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“Charlie Chaplin” Figures of the Maya Lowlands
RITUAL USE OF THE HUMAN FORM: A CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF THE “CHARLIE CHAPLIN” FIGURES OF THE MAYA LOWLANDS by LISA M. LOMITOLA B.A. University of Central Florida, 2008 A thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology in the College of Sciences at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2012 ©2012 Lisa M. Lomitola ii ABSTRACT Small anthropomorphic figures, most often referred to as “Charlie Chaplins,” appear in ritual deposits throughout the ancient Maya sites of Belize during the late Preclassic and Early Classic Periods and later, throughout the Petén region of Guatemala. Often these figures appear within similar cache assemblages and are carved from “exotic” materials such as shell or jade. This thesis examines the contexts in which these figures appear and considers the wider implications for commonly held ritual practices throughout the Maya lowlands during the Classic Period and the similarities between “Charlie Chaplin” figures and anthropomorphic figures found in ritual contexts outside of the Maya area. iii Dedicated to Corbin and Maya Lomitola iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Drs. Arlen and Diane Chase for the many opportunities they have given me both in the field and within the University of Central Florida. Their encouragement and guidance made this research possible. My experiences at the site of Caracol, Belize have instilled a love for archaeology in me that will last a lifetime. Thank you Dr. Barber for the advice and continual positivity; your passion and joy of archaeology inspires me. In addition, James Crandall and Jorge Garcia, thank you for your feedback, patience, and support; your friendship and experience are invaluable. -
2006 “Agricultural Intensification, Water, and Political Power in The
AGRICULTURAL INTENSIFICATION, WATER, AND POLITICAL POWER IN THE SOUTHERN MAYA LOWLANDS LISA J. LUCERO ncient tropical societies, such as the Maya, are often relegated to the Aunknown or mysterious or, worse yet, are seen as a result of outside influ- ences because of the traditional bias in anthropology of largely focusing on civilizations in temperate areas. Wittfogel, for example, in his classic Oriental Despotism (1957), argued that complex societies are underwritten by an agri- cultural base supported by irrigation. Because the Maya are not known to have built large-scale irrigation systems, he claimed that the Maya were a “marginal agrarian” (Wittfogel 1957:182) despotic society since the karstic topography of the Maya lowlands is “unsuitable for irrigation agriculture” (Wittfogel 1957:184). In another classic piece, Meggers (1954) presented a model of envi- ronmental determinism in which she categorized tropical zones as not suitable to support civilizations because of poor agricultural soils. Meggers based this assumption on her studies in the Amazon jungle, where many areas of tropical forests are poorly suited for intensive agriculture (though recent scholarship indicates otherwise; see Erickson 2003). Consequently, Maya civilization arose as the result of outside influences and “did not last” but witnessed “700 years of decline” (Meggers 1954:819) because conditions were not suitable to support a complex society. As recently as 1998, Meggers was still “struck by the seeming contradiction between the complexity of Maya culture and the relatively low agricultural potential of their environment” (Meggers 1998: xii). In fact, the southern Maya lowlands have a high percentage of mollisols, which are “considered by agronomists to be among the world’s most important, naturally productive soils, with yields unsurpassed by other unirrigated areas” (Fedick 1988:106). -
Chichen Itza 6 Tourism YUCATAN | 7 Location Yucatan Is Located in Southeastern Mexico, in the GEOGRAPHY Northern Part of the Yucatan Peninsula
SALES CATALOGUE Y U C ATA N THE BEGINNING OF A NEW BAKTUN WELCOME TO YUCATaN The beginnings and origin of who we are today was born in the land of the Maya, the Mayab, with the ancient Maya civilization to which we belong and whose ancient heritage fills us with pride. Humanity in the 21st century searches to reconnect with ourselves, to become reconciled with nature and learn from their peers. We are on a quest to encounter ancient civilizations, new landscapes, new seas, new traditions, new experiences... In YUCATAN we offer the possibility of communion by virtue of our extraordinary heritage, where we have the opportunity to learn, preserve, share and enjoy the cultural, natural and tourist wealth that we possess. At the start of a new Baktun, or long-count cycle in the Maya calendar, we offer a myriad of options for recreation, leisure, knowledge, reflection, peace, health, adventure, andcoexistence throughout the length and width of the Yucatan... YUCATAN is land of origins: It is a land where everything begins anew. It is a prodigious land within the reach of travelers from the world over who seek to know and live among a culture that is more live than ever: The Maya Culture. We are heirs of this great wealth, which we should, want and wish to share with all of you and future generations. WELCOME TO YUCATAN Rolando Rodrigo Zapata Bello Governor of the State of Yucatan MAYAN MUSEUM OF MERIDA 2 Tourism YUCATAN | 3 CREDITS Rolando Zapata Bello Governor of the State of Yucatan Saul M. -
UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Divination & Decision-Making: Ritual Techniques of Distributed Cognition in the Guatemalan Highlands Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/2v42d4sh Author McGraw, John Joseph Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Divination and Decision-Making: Ritual Techniques of Distributed Cognition in the Guatemalan Highlands A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology and Cognitive Science by John J. McGraw Committee in charge: Professor Steven Parish, Chair Professor David Jordan, Co-Chair Professor Paul Goldstein Professor Edwin Hutchins Professor Craig McKenzie 2016 Copyright John J. McGraw, 2016 All rights reserved. The dissertation of John J. McGraw is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________ Co-chair ___________________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2016 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page …....……………………………………………………………… iii Table of Contents ………………….……………………………….…………….. iv List of Figures ….…………………………………………………….…….……. -
Physical Expression of Sacred Space Among the Ancient Maya
Trinity University Digital Commons @ Trinity Sociology & Anthropology Faculty Research Sociology and Anthropology Department 1-2004 Models of Cosmic Order: Physical Expression of Sacred Space Among the Ancient Maya Jennifer P. Mathews Trinity University, [email protected] J. F. Garber Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/socanthro_faculty Part of the Anthropology Commons, and the Sociology Commons Repository Citation Mathews, J. P., & Garber, J. F. (2004). Models of cosmic order: Physical expression of sacred space among the ancient Maya. Ancient Mesoamerica, 15(1), 49-59. doi: 10.1017/S0956536104151031 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology and Anthropology Department at Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology & Anthropology Faculty Research by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ancient Mesoamerica, 15 (2004), 49–59 Copyright © 2004 Cambridge University Press. Printed in the U.S.A. DOI: 10.1017/S0956536104151031 MODELS OF COSMIC ORDER Physical expression of sacred space among the ancient Maya Jennifer P. Mathewsa and James F. Garberb aDepartment of Sociology and Anthropology, Trinity University, One Trinity Place, San Antonio, TX 78212, USA bDepartment of Anthropology, Texas State University, San Marcos, TX 78666, USA Abstract The archaeological record, as well as written texts, oral traditions, and iconographic representations, express the Maya perception of cosmic order, including the concepts of quadripartite division and layered cosmos. The ritual act of portioning and layering created spatial order and was used to organize everything from the heavens to the layout of altars. -
Found.1 the Two Best Known Examples Are Copan and Quirigua, and in Each Case Local Stones Were Quarried
VI. TWO UNUSUAL MAYA STELAE John A. Graham and Howel Williams As is generally known, the Maya lowlands comprise a vast province of massive limestone deposits. Since these limestones are usually exposed or only slightly buried, ready material in unlimited abundance was ordinarily available for the cutting of building stone, for reduction to lime for mortar, and for the carving of sculptures and other monuments. At a number of Maya lowland sites quarries have been observed in the sites, or their immediate vicinity, and there has been little reason to suspect the long distance transport of large and heavy stone for monuments as was characteristic of the ancient Olmec civilization in its principal sites of La Venta and San Lorenzo. For the most part it is only on the peripheries of the Maya lowlands that major non-limestone monuments and architectural constructions are found.1 The two best known examples are Copan and Quirigua, and in each case local stones were quarried. At Quirigua in the lower Motagua Valley, separated from the Maya lowlands proper by the Santa Cruz range, ignimbrites, not immediately available but probably transported from no great distance, and local sandstones were employed in monument carving as well as in archi- tecture. At Copan in the foothills of southwestern Honduras, even farther removed from the true Maya lowlands, ignimbrite from the Copan Valley was preferred to the local limestone. At Maya sites within the lowlands proper, non-limestone monuments or architectural constructions are very rare, and the major example is Altar de Sacrificios on the lower Pasion where during the Early Classic period local sandstone supplied the material for both monuments and architecture until after 9.10.0.0.0 (A.D. -
A Study of Two Maya Tenons from Corozal
A Study of two Maya Tenons from Corozal By Ben Ward Anthropology 281 (Seeds of Divinity), Spring 2019 This paper concerns two Maya tenons that reside in the Williams College Museum of Art (WCMA). One, with accession number 1870.1.1 shows an anthropomorphic face with a peaked headdress, while the other, 1870.1.2., sports a zoomorphic face with humanoid head emerging from its jaws. These two sculptures were collected by Williams students during a trip to Honduras and Belize in 1870-1871, sponsored by the Williams Lyceum. Beyond this, very little is known about these sculptures due to the same reason that they are in the museum’s possession. While these students were in Central America two of the students went on a short trip to the small agricultural town of Corozal where they acQuired these two stone tenons and brought them back to Williams College. The detail we are given on the acQuisition of these pieces is both frustratingly vague and very telling for the times: Among the collections from Corozal were two stone heads, or images, exhumed near that town. They exhibit great antiQuity, and are evidently of the same origin as the sculptures found amid the ruins of the ancient temples and cities scattered throughout Central America, and are viewed with such intense interest by all travelers to this seat of fallen civilization.1 The only real useful information we get from this passage is that these tenons come from a Maya site near the town of Corozal.2 There seems to have been no interest in the sculptures’ true origin point and it is not even stated whether these statues were bought in Corozal or taken by these students directly from a site. -
Where Nomads Go Need to Know to Need
Art & Cities Nature 1 Welcome Culture & Towns & Wildlife Adventure Need to Know worldnomads.com Where Nomads Go Nomads Where your way from coast to coast. the curl at Puerto Escondido, and eat the curl at Puerto Escondido, an ancient pyramid at Muyil, shoot Dive with manatees in Xcalak, climb MEXICO 2 worldnomads.com World Nomads’ purpose is to challenge Contents travelers to harness their curiosity, be Adam Wiseman WELCOME WELCOME 3 brave enough to find their own journey, and to gain a richer understanding of Essential Mexico 4 Spanning almost 760,000mi² (2 million km²), with landscapes themselves, others, and the world. that range from snow-capped volcanos to dense rainforest, ART & CULTURE 6 and a cultural mix that’s equally diverse, Mexico can’t be How to Eat Mexico 8 contained in a handful of pages, so we’re not going to try. The Princess of the Pyramid 14 Think of this guide as a sampler plate, or a series of windows into Mexico – a selection of first-hand accounts from nomads Welcome The Muxes of Juchitán de Zaragoza 16 who’ve danced at the festivals, climbed the pyramids, chased Beyond Chichén Itzá 20 the waves, and connected with the locals. Meeting the World’s Authority Join our travelers as they kayak with sea turtles and manta on Mexican Folk Art 24 rays in Baja, meet the third-gender muxes of Juchitán, CITIES & TOWNS 26 unravel ancient Maya mysteries in the Yucatán, and take a Culture Mexico City: A Capital With Charisma 28 crash course in mole-making in Oaxaca. -
Curriculum Vitae
MacLellan 1 Curriculum Vitae Jessica MacLellan, Ph.D. Postdoctoral Fellow, Department of Anthropology, University of California Los Angeles [email protected] Education Ph.D., Anthropology University of Arizona 2019 M.A., Anthropology University of Arizona 2011 B.A., summa cum laude, Archaeology Boston University 2009 Dissertation: Households, Ritual, and the Origins of Social Complexity: Excavations at the Karinel Group, Ceibal, Guatemala Appointments 2020-2021 Postdoctoral Fellow, Anthropology UCLA 2019-2020 Visiting Assistant Professor, Anthropology University of Pittsburgh Jan.-May 2019 Adjunct Instructor, Anthropology University of Arizona Jan.-May 2019 Adjunct Instructor, Anthropology Pima Community College External Fellowships and Grants 2021-2022 Smithsonian Institution Postdoctoral Fellowship (STRI, Panama) 2021 King Grant for Precolumbian Archaeology ($15,000), Society for American Archaeology 2020-2021 American Council of Learned Societies Emerging Voices Fellowship 2016-2017 Junior Fellowship, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library & Collection 2015 Dissertation Improvement Award BCS-1518794 ($25,200), National Science Foundation 2009-2013 Jacob K. Javits Fellowship, U.S. Department of Education Internal Honors, Awards, Fellowships, and Grants 2018 Haury Dissertation Fellowship, Anthropology ($7500) University of Arizona 2018 Dozier Award, best student paper, Anthropology ($500) University of Arizona 2009-2018 School of Anthropology scholarships ($8813) University of Arizona 2017 Science and Arts Communication Fellow, UAMA University -
Can We Read Cosmology in Ancient Maya City Plans? Comment on Ashmore and Sabloff
0~rlprr CAN WE READ COSMOLOGY IN ANCIENT MAYA CITY PLANS? COMMENT ON ASHMORE AND SABLOFF Michael E. Smith Argumentsfor the cosmological significance of ancient Maya city layouts are plausible, but empirical applications are sub- jective and lack rigor. I illustrate this contention through brief comments on a recent article by Ashmore and Sabloff. I first discuss some of the complexities and pitfalls in studying cosmology from ancient city plans, and then focus on one compo- nent of the authors' cosmological model-the hypothesized north-south axis at Classic Maya cities. My goal is not to down- play or rule out the role of cosmology in Maya city planning, but rather to encourage the use of explicit assumptions and rigorous methods that will provide the study of Maya city planning with a more secure empirical foundation. Los argumentos para el significado cosmologico de las trazas de las ciudades antiguas mayas son plausibles, pero las apli- caciones empiricas son subjetivas y carecen de rigor Ilustro este idea con unos comentarios sobre un articulo reciente de Ash- more y Sabloff. Primero discuto algunas de las complejidades y problemas en el estudio de la cosmologia basado en los planos de las ciudades antiguas. Segundo, examino una parte del modelo cosmologico de los autores-el propuesto eje norte-sur en las ciudades mayas. Mi objetivo no es disminuir ni negar el papel de la cosmologia en la planeaci6n urbana Maya; mds bien es fomentar el uso de asunciones explicitas y metodos rigurosos para dar al estudio de la planeacion urbana una fundacion empirica mds segura. -
28 La Arquitectura De Las Ciudades Mayas Del Área
Lorenzo Vidal, Cristina y Gaspar Muñoz Cosme 1997 La arquitectura de las ciudades Mayas del área Puuc, Yucatán. En X Simposio de Investigaciones Arqueológicas en Guatemala, 1996 (editado por J.P. Laporte y H. Escobedo), pp.360-376. Museo Nacional de Arqueología y Etnología, Guatemala (versión digital) 28 LA ARQUITECTURA DE LAS CIUDADES MAYAS DEL ÁREA PUUC, YUCATÁN Cristina Vidal Lorenzo Gaspar Muñoz Cosme La serranía Puuc es una cadena de suaves elevaciones que nace cerca de Peto y se dirige hacia el noroeste hasta Maxcanu, desde donde discurre en dirección suroeste para morir en la costa de Campeche, formando así una "V" invertida con el ápice en Maxcanu (Figura 1). Asimismo, denominamos Puuc al área arqueológica comprendida en esta serranía, la cual incluye decenas de espectaculares sitios arqueológicos que, a su vez, pueden dividirse en dos sectores principales: este y oeste (Figura 2). El primero y más famoso en términos generales, abarca desde Uxmal al norte hasta Ichpich al sur, mientras que el segundo, más destruido y menos conocido, cubre desde Oxkintok en Yucatán hasta Yakal Chuc en Campeche, siendo en este sector donde se encuentran los casos más antiguos conocidos en la región que se remontan al Clásico Temprano (Gendrop 1983:141). Por último, el término Puuc tiene una tercera lectura ya que es también el estilo arquitectónico que exhibe la mayoría de las construcciones de las ciudades Mayas concentradas en esta zona arqueológica. Este estilo tiene sus orígenes en el Clásico Tardío y alcanzó su máximo florecimiento en la zona durante el Clásico Terminal; sus manifestaciones más espectaculares las hallamos en las ciudades del corazón del área Puuc: Uxmal, Sayil, Labna, Kabah, Xlapak, etc. -
A Distinctive Maya Architectural Format: the Lamanai Temple
8 A Distinctive Maya Architectural Format: The Lamanai Temple . H. Stanley Loten Introduction At Lamanai, as at Tikal, the ancient Maya maintained and repeated the same distinctive temple form over a Towering pyramidal temples, arresting dynastic significantly long time span at different locations portraits, fantastic.mythological figures; they leap to within the site. This review outlines the Lamanai our eyes from the forest canopy, from incised stelae example and considers comparable patterns of and from sculptured mask panels. 1l1ese are the great variation in architectural forms of pyramid-temples at signature pieces of Maya artistic production. They other sites in the Maya area. cap the ruins that initially attracted archaeological attention, and they continue to draw world-class As a secondary theme I am concerned with the con tourism to the Maya area. A constant· stream of ceptual role played by the pyramid, and with the vacationers shuffles past these great works, now underlying reasons that impelled the Maya to include cleared and restored. But they are seen merely as such costly and time-consuming features as prominent curiosities touted to sell excursions from Caribbean parts oftheir major temples. It is generally taken more resorts. In ancient times, however, they were certainly or less for granted that Maya pyramids were employed not for holiday amusement; they .were central to the to raise the "temples" at their summits to a civic and political life of Maya communities. Over commanding position of height (see, for example, centuries the Maya invested an enormous amount of Stierlin 1968:96). This view of the structures is time, energy, skill and resources in their production, certainly correct, and the idea has obvious value; I and their functioning is generally acknowledged to suspect, however, that it may not be the whole story.