DOCSLIB.ORG

Liberty Magazine November 1990

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Liberty Magazine November 1990 November 1990 Vol 4, No 2 ''rJ1te, fiistory of Li6erty is tlie fiistory of{imitations ofgovernment power. 11 - Woodrow Wi[son of one his experiments, possibly the same one Hospers describes so glowing- ly, indicates that he altered his target [ L etters ] numbers after he got a look at the guess- ~==============================~ es of his "psychic" subjects, to produce as many matches as he desired. Specifi- Job's Jobs commercial speech, nor are so-called cally, he changed the numeral 1, which It seems to me, a Christian, that liber­ "fighting words." These last are words he wrote with a short stroke, into a 4 or tarians and classical liberals could take a which according to the court are "likely 5, as needed. different view ofJob than the angry cyni­ to provoke the average person to retalia­ Taras Wolansky cism of David Starkey's poem ("The Sub­ tion." This might include racial, ethnic or Jersey City, N.J. mission ofJob," September 1990). Job religious slurs and perhaps just calling Final Determinations ended up doubling his wealth (Job 42: someone an S.O.B. Ifin fact Gregory Hospers was very sloppy in his dis­ 12, 1: 2-3), surely a respectable reward Johnson's flag burning was "speech," it cussion of determinism; if determinism for his suffering. Job was a political lead­ was certainly "fighting words"-ifthe is true, then doing something because er (1: 3, 29: 7-25), but he probably spent outrage of vast numbers of Americans is one wants to (i.e. one wills it) is impossi­ as much time running his ranch as run­ any indication. Indeed, the whole pur­ ble because antecedent causes have pre­ ning his country (judging by his ranch­ pose of the burning was to outrage, to determined what one "wants" (which in­ ing success); ruling wasn't a full-time job provoke, otherwise why bother? As cludes not only the choices available but even for 1:3's "greatest man ... of the fighting words, this "speech" is not pro­ also what one will choose). The falseness East" (New International Version). No tected. Simple, huh? of determinism can be revealed when welfare program tried to help him in his Or, try this. The burning of the sym­ one realizes that one can truly change distress, and no regulations kept him bol ofThe United States of America is one's mind, in spite of powerful existen­ from regaining prosperity (with Yah­ obviously the symbolic means of calling tial factors; it is easy to ignore that "val­ weh's blessing) after his family and for the violent overthrow of the govern­ ues" can only have meaning to beings friends got him venture capital (42:11). ment thereof. This adheres to our ene­ who can freely choose them. (I find it What libertarian wouldn't prefer Uz to mies (who also burn American flags), hard tobelieve that it took Ayn Rand so the U.S.? giving them aid and comfort. In short, long to change her mind about Mr. Hos­ The Job ofStarkey's poem reminds this is an act of treason as recognized by pers and his "Green Party" intuitions.) me ofVan Til's little girl who must sit on Article III, section 3 of the Constitution Alexander N. Knight the Father's lap in order to slap His face. and is clearly not constitutionally pro­ Rochester, N.Y. Complaints about justice presuppose the tected. Rand Derailed Freedom's Train On the bright side, it is comforting to universal and just God of the Bible; a John Hospers didn't mention it in his know that ifI were to "moon" the Hon­ lesser deity or none at all reduces com­ last article about his relationship with plaints to personal pique, and no binding orable Justices as a demonstration of my Ayn Rand, butyears after their last meet­ standard makes one person's pique bind­ political displeasure with their decisions, ing when he was running for president ing on another. Tactical prudence might they'd understand and even support my in 1972 as the candidate of the newly elicit compliance, but what god (and I right to do so. formed Libertarian Party, Rand was too am on my Father's lap) would be Warren Michelsen asked at a Ford Hall Forum what she pleased with submission asStarkey'sJob Page, Ariz. thought about Hospers's candidacy. Her offered? Better submit to the Bible's God Randiana qua Libertariana reply was something to the effect that in His way. Maybe Starkey could write Hospers's article on Rand ("Conver­ Hospers was nothing but a publicity­ eloquent poetry about submission to Sta­ sations with Ayn Rand," July 1990) was seeking crank, and that the best candi­ lin or Social Security, or even (with a dif­ the best piece of Randiana I've read and date to vote for was Richard M. Nixon, ferent tone) to Yahweh. the best thing I've seen in Liberty. Every for to do otherwise would be to risk Andrew Lohr sentence had the ring of truth, and he sending our nation down the track Lookout Mountain, Ga. was careful to stop where his memory aboard George McGovern's hell-bound stopped. train. Oh Say Can't You See? Like many libertarians, I had been Chester Alan Arthur asserts that the Thomas Porter Reseda, Calif. greatly influenced and inspired by Supreme Court"can't figure a way to Rand's books and articles, but 1also had make flag burning exempt from the very Dotting the I's, Crossing the T's, grown increasingly uneasy with Rand's plain meaning of the First Amendment" Changing the Numbers public inconsistencies-such as when ("Lip-reading," September 1990). Allow John Hospers' approach to philoso­ she said anti-Vietnam War draft resistors me to offer two. For purposes of this ex­ phy may be superior to Rand's ("Con­ should be shipped off to Russia-so her ercise I'll even stipulate that flag burning versations with Ayn Rand [part 2]," Sep­ flippant rejection of the Libertarian Party is "speech," OK? tember 1990), bUtabout parapsychology was the last straw for me. I also wasn't Not all speech is protected by the she was right and he was wrong. much impressed with her shabby treat­ First Amendment. There is considerable We now know that S. G. Soal, co­ ment of Hospers, whom I had met at the (U.S. Supreme Court) precedence hold­ author of Experiments in Parapsychology, Libertarian Party's founding convention ing that obsce~ty is not protected. Nor is was a fraud. Careful statistical analysis continued on page 4 2 Liberty ed Leb . November 1990 lnSI e 1 erty Volume 4,Number2 2 Letters on Job, John Hospers, Ayn Rand, Ron Paul, and other people. 7 Reflections on things not being what they seem-in particular, Pravda, patriotic thieves, Caucasian Eurasians, friendly ferrets, and (of course) "free market" Republicans. Features 15 Opportunities on Freedom's Frontier Ronald Lipp explores the realities of Eastern Europe and its prospects for liberty. 21 The Search for Home of Truth R. W. Bradford visits the ruins of two failed utopias, one of which died a natural death, and the other of which was murdered. 29 You. Too, Can Be a Junior G-Man David Hudson explains how the War on Drugs has led to the conscription of ordinary people. 33 Smokes. But No Peace Pipe Scott Reid explains how the black market in cigarettes on Canada's Indian reservations has led to a new French and Indian War. 37 Meanwhile. Back at the Farm Leslie Fleming, a farmer from Oklahoma, tells the tale of how the State bought off the farmers. They weren't cheap, but they were easy. 41 How to Profit In an Unfree World Douglas Casey, R. W. Bradford, Richard Stroup and David Friedman tell us how to invest-and how to think about investment advice. 48 Why is Anyone Virtuous? David Friedman gives a positive explanation of why so many people behave morally, even when it would seem to be in their interest to lie, cheat, and steal. 51 Death In the Sands Sheldon Richman kicks sand into the bullies' faces; Stephen Cox, Robert Higgs, and Leland Yeager stir up a little action of their own. 54 Ed Crane An interview with the controversial libertarian activist who brought competence as well as vision to a movement sorely lacking in the former, if not the latter. Reviews 65 Up from Armageddonism Stephen Cox makes the case for optimism by making fun of the pessimists. 68 Sex. Drugs and the Goldberg Variations Richard Kostelanetz explains what went wrong with a biography of Glenn Gould, the late master of the keyboard. 70 The Microcosmic Mind of George Glider Alexander Tabarrok reconsiders George Gilder's obsession with quantum physics, microchips, and God. 73 Rational Man and All the Rest Robert Higgs says eminently reasonable things about irrationality. .75 Classified Ads 77 Notes on Contributors 78 Terra Incognita Volume 4, Number 2 Letters (continued from page 2) in Denver, and whom I considered a cou­ rageous, generous man for offering to carry the party's banner its first time out. Mark Coleman Honolulu, Hawaii Stimulate Up the Hatch There is a world of good reading in Liberty ... and there has been Everything Brian Doherty wrote in ever since Liberty began publishing! Whether you want to catch up on what "Down the hatch" (September 1990) is you missed, stimulate your mind, or complete your collection, now is a wrong. The attempt to reform the Hatch good time to buy. Enjoy! Act has nothing to do with on-duty polit­ ical activity.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Causes and Consequences of the Inflation Taxi
    Causes and Consequences of the Inflation Taxi Abstract: While ethical implications of direct taxation systems have recently received renewed attention, a more veiled scheme remains unnoticed: the inflation tax. We overview the causes of inflation, and assess its consequences. Salient wealth redistributions are a defining feature of inflation, as savers and fixed income individuals see a relative wealth reduction. While evasion of this tax is difficult in many instances due to the primacy of money in a monetary economy, the tax codes of most developed countries allow avoidance techniques to be employed. We analyze the ways that inflation taxes may be avoided in an attempt to preserve personal wealth, as well as the consequences of such practices. 1 Causes and Consequences of the Inflation Tax Introduction Much recent literature focuses on the ethics of direct taxation (Joel Slemrod 2007; Bagus et al. 2011; Robert W. McGee 2012c). Whether income and consumption taxes are coercively imposed on both consumers and producers has long been contested. Being this as it may, taxes can be, and often are, remitted to the government voluntarily as if they were not reliant on their coercive imposition. In this case we are led to believe that there is no difference between taxation and voluntarily donations of money to the government –both will result in spending that is consistent with taxpayers’ desires. The curiosity that arises is that if people did not donate money voluntarily to the government, neither coercion nor taxation would be necessary.ii However, the degree of “voluntariness” of the governing process implementing taxation cannot affect the core nature of the problem (Robert McGee 1994).
    [Show full text]
  • Atlas Network Records
    http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c80k2f0h No online items Register of the Atlas Network records Finding aid prepared by Dale Reed Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 2015, 2019 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Register of the Atlas Network 2015C50 1 records Title: Atlas Network records Date (inclusive): 1946-2013 Collection Number: 2015C50 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: In English and Spanish Physical Description: 319 ms. boxes, 1 oversize box(160.5 Linear Feet) Abstract: Correspondence, writings, memoranda, conference papers and other conference materials, fundraising and grant award records, other financial records, and printed matter relating to international promotion of free market economic policies. Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Acquisition Information Materials were acquired by the Hoover Institution Library & Archives in 2015. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Atlas Network records, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Historical Note The Atlas Network was founded in Fairfax, Virginia, as the Atlas Economic Research Foundation, in 1981. Its founder, Sir Antony Fisher (1915-1988), had already created the Institute of Economic Affairs in his native Great Britain and the Fraser Institute in Canada. The purpose of these organizations was promotion of free market economics, limited government, and deregulation and privatization to the greatest extent possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Abortion and Rights: Applying Libertarian Principles Correctly by Doris Gordon Libertarians for Life Copyright 1995
    Abortion and Rights: Applying Libertarian Principles Correctly by Doris Gordon Libertarians for Life Copyright 1995 About this Article According to Ron Paul, "Today, we are seeing a piecemeal destruction of individual freedom. And in In arguing that abortion should not be legal, pro- abortion, the statists have found a most effective lifers generally focus on proving that a human being's life method of obliterating freedom: obliterating the begins at conception. This argument often fails to persuade, individual."1 Dr. Paul, an obstetrician and a former because it does not confront the right of the woman to member of Congress (R-TX), was the Libertarian control her own body. Many pro-lifers talk as if they have Party's candidate for President in 1988. lost the rights argument — or worse that they can never win it — and they end up painting rights as irrelevant and The Libertarian Party's "Statement of running away from it. Principles" itself defends "the right to life." The Turning this weakness on rights to their advantage, platform adds, "Children are human beings and, as abortion choicers contemptuously attack abortion such, have all the rights of human beings."2 Are opponents as "anti-choice" and claim that to be anti-legal- children human beings prenatally? Despite the fact abortion is to be anti-liberty. that this is the pivotal question in the abortion debate, Actually, however, pro-lifers own the libertarian high the platform is silent. ground. This article, "Abortion and Rights: Applying In response to such shortcomings, Libertarians Libertarian Principles Correctly," shows why. for Life (LFL) was formed in 1976.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarian Party at Sea on Land
    Libertarian Party at Sea on Land To Mom who taught me the Golden Rule and Henry George 121 years ahead of his time and still counting Libertarian Party at Sea on Land Author: Harold Kyriazi Book ISBN: 978-1-952489-02-0 First Published 2000 Robert Schalkenbach Foundation Official Publishers of the works of Henry George The Robert Schalkenbach Foundation (RSF) is a private operating foundation, founded in 1925, to promote public awareness of the social philosophy and economic reforms advocated by famed 19th century thinker and activist, Henry George. Today, RSF remains true to its founding doctrine, and through efforts focused on education, communities, outreach, and publishing, works to create a world in which all people are afforded the basic necessities of life and the natural world is protected for generations to come. ROBERT SCHALKENBACH FOUND ATION Robert Schalkenbach Foundation [email protected] www.schalkenbach.org Libertarian Party at Sea on Land By Harold Kyriazi ROBERT SCHALKENBACH FOUNDATION New York City 2020 Acknowledgments Dan Sullivan, my longtime fellow Pittsburgher and geo-libertarian, not only introduced me to this subject about seven years ago, but has been a wonderful teacher and tireless consultant over the years since then. I’m deeply indebted to him, and appreciative of his steadfast efforts to enlighten his fellow libertarians here in Pittsburgh and elsewhere. Robin Robertson, a fellow geo-libertarian whom I met at the 1999 Council of Georgist Organizations Conference, gave me detailed constructive criticism on an early draft, brought Ayn Rand’s essay on the broadcast spectrum to my attention, helped conceive the cover illustration, and helped in other ways too numerous to mention.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Cincinnati
    UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI Date: 11-Dec-2009 I, Marjon E. Kamrani , hereby submit this original work as part of the requirements for the degree of: Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science It is entitled: "Keeping the Faith in Global Civil Society: Illiberal Democracy and the Cases of Reproductive Rights and Trafficking" Student Signature: This work and its defense approved by: Committee Chair: Anne Runyan, PhD Laura Jenkins, PhD Joel Wolfe, PhD 3/3/2010 305 Keeping the Faith in Global Civil Society: Illiberal Democracy and the Cases of Reproductive Rights and Trafficking A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science of the College of Arts and Science by Marjon Kamrani M.A., M.P.A. University of Texas B.A. Miami University March 2010 Committee Chair: Anne Sisson Runyan, Ph.D ABSTRACT What constitutes global civil society? Are liberal assumptions about the nature of civil society as a realm autonomous from and balancing the power of the state and market transferrable to the global level? Does global civil society necessarily represent and/or result in the promotion of liberal values? These questions guided my dissertation which attempts to challenge dominant liberal conceptualizations of global civil society. To do so, it provides two representative case studies of how domestic and transnational factions of the Religious Right, acting in concert with (or as agents of) the US state, and the political opportunity structures it has provided under conservative regimes, gain access to global policy-making forums through a reframing of international human rights discourses and practices pertaining particularly to women’s rights in order to shift them in illiberal directions.
    [Show full text]
  • Liberty, Property and Rationality
    Liberty, Property and Rationality Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Master’s Thesis Hannu Hästbacka 13.11.2018 University of Helsinki Faculty of Arts General History Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Humanistinen tiedekunta Filosofian, historian, kulttuurin ja taiteiden tutkimuksen laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Hannu Hästbacka Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Liberty, Property and Rationality. Concept of Freedom in Murray Rothbard’s Anarcho-capitalism Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Yleinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and Sivumäärä– Sidoantal – Number of pages Pro gradu -tutkielma year 100 13.11.2018 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Murray Rothbard (1926–1995) on yksi keskeisimmistä modernin libertarismin taustalla olevista ajattelijoista. Rothbard pitää yksilöllistä vapautta keskeisimpänä periaatteenaan, ja yhdistää filosofiassaan klassisen liberalismin perinnettä itävaltalaiseen taloustieteeseen, teleologiseen luonnonoikeusajatteluun sekä individualistiseen anarkismiin. Hänen tavoitteenaan on kehittää puhtaaseen järkeen pohjautuva oikeusoppi, jonka pohjalta voidaan perustaa vapaiden markkinoiden ihanneyhteiskunta. Valtiota ei täten Rothbardin ihanneyhteiskunnassa ole, vaan vastuu yksilöllisten luonnonoikeuksien toteutumisesta on kokonaan yksilöllä itsellään. Tutkin työssäni vapauden käsitettä Rothbardin anarko-kapitalistisessa filosofiassa. Selvitän ja analysoin Rothbardin ajattelun keskeisimpiä elementtejä niiden filosofisissa,
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Movement
    Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul.
    [Show full text]
  • Murray N. Rothbard E Il Movimento Paleolibertario
    Etica & Politica / Ethics & Politics, 2003, 2 http://www.units.it/etica/2003_2/PIOMBINI.htm Murray N. Rothbard e il movimento paleolibertario Guglielmo Piombini Istituto Bruno Leoni ABSTRACT Murray N. Rothbard and the paleolibertarian movement At the beginning of the 1990 American libertarian intellectual such as Murray N. Rothbard, Lle- wellyn Rockwell Jr., and Hans-Hermann Hoppe gave rise to the paleolibertarian movement. Paleo- libertarians, who favour laissez-faire in the economic realm but oppose moral relativism, were seek- ing an alliance with the so-called “paleoconservatives” like Sam Francis, Tom Fleming, Paul Gottfried or Pat Buchanan. The word “paleolibertarian”, first used by Rockwell, had the purpose to recapture the radicalism and the political and intellectual rigor of the pre-war libertarian “Old right”. Rothbard’s death in 1995 was a blow, but paleolibertarians still continued their twofold bat- tle for the defence of the unfettered free-market, developing the methodology of the Austrian School of Economics; and for the defence of the traditional Christian values of the Western Civilization, threatened by the post-modern “liberal” culture, now leading in the political and intellectual elite. Today the paleolibertarians, facilitated by the Internet, have become a rapidly growing intellectual movement. The main centres of diffusion of their ideas are the Ludwig von Mises Institute in Auburn (Alabama) and the website LewRockwell.com, that ranks among the most widely read news website. 1. La nascita di un movimento In Italia il termine non è usato e suona poco orecchiabile, ma nel variegato mondo del- la Destra americana oggi la sfida più vivace e interessante proviene dalla cultura che si definisce ricorrendo puntualmente al prefisso “paleo”, la quale taglia trasversalmente i due principali raggruppamenti politici (il Grand Old Party Repubblicano e il piccolo Partito Libertario) e ideologici (il tradizionalismo conservatore e l’antistatalismo liberta- rio) che si contrappongono al Partito Democratico e alla sinistra liberal.
    [Show full text]
  • 2003 Mdlp Annual Convention
    2003 MdLP Annual Convention The 2003 MdLP convention radio station WIIFM in his own was held Saturday, April 26th at head: what’s in it for me? Tom the Old Station 8 Firehouse in Peters wrote about this concept: Gaithersburg. After the morning every person is the center of his Central Committee meeting, the universe, the star of his own mov- convention proper began with ie. People buy your ideas by turn- speaker Sharon Harris (photo be- ing them into their own. low), who called her talk “How to We are salesmen. We are Get a Second Date, and Other Se- selling the ideas of liberty, and crets of Successful Communica- have to learn the lessons of sell- tion.” She has been the president ing. Sometimes we run into hos- of The Advocates for Self-Govern- tile people; perhaps on a radio ment (TheAdvocates.org) since show. Marshall Fritz [founder of 1995. A tireless activist for the The Advocates and president of Libertarian Party in Georgia, she the Alliance for the Separation of was the campaign manager for School and State] designed a way several Public Service Commis- to handle this: the Ransberger sion candidates which gained the LP statewide ballot access in Pivot. It is a way to establish rapport with the audience, if it is 1998; in 1994 she received over 300,000 votes in her race for hostile and questions your intentions. The pivot is not a way to Commissioner of Agriculture. The Advo- answer the question, but rather to show that cates publish The Libertarian Communicator you have the same intentions as the attacker.
    [Show full text]
  • Speaking of Liberty
    Speaking of Liberty Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr. Patrons The Mises Institute dedicates this volume to all of its generous donors, and in particular wishes to thank these Patrons: Anthony Deden, Christopher P. Condon, Hugh E. Ledbetter, Mr. and Mrs. William W. Massey, Jr., Roger Milliken, Mr. and Mrs. R. Nelson Nash, Stephenson Family Foundation, Mr. and Mrs. Willard Fischer / Fisher Printing, Inc., Douglas E. French, Don Printz, M.D., Frederick L. Maier, James Bailey / James Bailey Foundation, Mr. and Mrs. J.R. Bost, James W. Frevert, Jule R. Herbert, Jr., Julie Lauer-Leonardi, Mr. and Mrs. William Lowndes, III, William S. Morris, III / Morris Communications Corp., Donald Mosby Rembert, top dog™, James M. Rodney, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph P. Schirrick in memory of Jeannette Zummo, Mr. and Mrs. Michael Shaw, Joe Vierra, Robert H. Walker / Walker Die Casting Company ^ Andreas Acavalos, Robert B. Allan, Anonymous, Richard Bleiberg, Dr. V.S. Boddicker, John Hamilton Bolstad, Ronald Bridges, Paul H. Casey, Mr. and Mrs. John C. Cooke, Kerry E. Cutter, Carl A. Davis / Davis-Lynch, Inc., Mr. and Mrs. Charles F. de Ganahl, Eric Englund, Dr. Larry J. Eshelman, Charles Groff, Charley Hardman, Horace H. Harned, Frank W. Heemstra, Jeremy Horpedahl, Dr. and Mrs. Robert D. Hurt, Martin Jungbluth, W. Thomas Kelly, Lucille Lane, Joe R. Lee, John M. Leger, Dr. Floy Lilley, Arnold Lisio, M.D., Arthur L. Loeb, Björn Lundahl, Samuel Medrano, M.D., in honor of Lupe C. Medrano, Joseph Edward Paul Melville, Robert Mish, Brantley I. Newsom, James O’Neill, Mr. and Mrs. Ronald L. Peterson, Robert M.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarianizmu
    Jacek Bartyzel Geneza i próba systematyki głównych nurtów libertarianizmu Incipit Libertarianizm (ang. Libertarianism) — względnie: libertaryzm1 — można zdefiniować jako wolnościową i skrajnie indywidualistyczną ideologię społecz- no-polityczną oraz nawiązujący do jej założeń ruch polityczny, oparte o tezę, iż osnową historii jest stały i niepojednalny konflikt pomiędzy wolnością a władzą, oraz głoszące, że każdy człowiek winien mieć nieograniczoną swobodę dyspono- wania swoją osobą i własnością, czyli tym, co wypracował sam, albo dostał lub nabył od innych, o ile tylko nie ogranicza analogicznej swobody innych jednostek. W ujęciu zwolenników tego kierunku termin libertarian jest zasadniczo — według klasycznej już definicji Deana Russella — antonimem do terminu authoritarian i oznacza „tego, który odrzuca ideę zastosowania przemocy lub groźby użycia przemocy — legalnej lub nielegalnej — w celu narzucenia swojej woli lub punktu widzenia jakiejkolwiek pokojowo nastawionej osobie”2. Polemicznie natomiast libertarianizm bywa nazywany „konserwatyzmem bez duszy, nie tylko dlatego, że odmawia wierze religijnej centralnego miejsca przyznawanego jej przez konserwatyzm, ale również dlatego, że wiele nurtów myśli libertariańskiej sprzyja atomizmowi”3. Dzieje pojęcia Termin libertarian pojawił się już w epoce oświecenia, lecz bez związku z problematyką dominującą współcześnie w tej ideologii, natomiast w kontekście 1 Tę wersję skłonni bylibyśmy uznać za poprawniejszą językowo w polszczyźnie, choćby ze względu na zasadę ekonomii językowej, preferującą formy krótsze, jak również z racji analogii do tworzenia polskich odpowiedników źródłowo anglojęzycznych przypadków dotyczących doktryn politycznych, filozoficznych czy religijnych (np. utylitaryzm, komunitaryzm czy episkopalizm); jednak w tym przypadku czynimy ustępstwo na rzecz utrwalonego już uzusu. 2 D. Russell, Who is a Libertarian?, „Ideas of Liberty” May 1955, http://www.boogieonline. om/revolution/politics/name.html [odczyt 29.11.2008].
    [Show full text]
  • Rothbard's Time on the Left
    ROTHBARD'S TIME ON THE LEFT MURRAY ROTHBARD DEVOTED HIS life to the struggle for liberty, but, as anyone who has made a similar commitment realizes, it is never exactly clear how that devotion should translate into action. Conse- quently, Rothbard formed strategic alliances with widely different groups throughout his career. Perhaps the most intriguing of these alliances is the one Rothbard formed with the New Left in the rnid- 1960s, especially considering their antithetical economic views. So why would the most free market of free-market economists reach out to a gaggle of assorted socialists? By the early 1960s, Roth- bard saw the New Right, exemplified by National Review, as perpet- ually wedded to the Cold War, which would quickly turn exponen- tially hotter in Vietnam, and the state interventions that accompanied it, so he set out looking for new allies. In the New Left, Rothbard found a group of scholars who opposed the Cold War and political centralization, and possessed a mass following with high growth potential. For this opportunity, Rothbard was willing to set economics somewhat to the side and settle on common ground, and, while his cooperation with the New Left never altered or caused him to hide any of his foundational beliefs, Rothbard's rhetoric shifted distinctly leftward during this period. It should be noted at the outset that Rothbard's pro-peace stance followed a long tradition of individualist intellectuals. Writing in the early 1970s, Rothbard described the antiwar activities of turn-of-the- century economist William Graham Sumner and merchant Edward Atkinson during the American conquest of the Philippines, and noted: In taking this stand, Atkinson, Surnner, and their colleagues were not being "sports"; they were following an anti-war, anti-imperial- ist tradition as old as classical liberalism itself.
    [Show full text]