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A Study on Quality of Life in Mathare, Nairobi, Kenya

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A Study on Quality of Life in Mathare, Nairobi, Kenya © Kamla-Raj 2013 J Hum Ecol, 41(3): 207-219 (2013) A Study on Quality of Life in Mathare, Nairobi, Kenya Dan Darkey and Angela Kariuki Department of Geography, Geoinformatics and Meteorology, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa KEYWORDS Quality of Life. Slum. Urbanisation. Nairobi ABSTRACT Sub-Saharan Africa hosts the highest number of urban slum households in the world with an estimated 60 to 70% of urban residents living in slums. Kenya belongs to this region and has large informal settlements with dire socio-economic conditions. This study on the quality of life, in a typical East African slum, is based on fieldwork carried out in Mathare, Nairobi. The research revealed that Mathare residents prioritise sanitation, waste management and access to water, electricity, education and healthcare as the most essential services for adding quality to their lives. However, one of the main conclusions of this research is that although improved service delivery is necessary, it may not be sufficient in satisfying the quality of life requirements of Mathare residents. Other aspects of economics, such as regular employment as well as socio-cultural issues, like freedom from fear and access to communal security, are equally important and policy objectives should pay holistic attention to both the objective living conditions and the subjective life satisfaction indicators of slum dwellers. INTRODUCTION rising costs of health care and education (UNDP 2007). The Roots of Socio-economic Inequality Many colonial laws and policies were enact- in Kenya ed to maintain the spatial segregation. Black people were not allowed to settle in urban areas, Kenya (see location of the country in Fig. 1) they were only tolerated in the city as temporary was colonised by the British and gained inde- workers. The attitude of the municipal authority pendence in December 1963. The history of towards African housing was articulated in 1930: Nairobi illustrates the British colonial policy of “It seems only right that it should be under- social and spatial segregation. At the end of the stood that the town is a non-native area in 19th century the British rulers were building a which there is no place for the redundant na- railway to connect the coast of Kenya with Ugan- tive, who neither works nor serves his or her da (Campbell 2005). Halfway along the railway people. The exclusion of these redundant na- construction site, a location was needed to func- tives is in the interest of natives and non-na- tion as railway headquarters, so the British cre- tives alike…” (Van Zwanenberg and King, cited ated Nairobi in 1899 (Campbell 2005). Nairobi in Campbell 2005:8). Lonsdale (cited in Campbell became the capital of Kenya in 1905. Most of 2005:6) adds “… Nairobi was a perfect Apart- the railway labourers were Indians, who still form heid city without trying. The colonial govern- a significant part of the city’s population. From ment was a state of exclusion: it divided the the onset, Nairobi was spatially designed to sep- society between those who had rights of citi- arate the main communities into different neigh- zenship and those who did not – the urban and bourhoods. Like many African cities, ‘economic the rural respectively”. The post-colonial gov- growth’ in Nairobi has not prevented the social ernment did not change the ‘bifurcated state’ and economic ills of marginalisation of minority following independence in 1963. Instead, Nairo- groups, degradation of the environment, and the bi grew rapidly and the city has remained one of the urban centres with the highest growth rates in Africa (SID 2006). By 2010 Nairobi’s growth rate was estimated to be as high as 4.1% (CIA Address for correspondence: 2010). Dr. Dan Darkey After independence, the structural inequali- Department of Geography, Geoinformatics and Meteorology, ty between poor and rich increased, putting University of Pretoria, Kenya among the top ten most unequal coun- Pretoria, South Africa tries in the world (Campbell 2005). The main caus- Phone: +27 12 4203719 or +27 82 8526782 al factors for inequality in Kenya are poverty, E-mail: [email protected] scarcity of resources and a weak budgetary sys- 208 DAN DARKEY AND ANGELA KARIUKI Fig. 1. Map of Kenya indicating Nairobi (Source: www.victoryhope.nl) tem. The World Bank states in its Development elite continue to practice more or less the same Report of 2006 that in a more equal society, the discriminatory policies against the poor popula- same level of growth would result in a higher tions as the white settlers did over 50 years ago. rate of poverty reduction than in a society with Many people living in Nairobi are not able to high levels of inequality (World Bank 2006). access the ‘formal’ economy or professional jobs. Kenya is still in a state where inequality is in- As pointed out by the UN-Habitat (2009), work- creasing (SID 2006). ing in the informal economy is nothing more than Nairobi is also referred to as the ‘self-help a survival strategy that people use when they city’; many poor people work in the informal do not have a job opportunity or source of in- sector. The activities in this sector range from come in the formal economy. Without adequate painting, carpentry, shoe-making, driving and access to formal employment, they have limited domestic services, to petty trading and hawking income and are forced to live in slums like of various food commodities. The informal sec- Mathare. The study aims to reveal their socio- tor contributes significantly to Nairobi’s econo- economic conditions and understand their no- my and has strong backward linkages with com- tion of quality of life. mercial and public enterprises. However, unem- ployment is widespread, especially among Objectives young urban dwellers and women (Rakodi 1997). Part of the reason for the high unemployment This paper seeks to understand the subjec- may be because the post-independence ruling tive and objective notions of quality of life with A STUDY ON QUALITY OF LIFE IN MATHARE, NAIROBI 209 regards to the people of Mathare. In light of cooperating with one another. In contrast to eco- these, specific research questions would include: nomic indicators, social indicators have the ten- What do the people of Mathare consider dency to shed some light on the human, social as essential for satisfaction with life and and cultural contexts of poverty (Beukes and for happiness? Van der Colff 1997). Generally, social indicators What are their perceptions on the concept refer to attempts made to measure the contribu- of quality of life? tion to well-being with regard to aspects such What are their priorities in terms of improv- as health, nutrition, housing, income distribu- ing their quality of life? tion, access to natural resources, freedom from Do they have easy access to basic servic- fear, human rights, self-awareness, a clean envi- es such as water, sanitation, housing and ronment and other aspects of a social and cul- energy? tural nature (Diener and Suh 1997). What are their motivation for moving to There are many ways to discover what peo- and staying in Mathare? ple think they need and want, but research with- What are their relationship with, and as- in the social indicators tradition (quality of life, sessment of, local government and insti- subjective well-being, ‘economics of happiness’) tutions like the City Council of Nairobi? provides an increasingly sophisticated and sys- The paper is presented in four sections. The tematised body of approaches to this (Scheer first provides a context of the historical inequal- 1980). A wide variety of methods have been de- ities in socio-economic conditions and the set- veloped to gather information on what people tlement patterns of people in Kenya, following regard themselves as needing or wanting in or- the period of colonialism. Section two reviews der to achieve a good quality of life and provide the literature related to informal settlements and insights into how satisfied they feel with the the quality of life therein. The literature review extent to which they are meeting those needs enables the conceptualisation of the quality of (Hagerty et al. 2001). The application of quality life in terms of subjective well-being and es- of life (QoL) methods does generate indicators tablishes the population-poverty-environment of the well-being of local populations and pro- link. Section three provides a description of the vide valuable additional information about what socio-economic and physical environment of constitute ‘needs satisfiers’ for particular peo- Mathare – the study area and provides an in- ple, in particular social and geographical con- sight into the Mathare society. The study re- texts (Diener and Suh 1997). However, people’s sults, conclusions and recommendations ema- opinion of their own quality of life provides the nating from the analysis are presented in sec- best indicators of how satisfied they are with tion four. their life and environment (Mngoma 1997). Amartya Sen observed that we live in a world Literature Review of exceptional opulence, of a kind that would have been difficult to imagine a century or two Quality of Life Studies ago. People live much longer, on the average, than ever before. And yet we also live in a world Early quality of life studies measured devel- with remarkable deprivation, destitution and opment in terms of economic growth and per oppression (Sen 1999). Overcoming these prob- capita gross domestic product (GDP) (Nuss- lems is a central part of the exercise of develop- baum and Sen 1993). At the start of the 1960s ment. Though the concept of development has however, such focused studies began to be re- attracted different interpretations by various garded as narrow.
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