance, we are writing to forward our proposal for Five Principles that should form the basis for this new program. The 25 in 5 Network and its partners, the ODSP Action Coalition and the Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario (RNAO), are circulating the enclosed Five Principles document to other partner organizations, individuals, and supporters. We trust that you will hear from many around the province who also believe that the new program must be based on these principles. Statements about the scope and mandate of the new program have been made by members of government that have led many to fear that people currently receiving Special Diet will no longer be adequately supported by our government. -
Austerity, Competitiveness and Neoliberalism Redux Ontario Responds to the Great Recession
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Socialist Studies (E-Journal) / Études Socialistes Socialist Studies / Études socialistes 7(1/2) Spring/Fall 2011: 141‐170 Copyright © 2011 The Author(s) SPECIAL ISSUE ON ORGANIZING FOR AUSTERITY: THE NEOLIBERAL STATE, REGULATING LABOUR AND WORKING CLASS RESISTANCE Austerity, Competitiveness and Neoliberalism Redux Ontario Responds to the Great Recession CARLO FANELLI and MARK P. THOMAS Sociology & Anthropology, Carleton University. Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Sociology, York University. Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Abstract This article examines the deepening integration of market imperatives throughout the province of Ontario. We do this by, first, examining neoliberalism’s theoretical underpinnings, second, reviewing Ontario’s historical context, and third, scrutinizing the Open Ontario Plan, with a focus on proposed changes to employment standards legislation. We argue that contrary to claims of shared restraint and the pressing need for public austerity, Premier McGuinty’s Liberal’s have re‐branded and re‐packaged core neoliberal policies in such a manner that costs are socialized and profits privatized, thereby intensifying class polarization along with its racialized and gendered diversities. Résumé Cet article analyse l’intégration de plus en plus profonde des impératifs du marché dans la province de l’Ontario. Nous faisons cette analyse, premièrement, en analysant les bases théoriques du néolibéralisme, deuxièmement, en décrivant le contexte historique de l’Ontario, et troisièmement, en examinant le “Open Ontario Plan”, sous l’angle particulier des propositions de changement de la législation sur le droit du Carlo Fanelli is a PhD candidate in the Department of Sociology & Anthropology at Carleton University. -
Ontario's Greenbelt
Ontario’s Greenbelt: Acres of Possibility Burkhard Mausberg Ontario’s Greenbelt turns 12 years old in 2017. At two million acres, it’s the world’s largest peri-urban protected area. The Greenbelt Act and Plan were passed with much fanfare in 2005, and while there was some loud opposition from certain affected landowners and municipalities, the plan received significant backing from conservationists and planning experts. Since its inception, the Greenbelt has enjoyed huge public approval: it is consistently the provincial government’s most popular environmental initiative, garnering more than 90% support. The Greenbelt addressed a growing frustration with land use planning in the Greater Toronto Area: Ontarians asked for better regional planning. They recognized the negative impacts of poor development and the loss of greenspace and farmland. But the Greenbelt’s roots go back longer than the last dozen years—to the mid-1970s, in fact, when Premier Bill Davis protected the Niagara Escarpment. Aside from creating Niagara Falls, the escarpment is known for its rich biodiversity, centuries-old cedar trees, and unique cliff ecology. Declared a UNESCO biosphere reserve, the Niagara Escarpment includes Great Lakes coastlines, woodlands, limestone alvar, oak savannahs, conifer swamps, and other signature features. Together these diverse habitats contain a premier level of species variety among Canadian biosphere reserves, including more than 300 bird species, 55 mammals, 36 reptiles and amphibians, and 90 fish varieties. In 2001, Ontario’s Premier Mike Harris declared the Oak Ridges Moraine protected from development. The premier understood that the moraine is an ecologically important landform, created by receding glaciers during the last ice age. -
Harris Disorder’ and How Women Tried to Cure It
Advocating for Advocacy: The ‘Harris Disorder’ and how women tried to cure it The following article was originally commissioned by Action Ontarienne contre la violence faite aux femmes as a context piece in training material for transitional support workers. While it outlines the roots of the provincial transitional housing and support program for women who experience violence, the context largely details the struggle to sustain women’s anti-violence advocacy in Ontario under the Harris regime and the impacts of that government’s policy on advocacy work to end violence against women. By Eileen Morrow Political and Economic Context The roots of the Transitional Housing and Support Program began over 15 years ago. At that time, political and economic shifts played an important role in determining how governments approached social programs, including supports for women experiencing violence. Shifts at both the federal and provincial levels affected women’s services and women’s lives. In 1994, the federal government began to consider social policy shifts reflecting neoliberal economic thinking that had been embraced by capitalist powers around the world. Neoliberal economic theory supports smaller government (including cuts to public services), balanced budgets and government debt reduction, tax cuts, less government regulation, privatization of public services, individual responsibility and unfettered business markets. Forces created by neoliberal economics—including the current worldwide economic crisis—still determine how government operates in Canada. A world economic shift may not at first seem connected to a small program for women in Ontario, but it affected the way the Transitional Housing and Support Program began. Federal government shifts By 1995, the Liberal government in Ottawa was ready to act on the neoliberal shift with policy decisions. -
Manuscript Completed May 2013
NOT IN THEIR CLASSROOMS: CLASS STRUGGLE AND UNION STRENGTH IN ONTARIO’S ELEMENTARY TEACHERS’ UNIONS, 1970–1998 by Andy Hanson A thesis submitted to the Frost Centre for Canadian Studies and Indigenous Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Canadian Studies Trent University Peterborough, Ontario 2013 ©Copyright 2013, Andy Hanson ii ABSTRACT Not in Their Classrooms: Class Struggle and Union Strength in Ontario’s Elementary Teachers’ Unions, 1970–1998 This dissertation examines the rise of teachers’ union militancy in Ontario through a case study of the Federation of Women Teachers’ Associations of Ontario (FWTAO) and the Ontario Public School Teachers’ Federation (OPSTF) between 1970 and their amalgamation into the Elementary Teachers’ Federation of Ontario (ETFO) in 1998. It uses the archival records of the two unions, relevant legislation, media records, personal collections, and interviews to explore how these two professional organizations became politicized, militant labour unions able to engage with the state and the trustees of boards of education. The Introduction situates the public education project within nation building in a capitalist-democracy and outlines the theoretical influences informing the dissertation. Chapter 1 follows the two unions during the 1970s as they developed into labour unions. The 18 December 1973 one-day, province-wide, political strike achieved the right to strike and established a unique labour regime for teachers. Chapter 2 examines the advance of the unions during the 1980s as they developed labour militancy. At the same time, neo-liberalism was ascending and the post-war social accord was coming to an end resulting in attacks on unions and cuts to social programs. -
Ontario Quiz
Ontario Quiz Try our Ontario Quiz & see how well you know Ontario. Answers appear at the bottom. 1. On Ontario’s Coat of Arms, what animal stands on a gold and green wreath? A) Beaver B) Owl C) Moose D) Black Bear 2. On Ontario’s Coat of Arms, the Latin motto translates as: A) Loyal she began, loyal she remains B) Always faithful, always true C) Second to none D) Liberty, Freedom, Truth 3. Which premier proposed that Ontario would have its own flag, and that it would be like the previous Canadian flag? A) Frost B) Robarts C) Davis D) Rae 4. Ontario’s Progressive Conservative government under right wing leader Mike Harris espoused what kind of revolution? A) Law and order B) Tax deductions C) People first D) Common sense 5. Which of the following was not an Ontario Liberal leader? A) Jim Bradley B) Robert Nixon C) Mitch Hepburn D) Cecil Rhodes 6. Which of the following is not a recognized political party in Ontario? A) White Rose B) Communist C) Family Coalition D) Libertarian 7. Tim Hudak, leader of Ontario’s PC party is from where? A) Crystal Beach B) Fort Erie C) Welland D) Port Colborne 8. Former Ontario Liberal leader, Dalton McGuinty was born where? A) Toronto B) Halifax C) Calgary D) Ottawa 9. The first Ontario Provincial Police detachment was located where? A) Timmins B) Cobalt C) Toronto D) Bala 10. The head of the OPP is called what? A) Commissioner B) Chief C) Superintendent D) Chief Superintendent 11. Which of the following was not a Lieutenant Governor of Ontario? A) Hillary Weston B) John Aird C) Roland Michener D) William Rowe 12. -
Research Report
RESEARCH REPORT OCUFA Ontario Confederation of University Faculty Associations Union des Associations des Professeurs des Universités de l’Ontario 83 Yonge Street, Suite 300, Toronto, Ontario M5C 1S8 Telephone: 416-979-2117 •Fax: 416-593-5607 • E-mail: [email protected] • Web Page: http://www.ocufa.on.ca Ontario Universities, the Double Cohort, and the Maclean’s Rankings: The Legacy of the Harris/Eves Years, 1995-2003 Michael J. Doucet, Ph.D. March 2004 Vol. 5, No. 1 Ontario Universities, the Double Cohort, and the Maclean’s Rankings: The Legacy of the Harris/Eves Years, 1995-2003 Executive Summary The legacy of the Harris/Eves governments from 1995-2003 was to leave Ontario’s system of public universities tenth and last in Canada on many critical measures of quality, opportunity and accessibility. If comparisons are extended to American public universities, Ontario looks even worse. The impact of this legacy has been reflected in the Maclean’s magazine rankings of Canadian universities, which have shown Ontario universities, with a few notable exceptions, dropping in relation to their peers in the rest of the country. Elected in 1995 on a platform based on provincial income tax cuts of 30 per cent and a reduction in the role of government, the Progressive Conservative government of Premier Mike Harris set out quickly to alter the structure of both government and government services. Most government departments were ordered to produce smaller budgets, and the Ministry of Education and Training was no exception. Universities were among the hardest hit of Ontario’s transfer-payment agencies, with budgets cut by $329.1 million between 1995 and 1998, for a cumulative impact of $2.3 billion by 2003. -
The Federal State, Neoliberalism and the Left
The manner of governing of Stephen Harper’s Conservative The phenomenon of centralized decentralization was first government might be characterized as a paradox with a purpose. A observed with respect to the British experience with Thatcherism. sharp centralization of authority over decision-making and politi- It was observed that the power of the state was in fact becoming cal management – particularly to augment policing, warmaking increasingly concentrated – ‘free market, strong state for these and market-enhancing capacities – is accompanied by an equally iron times’ – at the centre of the state. This centralization of power focused policy agenda that seeks to hollow out the distributive was necessary, politically speaking, as a means to drive through capacities of the Canadian federal state in the executive branches. an agenda to restructure the economy, defeat the trade unions, This simultaneous centralization and decentralization is a key fea- and erode the welfare state. The Thatcher-era Conservatives under- ture of the process of state restructuring under neoliberalism. stood that state power was a necessary element to restructure the state itself and its relations with different aspects of civil society. It is not a matter of bypassing or weakening the state in fa- vour of markets in general, but a change in the form of the state: This process had its origins in Canada under Brian Mulroney’s the executive of the state is strengthened relative to parliaments Conservative government of the 1980s (although the Liberal gov- and participative bodies; state economic apparatuses facilitating ernment’s of Pierre Trudeau first brought neoliberalism to Canada the internationalization of capital and market processes to bolster and began administrative restructuring in the last years of his capital accumulation are given policy precedence over administration). -
Neoliberalism: Progressive Conservative Urbanism in Toronto, Canada
“Common-Sense” Neoliberalism: Progressive Conservative Urbanism in Toronto, Canada Roger Keil Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, Toronto, Canada; [email protected] This paper argues that urban neoliberalism can best be understood as a contradictory re-regulation of urban everyday life. Based on an analysis of neoliberalism as a new political economy and as a new set of technologies of power, the paper argues that the urban everyday is the site and product of the neoliberal transformation. Governments and corporations play a key role in redefining the conditions of everyday life through neoliberal policies and business practices. Part of this reorientation of everydayness, however, involves new forms of resistance and opposition, which include the kernel of a possible alternative urbanism. The epochal shift from a Keynesian-Fordist-welfarist to a post-Fordist-workfarist society is reflected in a marked restructuring of everyday life. The shift changes the socioeconomic conditions in cities. It also includes a reorienta- tion of identities, social conflicts, and ideologies towards a more explicitly culturalist differentiation. Social difference does not disappear, but actually becomes more pronounced; however, it gets articulated in or obscured by cultural terms of reference. The paper looks specifically at Toronto, Ontario, as a case study. An analysis of the explicitly neoliberal politics of the province’s Progressive Conservative (Tory) govern- ment under Mike Harris, first elected in 1995, demonstrates the pervasive re-regulation of everyday life affecting a wide variety of people in Toronto and elsewhere. Much of this process is directly attributable to provincial policies, a consequence of Canada’s constitutional system, which does not give municipalities autonomy but makes them “creatures of provinces.” However, the paper also argues that Toronto’s elites have aided and abetted the provincial “Common-Sense” Revolution through neoliberal policies and actions on their own. -
The Imperative of a Referendum
EARLY RELEASE The Imperative of a Referendum Patrice Dutil 1 The throne speech delivered to the Canadian Parliament by the new Lib- eral government in December 2015 made one very specific promise, which was crystal clear both in its commitment and its timing. “To make sure that every vote counts,” it declared, “the government will undertake con- sultations on electoral reform, and will take action to ensure that 2015 will be the last federal election conducted under the first-past-the-post voting system.” The implications of this declaration are heavy for Canada’s democracy and for its political future. The obvious question has to be addressed: What is the point of promising consultations if the government has already made up its mind to proceed with making fundamental changes? The govern- ment of Canada must indeed consult widely, but more than that, it must put its reform proposals to the people of Canada in a referendum. It has no mandate to push its reforms through by some arbitrary, hard deadline. On four separate occasions, Canadians from various parts of the country expressed their support for the first-past-the-post voting system. The gov- 1 Patrice Dutil is Professor in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at Ryerson University in Toronto. He has worked as a government policy advisor, a non- profit organization executive, a television producer, and a magazine editor. He is cur- rently the President of the Champlain Society (www.champlainsociety.ca) and the editor of Canadian Government Executive magazine. He was the founder and editor (1991- 1996) of The Literary Review of Canada (www.reviewcanada.ca). -
The Ideology of a Hot Breakfast
The ideology of a hot breakfast: A study of the politics of the Harris governent and the strategies of the Ontario women' s movement by Tonya J. Laiiey A thesis submitted to the Department of Political Studies in confonnity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Queen's University Kingston, Ontario, Canada May, 1998 copyright 8 Tonya J. Lailey. 1998 National Library Bibl&th$aue nationaie of Canada du Cana uisitions and Acquisitions et "iBb iographk SeMces services bibliographiques 395 Wdîîngton Street 305, nie Wellington OttamON KlAONI OttawaON K1AW Canada Cenada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibiiotheque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, clistriiute or sel reproduire, prêter, distriiuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retahs ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Abstract This is a study of political strategy and the womn's movement in the wake of the Harris govemment in Ontario. Through interviewhg feminist activists and by andyzhg Canadian literature on the women's movement's second wave, this paper concludes that the biggest challenge the Harris govenunent pnsents for the women's movement is ideological.