WHAT's GOOD in DA HOOD? HOODOLOGY in ORGANIZATIONS by QUEEN JAKS Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For

Home , All That (Lady), Ghetto Girls, Girls in the Hood, Know Who You Are, My Hood, Too Hood

WHAT’S GOOD IN DA HOOD? HOODOLOGY IN ORGANIZATIONS

QUEEN JAKS

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Organizational Behavior

CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY

January, 2021

CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of

Queen Jaks

candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy*.

Committee Chair

Diana Bilimoria

Committee Member

Corinne Coen

Committee Member

Melvin Smith

Committee Member

Robert Bonner

Date of Defense

November 24th, 2020

*We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein

Queen Jaks

DEDICATION

This is for the streets that raised me, that made me.

This is for all those in the gutter struggling in style.

This is for all the souls who feel no existence in this society.

You are the universe.

They are nothing without you.

To all those in the hood.

This is our time.

Rise up.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ...... 7 LIST OF FIGURES...... 8 ABSTRACT ...... 10 CHAPTER 1 ...... 12 INTRODUCTION ...... 12 HOOD CULTURE & HOOD IDENTITY IN ORGANIZATIONS ...... 16 SOCIAL CLASS IDENTITY ...... 20 SOCIAL CLASS CULTURE ...... 23 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 26 CHAPTER 2 ...... 27 LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 27 HOOD CULTURE ...... 28 Language ...... 28 Codes & Requirements ...... 31 Youngins & OGs ...... 33 A Woman’s Place ...... 34 HOOD VS GHETTO ...... 36 HOOD CULTURE VS BLACK CULTURE...... 39 WHITE, LATIN, ASIAN & IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE ...... 41 CHAPTER 3 ...... 46 METHODS ...... 46 SAMPLE ...... 47 STUDY 1...... 49 Data & Procedures ...... 49 STUDY 2...... 50 Data & Procedures ...... 50 DATA ANALYSIS ...... 51 RESEARCHER REFLEXIVITY ...... 56 CHAPTER 4 ...... 58 FINDINGS ...... 58 HOOD IDENTITY & CODE-SWITCHING MODEL ...... 60 INTERPRETATION OF PROFESSIONAL IDENTITY ...... 62 UNDERSTANDING OF HOOD CULTURE & HOOD IDENTITY ...... 63 FEELINGS OF DETACHMENT FROM HOOD CULTURE ...... 79 CURRENT RESIDENCE ...... 81 HOOD & NON-HOOD IDENTITY EXPERIENCE ...... 82 NEGATIVE IDENTITIES ...... 85 ACT OF CODE – SWITCHING IN THE WORKPLACE ...... 88

OCCUPATION ...... 92 RACE ...... 94 OBSERVATIONS ...... 95 ANALYSIS OF REFLECTIONS ...... 97 MEMBER CHECKS ...... 103 CHAPTER 5 ...... 106 DISCUSSION ...... 106 MANAGERIAL & ORGANIZATIONAL IMPLICATIONS ...... 107 CHALLENGES & LIMITATIONS ...... 111 FUTURE RESEARCH ...... 112 APPENDIX ...... 114 STUDY 1 – INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ...... 114 STUDY 2 – OBSERVATION TOPICS ...... 117 REFERENCES ...... 119

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 1

DEMOGRAPHIC DATA…………………………………………………………………………….…...…49

TABLE 2

DATA FREQUENCY ………………………………………………………………………………....…………59

TABLE 3

TRAITS WITH SUPPORTING LITERATURE…………………...………………………………………………….….68

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1

DATA STRUCTURE ……...……………...…...……………………………………………...…………………53

FIGURE 2

HOOD IDENTITY & CODE-SWITCHING MODEL……………...…….……………………………………………………………61

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Shout-out to everybody that invested and believed in me. You know who you are.

Special thanks to the hand that fed me during this PhD program: NSF AGEP (Alliances for

Graduate Education and the Professoriate) Award, “Northern Ohio Alliance AGEP (NOA-

AGEP)”, NSF # HRD-1432950, 2015-20.

What’s Good in da Hood? Hoodology in Organizations

Abstract

QUEEN JAKS

Hoodology, or the scientific study of the hood, is introduced through an examination of Hood culture and Hood identity in this dissertation. Hood culture is often connected with behaviors and beliefs thought to be oppositional to the workplace. It is often debated whether it is even a culture and if it is, its relevance in management and organizations is questioned. Hood identity, like Hood culture, is not respected or acknowledged in a professional environment. The purpose of this dissertation is to gain an accurate meaning of Hood culture and Hood identity to decrease biases among management and deem a culture and identity acceptable in the workplace. Two studies were conducted simultaneously to achieve this. Semi-structured interviews were conducted for Study 1 to formulate definitions of Hood culture, Hood identity and its presence in the workplace.

Study 2 involved participation observation, with the goal of providing additional support to claims made in Study 1. In Study 2, observations of those who identified as Hood, from Study 1, were documented. Grounded theory practices were used to analyze the data. Reflexivity was also implemented using a series of researcher reflections. The main finding of this dissertation was the positives/advantages that those from the hood can offer to organizations. Another major finding was that code-switching in the workplace

11 was more likely to occur with those who identified as Hood compared to those who did not identify as Hood. These findings not only directly contribute to theories surrounding social class, Ghetto literature, diversity and inclusion, and organizational behavior but also inform institutional practices carried out by management in organizations. The ultimate goal of this dissertation is to educate management about the benefits of allowing employees from the hood to reduce their need to code-switch and welcome their diverse skills and talents for the betterment of the organization.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

“Hoodology is the hustle and flow of everyday life in the hood. The good, the bad, and the ugly. Hoodology is the flavor, the grind and the vibe of our culture. Hood is in our heart, spirit and soul. Itz why we are not only survivors, but the coolest people walkin the earth. Hood is who we be. Hoodology is not about being a criminal; it is about the day-to-day lives of people living in the hood.” - by DirtyGrill August 01, 2013 (Urban Dictionary)

Hoodology is the scientific study of hoods in America. Hoodology is also defined as “the social science of the inner-city urbanite, transcends race, color or ethnicity” as posted on Definithing.com (n.d). It is a way of life similar to other cultures and upbringings. The hood did not begin as the hood but rather a ghetto. The study of ghettos and behaviors associated with it can be classified under ghettology. Urban Dictionary

(2005) suggests it is “the study of ghettoness”, “the art of being ghetto”. Wiktionary

(2017) defines it as “the study of ghettos.” To expand further, ghettology is the scientific study of ghettos not only in America but globally. Ghettology has been cited in some articles (Peterson, 2003; Steingo, 2005; Dunn, 2005). Google Scholar does not produce any articles on hoodology but does pull up a book (Zirin & Chuck, 2007) where the term is used, proving that it is not cemented in the academic field. Yet, the root terms ‘hood’ and ‘ghetto’ have been around for decades, even centuries.

Jewish immigrants arrived in Venice, Italy in the 1500’s where they were forced to live separate from their Venetian neighbors, in a city called Ghetto Nuove, where the neighborhoods were considered getos (Wirth, 1928; Debenedetti-Stow, 1992). Centuries later, in the United States, ghettos took on a similar meaning. With an immigration flux, the ghetto began to take shape from the 1890’s - 1970’s, including the Great Migration out of the South (Cutler et al., 1999). Segregation was immediately imposed by way of housing 12

13 rates causing Blacks and Whites to be separated. This strongly contributed to the creation of Black ghettos (Massey & Denton, 1993). Unemployment was prevalent due to lack of training and experience, as well as, racial discrimination from White people (Du Bois,

1899). With an influx of residents in the ghettos, White neighborhoods felt negatively impacted (Wilson, 1978). This disdain was expressed by the act of White flight. The notion of White flight, as described by Duncan & Duncan (1957), is when White residents intentionally move out of neighborhoods that are becoming more integrated for the purpose of living only among those of their same race.

When segregation was made illegal, laws were passed that allowed Whites to live in mostly White areas for a higher rental or selling price than Blacks would be required to pay (Cutler et al., 1999). As a follow-up study to Denton (1994) on hypersegregation,

Wilkes & Iceland (2004) argue that although segregation has slowly declined in metropolitan areas as a whole (still apparent in the South), accounts for categories such as evenness and clustering while leaving out isolation, can reflect the decrease. Essentially, our country still experiences segregation in various ways. Where we reside still reflects a desire from people, mostly White, to separate from ghettos and hoods. Whether Black or

White, when people encounter possible inhabitants of the hood they proceed with caution

(Anderson, 2012). This is expected when the majority do not interact with people from the hood and are presented with a tainted view of what the hood is.

Under our economic structure, the marginalization of this community and culture has perpetuated cycles of generational poverty (Hickey & Du Toit, 2013). People within these communities are undervalued and their worth is diminished. There is a lack of interest and limited understanding of possible contributions from those in the hoods and ghettos

14 not just for organizations but also for the rest of society. Renzulli (1973; p.437) claimed that “the largest untapped source of human intelligence and creativity is to be found among the vast numbers of individuals in the lower socioeconomic levels.” Choosing to exclude this population’s talents and skills is an inept use of human resources (Yeo & Moore, 2003).

Management has an opportunity to capitalize on these neglected resources to enhance their organization’s goals and missions. To achieve this, they need to first become familiar with

Hood culture.

A Black Chicago gang named the Blackstone Rangers first abbreviated the term hood from ‘neighborhood’ in the 1960’s (Grabar, 2012). By the 1980’s, the word was present in Los Angeles, California slang (Online Etymology, 2010). The word along with the hood lifestyle was popularized by way of gangster rap, most notably a group named

N.W.A. (Niggaz Wit Attitudes). Since then, there has been numerous movies, primarily,

John Singleton’s Boyz n the Hood, music and other forms of media depicting the experiences of those who exist within this lower social class sub-culture.

Individuals that are part of the lower social classes are more likely to experience

Hood culture and take on a Hood identity. This dissertation is primarily focused on those who are living, have lived in or experienced the hood. Poverty is at the root of the hoods in America. The U.S. poverty rate is 12.3% with an estimated 39.7 million Americans included in this population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). As Time magazine (2018) reports,

“Although the U.S. remains the world’s richest country, it has the third-highest poverty rate among the 35 nations in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and

Development (OECD), behind only Turkey and Israel” (p. 34). Living in poverty in a rich country can be difficult based on the lack of knowledge on how to survive poverty (Shipler,

2004). According to Wilson (1991), neighborhoods that are considered to be where 40% of the inhabitants are poor and typically, in areas of extreme inner-city poverty, are where hoods and ghettos develop. However, it is not to be assumed that anyone in poverty is part of a hood or ghetto (Wacquant, 1997).

There is a lack of mobility and therefore, an expectation of failure surrounding the hood, internally and externally. The stigmas placed by those outside of the hood move from beyond the hood and into the workplace. For example, the hiring process is in favor of those from economically privileged backgrounds (Rivera, 2016). Rivera (2016) found that during the hiring process the individuals hiring seek candidates that match their own backgrounds maintaining a monoculture of upper-class individuals. The lack of exposure to executives and professionals may be obvious to those in charge of hiring when interviewing candidates from lower social classes, such as the hood (Rivera, 2016). Social class inequalities arise not only during the hiring process but also well into an individual’s career. Privilege is an advantage given to a person directly because of their social position, race, gender or religion (McIntosh, 1995). People from the hood are not privileged in the same ways other job candidates are. Inequalities in access of resources and professional networks affect career opportunities. It is in management’s interest to pay attention to poverty, and those in it, because it directly affects their economic stability (Neal, 2017).

This population is not being fully represented in the workforce. Educating management and business schools about Hood culture will contribute to a reduction in poverty itself by accepting an eschewed culture into the workplace, leading to an increase in opportunities for upward mobility. As a direct benefit to management, there will be an increase in the talent pool available to them.

Those seeking to leave the hood can expect to also leave values and behaviors that may jeopardize their advancement outside of the hood (Anderson, 2000). Encouraging cultural acceptance is critical in eliminating cultural assimilation, in favor of cultural integration, to reach the full potential of an employee-employer relationship. Hood culture is not a counterculture. Among perspectives of social class cultures is the fact that these researchers are not actually living or have lived in poverty, if so, they too hold the burden of cultural assimilation (Lee, 2017).

Talking to real people living in the hood about how they view their livelihood and culture will give us a validated analysis of social class as a direct relation to culture and identity. Because the sample is a marginalized one, it is best presented by the population itself. It is acknowledged that a researcher is not required to share the conditions of the individuals being researched. Nonetheless, there is a degree of trust and authenticity that comes with reporting on or making claims about a marginalized population when the researcher has personally experienced that marginalization. The researcher behind this dissertation shares similar backgrounds of the participants in the study. They are a part of

Hood culture and claim a Hood identity allowing them to fully connect with their voice.

Regardless, of statistics or analyses, culture and identity are felt and self-defining. This dissertation will define what Hood culture is and offer its strengths to enrich organizations.

Hood Culture & Hood Identity in Organizations

Mass media creates an image of the hood that makes it susceptible to discrimination and stereotyping (Anderson, 2012). The way the hood is portrayed in media influences the opinions of those in the general population. Therefore, it is possible for people in management positions to hold similar views, since they are part of the general population.

More focused and intentional research on Hood culture is necessary to further inform management and organizations of what it really means to be from the hood and identify as

Hood. Gaining this understanding intends to reduce stereotypes and classism in the workplace.

Hood culture is a subculture of the lower social classes. This suggests that there are individuals and other lower social class sub-cultures that are not classified as hood. Hood culture should be legitimatized similar to sub-cultures in the upper social classes such as suburbia culture (Fishman, 1996; Chaney, 1997). It is assumed those in upper social classes have cultures whereas, those in lower social classes have a set of reactions to their lack of opportunities in life (Willis, 1981). Culture is more controversial when referring to those in poverty than other social classes (Sanchez-Jankowski, 2008).

Social class is a widely studied subject but there are still approaches left to be explored. Looking at social class as a boundary condition, specifically how it relates to culture, is an acceptance to a calling for further research by Loignon & Woehr (2017). Gray

& Kish-Gephart (2013) also asks for the consideration of social class within organizations to better understand their relationship with inequalities in society. The hood has been avoided “or dare we say, ignored because of a moralizing research field” by organization research (Skold & Rehn, 2007; p. 76). Skold & Rehn (2007) deem this type of research as

‘moralizing’ because of the hustlers in the hood who have their own set of moral values that fall on both sides of the law. Hustling, in context of the hood, is recognized as an act opposite of the law and honest living, shunned by society and sometimes those involved, but tolerated to an extent because it is necessary (Wacquant, 1998). However, a well- managed hustler can become an effective entrepreneur and leader. For example, famous

18 rapper Jay-Z used Hood culture to drive his largely successful entrepreneurial endeavors proving that there is a place for the hood in organizations (Skold & Rehn, 2007).

So much of what the hood is, is unknown to the management field. What is known about the hood is mostly negative (West, 2008; Wacquant, 1997; Anderson, 2012; Wilson,

1987; Drake & Cayton, 1970) but the commonality amongst the two is the pursuit of stable and consistent employment. Neighborhoods with less employment opportunities are likely to see an increase in people interested in illegal activities and move further from becoming part of the labor force (Wilson, 1991). The hood is missing jobs. An example of this can be seen in the hoods of San Diego, California. Areas where low-income workers live have higher unemployment rates than areas where high-income workers live. The SANDAG reports in 2019 show unemployment rates of hoods like City Heights at 4.1 % and Logan

Heights at 6.1% which was double and triple that of the higher income areas like La Jolla at 2.2% and Mission Beach at 2%. Non-integration and disconnection between those from the hood and organizations play a role in the continuity of poverty (Lewis, 1969).

Joblessness and concentrated poverty are positively related (Wilson, 2011).

Immense pressure is placed on someone from the hood to assimilate to the social class identity and culture that dominates the job market. To those in poverty it is an “outside culture, with alien rules and fearsome challenges” forcing them to retreat into their comfort zone of an impoverished neighborhood (Shipler, 2004; p. 25). There is little interest to wander outside of the hood to find employment when their very essence is judged as threatening and unacceptable in the world of suits and ties.

The hood is united by the daily struggle and a strong sense of community

(Richardson & Skott – Myhre, 2012). Constantly surrounded by death, greed, hunger,

19 poverty, sex and drugs is a lot to withstand while concurrently attempting to defy stereotypes attached to those experiences. But coping with an adverse environment produces a source of strength and several other positive characteristics (Riessman, 1964;

Riessman, 1962). There is an inherent strength the hood instills in a person. The dependency on one another in these challenging times is necessary and serves as the foundation of the hood. Those in poverty tend to have stronger loyalties to one another, unlike the more cut-throat mentality of the upper social classes. Whyte (1943; p.107), describes the concept of loyalty versus capacity claiming that the “college boy” will sacrifice people close to him to advance in life, whereas, the “corner boy” will keep the friendship first. This same mentality of loyalty contributes to creating and maintaining trusting relationships in the workplace. In addition to rigid loyalty, those in the hood have a sense of intelligence that goes beyond the classroom. Those who are underprivileged are considered to be more competent in human relations (Riessman, 1962). The encounters of everyday life provide unique interactions and lessons that can only be learned by experience. Coming from the hood, you are able to assess your environment with extreme scrutiny, becoming familiar with symbols, signs and signals on the street (Anderson, 2013).

This is not a glorification of the hood, a pity party, blame game or excuse, but yet a true account of real people’s lives. This is also not a call for a superficial effort from management, rather a request to stop actively avoiding and rejecting an entire population.

Defining Hood culture and Hood identity as a result of this dissertation will help minimize the obstacles of those who identify as Hood face. The same level of analysis and interpretation should be given towards this social system as any other (Wacquant, 1997).

There is another side of the hood that is not given attention that strongly deserves a voice

20 in our society and in our research. The aim of this dissertation is to provide a raw picture of ‘what’s really good’ (the all-encompassing truth -translation from hood language) in the hood and how organizations, along with those from the hood, can benefit from this knowledge by analyzing social class and its identities and cultures.

Social Class Identity

A social class identity expresses an individual’s perception of their social class group membership (Lapour & Heppner, 2009). Social class identities are derived from one’s social class status. The cognizance of one’s subjective social class rank is central to the development of one’s cultural identity (Kraus et al., 2011). Each class has its own value system, traditions and beliefs. Additionally, each class endures the perceptions, stereotypes and assumptions from other classes. Even though the poverty level is a national issue, those who don’t share that particular social class treat members of this lower social class as invisible or at fault for their position (Duan & Brown, 2015).

In an organization, if you are believed to be part of a higher social class, then you are likely to be treated more optimistically than if you are of a lower social class (Cote,

2011). Differences in classes can be established through social exchanges and communication (Gray & Kish-Gephart, 2013). Social class becomes apparent in one’s career development when a person becomes aware of their own social class and their interactions within their social class group (Lapour and Heppner, 2009). Social class identities are carried to work, forcing a person to decide which one will be embraced and acted out, if or when there is a perceived need to shift. This depends on the dominant social class of the organization.

Within organizations, people can be intentionally or unintentionally treated differently based on their social class backgrounds. Institutionalized classism is when classism is made present by way of institutional structure (Langhout, et al., 2007). It is created by those in power of the institutions that aim to keep the class structure divided with those in the upper-class at the top. In this dissertation, the main subculture within the lower social classes that is addressed is the hood.

Upper and middle-class members are presumed to be intelligent and more eloquent than the working and poverty class members, defining for everyone else what is acceptable in the class hierarchy (Betsy Leondar-Wright, 2012). Consequently, members of lower social classes form disdain for members of upper social classes and vis-a-versa for various reasons. Those part of the middle-class tend to focus on the unfavorable aspects of poverty, and those in it, while simultaneously discounting any positive attributes they might offer

(Lewis, 1969). Many who claim they are in the middle class are actually part of the lower social class but are averse to being classified as poor (Kelley & Evans, 1995). Those in poverty are also referred to as the underclass. Most people view the underclass as just a bunch of unemployed, criminal, high school dropouts (Ricketts and Sawhill, 1988). The term underclass is another way to generalize a population living in poverty in a way that removes them from any relation to the upper social classes (Wilson, 1987). But what makes an underclass an underclass is the common behaviors shared by its people (Kelley, 2004).

This hints at the makings of a culture.

In present day, mention of the terms ‘hood’ or ‘ghetto’ raise negative sentiments.

“The hood is a place where plenty of shit goes down, like gang bangin, drug dealin, killin, a place where you wouldn’t want to be” (UrbanDictionary.com, 2005). This is the general

22 understanding society has towards the hood and Hood culture but it’s not entirely accurate.

Prevalent desperation leads to a range of criminality, giving truth to the negativity. This prevalence is compounded in societies with wealth proximate. The urge to attain a similar lifestyle is cause for crime. However, from that struggle evolves a way of life; a genuine culture that includes traditions, collective behaviors, customs and inherited knowledge.

For the purpose of this dissertation, social class incorporates an individual’s material resources and their self-perceived rank within the social hierarchy (Kraus et al.,

2009). Socioeconomic status is regularly used to substitute social class as a measure, however, socioeconomic status is subject to change heavily dependent on career mobility and income. One’s social class (and its culture) is not as easy to alter and is carried through life (Mahony & Zmroczek, 1997). This implies that it is difficult to change one’s social class, but certainly not impossible. The individual in a socioeconomic status framework occupies a temporary position due to the ability to move within the hierarchy and does not assume a group consciousness of others in the same economic position (Liu, et al., 2004).

With social class, there is an implication that the person is aware of those who are part, and not part, of the same social class group (Wright, 1997). The more well-known approach to understanding how social class intertwines with identity is to refer to social identity theory.

Tajfel & Turner (1979) introduced social identity as a gained sense of belonging through groups an individual is associated with. Social classes qualify as groups; therefore, carrying their own social identities. Culture establishes the identity of a group (Hofstede, 1980).

Social Class Culture

People who live with long-term poverty have developed a culture that is both economically and socially functional…This is not to say that some people living in poverty are not miserable and depressed; rather, it is to maintain that a cultural system is operative in poor neighborhoods that goes beyond the mere toleration of deprivation and establishes enjoyment and pleasure in life within the condition of deprivation (Sanchez-Jankowski, 2008; p. 346).

There is an ongoing debate concerning the relationship between social class and culture. Small et al. (2010), remind us of the skepticism behind the notion that culture can be created from social class. Social class is one of the most frequently used and inconsistently defined concepts in the social sciences (Evans & Mill, 1998). One reason why the existing definitions of social class are disparate could be that they are not tied to a strong theory (Liu et al., 2004; Oakes & Rossi, 2003). Kraus et al., (2011) describes social class as shaping the material and social substance of people’s everyday lives and is reflected in social signals.

Social class produces sub-cultures of each class. The definition of culture is as conclusive (rather inconclusive) as the concept of social class. The concept of the culture of poverty, introduced by Lewis (1969), has been meticulously analyzed and critiqued over the years (Valentine, 1968; Harvey & Reed, 1996; Gorski, 2008). It’s difficult to take responsibility for the situation those in poverty face. There is comfort in placing blame. At its very root, Lewis (1969) proposes that culture provides a “design for living” and serves as an “adaptive function” (p. 19). One’s social class contributes to a set of practices and beliefs that dictate a way of life, however, poverty is not perpetuated by its own culture but by the perception the upper-class cultures have of poverty culture. This is a form of victim blaming that is often presented among culture scholars (Small et al., 2010).

Willis (1981), defines culture as a “system of material practices and interlocking symbolic systems having, according to the region, their own practices and objectives which constitute the ordinary milieu of social life through which, amongst other things, social agents come to a collective, mediated, lived awareness of their condition of existence and relationship to other classes” (p. 58). This asserts that the behaviors and beliefs stemming from one’s social class status can constitute as a culture and are more deeply entrenched than habits or skills. Wilson (2011), asserts that a defining factor of culture is that it is transmitted from one generation to another. Some parts of a culture are transferred to the next generation but not all parts of a culture will survive the transition. The focus is on the transferring of specific hindering behaviors. A culture is able to exist within a social class without perpetuating lower social socioeconomic status and associated actions. Culture is not to blame for the perpetuation of poverty. There are many instances when people have moved from a lower socioeconomic status into a higher socioeconomic status while maintaining their culture of the lower social class. This is made clear through their outer appearance, behavior and interactions. Famous athletes and entertainers are strong examples of this.

Those in lower social classes display signs of belonging to that class (similar to other social classes). Carter (2005) makes the connection between signals and patterns of behavior within certain group memberships. The way someone dresses, talks, and their overall demeanor contributes to their social class culture (and identity). Those in poverty share the same values as those in other social classes only with less preparation and access to tools that can improve their strategies of action (Swidler, 1986). The hood is believed to be largely made up of poor minorities, specifically Black people in America (Anderson,

2012). While many members of the hood are not Black, they are culturally parallel to Black culture. The expectation to ‘act White to live right’ is a controversial subject in the hood.

This is more apparent in Black culture. The notion of ‘acting White’ originates from the slavery period when Black people spoke the way White people wanted them to speak

(Ogbu, 2004). It has been studied by Fordham and Ogbu (1986) through the theory of oppositional culture. Willis (1977) also asserts oppositional culture is the reason those in the working class get working class jobs. Because they oppose the societal norms and expectations of the upper class, they remain in a cycle of failure.

Those who can successfully cross social boundaries between racial cultures are known as cultural straddlers (Carter, 2006) or well-versed in code-switching (Myers-

Scotton, 1977). Management feels more comfortable with a particular behavior, attire, speech and language closely resembling the description of a White middle-aged man from the middle-upper social class. Hood culture is not considered professional and therefore, looked down upon. Cultural assimilation (Boyer, 2001) and the concept of passing (Ogbu,

1992) applies to various categories including social class and race. The population is more skewed towards White people once an employee gains a higher socioeconomic position in the workplace (Neckerman, et al., 1999). There becomes a pressure to conform to that culture. Employees from the lower social classes will go through a cultural shock when met with middle class employees and will be forced to assimilate, especially those from the hood (Clark, 1965). To ‘act White’ also translates to ‘acting bougie’, which is an abbreviation for ‘bourgeoise’ commonly used in the hood to describe the social class culture of the upper class. Likewise, ‘acting Black’ translates into ‘acting ghetto’

(Richardson & Donley, 2014). To be characterized as ghetto carries a negative connotation.

Currently, assimilation is inevitable for those in the hood who want to pursue an excelling career. This leads to a loss of interest in continuing or even beginning that endeavor. Gaining a comprehensive understanding of Hood culture could possibly

(although not guaranteed to) lessen the necessity for cultural assimilation, therefore, allowing the employee to feel accepted and free to divert their energy towards the task at hand. Through a series of interviews and participant observation methods, the intention of this dissertation is to provide a definition of Hood culture and uncover the experience of identifying with Hood culture in the workplace from the perspective of the employee.

Research Questions

The main research questions aimed to capture an authentic perspective are:

• How is the hood, Hood culture and Hood identity defined by those who live, have lived in/experienced the hood? • How does identifying as Hood affect an individual’s experience in the workplace?

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

Many people see only the negative environmental conditions that surround the disadvantaged, and they believe that this is the culture. They feel that it is democratic and liberal to “accept” this culture (as just another way of life). But understanding this culture must include a genuine appreciation of the positives that have arisen out of the effort, however insufficient at times, to cope with the difficult environment. (Riessman, 1962; p.112)

The hood is often stereotyped as being an unattractive place with higher frequency of unethical behaviors (e.g., crime, drug use, etc.). But these behaviors can be found in every social class. The upper class faces White-collar crimes that are committed by those with high social status (Sutherland, 1939). The difference is people from the hood are driven by survival, whereas, poor management, greed, hubris and narcissism are to blame for White-collar crimes (Forbes.com, 2018). Those in the hood feel as though they have less of a choice to commit their crimes, but White-collar criminals have a choice to not commit the crime without resulting in any interruption to their livelihood.

Widespread interpretations of the hood are talked about in hip-hop and rap songs

(Forman, 2000). The artists are not falsifying any of the content but there is not a sufficient balance of the contrary getting through to the mainstream. A sizeable part of our learning of Hood culture has come from music but it has not advanced our understanding in academia, specifically social science, in the concept of culture (Kelley, 2004). Daily life in the hoods began to also be heavily represented in movies in the 1990’s (Jaffe, 2012). There are codes and requirements that exist in the hood. Age and gender are also considered but

Hood culture is strongly recognized by its language. Those who identify as Hood tend to speak in a way that makes their identity known. This language closely relates to language used in Black culture.

Hood Culture

Language

Hood language is part of African American Vernacular English (AAVE). AAVE is unique in that there are specific patterns of grammar and pronunciation, representation of oral traditions from African cultures and a development of special meanings to English words (Smitherman, 1998).

This is the dynamic language of U.S. slave descendants, more commonly known as African Americans. Terms for this language vary – Black Talk, African American Vernacular English, Black or African American Language, Black English, Black Dialect, Ghetto Speech, Street Talk, Ebonics, and others. (Smitherman, 2000; p. 39)

AAVE is sometimes used as an authentication method for Black people in upper social classes striving to be accepted by their own, yet constantly pressured to code-switch to master standard ‘White’ English (Anderson, 2012). When they use standard English, they are revered with comments like, “You are very articulate!”. To speak “properly” gives off the perception that the speaker is intelligent (Brown, 2006). This belief perpetuates cultural assimilation and the rejection of cultural acceptance of Black culture. Milner &

Milner (1973), viewed this language as virtually unknown to White people. The Oakland

Ebonics proposal of 1996 was aimed to address issues surrounding language diversity and education suggesting that Ebonics was a completely separate language and should be integrated as such (Wolfram, 1998). It was highly criticized and deliberations were ongoing questioning the legitimacy of AAVE. Ebonics/AAVE is more accurately considered a dialect that suggests it is neither correct nor incorrect but containing variances by combining parts of other languages (Collins, 1999). AAVE is generally regarded as bad

English (Duneier, 2016). Yet, standard English is not the “correct” way to speak but the

29 preferred one in this country and is seen as belonging to the middle and upper classes

(Adler, 1979).

Those outside of Black culture use AAVE in their daily conversations, as well. One place this is seen is the hood. The language used in the hood originated from Black culture.

It is often times appropriated by those outside of the hood to co-op the experiences of those in it in an attempt to relate to the struggle for personal gain, specifically by businesses and

White people (Tremeer, 2019). AAVE is negatively categorized as slang. Reyes (2005; p.

520) found that African-American slang was used by an Asian-American participant to appear ‘cool and tough’ relating it to ‘deviant’ behaviors, while offering parallel struggles of growing up poor in South Philadelphia as a way to affiliate with their culture. Non-Black hood inhabitants pick up AAVE from their Black neighbors. Because it is what they are born into and all they know, the language feels as though it belongs to them too. This brings up the question of distinction between what hood language is and how much of it is considered to be AAVE. I believe it lies within the geography of the hood and experience of the person in it. People in the hood who are involved in drugs or gangs tend to use words and phrases that refer strictly to interactions related to that. Different cities and states also have varying accents and terms used specifically for those areas that also attribute to hood language. Generally, certain vernacular is used by those in the hood to maintain a degree of realness and staying true to their social and cultural values of origin (Skold & Rehn,

2007). Hood language incorporates a variety of cultural influences from those in poverty but is primarily described as Ebonics or slang which is categorized under AAVE. Once again, the hood represents the negative aspect of something, in this case, the negative

30 underpinnings of AAVE. As Pullum (1999; p. 40) states, speakers of standard English view

AAVE as “mostly abusive repertoire of street slang used by an ignorant urban underclass.”

Specific words are difficult to tease out and tag as being either hood or just AAVE but one word is always in question between both groups. The use of the N-word is constantly debated in the Black, hood and hip-hop communities (Cutler, 2010; Richardson

& Donley, 2018). Although, it may seem to those who are non-Black that it can be used regularly because of its presence in hip-hop and rap songs this is not the case. By normalizing it in an art that is widely enjoyed, those who are non-Black feel justified that they too can normalize it since they enjoy that same artform. With regards to those in the hood, they feel as though since they experience a similar life talked about in mostly rap songs that they are given a right to use it. Gangsta rap is where we see the N-word more frequently than anywhere else and it too has its critics within their own community. The genre and its artists are accused of ignoring the history of White supremacy and solidifying the stereotypes of Black people being lazy, criminals and violent (Asim, 2008). But again, there are counter arguments that advocate for the reclaiming of the word and reducing its negative effect by those in the Black community (King et al., 2018). It should be clear that if there is an internal disagreement, it should not be considered acceptable outside of Black culture. This is not a word that should be included in hood language. However, it is fair to say that those in the hood using AAVE are not appropriating because that is also part of their culture and identity. Whether you are speaking hood language or AAVE is to be decided by the person speaking it and the person they are speaking to. It is more than just what words are being spoken but rather the entire delivery, appearance and experience of

31 the speaker and receiver. Similar language is shared among those in the hoods, as well as, codes and requirements met to be considered hood.

Codes & Requirements

Certain codes are followed and requirements are implicitly and explicitly met within Hood culture. These codes are part of the presentation of self (Anderson, 2000).

There are both social and economic influences that shape Hood culture and Hood identity. Jargowsky (1991) claims that social characteristics are negative and include being more susceptible to crime, substance abuse, police brutality, racial discrimination and health problems. The economic aspect is consumed in poverty. It is important to note that not everyone who is poor is hood (Adler, 1979) but everyone who is truly hood has experienced poverty at some point in their life. There has to be a shared level of struggle with those in poverty to consider yourself Hood. The main difference between someone who is Hood and someone who is just poor is their swag. Mose (2013; p. 112) defines swag as “the element or component, made up of braggadocio, lyrical and performance skill that first, gives an artist a unique ‘street’ identity and secondly, a symbolic capital that gains him the credibility crucial in producing a hip-hop aesthetic and being representative of a marginalized periphery.” This definition assumes that it is connected to a male artist. This may be true for those outside of the hood, but it begins by those in the hood. The Street identity is taken from the actual streets and people in it. There may be people in the hood that mimic artists they listen to, but artists also take what they see from the hood and integrate that into their style to establish credibility in the hood. A big part of fitting into Hood culture is outer appearance and placing priority on one’s image.

Physical attractiveness is imperative and is accentuated by consciously -selected clothing

(Sanchez-Jankowski, 2008). This aspect of the culture is a primary point of criticism as it is viewed as not conducive to alleviating constant financial burdens experienced in the hood. Lewis (1968), found that families in poverty spend more on clothing than all other items used in the household. There is a significant awareness of brands in the ghetto

(Hannerz, 1969). It is a way to feel good about oneself when living in an environment that may test those affirmations. This attire is appreciated and admired by fellow residents but the look is not as accepted outside of the hood or entertainment business.

The most widely recognized code in the hood is the gangster code (G-

Code). The G-Code is clearly explained is a song by a hip-hop group called Geto

Boys (2005):

“We don't talk to police, we don't make a peace bond

We don't trust in the judicial system, we shoot guns

We rely on the streets we do battle in the hood

I was born in the G Code, embedded in my blood”

This code is followed by gangsters and non-gangsters in the hood. Being a gangster and being hood are often times conflated into the same identity but it is not. You do not have to be a gangster to identify as Hood. These are separate identities but share some values and beliefs. One of them is commitment to one another. It is required and expected that those in the hood help and protect one another (Whyte, 1943). Fighting is a rite of passage in the hood. Fighting is normalized and used to gain power, basic needs and a way to resolve conflicts (Brown et al., 2010). If someone has not fought in the hood that does not mean that they are any less prepared to do so should a situation come up that calls for it. This can include an instance or disrespect or confrontation towards you or

33 someone you care for. Loyalty and trust are relied upon and essential in the hood.

Dependence on others is necessary and as a result, brings lower-income people together

(Martin, et, al., 2016). The idea of family in the hood is strong. Family extends out to more than just blood because of the bonds that formulate within the struggles of the hood.

Like many other cultures, these codes and requirements along with the traditions and beliefs are passed down from older generations to younger generations.

Youngins & OGs

There are generally two generations in the hood existing at the same time. A youngin, or lil’ homie, is anyone younger than yourself or inexperienced (Urban

Dictionary, 2012; 2017). An Original Gangster (OG), is someone who is experienced, authentic, classic or old school (Dictionary.com, n.d). OG started off as a reference to a position in a gang but later evolved to be part of mainstream language used for anyone fitting the definition (Dictionary.com, n.d). They are usually, but not always, well into their adulthood. Labeling themselves or being labeled an OG in early adulthood is possible. It depends on who they are comparing their life to. Children in the hood tend to have a rough childhood with little supervision or guidance from adults resulting in them looking for it outside of the home (Du Bois, 1899; Silverstein & Krate, 1975; Anderson, 2000). Paulle

(2005) claims that youth who are surrounded by well-educated adults avoid trouble. With little attention and direction from adults, youngins in the hood look for support and attention outside of the home which can lead to trouble. Youngins in the hood seek love and affection more desperately than youngins outside of the hood (Clark, 1965).

Growing up happens much faster for those in the hood than those outside of the hood. They may end up having a family early or having to provide for the one they have

34 now requiring a need for a job early in life. Youngins in the ghetto have weak or no-labor attachment making them susceptible to seeking illegal sources of income (Wilson, 2011).

Drug use is rampant among youngins in the hood not only as a means for income but also because of social pressures and issues with coping with the challenges they face (Dembo

& Burgos, 1976). OGs can serve as an adult figure to teach them how life works in the hood or how to get out of it. It is necessary to highlight the age groups because it offers credibility to one’s Hood identity and experience with Hood culture. There are shared cultural norms but each generation adds something else to the what it means to be Hood.

The terms youngins, lil’ homie or OGs, much like the image of the hood, are representative of the male population because their origins are in gang culture which is male dominant.

A Woman’s Place

Men are repeatedly the focus of studies that involve the hood or ghetto (Goffman,

2009; Liebow, 2003; Duneier, 2016; Boylorn, 2017; Pastor Jr. & Marcelli, 2000;). When describing the hood and those in it, women aren’t completely absent but men are usually at the forefront of these accounts. There hasn’t been a full portrayal of the hood or ghetto that focuses on the woman’s perspective (Duneier, 2016). There have been first-account narratives (Richardson, 2009) but this is rare and not fully demonstrative of the community at large. When mentioned, women and girls are analyzed because of their use of violence

(Waldron, 2011; Jones, 2009) or occasional presence in gangs (Peterson, 2012). They are often depicted as unfit mothers leaving their kids to survive on their own (Anderson, 2000) or dependent on welfare (Pearce, 1983) displaying extreme laziness and a desire for luxury goods (Anderson, 2012). In the 1980’s there was an increase in female-headed households

(Pearce, 1983) along with an increase in responsibilities and pressures to provide. Because

35 of this, women took on the strenuous role of holding together a home with children while trying to figure out how to make ends meet. Presumably, women in 1-parent households are more likely to hold jobs outside of the home as opposed to women in 2-parent households (Hannerz, 1969). Women are more likely to be poorly educated, unemployed and unmarried in the hood (Jargowsky, 1991). The most common ways to make a living include relying on support from their counterparts or selling their body (Wacquant, 1998).

They are the marginalized group of the hood dealing with triple or double oppression;

(race), gender and poverty. The majority of what comes out of this literature about them is depressing and dismal but women in the hood accomplish more than what is reported, especially Black women.

For society, Black women in the hood are to thank for the top fashions we see on the runways and in magazines emulated by European designers and women of all races in the suburbs (Wanna, 2018). Colorful hair and long acrylic nails with gems and eccentric designs existed long before famous rapper Cardi B introduced them into mainstream. Not to mention Misa Hylton who is famously known for creating looks that we recognize as

90’s hip-hop (Brown, 2020). Women (and men) who aren’t hood try to prove they are down with the culture by pulling off a hood look but yet never want, nor appreciate, the full experience behind the look; “Everybody wanna take from the hood but nobody wanna be a hoodrat,” (Wanna, 2018).

Girls in the hood have to navigate stressors, bury traumas, and still carve out the space to be human. Their efforts to do so are often pathologized as ghetto or silly by people who are more concerned with respectability than anything else, even if they claim to want to help marginalized girls. When the girls who aren’t middle class get colorful hairstyles, seek the pretty consumer goods that are on display, or act in ways that are even the

slightest bit outside of “proper,” they can find themselves on the wrong end of the systems they are still learning to navigate. (Kendall, 2020)

Not only in fashion but in music we see Black women using their talents to protect the hood from “culture thieves” (Perry, 2004; p. 162). They provide a popular, universal aesthetic even though they are dealing with the most difficult of situations. The authentic woman of the hood is not respected for their presence outside of the hood but yet they press on. That is a unique type of strength. Women in the hood as a whole are the protectors of everyone else in the hood. They are aware of the dangers those they care about are facing, therefore take it upon themselves to prevent any further harm to them. Developing ways to handle issues without the police for fear of further violence is an example of this (Kendall,

2020). Their roles are underplayed. Women and girls in the hood have a different and separate experience than men and boys but additional research is needed to fully understand their story.

Hood vs Ghetto

Throughout this dissertation the terms hood and ghetto are used to describe the same physical place. Beyond this dissertation, the terms are used interchangeably as nouns and adjectives. The physical descriptions are mostly the same so this makes sense when used as nouns. When acknowledging the past and early construction of these physical places, ‘ghetto’ is preferred because it came before ‘hood’. Before ‘hood’ was in popular culture, ‘ghetto’ was more commonly used when referring to impoverished urban neighborhoods and the people in it. The trivial differences between hood and ghetto as an identity can only be seen by those within the hood. The purpose of this dissertation is to

37 include a clarification of these differences and emphasize the distinctions between identifying as Ghetto and identifying as Hood. The hood is not only an identity but mindset.

Historically, the ghetto pertains to systemic racism within the housing market, preventing sales to non-White buyers (Geary, 2017). The ghetto is generally known as a violent place predominantly inhabited by Black people (Anderson, 2012; Wacquant, 1997).

Those on the outside don’t gain any genuine positive experience with the ghetto themselves

(Anderson, 2012). Stringfellow (1964), explored the ghettos in New York for a short time and referred to them as a “dehumanizing and threatening place to live” (p. 22). Because of its reputation it becomes difficult for someone from the ghetto to contribute to society outside of where they reside (Whyte, 1943). Ghettos and hoods consist of projects

(subsidized housing), tattered houses, cramped apartment complexes and streets with no shelter. There are several indicators letting you know you have entered the hood. It can be a subjective list but those who are familiar with the hood are able to recognize once they have entered it. Hannerz (1969) describes ghetto living to include liquor stores, fast food restaurants, beauty salons, barber shops, and laundromats. In recent years, payday lenders, bail bondsman, thrift stores, cheap boutiques and cell phone stores selling off-brand, unlocked, refurbished products have been added to this list.

Between 1870 and the early 1930’s the term hoodlum was created to describe vicious gangsters from the street (Asbury, 1933). This is literature’s earliest acknowledgement of terms relating to Ghetto as an identity, pertaining to a social class.

When used as an adjective ‘ghetto’ holds a negative connotation (Geary, 2017; Brown

2006), whereas ‘hood’ tends to carry a prideful slant. ‘Hood’ is the celebration of ‘ghetto’.

The Ghetto identity is a preconception of the Black urban population from the perspective

38 of White America (Forman, 2000). In this instance, there is occasional exploitation, appropriation and outspreading of the ghetto as Black culture, globally, creating a commonality among people who feel marginalized and unable to advance; ghetto means

“urban immobility” (Jaffe, 2012; p. 675). It is an identity that hinders progression.

Ghettopoly is a board game released in 2002 created by David Chang. It is a parody of Monopoly using the ghetto as its theme (Wikipedia, 2020). Unfortunately, it reiterates the negative stereotypes of Black people as ghetto, specifically Black men. The player can buy stolen property, build crack houses and be responsible for getting the whole neighborhood addicted to crack (in this case, $50 is rewarded). Stray bullets, STDs, pimps, hoes, machine guns, malt liquor, counterfeit money and offensive caricatures, including

Martin Luther King Jr., are all part of the subject matter. Understandably, there was outrage and backlash from the NAACP, Men United for a Better Philadelphia and Black clergymen from Chicago and Philadelphia eventually leading to the halt of sales at Urban Outfitter stores (Stehle, 2003).

Although, some of what is in the game does coincide with the ghetto and some people can relate to it (Grace, 2014) it neglects that there are other aspects of the ghetto, as well. Being Ghetto or coming from there is often strictly viewed like this, while the image of being Hood allows for more positive stereotypes to emerge, like the strength of community. The Hood identity encourages expansion outside of just race. By separating

Black from solely representing Ghetto and Hood, the hood can signify all those in the struggle and alleviate the negative attachments to Black culture (Jaffe, 2012).

Hood Culture vs Black Culture

Hood culture is derived from Black culture but Black culture is not derived from

Hood culture. The terms ‘hood’ and ‘ghetto’ are synonymous with impoverished black inner-city neighborhoods (Grabar, 2012; Anderson, 2012). Here in America, ghettos were created primarily for immigrants and prominently for Black people but they have shaped a culture within that known as Hood. They have turned a situation meant to hold them down into a culture and identity that is exploited and replicated by those outside of the hoods and ghettos. This relates to those who are Black and not from the hood, as well.

The intersectionality of race and social class is most evident here. The identity separation of hood and non-Hood is made within their own racial group. Not every Black person is

Hood or Ghetto. Because of the stigma surrounding hoods and ghettos, some Black people choose to distance themselves from associating with these identities (Goffman,

1963). Ghettos were the result of segregation (Cutler & Glaeser, 1997). Therefore, researchers have continued to focus on Black people to define the ghetto (Pattillo, 2010).

There are subtle differences between Black and Hood culture, however, they are challenging to define as standalone occurrences. This dissertation will further clarify

Hood culture by providing some defining factors. Hood culture comes directly from the hood and the experiences in the hood (Boyd, 1997). Black culture is so much more than just the hood, it is not monolithic, involving a spectrum of influences combining African and American subcultures (Morgan, 2012). Black culture embodies the preservation of the hood and the good memories created there (Johnson, 2017). This is not an attempt to discredit the fact that Black people have created the hood but a plea to respect it and others who have contributed to it so that the hood can be saved from being erased. The

40 roots of where the hood came from should not be forgotten. There is often times confusion that proving one’s Blackness means to claim a Hood identity, especially by

Black people in the middle-class (Clark, 1965; Anderson, 2012). This can also contribute to a facet of appropriation (Boyd, 2018). Ghetto and Hood culture are now being appropriated everywhere we look.

Fashion activist Nareasha Willis coined “Ghetto Until Proven Fashionable” to raise awareness of the problem of negatively stereotyping something as Ghetto until it is accepted by someone non-Black and only then being deemed successful (Rasool, 2018).

Exploitation and appropriation of Black culture is an issue in and of itself but Hood culture is many times at the front of it. Dapper Dan was a hip-hop fashion designer in

Harlem forced to shut down his shop as a result of being sued by top luxury brands for replicating their logos, but now has a partnership with Gucci sharing the looks of the streets (Byrd, 2017). The look that comes from the hood is more accurately categorized as ghetto fabulous (Mukherjee, 2006). There is interest in Black and Hood culture but it needs to go beyond the ability to capitalize on it. Celebrities like Katy Perry and Miley

Cyrus that have no stake in the hood are nonchalantly wearing gold grillz on their teeth.

Gold teeth jewelry as a style and status dates back to B.C. times but were virtually left there until they made a strong comeback in the 1990’s and early 2000’s because of rappers from the south (Hollowell & Childers, 2007; Roberts, 2017). Grillz are specifically a part of Hood and Ghetto history (Daniels, 2008). It is important to note where Black culture meets Hood culture. The most noticeable is through fashion and music. The hood has to be genuinely experienced first-hand to claim it. Being Black is enough to claim Black culture, should one choose to do so. There is no set of rules that

41 makes someone Black but there are a set of conditions that makes someone Hood. One has to be familiar with poverty, the struggle for daily survival that involves lessons from the street, along with having a certain swag about them in order to begin to identify with

Hood culture.

Still today, when referring to the hoods and ghettos there is an assumption that it is heavily Black occupied but it represents a larger ethnic population including Whites,

Latins, Asians and immigrants along with many others (also including the Black population). Each group incorporates their culture from the origins of Black ghettos and make it their own.

White, Latin, Asian & Immigrant Experience

As the inhabitants of the hood become more varied the term is widened to include more racial backgrounds. Recently, more and more Black people are moving into the suburbs (Semuels, 2016). Other non-Whites, and Whites alike, share space in the hood and fall victim to oppression (Wilson, 1978). Lewis (1968) highlighted parallels between the Black ghettos and the Mexican ghettos, noting analogous feelings of despair and inferiority. Although Black poverty is different than White poverty (Coates, 2018), poverty affects people in similar ways. Therefore, the experience of the hood and ghetto can be shared. During the twentieth-century, the ghetto became generally known to be

“an arrangement not much different from ethnic neighborhoods such as Little Italies,

Polonias, or Chinatowns” because of lifted legal mandates of segregation (Duneier, 2016; p. 13). Of course, apparent disparities between some hoods and ghettos and these ethnically established neighborhoods are the mainstream tourism and low level of crime.

But several hoods and ghettos do have a concentrated population of one race and prefer it

42 that way. Others are integrated but still draw parallels and influences from Black hoods and ghettos. Our hoods and ghettos are made up of Whites, Asians, Latins and immigrants from all over the world, adding to what it means to identify as Hood and

Ghetto.

The number of White people in poverty grew exponentially between 1980 and

1990 due to lack of affordable housing (Mulherin, 2000). This increased their racial subcultures such as White trash, Hillbilly and Redneck identities mostly in the South

(Eastman & Schrock, 2008). The interest of this dissertation is to consider the White people that found themselves in regions of inner-city poverty where they are seen as the minority. They are described as the White underclass (Murray, 1993). White privilege is not universal, as they also do not have a monolithic culture (Winders, 2003). They still carry White privilege it is just less noticeable in the hoods and ghettos. Whiteness in the hoods and ghettos is not a unifying factor among White people (Hartigan, 2005).

Commonalities between White and Black people are more evident. They share interests that weaken the racial barriers held so tightly outside of the hood and ghetto. White people who claim a Hood identity earn that identity by proving they understand and respect that culture. Again, proof of this is showcased in music with rappers like Eminem and Paul Wall. Both White but accepted into Hood culture. They don’t try to claim Black culture but they are proud of where they come from. White people in the hood exist and with the growth of the White underclass comes a more comprehensive description of the hood’s occupants.

The Black ghettos and barrios have become synonymous with the only difference pointing to race (Goldsmith & Blakely, 2010). Latins, specifically Mexicans, have

43 furthered the definition of Hood culture. Especially, in the West Coast where low riders and cholos/cholas emerged. A cholo or chola (feminine form) is part of gang subculture

(Encyclopedia Britannica, 2016). But their image and culture has evolved into popular culture with distinct tattoos, make-up, graffiti, hand signals and speech (Encyclopedia

Britannica, 2016). Movies like Blood in Blood Out, Mi Vida Loca and American Me have provided context into the life of Mexicans in the barrios. The overlap of the barrios and Black hoods are made clear with collaborations between rapper Snoop Dogg and tattoo artist Mister Cartoon. The cultures have had an effect on one another broadening the definition of Hood culture.

Since the 1960’s Asian-Americans have been publicized as the “model minority” translating into the successful minority (Wong & Halgin, 2006). It would seem contradictory to assume that Asians are open to integrating into Hood culture due to the lack of success, academic and professional, the hood offers. The label of being a model minority is unevenly applied to Chinese Americans as oppose to other Asians such as

Cambodians and Laotians (Wong & Halgin, 2006). Yet, there is still an assumption that their culture is resistant to the idea of the hood. Regardless, there are Asians of all types in the hood that claim a Hood identity and rightfully so. Asians have had their share in oppression at the hands of White people similar to other minorities here in America

(Okihiro,2014). Although, there is little evidence that White people are against or show discrimination towards residential integration with Asians, unlike Black and Latin people

(Massey & Denton, 1987). The ghettos that are Asian populated are not usually called ghettos but more often described as ethnic enclaves that positively promote a cultural community (Chang, 2010). However, not every poor Asian lives in these ethnic enclaves.

Some have found themselves in integrated hoods and ghettos. Those are the ones that have been able to understand Hood culture and add to it. The Asian hood perspective is evident with the Southern California street gang Asian Boyz and rappers such as Stupid

Young and Fat Kao. The hustle is solid with their organization and business first mentality (Kelso, 1994).

Upon arrival in this high-priced country, immigrants are likely to start off in poverty-stricken areas (Cutler et al., 2008). After establishing themselves, they tend to move into a residence nearby leading to a concentration of particular ethnic populations

(Massey & Denton, 1987). Immigrants in poor urban communities strongly identify with the experiences of the hood rather than the mainstream because of the multi-ethnic integration (Guthrie & Hutchinson, 1995). Since people are emigrating from all over the world bringing with them different cultures they have different experiences while navigating the hood. Some ethnic groups are more negatively affected economically than other ethnic groups (Cutler et. al, 2008). This can be because of a difference in values.

Nevertheless, socially they have positively impacted hoods by introducing a variety of cuisines, clothing and traditions making the hood more diverse and culturally rich.

It becomes difficult to distinguish cultural appropriation of Black culture when you are not Black and live in the hood claiming a Hood identity because both cultures are interrelated. But if you grow up in the hood and that is all you are exposed to, that is your culture too. That is Hood culture. The hood embodies the experiences of Whites, Latins,

Asians and immigrants alike. There is not a closed-door policy towards skin color. The typical conflicts between some groups in the larger society tend to be overlooked in the hood as they work together to defend themselves against those outside of the hood

(Duneier, 2016). Racial discrimination still exists between these groups but the commonality is their connection to the hood.

CHAPTER 3

METHODS

Poverty is not a new concept, however, the contributions that lower-class subcultures have to offer society are not as well-known as their inadequacies. Grounded theory (Corbin & Strauss, 2014) was suitable to gain new insight into a long-standing societal shortcoming. With this qualitative method in mind, the data collection was split into two parts: interviews and participant observations. Ethnographic interviewing techniques offered an opportunity for the researcher to interact with participants in a non- intrusive way (Delamont, 2004; Westby, 1990). Ethnographic interviewing involves greetings, explanations, friendly questions, expressing cultural ignorance and interest as described by Spradley (1979). Interviews were semi-structured and mostly open-ended to encourage emerging questions. As Spradley (2016; p. 51) emphasizes, “Participation allows you to experience activities directly, to get the feel of what events are like, and to record your own perceptions”. Participant observations were helpful in enhancing the quality of the interpretation of the interview data by experiencing firsthand what was shared

(Musante & DeWalt, 2010).

Ethnographic methods were appropriate because the intent was to define how a specific cultural group works and explore their beliefs, language and behaviors (Creswell

& Poth, 2018). Whyte (1943) also proposed that a person’s behaviors and their adaptation to society must be learned through observation. There was an interest to understand the experiences of people who have resided in the hood, what those experiences mean to them and how it affects their lives in the workplace. A comparative analysis was used to generate and verify an emerging theory as suggested by Glaser and Strauss (1967). Interviews were

47 conducted with people who currently identify as Hood and people who do not currently identify as Hood. Their current social class and place of residence varied.

Lewis (1968) states to complete a naturalistic observation the researcher must establish trusting bonds with those involved in the study. The first month, of the 4-month study, was set aside as a warm-up phase at the beginning of data collection to become familiar with the community and the people who represent it. This involved informally reaching out to past acquaintances, connecting with the administration of the selected high school, visiting neighborhood parks and supporting local events and businesses.

Developing a rapport was crucial in making participants feel the researcher was culturally competent and that trust can be established (Glesne, 2006).

Sample

To be eligible, participants were required to have graduated from the same local high school in 2004, 2005 or 2006. The high school was located in San Diego, California and was generally agreed upon (by students who attended during this time period) to cultivate Hood culture. During the selected years, there were riots that were racially motivated and schoolwide lockdowns due to escalating violence. At one point, another local high school had shut down causing their students to join ours which included some that were involved in gang activity. It was assumed that alumni would have an opinion of

Hood culture and their relation to it. The high school was chosen by the researcher. Their experience as an alumnus of the high school inspired these studies. To establish trust and openness, the researcher leveraged their unique insider status by selecting a sample of participants who went to school with them. The researcher graduated in 2005, therefore

48 chose the class from the year above and below their class. This creates potential bias for the researcher which will be addressed under Data Analysis.

Participants also had to be actively employed at the time of scheduling the interview. The type of employment did not matter. Although, employment positions were recorded during data collection. Possible participants were identified by referencing past yearbooks, searching Facebook accounts under mutual friends of fellow alumnus, joining

Facebook groups relative to the high school and following referrals from current participants. Snowball sampling was necessary because the population is difficult to reach

(Atkinson & Flint, 2001). Facebook was the primary method of recruitment with 86% of participants recruited from the social media platform. The use of Facebook messaging was successful at minimizing recruitment issues surrounding impersonal contact and ineffective communication (Baltar & Brunet, 2012). There was a total of 147 potential participants with a response rate of 38%. It is possible that many of the messages were never seen by the recipient. To view messages, the user would have to be active on the site, have access to a computer or have the Messenger app downloaded separately on their mobile device.

The final sample consisted of 56 participants in Study 1. Of those 56, 6 participants moved on to Study 2 for a total of 24 hours of observation. Three identity groups materialized from the data: Hood, Non-Hood and Uncertain (including “I don’t know”,

“yes and no” or no response). There were 25 participants who identified as Hood, 25 participants who did not identify as Hood and 6 recorded as Uncertain. Racial and gender demographics were collected as an open-ended survey. Direct responses were recorded.

Racially, Hispanic/Latino/Mexican represented the majority of the sample at 29%,

49 followed by mixed/biracial/mulatto at 20%,

Japanese/Thai/Cambodian/Vietnamese/Chinese/Lao/Filipino at 16%, African-

American/Black at 16%, White/Caucasian at 11%, African/South

Sudanese/Congo/Rwanda at 7% and Jamaican at 2%. Males made-up 54% of the sample, with females accounting for 46%. A summary of demographics can be found in Table 1.

Table 1: Demographic Data

Non- Demographic Data Hood Hood Uncertain Participants 25 25 6

Race Hispanic/Latino/Mexican 8 7 1 Mixed/Biracial/Mulatto 6 4 1 African-American/Black 5 4 0 African/South Sudanese/Congo/Rwanda 1 1 2 Jamaican 0 0 1 Japanese/Thai/Cambodian/Vietnamese/Chinese/Lao/Filipino 2 6 1 White/Caucasian 3 3 0

Gender Female 11 13 2 Male 14 12 4

Study 1

Data & Procedures

Data was collected throughout a 3-month period from June 2019 to August 2019.

The interviews lasted between 20 - 60 minutes. They were conducted both in person (28), over the phone (26) or video call (2). Most meetings took place at Starbucks but also

50 included local cafes, restaurants, residences, playgrounds, the city library or at the participant’s current job location. The interview questions focused on the perceptions of and experiences with Hood culture, Hood identity and the workplace (refer to Appendix).

Once interviews began, follow-up questions were added to better inform initial research questions. This included questions about differentiating between hood and ghetto and the relationship between poverty and Hood culture. At times, memories were reflected upon due to a common bond shared between the researcher and the participants, echoing the authenticity of the responses by revealing a certain level of comfort.

Study 2

Data & Procedures

Participants were asked during Study 1 if they identify as Hood. Not only were they required to identify as Hood but they also had to currently reside in the hood to be eligible for Study 2. Out of the 25 people who identified as Hood, 12 still resided in the hood. A total of 6 (of the eligible 12) participants agreed to participate in Study 2. A 4-hour block was scheduled at the convenience of the participant. During the 4 hours, the researcher intermittently posed questions (refer to Appendix) to further understand Hood culture and reiterate questions from Study 1. When the researcher was not asking questions, they were observing and taking handwritten notes. At times, participants were playfully curious about what was being written and how they were doing in comparison to other participants. The notes were kept confidential. Observations took place while driving around the city, eating at restaurants, running errands for others, stopping at liquor stores and local shops and spending time at residences with family and friends of the participants. Participants were

51 welcoming and open during the observations. Emotions and interactions with these participants are shared in the Analysis of Reflections section.

Data Analysis

Study 1 and Study 2 ran concurrently with the same research questions being explored in both. They were analyzed using the same qualitative methods. Results were combined to strengthen responses to research questions. The data was analyzed using

Strauss and Corbin (1998) inductive process involving open, axial and selective coding.

Only two participants opted out of voice recordings for personal reasons. On another occasion the researcher chose to take notes because the environment was not suitable for recording purposes. Open coding was utilized by thoroughly reading the transcripts and field notes line -for- line to derive themes and categories (Charmaz, 2006). Audio recordings, transcripts and field notes were reviewed twice at the beginning producing 599 codes that were then sorted based on initial likeness into 362 codes. Axial coding was then used to explore relationships derived from open-coding (Kolb, 2012). As a result of this round of data review, the total number was reduced to 33 codes that created 8 categories.

With the 8 categories in mind, selective coding was applied by going back through the data and reviewing it multiple times to further connect the “story line” (Creswell & Poth, 2018; pg. 88). The 9th category, Race, was added by integrating code-switching literature to support situations occurring in that category. Theme saturation of the data was reached.

Saturation is met when there is no new information being obtained (Morse, 1995).

Figure 1 shows a data structure to offer a graphic representation of how the raw data was transformed into theoretical abstractions termed aggregate dimensions (Gioia et al., 2013). First-order themes were derived during the open coding stage. They were

52 analyzed revealing similarities and differences leading from descriptive themes to high- order themes, known as second-order themes (Gioia et al., 2013). Aggregate dimensions conceptually express the commonalities among second-order themes. The data structure compares Hood identity and Non-Hood identity data. Because of the small sample, those who identified as Uncertain were left out of the data structure. The data structure considers the 8 categories as a result from the coding process. The 9th category was left out since it was not a result from coding the first or second-order themes. The aggregate dimensions were used as main variables to present the findings in Figure 2.

Figure 1: Data Structure

Researcher Reflexivity

All of the data was analyzed through a lens of reflexivity (Charmaz, 2006). Self- reflection was documented by writing down notes of what was observed and felt during and after data collection (Emerson, et al., 2011). Interview reflections by the researcher started after the 5th interview and concluded a week after data collection was completed.

A total of 7 interview reflections were written along with 17 recruitment summaries that began the first day of recruitment and ended on the last day of recruitment efforts. The interview reflections and summaries revealed interesting findings of the sample data. Only

5 participants accepted the $15 incentive for Study 1 and 5 of the 6 participants accepted the incentive for Study 2 (after reassurance that the researcher did not need it). They were more interested in helping without expecting anything in return. This was a huge contrast to past studies that have been conducted where not one of the participants declined the incentive.

People have been so great in meeting up and helping out. I haven’t been sending confirmation the day before as I would normally but it hasn’t been a problem. Only 1 participant has accepted the incentive of $15. I paid for lunch for another one, however, this was a miscommunication due to timing of the orders. They had refused to have me pay but I added an item and paid anyway. This is interesting to me because I would think more people would want free food and an extra $15. (IR_2)

I am glad that some people are accepting the incentives but it’s still surprising that the

vast majority have not. (IR_4)

There were many challenges to the researcher while managing these studies but like many ethnographers, their direct experiences informed the analyses (Hesse-Biber,

2013), offering perseverance to push through. This ethnography can be considered to have elements of an auto-ethnography due to the fact that the researcher is part of the

population being researched creating an obstacle of objectivity (Havano, 1979). To combat this, personal reflections were recorded by the researcher to increase impartiality.

There was a constant checks and balances process. The first reflection was written during the plane ride to California, before data collection. The last one was written after returning to Ohio. There were 6 in total. Reflecting on interviews, observations and personal feelings was the most challenging part.

Besides recruitment, reflecting was the biggest challenge. I wanted to have a definite line between researcher and participant. It became blurred from time to time but that’s ok. I gave myself the space I needed from the study. There were days I felt like a failure walking around those streets with fear. I used to just be cautious and vigilant but I found myself scared from time to time thinking about potential shit happening in those moments. It’s been way too long since I been in the streets like that. I didn’t like it. The role of a visitor…someone who didn’t seem comfortable with her surroundings…someone who walked a little faster when a male without a suit was around. Ugh! What happened to me? It’s been about two years since I exposed myself to the culture with that level of involvement. There was shame present on a regular. Shame that I no longer felt that safe there. Shame that I referred to others as ‘them’ and ‘me’ rather than ‘us’. I was a stranger in my own home by my own denials. Growing up, I had lived the majority of my time there trying to do whatever it took to get out. And now years later I return proud of it???! Talk about confused. Making sense of this was the internal work necessary to achieve a place of understanding of the psychological warfare constantly burdened on the those in the hood. This aspect is invisible to those not in it. It’s not only trauma we deal with but also the act of learning how to accept and love ourselves when the rest of society doesn’t. (PR_6)

These reflections were able to contest the bias of the researcher only viewing the positives of the hood. Understanding what the role of the researcher was and how they felt about the hood in general informed the research to a greater depth than someone not familiar with the hood. The negatives cannot be ignored yet they needed to be overcome in order to see the data for what it is. A balance between the negatives and positives were established. A deeper analysis of the reflections recorded during these studies can be found in the Chapter 4.

CHAPTER 4

FINDINGS

Experiences and perspectives of those who identified as Hood and those who did not identify as Hood were compared to investigate possible associations and dichotomies.

Professional identity, Hood culture, Hood identity, and the act of code-switching in the workplace were defined and described by the participants. Table 2 shows the frequency of the data reflecting the number of cases mentioning second order themes under each aggregate dimension. The Race category displays the number of cases pertinent to each group, therefore, not considered second order themes. Those who identified as Uncertain were included in this table to account for all participants. The responses from these 6 participants did not differ from responses the other identity groups offered. They resonated with what was said by the two identity groups without bringing any new viewpoints.

Table 2: Data Frequency - Number of Cases Mentioning 2nd Order Themes

Hood Identity & Code-Switching Model

Continuous iterations of analyzing the data and integrating literature led to the development of a model representing where the two identity groups share their commonalities and where they differ in their journey from hood exposure to the workplace.

The participants all lived in or near the hood and were exposed to the hood while attending the selected high school. Although, some may have been exposed to the hood longer than that. Because the sample for those who identified as Uncertain was small, they were not directly included in the model or findings. Relationships between the two main identity groups, Hood and Non-Hood, were established to demonstrate main findings from the study. These can be seen in Figure 2.

Relationship a - If someone was exposed to and experienced the hood, they are likely to

choose to identify as Hood, whereas someone who has never experienced or been

exposed to the hood may not be as likely to do so.

Relationship b - If someone was exposed to and experienced the hood, they still may choose

to not identify as Hood.

Relationship c - If someone has moved out of the hood, they may choose to not identify as

Hood. Their current residence affects whether or not they claim a Hood identity.

Figure 2: Hood Identity & Code – Switching Model

Relationship d - Both identity groups agreed that Ghetto and Street identities were negative

identities. They are separate from a Hood identity.

Relationship e - If someone identifies as Hood they are more likely to engage in code-

switching in the workplace.

Relationship f - If someone identifies as Hood and they do not engage in code-switching,

it is likely due to the type of occupation they are in, the amount of time they have

been there and the environment of their workplace.

Relationship g – If someone does not identify as Hood they are less likely to engage in

code-switching in the workplace.

Relationship h – If someone does not identify as Hood and does engage in code-switching,

it is likely due to their race.

Interpretation of Professional Identity

Professional identity was described by its language, attire/appearance and characteristics. Professional language was defined as a refined vocabulary including ‘big’ words. Spoken in proper and polished English with attention to annunciation and pronunciation. The tone is usually higher-pitched and bubblier.

We're talking about business, professional, you know, you need to speak clearly

and enunciate words and you need to, uh, use better vocabulary. A higher level of

vocabulary. (E1_Hood)

Professional, like articulate more... use bigger words than you would, you

normally use at home with your friends. The tone changes more like of a bubblier

tone.... just the vernacular, like the vocabulary is totally different. (E28_Non-

Hood)

Typical professional attire/appearance consists of a nice pair of pants, usually slacks, with dressy closed toed shoes or heels and a collared shirt. Appearance is similar to that of a teacher.

You know, professional wear, you know, if you're a classroom teacher, you- you

cover up… the button ups, slacks, collar shirts. (E6_Hood)

Fitted, fitted pants, fitted shirt, a shirt tucked in with a belt, tie or a collared shirt,

um dressier shoes. (E32_Non-Hood)

Professional characteristics were described as being respectful, robotic and all things work- related.

Now it's more like a robot, like robotizing. (E38_Hood)

It's professional, um, can't describe it any other way; work related. (E26_Non-

Hood)

The interpretation of professional identity was straightforward with little variation amongst the identity groups.

Understanding of Hood Culture & Hood Identity

Hood culture is a culture of individuals who originate from or reside in a hood that share behaviors, traditions, customs, beliefs, attire, language and struggles. To understand Hood culture, one must define the hood not only as a culture but also connected to a physical place. Each hood has their own way of knowing where and what makes their hood the hood. The identity groups described Hood culture as having negatives/disadvantages and positives/advantages.

Hood culture is bold, proud and relentless, made up of marginalized individuals with eclectic styles (often categorized as streetwear) and confident demeanors that create a unique type of swag in the midst of extreme poverty, struggle and high crime rates .

There is a certain aura around those from the hood, people just know, it’s a type

of swag. (O1_Hood)

They have like a different kind of swag I guess you could say. The, the street term

would be like a little lean when they walk, a little, you know, the way they dress.

(E29_Hood)

The struggles are mainly due to lack of finances, resources and opportunities leaving the population underserved. Because of this, crime is rampant bringing a heavy police presence to the neighborhood. The positives come from the hardships. There is a strong sense of community, familiarity and camaraderie with one another.

Hood poverty, you don't have a lot of resources. There's gangs, there's

underdevelopment in the community, there's not a lot of politicians coming in

trying to make a positive impact, that's what classifies the hood to me. (E14_Hood)

I still hang out with more people that I went to high school than my wife does and

she went a really nice high school and really nice area in our county. And I'm like,

there's that bond. Of like, we came from here. (E8_Hood)

When I think of the hood, and like that area and like…I think of like, the struggle

because like there's definitely like, a lot of people with economic problems there,

but like, there's still like a lot of culture. (E21_Hood)

Those who do not identify as Hood shared these sentiments:

My version of the 'hood is poverty, um, grit and grime, um…but also at the same

time, I see community and people who are not afraid of hard work. (E22_Non-

Hood)

Depending on which part of the hood you're in. Violence in some places, um, but

also a really strong community of people that, like, this is our hood. This is where

we live. (E35_Non-Hood)

Friends, the people- the neighborhood, yeah. They're just- they're just good

people...everybody know who I am. (E45_Non-Hood)

As a location, the hood consists of rundown buildings, broken sidewalks and graffiti tagging. It is overpopulated in the streets and in the residences, often with multiple families packed together in a single-bedroom apartment. Rows of apartment complexes that are lower in rent and cheap houses are the norm. Liquor stores, good food and small markets are also often found in the hood.

You can tell it's the hood because these families are packed into like, one-

bedroom apartment. When there's never parking in a street. That street is in the

hood. (E38_Hood)

A lot of maybe like, torn down houses like bunched together… a lot of liquor

stores...There's other parts of this that look very run down, and you don't want

anything like, to do with it. (E56_Hood)

Apartment City or something. I don't know. It was like, just a long row street of

apartments. It wasn't even homes anymore. It was all apartments. And it was, you

know, compacted, so everybody was there. (E20_Non-Hood)

Lot of little, you know, markets, so it's, it's good food. (E27_Non-Hood)

When San Diego is mentioned, the hood is not one of the first places that comes to mind.

However, there are areas that are considered hood including Skyline, City Heights and El

Cajon Boulevard. El Cajon Boulevard is well-known for prostitution.

El Cajon Boulevard, for instance, which I lived off of. Um, I would, like, walk

around, and I would see prostitutes walking up and down the street. (E25_Hood)

If I was walking down El Cajon Boulevard, I was more mindful of my surroundings

because that was the area known for prostitution. (E32_Non-Hood)

During observations the researcher was taken to City Heights on multiple occasions.

Taking me on a tour to see “where it all began” – around City Heights.

(O2_Hood)

Came to City Heights to find the weed man. (O4_Hood)

Skyline is one of the prominent hoods.

I was born and raised off of skyline, which, about as hood as you get in San

Diego. (E21_Hood)

I was born in Skyline. one of the, you know, one of the toughest parts of San

Diego. (E40_Non-Hood)

Some of those who do not identify as Hood felt that although San Diego has its hood parts, they are not as rough as hoods in other states:

If I really wanted to see the ghetto, I would go to Michigan, and that's the

ghetto… like San Diego's like a upper classmen's ghetto. (E5_Non-Hood)

The main negatives/disadvantages of the hood revolve around drugs, crime, gangs, violence, death and trauma. There is also a lack of preparation and opportunities in regards to education and professional careers. This is harmful since education increases the chances of a secure future (Riessman, 1962).

I've been to more funerals than I have graduations, and baby showers, and stuff

combined... I think that there's a lot of pain and trauma on his land that's both

systemic and historical. (E24_Hood)

I would say maybe not the best education, because they Don’t, maybe, get the

best teachers because good teachers Don’t necessarily want to work in hood

schools...More violence. (E23_Non-Hood)

What delineates the suffering of people in poverty is their proximity to death

(Stringfellow, 1964). Survival is the main focus.

What I would say you know, really, were my shortfalls, you know, growing up in

the hood is you didn't know how to become a successful human being because

you were so worried about surviving. (E3_Hood)

We were always fighting, cussing each other out. Like you know, things like that.

Where you realize that that's just not normal but then you also understand as you

get older that that's part of the survival. So, you know fighting is something that

you know you have to do. (E34_Non-Hood)

The negatives/disadvantages are not new to those inside and outside of the hood. The positives/advantages are not as evident.

The main positives/advantages of the hood were described as individual traits and characteristics rather than general subject matters that were addressed when explaining the negatives/disadvantages. Those from the hood are confident in who they are. They are resilient, adaptable, compassionate, empathetic and relatable. If you experience the hood you are intuitive, vigilant and highly aware of your surroundings which, as a collective, translates into street smarts. You do not have to claim the Hood identity to gain the positives/advantages of coming from the hood. These findings are significant as they are directly related to organizational research. Table 3 displays the positives/advantages along with supporting literature from organizational scholars to signify the potential impact of Hood culture in organizations.

Table 3: Traits with Supporting Literature

Someone from the hood is confident in who they are but not as confident in their abilities because they lack the opportunities to demonstrate them. Yet, self-confidence is linked to self-efficacy and self-advancement (Bandura, 1977; Sturdy et al.,2006). Self- confidence is also related to positive performance levels (Feldman, 1981). Self- confidence enhances leader effectiveness and motivates its members to follow their lead

(De Cremer & Van Knippenberg, 2004; Bandura, 1997). There are many ways to gain self-confidence but those in the hood do so intently because they rely on it to survive. It is present in every move they make. Within organizations, self-confidence is necessary to persevere, endure setbacks and make tough decisions (Kirkpatrick & Locke, 1991).

Worthington & Wade (1999) define empathy as the ability to understand and feel the cognitive and affective experiences of another and feel with them without having to actually experience the situation. As a subculture of the lower -class, people from the hood are more empathetic than those from the upper-class (Cote et al., 2013). The hood has no shortage of emotional occurrences, mostly with feelings of loss. They react more intensely to emotional stimuli (Cote et al., 2013). Those from the hood serve as empathetic leaders, which is a fundamental part of effective leadership (House &

Podsakoff, 1994; Sadri et al., 2011).

Goetz et al. (2010) define compassion as a feeling that occurs when witnessing someone’s else’s suffering and feeling a desire to help. Behaving with compassion increases helping, trust, support and cooperation in organizations (Atkins & Parker,

2012). The hood produces compassionate people because they know what it feels like to suffer at the heavy hands of multiple acts of oppression. Helping one another out

alleviates the suffering. This is no different in the workplace. Losing employees to suffering due to grief, burnout and stress can be costly to the organization (Dutton et al.,

2014). Displaying compassion towards one another benefits the organization as a whole by strengthening organizational commitment (Lilius et al., 2008). Compassion is innate and instilled in those from the hood.

I'm really, really good at, um, helping people solve their problems. You know, when people get upset, I have a really good ability to calm them down and to, you know, to just talk it out with them. I have compassion for people, you know. I can see someone if they're, struggling or if they can't afford to make a couple copies, or, you know, if they have some issues, that I can step in and talk them down or help them out with something because I can see it in them. (E27_Non-Hood)

The resilience of surviving in the hood becomes embedded in a person. Adversity is a common experience in the hood (Hannerz, 1969). Resiliency refers to individuals who exhibit successful adaptation even when their environment or past experiences puts them at a higher chance of defective outcomes (Buckner et al., 2003). Those from the lower-class, like the hood, have the ability to thrive in the presence of adversity

(Seccombe, 2002). Resilient employees become resilient leaders. Resilient leaders respond to ever-changing realities while maintaining essential operations within the organization (Reeves & Allison, 2009). The hood stages countless moments for its occupants to learn resiliency. Simply having an employee from the hood proves they are resilient. They are having to overcome daily obstacles to commit to being at work.

Human resources have become so interested in employee resilience that they have proposed practices in efforts to identify and enhance it (Bardoel et al., 2014), whereas, those form the hood already have it.

Somebody who never had to struggle or nothing, they get hit with some adversity in their life and they don't know how to handle it. They don't know how to deal with it. You know, whereas, you know a lot of people in the hood got to go

through certain struggles, certain things, and you learn how to deal with adversity in different ways. (E4_Hood)

You're stronger mentally. You have like this resiliency that's embedded in

you...So it's like you learn to cope with it, you learn to go through struggles, and

you learn to overcome or adapt to situations. (E29_Hood)

An inner strength, cause you've overcome so many things. You've been through

so much. I definitely think that there's a strength, there's definitely a drive to

succeed- because you have nothing else to fall back on. (E49_Non-Hood)

Adaptivity is a personality trait of willingness to change (Savickas & Porfeli,

2012). Employability favors active adaptability (Fugate et al., 2004). Career adaptability is the psychological resource that permit individuals to cope with challenges in their career development (Savickas, 1997). The four areas of career adaptability are concern, control, curiosity and confidence (Savickas, 1997). Those from the hood are naturally adaptable because they have to be due to the lack of stability. They are able to shape and reshape the future without dwelling on the change. There is a willingness to do what has to be done to make something work. Zacher (2015) found that daily career adaptability positively affects career performance and job satisfaction.

The way that people adapt. If they can adapt ... If they could survive through the

ghetto, and they make themselves a somebody, that's just beautiful because they

came from nothing. (E6_Hood)

People from the hood are more adaptable. (O3_Hood)

Individuals from the hood are able to relate to the clientele of an organization. Having been exposed to constant hardships they can meet their clients where they are during challenging times. This relatability creates a genuine connectedness with them.

Connectedness develops when there is a comfort level that allows for expression of vulnerabilities and commonalities forming a mutual investment and increasing effectiveness of the interaction (Lee & Robbins, 2000). This results in stronger relationships and engagement with the population the organization is serving. The level of client engagement is especially important in therapy, treatment centers and healthcare settings (Simpson et al., 1995; Townsend & McWhirter, 2005). The better an organization can serve its clients, the more successful an organization is.

The knowledge I have in terms of, like, the hood, when it comes to, like, drugs, and stuff like that. Um, I am able to talk to my [clients] about it, and sometimes they actually helps with building that rapport with my [clients], um, when they know that I'm not this preppy, rich, person basically, who is coming to their home trying to tell them how to parent. When, they find out that I was kind of, like, I grew up the same way they did, it kind of helps them out a little bit. (E25_Hood)

A unique advantage of the hood population is their street smarts. Street smarts is defined as the ability to counter or adapt to social structures and obstacles (Hatt, 2007).

This set of smarts can only be learned through experience, specifically hardships, and is not easily attained (Hatt, 2007; Bender et al., 2007). Those in the hood acquire street smarts because it is necessary for them to navigate the street economic and social world.

These mental and verbal skills increase their likelihood of surviving in that environment

(Silverstein & Krate, 1975). An example of this skillset is knowing how to identify a reliable and trustworthy source or person (Bender et al., 2007). The use of street smarts is especially successful in sales (Sujan, 1999). Their persuasive interpersonal skills enable

them to become effective stockbrokers (Bonner, 1975). Sujan (1999) looked at street smarts as contextual intelligence brought forth by Sternberg (1985). Contextual intelligence is a type of intelligence formed by adapting, selecting and shaping

(Sternberg, 1985).

The findings in this dissertation describe street smarts as the ability to be highly vigilant, intuitive and aware of the surrounding environment. Intuition is a cognitive process that is more unconscious than conscious that provides a foundation for expert decision-making (Salas et al., 2010). Environment awareness is compounded with vigilance. Those from the hood have the ability to spot trouble happening in real-time within an organization. The level of vigilance and environment awareness has not been analyzed in organizations. A benefit of this can possibly translate into saving money on inventory loss due to theft, although it may be difficult to arrive at this conclusion empirically. Depending on the occupation, having this type of awareness can increase safety measures within the organization.

I've seen people like, trying to steal from my job and do stuff like that because

like, I know what that looks like because I've seen people doing it from the other

side. (E21_Hood)

I can just tell when people are doing something shady. Um, I would be like, "Oh, you know what? I think we should keep an eye out on this person close because they, they're just moving around a little funny. And they're just a little bit suspect." And then it ended up being this lady who was trying to steal like two boxes of Uggs out of the store. (E28_Non-Hood)

When I'm at work, some shit going on and you realize, "Nah they're trying to play

us," that shit's great..."This is some shit that would happen on the streets, what the

company is doing right now to everybody."… I have a third eye and shit

sometimes. (E17_Hood)

Street smarts…You can look at things from a completely different perspective

than someone else that has never been raised in the hood, uh, with regards to just

problem-solving. Uh, or- or new ways to look at, you know. (E1_Hood)

Taught me like street smarts… Be aware of your surroundings, or um, be a little

bit like aware of more things that you know, that you don't learn at school.

(E15_Non-Hood)

So, I would say, street smarts to me is, like, being fully aware of your

surroundings...I think you kind of, like, read body language well, or better. Yeah.

Maybe different circumstances in some people, but I think only... I think a lot of

people who come from the 'hood, like, they're more aware. (E22_Non-Hood)

You become street smart a lot quicker than someone who grows up in a home

where they're not hanging out with a bunch of other kids from all over the place

or from the street. (E48_Non-Hood)

These characteristics can be discerned as competencies of emotional intelligence.

Competencies are defined as capabilities and emotional intelligence is simply defined as the intelligent use of emotions (Boyatzis & Sala, 2004). As competencies, self- confidence, empathy, adaptability, relatability and awareness (street smarts) fall under the emotional intelligence areas of self-awareness, self-management, social awareness and relationship management (Goleman, 2006). Resilience and compassion are also associated with emotional intelligence by increasing motivation and emotional positivity

(Magnano et al., 2016; Armstrong et al., 2011; Neff, 2003). Although it is possible to

become emotionally intelligent with training and development (Cherniss & Adler, 2000), those from Hood culture attain it well before entering organizations. It is possible that that those from the hood are more likely to be emotionally intelligent than those outside of Hood culture.

Exposure to different ethnicities, religions, languages and cultures also occurs in the hood. It could be that the diversity aspect is more prominent in hoods on the coasts versus those in the Midwest or Southern states. Hoods in San Diego are diverse.

Just coming from, like, somewhere that's, like, ethnically rich. Like, different

foods. Yeah. So, I think I do... Me personally, I think I do have an advantage, just

because I feel like I've seen more of the world. (E39_Hood)

A mix of ethnicities, and so you grew up more aware of different cultures. That's probably another thing that you have to have when working with people, you know, people skills, if you can't consider someone else's culture where they come from and kind of like talk to them considering their culture, you might offend them. (E48_Non-Hood)

Although there are people of different races and ethnicities in the hood, minorities

(specifically Black and Latin people) are thought to be the primary occupants of these neighborhoods (Wilson, 1991).

When you think of hood, you never think of a White person as hood, you know,

it's always like Latinos or um, African Americans, but it's rare when like, you

know, um, Caucasian or, um, an Asian is call hood you know, you don't see that

as often. (E16_Hood)

The greater majority of them [people in the hood] are possibly, um, immigrants or

people um, that are of an ethnicity other than White. (E48_Non-Hood)

White people in the hood have a different experience than minorities do. Unlike outside of the hood, they are the minority and sometimes face discrimination. At the same time, they are aware of their White privilege.

Even though I'm from where I'm from, I'm phenotypically, um, or genotypically I

look the way that I look and that inherently gives me privilege. So, some of my

resiliency comes from some of the shit I was able to not experience because of the

way that I look. (E24_Hood)

I've faced some, um, discrimination because people don't really understand, you know, when they look at me, you know, I'm Caucasian and they think, "Oh, well, you know, what are you doing here?" Or you know, "Why, you know, why are you standing in this line?"...people say, "Oh, you know, White man's the devil.” (E27_Non-Hood)

Hood identity is a construct that refers to one’s sense of self as a member or past member of a hood. Similar to professional identity, the description of Hood identity was formed by its language, attire/appearance and characteristics. Hood identity is representative of Hood culture which is partly shaped by language (Hofstede, 1980).

Hood language was referred to as slang; opposite to proper English.

You don't talk right...You don't talk the right English. (E2_Hood)

The way they talk, they just don't talk right. Slangs, more, mainly slangs.

(E26_Non-Hood)

The N-word is heavily used by those in the hood. This is where the usage crosses color lines. It was described as a form of acceptance to be granted permission by a Black

person to use it as a non-Black person. However, Black people also encourage one another to stop using it due to its derogatory roots.

If you can say N word, you're in… In high school, I was hanging out with the

brothers. I was never in my own race...When you can, they allow you to, say the

N word, then it means, okay, they're cool with you. (E6_Hood)

It can never be a term of endearment. Empowering terms rather than reclaiming.

If it was empowering word everyone can say it. Always going to have a negative

connotation. (O1_Hood)

Our dishwasher, he loves talking to me, and he called me my N-word, uh, twice in

one day and I told everybody. They're like, "Get the fuck out of here. That's

crazy."… Um, honestly, uh, it's the way that I talk to him. We, uh, like, he's the

only person that I really talk hood to. (E35_Non-Hood)

I remember a friend and I, I got him a job there, too, and, like, I realized, like,

"Dude, we gotta stop saying the N word." Like, it's... And so, from there, we just

literally stopped saying it, and so, I noticed something changed in me as I got

older. (E40_Non-Hood)

Hood attire/appearance was mainly described as masculine; baggy, saggy, oversized clothing:

I guess it's easier to like describe a man in the hood. You know, just oversized

clothing or basically mostly oversized clothing. (E16_Hood)

Probably like, dressing in like, baggy clothes. big shirts, big pants, sagging.

(E19_Non-Hood)

When women were mentioned they were portrayed as wearing revealing clothing that is often tight-fitting and short in length:

Um, for the girls, it'll be really tight clothes, really short shorts. (E39_Hood)

I guess if I saw two different women, and one was dressed kind of hooker-y and just, I Don’t know, maybe it was putting herself out there and doing anything to hustle, versus a poor woman who was just trying to, like, get by. Maybe not as good of clothes, maybe just trying her best to get by. She would be covered up. (E23_Non-Hood)

There are varying aspects of the Hood identity. It can be claimed fully or partially.

To claim a Hood identity means you don’t take shit from anyone and are ready to fight should you be confronted or disrespected. What makes up a Hood identity isn’t always as explicit. You do not have to claim a Hood identity to react in a hood way; one can still display hood tendencies just by experiencing the hood. Your Hood identity doesn’t ever completely leave you. It can be shelved when having to integrate into a profession, however, you can take the person out of the hood but you can’t take the hood out of the person.

Like don't touch, my buttons girl…I will slap you. I don't feel that ever leaves

you. I think you embrace it and you learn when to bring it out and when not to

and it's always a time and a place. (E7_Hood)

I think is one characteristic if we're going to say characteristics of people from the

hood - we get really, really, really, really offended when people try us because we

already know, like you know like somebody's coming to you in a disrespectful

manner then it needs to be taken care of. (E34_Non-Hood)

There's always going to be a little hood in me. (E50_Non-Hood)

Those from the hood can at times be identified by what they are wearing but again that’s not always the case. To accurately detect if someone carries a Hood identity there needs to be an interaction and conversation.

Today I just walked in Whole Foods. This girl looked as ghetto and hood, but as

soon as she opened her mouth I'm like, oh shit. She's not from around here.

Somebody can look like they from the, somebody can be from the hood but still

talk proper. (E42_Hood)

Feelings of Detachment from Hood Culture

The identity groups shared equivalent feelings of detachment from Hood culture.

There were instances of shame, bias and lack of inquiring into the culture. Common misconceptions about the hood were also addressed. Fear of societal judgment convinced those from the hood to feel ashamed of expressing their Hood identity in front of others.

There was a disassociation occurring causing them to view their identity in the context of good and bad, acceptable and nonacceptable. At times, Hood culture was linked to toxic situations.

Like, "why are you looking like that?" Or, you know, just like little hood slang- type deal. Um, I try not to talk that way. Well, to be fair, I try not to talk that way in public at all. Um, because people judge...if you looked at me you couldn't tell I was hood either, or even if you talked to me cause I knew how to talk in a manner that I was not, and I still do. (E25_Hood)

I felt like I would be classified as hood, but I wouldn't want to be judged by where

I live. (E48_Non-Hood)

Hood biases included thinking that those who are still in the hood are there because they choose to be. No one is oppressing them. Self-motivation is believed to be all that is needed to get out and succeed. Those from the hood expressed their concern

and, at times, disappointment with others in the hood who are content with where they are and have no future plans of changing that. Certain names, categorized as ‘hood names’ were also viewed as a hinderance. Particularly, names with Q’s and Z’s in them.

The shaquandas and all those names that are obviously ethnic and that have that

connotation, that isn't necessarily like, it means nothing about the person, cause

no one chooses their own name, but like, once people see the name with the three

q's and a z in it, they start feeling a certain way about it. (E21_Hood)

You're living in the hood, you're not stuck there forever. You know, you can grow

out of that. You just need to push yourself. (E19_Non-Hood)

Lack of cultural inquiry into Hood culture was evident with expressions such as “Wow”,

“I don’t know” and “Never been asked that” when asked to define Hood culture and identity. It posed a challenge to describe various aspects of the hood out loud. Words were repeated, sentences and thoughts were left unfinished.

I don't know. I think like ... Like, how do you explain that? It's like I know

mentally. Like how do you say it out loud? It sounds super stereotypical but like,

as if you want to say hood, definitely the way you talk. Um, I guess. I don't know.

(E18_Hood)

I would say see how they stand, you know, like that. How they, uh... How they...

Um, I don't know. It's kind of weird. Like, I can't- I can't really, like, put it into

words. (E36_Non-Hood)

A common misconception about the hood paints a sole image of gang violence, shootings and an absence of a future. Participants addressed these misconceptions by using their experience as evidence to the contrary.

When they talk about like all, all this, this shooting and stuff like that. Nobody's aiming at them, like, they don't know you. They don't, shooters is usually gang on gang, or something, a reason. It's the, it's the people that know each other, or they know what neighborhoods they’re from. They don't, they're not targeting them. (E54_Hood)

Because even though I was, um, I grew up there, I was able to like get out of there

and, um, do something with my life. Make something of my life. Like I'm still

alive. Like I have a career. I have school. Like I progressed. (E51_Non-Hood)

Current Residence

Table 2 reflects that only 5 out of 25 people who did not identify as Hood, still live in the hood. This indicates that someone’s current residence may have an effect on not claiming a Hood identity. There is a correlation between leaving the hood and not identifying with the Hood identity. With both identity groups, the reasons why people chose to either stay in the hood, or leave, lined up in some areas and differed in others.

The main reason those who are hood left the hood was because of the dangers involving death and imprisonment. But for the ones that stayed they contributed that to the level of comfort; it’s their home and they didn’t want to leave that behind. There was also an interest to stay in the hood to change it for the better.

I was like, "You know what... I might need to do a different plan because I can't stay in San Diego," because the people that I was hanging around at the time, being young and naïve and not really having guidance... like something bad was gonna happen to me. And I was thinking more it was probably like, jail, if anything because I was hanging out with knuckle heads. (E17_Hood)

So, for me I felt that in order to change my community or, I'm not gonna run from it but I'm gonna be an example of what success looks like in the hood because I feel like that's why people stay, um, you know, in the marginalized communities because they really don't, they don't see anybody else really make it away, or make a way out. (E29_Hood)

And that's why I'm glad I left. Cause if I would have stayed there, and went to or

something, I probably, you probably wouldn't be talking to me right now… Shit, I

probably be dead or in jail. (E42_Hood)

The main reason why those who did not identify as Hood left the hood was because they did not want to have their growing families experience the same struggle they did. It was traumatic for them, making it necessary for them to leave. The people who chose to stay also stated they felt comfortable and safe because it was their home. In this identity group, another reason to stay in the hood had to do with cheaper rent.

I just live here because it's like the rent is cheaper, but it's also my friend's um,

apartment, so he like lets me have it for cheap. And that is one of the reasons, but

I do want to move, because I now have my son, I don't want to live here.

(E15_Non-Hood)

Personally, I am comfortable in this area. Um, it's close to work. Um, I am

definitely can afford to live in this hood still. And that's a big issue too because of

the cost of living. I would say that's the main reason. (E28_Non-Hood)

The participant’s current residence was a strong factor in explaining why they did not presently identify as Hood. This assisted in defining the differences in the Hood and non-

Hood identity experience.

Hood & Non-Hood Identity Experience

Although the identity groups were in agreeance surrounding interpretations of professional identity, understanding of Hood culture and Hood identity and feelings of detachment from Hood culture, there were differing experiences in some areas.

Encounters with police, the desire to give back and the definition of the upper-class

separated those who identify as Hood and those who do not. Encounters with police were connected to negative situations for those who identified as Hood. There was a sense of worry and fear when speaking about the police. Police are embedded in Hood culture.

Those in the hood try to minimize their chances of being targeted by being cautious about driving “ghetto cars”, listening to loud music and avoiding main streets. Those who did not identify as Hood recounted situations that were more routine dealing with minor disturbances such as parties or stolen phones.

The sheer frequency difference of both identity groups in this category can be seen in

Table 2. Police encounters were only mentioned by 2 (8%) participants that did not identify as Hood, compared to 8 (32%) participants that did identify as Hood.

The desire to give back was expressed at varying degrees by both identity groups.

Those who did identify as Hood had a strong desire to give back to the community, be the change they wanted to see by making a positive impact and serve as an inspiration for others. Whereas, those who did not identity as Hood conveyed a weak desire to give back to the community. This was evident in Table 2. There were 13 (52%) people who identified as Hood with this desire, as oppose to 3 (12%) people who did not identify as

Hood with this desire.

Both identity groups shared similar definitions of the upper-class with one distinction.

Those who identified as Hood suggested that the majority of people in the upper-class are

White. Those who did not identify as Hood focused more on finances; status and presence of salaries.

The experiences of the participants varied due to their chosen identities, but both identity groups agree Ghetto and Street identities carry negative connotations.

Negative Identities

Ghetto is defined as an identity that carries a negative connotation. Ghetto pertains more to the individual, compared to Hood which is more community – based.

Someone who is Ghetto is usually yelling and overly-animated with an attitude. They are highly volatile, always fighting and have no-self-awareness. Most of the time being

Ghetto is more talk than action. Constantly making a scene in public, including airing out dirty laundry for all to see and engaging in baby mama/daddy drama.

Ghetto is more of a like um, an attitude like loudness like jokiness, like you know

that loudness, joking is that you too fucking loud, you're like shut up. (E43_Hood)

So, ghetto sometimes it's uh, overly, uh, animated sometimes, um., they don't care

so much about their presentation. They don't really care, it's a, to me it's like

careless. (E54_Hood)

Ghetto: Attitude, expressive, ratchet, women snap their fingers, hand movements,

loud, yelling, can’t take them nowhere, no self-awareness, highly volatile.

(O1_Hood)

Ghetto is, um, fighting in a taco shop with, like, your baby mama and airing that

dirty laundry out to the public. (E36_Non-Hood)

That stereotypical, like when you're ghetto and you're trying to be ghetto- like,

that's that stereotypical-ness and you're like, you're- you're adhering to it. And

you're like "I'm gonna buy into this. I am that stereotype" (E49_Non-Hood)

Ghetto is more talk. And hood is more action. If, if you're ghetto, you would, you would have a louder mouth, be like oh hell no you did not look at me that way, this, this and that. And that they do, oh god does that sound sad negative, like they do. Um, it's like if you're, if you're ghetto you make a big old show. (E50_Non- Hood)

Those who do not identify as Hood often conflate Ghetto and Hood identities. This may be the motivation behind not wanting or feeling qualified enough to identify as Hood.

Those who do identify as Hood are more familiar with the distinctions between the two.

They offered another identity known as a Street identity.

If you ask other people who are from rougher neighborhoods and, you know, people that are, you know, into street life and stuff like that, who they classify hood stuff is something different. They're- they're not going to see that as the hood. That's not how they were brought up. That's not what they were raised around. That's not what they're thinking their definition of the hood is. (E4_Hood)

Street is a bit different. I'm from the hood, so I can, I, I'm, I've got some hood in

me. But street, I'm not a street nigga. I don't, I don't, uh, I don't sell dope and I

don't need to do all that kind of stuff. I don't, I don't need to be robbing people,

that's, that's, that's street. (E54_Hood)

Being Ghetto and Street is not the same as being Hood. Hood carries a certain type of pride of where you’re from rather than how you behave.

The hood, I think, hmm, is made of, a group of people. That all are very proud of

their culture… Pride is everything in the hood, or my hood where I grew up.

(E38_Hood)

To live a Street life and take on that identity means to take on a set of networking behaviors that manifest through illegal activities (Payne et al., 2009).

The exact reasons behind why someone does identify as Hood did not come up in this study. However, there were reasons presented as to why someone does not identify as

Hood. These are a result of direct responses, rather than the factor being their current residence, which was uncovered during multiple rounds of analyses.

The core reasons why people do not identify as Hood includes parent involvement, feeling little or no connectivity to the Hood identity by viewing it as unattractive or had outgrown it.

I probably just realized like that's not right, and being probably like that change of

people that I was going around, that I was like, oh no, I shouldn't be talking like

that. then I would see like other people that talked like that and I was like, do I

want to sound like that? (E15_Non-Hood)

I was kind of sheltered in terms of, you know, my mom made a really good point

or she made a point to really kind of expose me to things that weren't in [the

hood]. (E46_Non-Hood)

The deeper the parental involvement, the better the educational performance of children from the hood (Boyd, 1991).

Am I the 'hood? Like, no. Cause, you're not, you're not where you come from.

You know, it's just your circumstances… you can, you can outgrow where you

came from. (E22_Non-Hood)

I mean I tried that when I was like a kid like part of this culture and sub-culture.

But it's just wasn't who I was or who I am... But I think that's also the reason

perhaps uh, that sort of culture that we're discussing I never really gravitated

toward because my mom's culture would not allow it. (E47_Non-Hood)

The contrasting experiences of those that identify as Hood and those who do not identify as Hood expand into the workplace.

Act of Code – Switching in the Workplace

Code- switching is a behavioral strategy to counter negative stereotypes in a given environment by adjusting one’s appearance, speech, form of expression and overall behavior (McCluney et al., 2019). These findings reveal that those who claim the Hood identity experience the pressure to code-switch. Employees are unable to reach or reveal their full potential if they have to subdue their identities and assimilate, neglecting multiple parts of their authentic selves (McCluney et al., 2019). An individual first negotiates their authentic self during the initial stage of socialization which takes place once someone enters an organization (Reichers, 1987). Socialization puts the onus on the newcomer to take on the organizational norms to gain membership (Ashforth et al.,

2007). Beyond that there is a process of identity construction that involves experimenting with various strategies to create an identity that is credible to the workplace environment

(Ibarra, 1999). There are many selves in one individual, so it is ineffective to try and express them all in one role (Ibarra, 2015). However, suppressing an identity that is predominantly expressed is exhausting. A Hood identity informs other core identities like social class and race. It is related to behaviors, personality traits and beliefs. Essentially, code-switching is stressful as it requires an entrance into the mainstream, performance in the mainstream and an exit out of the mainstream (Cross et al., 2017). Prolonged job stress leads to burnout (Maslach, 2006). Employee burnout negatively impacts an

organization causing low-quality work, low organizational commitment, conflict among colleagues and job dissatisfaction (Maslach, 2006).

If you identify as Hood you are most likely to engage in code-switching in the workplace. Those who identify as Hood are living a dual life by balancing different personas to avoid being stereotyped. This involves changing their vocabulary and becoming more mindful about what they say in front of employers and co-workers. Code- switching proved to be exhausting and strenuous making the job difficult to do.

Unfortunately, it becomes natural occurring seamlessly over time. People who do not identify as Hood are less likely to engage in code-switching in the workplace. They are more comfortable being themselves and do not feel the need to engage in such an extreme switch at work.

The pressure to engage in code-switching for those who identify as Hood are heavily attributed to fear of discrimination towards that identity in the workplace. They constantly stifle their identity so as not to appear unprofessional or ‘too hood’.

Participants feel that if their Hood identity is expressed they will be respected less, face stereotypes, judged and encouraged to assimilate. Table 2 shows the gap of accounts of discrimination experienced by those who identify as Hood and those who do not.

I think deep down I do [consider myself hood], but I think in the line of work that

I'm in, again I kind of have to stifle that, so I don't, I don't think anyone really

knows that about me in my workplace. (E9_Hood)

Especially when it comes to the work place, like I don't want to go to work and have someone think that I am not professional. I don't know if that makes sense. I do care what people- I normally don't care what anyone else thinks of me, but I do care how people at work like put me in just because like I don't want like them to think that I'm, you know, unprofessional or anything like that. (E25_Hood)

And then at work, like everybody's kind of like, "Oh, you know," they kind of

played into like, "Oh, she's from this area, she's from the hood, she's probably this

and that and the other." It's like, I can be, you know, but it's not like I wanna be.

(E43_Hood)

At work is when I'm really, uh, cognizant of the way I speak. Even to the point where I can't, I forget words just because I'm trying, especially if somebody's well-spoken. I'm, like I want to make sure that I speak correctly… I just speak because no one's judging me, but I know there, I'm always getting judged. (E54_Hood)

There were participants who identified as Hood that did not have to engage in code- switching and there were participants that did not identify as Hood that had to engage in code-switching. This was dependent on their occupation and race.

Occupation

The occupations of all participants were recorded. They were split into job positions that were either independent contractor/entrepreneur/entry-level or managerial/high-level of experience required. The majority of those who identified as

Hood fell into the first category with 21 of 25 reporting in this group. It was a more even divide between the 2 occupation groups with those who did not identify as Hood. They

were also more than twice as likely to hold managerial positions requiring a high-level of experience than those who did identify as Hood. A reason for this could be that employers looking to fill these types of positions seek people who appear to be intelligent and well-spoken (Wilson, 1996) which doesn’t align with the perception of Hood culture.

All 6 of the participants that identified as hood, who did not engage in code-switching, held job positions in the independent contractor/entrepreneur/entry-level category. The pressure to assimilate and code-switch wasn’t present. Being an independent contractor or entrepreneur offers the freedom of choice of environment and clientele. Entry-level jobs may not endure as much scrutiny or pressure from employers as much as managerial positions.

The work environment itself also affected whether someone felt the need to engage in code-switching or not. Work environments were considered to be either standard or familial. Standard referring to an environment that is described as mostly professional with employees strongly motivated by advancement. Familial environments are ones in which the employees feel a bond with one another similar to a family and focus on upholding and strengthening those bonds. There was a parallel trend here as there was for their occupations. Those who identified as Hood reported that their environment was mostly standard with 19 of 25 confirming this. Participants that did not identify as Hood were again more evenly split among both environments. However, 11 participants who did not identify as Hood found the environment to be familial versus 6 people who identified as Hood. Those who identified as Hood that did not engage in code-switching and were in entry-level positions felt their work environment was familial. Those same participants had been in that company for 8 plus years. The amount

of time an employee was at a job decreased their need to engage in code-switching by increasing comfortability. The type of job, work environment and time spent with a company allows those who identify as Hood to bypass the pressures to engage in code- switching in the workplace.

Occupation was a stronger moderator for those who identified as Hood in regards to code-switching but there was a finding that was inclusive of both identity groups. At the time of the interviews, participants were employed at their current job for an average of 5 years. This exceeds the millennial tenure average by 3 years with 49% of millennials claiming they would quit their current job within 2 years (Deloitte Millennial Survey,

2019). There was also a total of 10 participants, out of 56, that had held their job for 10+ years. A reason for this can be that those who come from the lower social classes seek the stability of employment and belonging seeing work as a home (Shorris, 198; pg. 151).

Loyalty in an organization reduces turnover (Moynihan & Landuyt, 2008). Having some experience with the hood without claiming the identity still affected their loyalty to their job.

Race

Race and code-switching are heavily intertwined, if not directly linked (Young,

2009). It wasn’t as evident in the data that race had a strong impact because of the small number of White people that participated. The assumption is that White people do not have to engage in code-switching. Of the 6 White participants, 3 reported that they engage in code-switching in the workplace. Out of the 3 participants, 2 identify as Hood and 1 does

not identify as Hood. This 1 participant self-identified as White for demographic purposes but identified as Asian-American during the interview.

I hung out with people that I felt probably were um, you know, more that I could identify with and you know because of a lot of my closer friends being Asian- Americans, Indian-Americans, Chinese-Americans. I leaned more towards that, and even now just I feel like that's kind of a majority of my closer friends. Um, I identify you know with being Asian-American so, yeah. (E32_Non-Hood)

This could be a reason why they experience code-switching in the workplace even though they are phenotypically White. Not viewing themselves as culturally White brings the pressure of assimilating into the majority. The 2 participants identifying as Hood could be experiencing cross- cultural code-switching because they identify as Hood. Cross- cultural code-switching is the act of modifying one’s behavior to accommodate different cultural norms (Molinsky, 2007). This dissertation suggests that this is the reason why those who identify as Hood engage in code-switching at work. Their culture is not considered the appropriate culture for the workplace.

Table 2 demonstrates that those who are non-White that identified as hood had to engage in code-switching disproportionately than those who did not identify as Hood. This supports the connection between race and code-switching. Even though those of color may not identify as Hood, they still have the pressure to engage in code-switching because they are a minority in the workplace.

Observations

The results of Study 2 were integrated into the findings of Study 1. Though, there were some notable findings that occurred during the observations. Everyone that participated in the observations identified as hood. Of the 6 participants, 4 were eager to

take the researcher on a tour of the hood (1 did not have means of transportation). This meant driving around what they considered hood areas including, apartments, parks, neighborhood stores and memorials of friends that had been murdered. It wasn’t exactly a day in their life but rather a summary of what their life had been up to this point. The researcher was treated more like a host than an observer.

None of the participants in Study 2 lived on their own. They all resided with family members. During observations some participants were running errands or doing favors for their families. The researcher was also introduced to some families. If it wasn’t

evident by actions participants verbally expressed the importance of family, especially their mothers.

Physically seeing the hood and feeling the presence of family values were the two biggest takeaways from the observations. It helped to shape the definitions of the hood while considering the people who are living in it every day. Conducting observations was critical in fully understanding Hood culture and Hood identity. It provided a more informal, comfortable setting for authentic conversation.

Analysis of Reflections

There were 3 sets of reflections written in relation to this study: interview, observation and personal. These reflections can be considered ‘field notes.’ The purpose of recording field notes is to enrich reflexivity of the researcher (Emerson et al.,2011).

There were 7 interview reflections written about Study 1. They were helpful in keeping track of the researcher’s thoughts particular to the interview process. They highlighted the varying energy and emotions felt while conducting the interviews.

Some meetings have gone on longer than expected because we end up catching up on life. I feel like the fact that it is me doing the interviews makes a difference. Several people have mentioned my popularity status during high school. Some are surprised that I even remember them. To be honest, there are those that I really don’t know! I’ve had to act like I do have memories of them to avoid making it awkward and offending anyone. I never thought those who weren’t that close to me back then would be willing to help out. It’s teaching me a lot in regards to how impactful you can be and not even know it. It has made me much more aware when interacting with people. (IR_2)

My intention was to reflect after each interview but I was way too drained to accomplish this. Not just energy but space to really reflect on those moments. The first thing I want to do after the interview is decompress. The feelings I get from them can be so heavy that I can’t fathom to deal with it once the interview is over. I want to get away from those thoughts ASAP. I need time to understand why I am feeling the way I am and what it all means to my well-being and future of the study along with what I can do to help them. I leave the interviews feeling guilty, upset, and saddened that there’s nothing I can immediately do to further help them reach their full potential. I don’t care that the study somewhat suffers from not collecting those immediate reflections but my mental health is priority. I must stay above water to close this thing out. (IR_6)

Most interviews lasted 1 hour or more. If I knew them and hung out with them in high school then, it most likely went on much longer. I think it was more exhausting than if I had been doing the interviews with complete strangers. Every word I spoke held a little more weight and accountability because these people held a particular view of me. Overall, in some aspects it moved along better than I expected and in others it fell short. I was filled surprised by the people who did decide to help and disappointed in those who didn’t. But eh, it went how it was meant to. I really have no real complaints. (IR_7)

The interview reflections also revealed doubt and persistence about recruiting.

Recruitment also has to change. I went to the club this past weekend to get in front of a few potential participants because they had ignored my FB messages. That is my main source of recruitment but most people don’t use it or check it as often. Also, not everyone has one so it’s been difficult to reach those people. (IR_1)

I noticed that there is a missing a population of Somalians/Muslims. I have no

connections with them through any source. But they represented a huge part of

our school. I’m not sure how to approach this. (IR_3)

Altogether, the interviews are rich but I wonder if it’s enough. (IR_5)

I’m just hoping that what I did this summer is enough to start defining Hood

culture. It’s hard to tell when I compare it to what I expected at the beginning but

I’ll know once I start writing it up. I have 2-3 more interviews lined up. (IR_6)

The researcher was able to refer back to what was working and what wasn’t working surrounding the interviews. It was also an opportunity to monitor their emotions and reassess their motivation to keep pushing forward.

For Study 2 there were 7 observation reflections including an overall reflection of the observations. They were in addition to the observation notes for each meeting. Before beginning the study, there was doubt as to whether the participants were going to be able to articulate and communicate their feelings and perspectives.

Unfortunately, this was evidence of the researcher falling into the exact negative stereotypes they were trying to dispel. The observations helped to reiterate the hidden contributions and knowledge that those who identify as Hood can offer.

To be honest, before I started this I thought that those in the hood weren’t going

to be able to articulate their experience because of lack of education. But I was

completely wrong and fell victim to the negative stereotypes told about us, to us.

(OR_0)

They are very observant and pick up quickly on reading people – I feel like they

know me differently, better than those I’ve met years later even though it’s been

so long since we’ve connected. If they weren’t a friend before they felt like they

were after the observation. (OR_0)

100

The observations brought back memories and trauma to the researcher who had grown up in the hood, which had them questioning their own identity and the hood environment.

Before the observation:

I’m feeling a sense of nervousness going into this observation that I haven’t felt at all this summer ... I’m entering a hood I’m not too familiar with ... it’s still San Diego but not the city heights area ... I’m thinking things like “don’t let them get behind you, know your exits, fight ‘til you can’t” ... this is what I wanted and expected to get around more coming into the summer ... but I feel uneasy ... it’s just 4 hours however it’s like 24 hood hours … how hood am I? We bout to find out. (OR_0)

After the observation:

I was overreacting and it was a relatively normal observation. I didn’t feel

threatened at any point in time. But this goes to show that I still hold paranoia and

trauma from my experiences in the hood. (OR_0)

This proves how easily someone can wrongfully judge and hold biases towards the hood regardless of their level of exposure and experience with it. It could be argued that the fear was warranted because of past experiences but there was nothing to indicate that they were entering a dangerous situation except that it was an unfamiliar place to the researcher. Those who are entering unfamiliar places known to be hood should not react in fear but out of curiosity. An open-mind is necessary to learn about the hood and those in it.

Although the findings were integrated into Study 1, the observations in Study 2 allowed for individuals who identify as Hood to be seen in a positive light. The participants were extremely hopeful, compassionate and empathetic towards the researcher and what they were trying to achieve.

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There is a lot of hope in the hood. They seem to have heavy expectations set on

themselves despite the obstacles that await. (OR_0)

They seemed concerned that I wasn’t getting what I was looking for out of the

study. (OR_0)

These reflections (aside from the overall reflection above) were structured starting with a list of themes, possible questions that came up as a result of the observation, identifying main information received (or failed to received) and recounting anything that was salient or interesting that struck the researcher. The last point was the most valuable content to come out of these reflections.

Reflections for observations were helpful in looking at each event in different ways. Since the notes were taken by the researcher, there was an opportunity to compare the reflections and notes. The reflections were pure opinion and the notes were based in

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fact. It was reassuring that there was a distinction between both. The idea behind this was to create a scenario where one situation can be analyzed through two different lenses, researcher and participant.

Personal reflections were recorded throughout the study, as well. There were 6 reflections with the last one representing an overall reflection. These echoed how the researcher was feeling as a person experiencing the difficulties of this dissertation because they were part of the population.

There was a sense of nervousness and pride before even data collection even began.

Don’t get it twisted, I’m beyond grateful for the opportunity but I couldn’t (and can’t) act like I’m not bothered by the lack of acknowledgment and appreciation for Hood culture in academia. Sociology has its fair share of references but not in the voice that the hood needs. We have something that the rest of society needs: the truth. We can see things that the privileged are blind to and I’m ready to force them into their sight. My confidence in what I have to do is set but my confidence in regards to how I’ll be received back home is shaky. (PR_1)

Getting acclimated to the change of scenery was a journey of its own. Living arrangements were unable to be set before arriving in the city, so the first few days were spent in a hotel.

As with any phase of transition or change, the first few days were the most difficult. I felt trapped within these new physical confines. I had regressed and found my freedom minimizing. Staying at those hotels with nowhere to go brought me back to the days when I lived with my birthfather in these establishments (actually motels). Waking up and getting ready for school was such a joy that was quickly extinguished when the last bell rang. I spent the first day walking around downtown. I walked the same streets I slept on over a decade prior. I felt guilty. I still do. Why do I deserve to now walk these streets knowing I have something to live for, to strive for and they don’t? Things have changed but the poor hasn’t. (PR_2)

There were moments of motivation and reminders of why the studies were happening in the first place.

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If we don’t look out for each other, no one will. There are days when this calling is just too heavy and there are days when I know why I’ve been chosen to do it. None easier than the next. To be able to be fully invested, I need to take the hardships with the rewards. My biggest sacrifices are yet to come. I can’t wait until my future reveals itself. I’m confident through this journey that it will. I can’t lose hope. This is the only thing I have truly believed in with all of my being. (PR_3)

But there were also moments of doubt.

I almost lost me here. But I caught myself, just barely. It’s exhilarating to feel the

fall again but I’m not succumbing to it this time. (PR_4)

Regardless of the inner-battles, the researcher was able to view themselves as a researcher and assert that position.

The data collection has been taxing on my energy and head space but I kind of got a hold of it. I’m not becoming as emotionally affected by it as I was in the beginning. I’m moving through interviews more fluidly. At first, I would be weighed down with the interactions but now I am uplifted in a way. It’s not my pain to take on but rather my pain to alleviate. I can’t wait to get the findings together and start building this theory of Hood culture and its presence in organizations. I’ve talked to the right people and I have to trust in that. (PR_5)

All of the reflections were done with an intent to genuinely document what was taking place alongside the data collection to create a comprehensive experience of studying the hood as someone from the hood.

Member Checks

Conducting member checks is a way of assessing the trustworthiness of qualitative data and challenging the biases of the researcher (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

There have been some critiques of member checks. Thomas (2017) found no evidence of member checks improving the research quality of theory development and little justification for accurate representation of perspectives. However, this was not the case

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with this study. Strategies such as anticipating potential barriers, conveying the data analysis process with transparency and reconstructing data collection memories and being open to change were implemented to enhance credibility (Kornbluh, 2015). The researcher made it clear that they did not have all the answers and expertise in this area with the intention of assuring the participants that there was no power structure. Time was put aside to explain to each participant what the analysis process would be and this was reiterated during the follow up. Memories of the interviews and observations were brought up and readdressed to add value to the member checks. The researcher was open to change by integrating the feedback received from the participants. Out of the 56 participants that were contacted for feedback on the findings, 24 responded and engaged in the member checks.

Overall, the participants resonated with the findings even though there were times when their personal experience wasn’t reflected (Hood vs non-Hood) they were able to substantiate the other groups’ perspectives given their knowledge of the hood. When relaying definitions, they encouraged refinement of the meanings. For example, my original definition of Hood culture did not specify the struggles as financial. They felt it was critical to separate that from other struggles. They also offered more clarification on ghetto vs hood and hood vs poor. This was extremely helpful in wording those distinctions. Validation of their voice being represented accurately was crucial because they are a marginalized population.

The member checks weren’t just for the quality of the research but also the integrity of it. During the data collection process there was a sense of abandonment the participants felt would happen once it ended. They were eager to know how long the

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analysis would take and what would become of everything they shared. The participants had an uneasy feeling that they did not want to be taken advantage of. The researcher owed it to them to keep them updated and reiterate their importance in the success of the study.

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CHAPTER 5

DISCUSSION

The most significant contribution of these studies lies in the positives/advantages

(as part of the definition of Hood culture and Hood identity) that those from the hood, especially those who identify as Hood offer. The positives/advantages include elevated levels of empathy, adaptability, relatability, resiliency, compassion, self-confidence and street smarts (vigilance, awareness, intuition). Someone does not have to identify as

Hood to demonstrate these attributes but they have to have experienced the hood.

Someone who identifies as hood more closely exhibits these characteristics as they fully embrace the culture. Although the positives/advantages were the most impactful findings of this study, the pressure to engage in code-switching by those who identify as Hood was also a major finding. It is in the interest of the organization to reduce the need for their employees from the hood to engage in code-switching.

Hoodology is also introduced in this dissertation through Hood culture and Hood identity. It validates the existence and importance of hoodology not only in organizations, but in academia, by separating it from studies about ghetto culture. Similarities and differences between hood and ghetto were established. Hoodology now has a space to flourish in its own realm. This space includes all disciplines of study. As long as the hood population is involved as the main unit of study, it falls under hoodology. This dissertation has offered researchers and practitioners a renewed interest in a population that was assumed to be irrelevant to the advancement of our society.

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Managerial & Organizational Implications

This dissertation is an initial examination of hoodology through Hood culture and

Hood identity. This research serves as a starting point towards conversations about presenting Hood culture in a positive light. Overall, it encourages organizations to absorb these findings to enhance their ability to cultivate a stronger employee-employer relationship that increases employee loyalty and dedication to the organization.

The definitions offer a new perspective for managers to assist them in fostering effective communication with those from the hood. The positives/advantages that were found strongly contribute to management practices through emotional intelligence as emotional competencies. Emotional intelligence provides organizations with a competitive advantage by enhancing leadership’s capability to execute strategic change

(Dulewicz & Higgs, 2003; Voola et al., 2004). These findings suggest that those from the hood can serve as productive leaders given that they are likely to obtain emotional competencies as someone who is a member of Hood culture. It is widely known that emotional intelligence affects work performance but this dissertation introduces a population that hasn’t been considered in past studies.

Organizations have yet to see the importance of adopting social class, along with its identities and cultures, as part of their responsibility because it is unclear how to handle an inequality that is not distinctly defined. If management and organizations can create an environment where all its members can socially interact effectively, then job satisfaction will increase which will facilitate stronger employer-employee relationships. Tett and

Meyer (1993), show that satisfaction negatively contributes to turnover intention and cognitive withdrawal. Educating management and society, as a whole, will encourage an

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increase in employment for the poor, employee satisfaction, and ultimately a lower turnover and higher profit for the organization. Low organizational commitment negatively effects organizational performance responsible for higher turnover (Kushman, 1992).

Cultural competence (Cross et, al., 1989), cultural intelligence (Triandis, 2006) and cultural acceptance is basically the ability to successfully interact, understand and communicate with people of cultures other than your own. A person with high cultural intelligence is able to persevere within a new cultural setting compared to someone with low cultural intelligence (Earley & Mosakowski, 2004). In addition to suspending judgment and paying attention to situations, the culturally intelligent individual also has the ability to identify the information that is relevant for making a judgment and can integrate this information to make the correct judgment (Triandis, 2006). Culturally intelligent management can better assess certain situations within the hierarchy that promotes more effective employee placement. Particularly, for management positions

Martin et al., (2016) concludes that there may be less narcissistic leaders coming from low- income backgrounds than leaders who grew up with parents who had a high income.

Narcissistic leaders lack empathy that can result in self-centered decisions ignoring advice and guidance that conflict with their views (Rosenthal & Pittinsky, 2006).

Most studies in management centralize on restructuring the culture of poverty and place the responsibility on those in poverty to change their way of life to better fit into society (Geary, 2017). A decrease in joblessness will increase social order for those in poverty and improve their overall quality of life prompting them to then contribute to society (Wilson, 2011). One of the biggest differences management and organizations can make for society is reducing poverty by creating more opportunities to provide people’s

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source of living (Neal, 2017). Essentially, every household requires an income to cover expenses directly related to survival. Employers are heavily in control of whether or not someone will earn a paycheck. The notion of professionalism is enforced from a top down approach by management (Evetts, 2011). Since management is primarily from the upper social class cultures, they will default to what they perceive as acceptable to their culture.

Rejection and other challenges of poverty create a feeling of worthlessness leading to a lack of interest, commitment and proactiveness at the job (Shipler, 2004).

Even though management research has revealed that those part of the lower social class express higher levels of pro-social behavior towards others (Piff et al., 2010), there is little follow-up to translate such valuable knowledge into a successful organizational practice and commitment. One way an organization can elicit and increase organizational commitment is to practice perceived organizational support (POS) (Eisenberger et, al.,

2001). POS is influenced by the treatment of an employee and implemented by the organization to encourage reciprocity in an employee-employer relationship (Eisenberger et, al., 1986). By understanding those who come from Hood culture or identify as Hood, the organization is better able to strengthen their relationships with their employees and enhance organizational commitment.

The outcomes of this dissertation indicate that employees who identify as Hood are feeling pressured to code-switch at work. When employees are forced to code-switch, there is an added layer of exhaustion and energy that interfere with productivity and profit. It is not possible for an organization to reap the benefits of the skills and talents from the hood population because they are hindered by the pressure to engage in code- switching.

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To counter this, management and organizations will need to view Hood culture as an aspect of diversity and inclusion and apply it as such. This is a topic of diversity and inclusion categorized under social class, along with an intersectionality with race. Even though social class research has been explored in organizations, including poverty, every subculture of the lower classes has not been confronted. The macro-level approach to those from poorer backgrounds has been the main interest of organizations rather than the micro-level approach that more effectively addresses social stratification (Pitesa &

Pillutla, 2019). Diversity and inclusion research has not focused on the hood as a subculture of the lower social class specific to organizations. This dissertation aims to educate top-level management and organizations at large to argue that the adoption of hoodology into their inclusive practices and strategies is in their best interest. Making a deliberate effort to integrate the Hood population into organizations is necessary to achieve full inclusivity. Responsiveness needs to be put towards monitoring and dissolving practices that mistreat and discourage those who hold lower social class identities from approaching or staying in an organization, especially those identifying with Hood culture.

Understanding Hood culture and its origination is the first step to achieving a bond of respect and trust amongst members within an organization. This dissertation suggests that management take responsibility in not only reevaluating their recruiting and hiring processes but also easing the transition and retention for those who identify as

Hood by redefining what type of culture is acceptable and valued. Management literature hasn’t given adequate attention to Hood culture and its accompanying identity even though there is presence of this culture within their organizations. The intention of this

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dissertation is to accurately, positively and properly introduce Hood culture into organizations.

Challenges & Limitations

The biggest challenge was faced assessing researcher reflexivity. Understanding how to manage the researcher role was especially difficult given that the researcher was also part of the population being researched. However, the researcher was able to gain unique access because of this. It allowed for a raw connection with the participants, but it was strenuous to reflect and relive past experiences. Similar to most studies, challenges arose in the recruitment and scheduling process, especially with the observations. The observations also posed a time limitation. More time, possibly over a span of multiple days, will yield stronger claims of the participant’s daily life. Residents and past residents of a hood in San Diego, California were the main focus, therefore, results may be specific to that region. The number of White people in the sample was another limitation to the study. It was difficult to draw conclusions from the perspective of the White population because there were too few to assess. Their perspective weighs heavier than other ethnic groups because they represent the majority in America. The high school at the time of attendance also had a large population of Somalians and Muslims but the researcher was unable to tap into that population. They were not accessible on Facebook and there were no personal connections that led to their recruitment. This may have altered the responses by adding a different perspective on what it means to experience Hood culture. The studies were not longitudinal. The data did not show the process of constructing a Hood identity or rejecting one. Despite the limitations, these studies were the first to explore hoodology in management and possibly in academia.

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Future Research

Even though saturation was reached, a larger study is recommended to ensure that all aspects of the hood are considered. A study done in another city and state is also recommended to validate or expand the findings of these studies. Findings specific to girls and women in the hood did not come up in these studies. There still needs to be research conducted that highlights their perspectives and experiences in the hood. Since the focus is on organizations, the perspective of the employers and management should be considered. Initially, there was a Study 3 as part of this dissertation that involved interviews with employers of the participants. However, it proved to be a challenge to complete this due to access and time. Management researchers should continue to look at how Hood culture and those who identify as Hood can reach their full potential and increase contributions in the workplace. The act of code-switching was touched upon in these studies but not fully dissected. There wasn’t enough evidence to claim that a participant’s Hood identity, or race, were the only factors that caused them to engage in code-switching in the workplace. There can be other reasons such as belonging to the

LGBTQIA community. The concept of ‘covering’ is when members of that community downplay certain parts of their identity to minimize discrimination (Yoshino, 2007).

Conducting a study that focuses on Hood identity and code-switching can offer a more thorough understanding of their correlation. Further exploration of the socialization of those from the hood into the workplace can be connected to organizational citizenship behaviors within organizations, advancing the positive contributions from the hood population.

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Researchers are encouraged to explore hoodology as it applies to different areas of study, not just management. This is also a call for ghettologists to shift their focus to highlighting the positives people who identify as Ghetto have to offer. There may be alternative attributes than those who identify as Hood or they may be the same. In either case, an increase in positive social structure is encouraged. Additionally, this is a refreshing topic to insert into the diversity and inclusion literature.

In conclusion, one of the researcher’s personal reflections below emblematizes the core findings of this dissertation, that Hood culture and identity may be associated not only with stereotypically negative characteristics but also with positive and authentic characteristics that have the potential to engender individual and organizational transformation.

Growing up in the hoods of San Diego was many things. An experience that offered life through tinted glasses. It was a gift and a curse to be raised in city poverty. I saw life in its most candid form due to death ever-present. When I was going through it, the severity of my situation wasn’t as evident as when I left the hood. It hit me hard. I couldn’t understand what I had done in a time before to deserve this level of struggle and desperation. I felt bad for that little girl whose innocence was ripped from her so early. Then…. my view changed. Self -pity turned into pride when I was accepted into my PhD program. (PR_1)

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APPENDIX

Study 1 – Interview Questions

Employment

1. Can you please describe your current job position?

a. Provide brief description of company.

b. How long have you been at this company?

c. What are your responsibilities?

d. Who do you report to? How often?

e. How many co-workers do you interact with on a daily basis?

2. Can you please describe the culture of the workplace?

a. Describe relationships with co-workers.

b. Describe relationships with management.

c. What is the dress code?

d. What is the dominant social class in the workplace?

3. Can you give me an example of how you speak with your managers, co-workers

and clients/customers?

a. What words do you often use?

b. What tone do you often use?

4. What is the difference between how you speak and dress at work compared to at

home?

a. Do you feel there needs to be a difference in the way you present yourself

at home and at work? Why or why not?

b. How are you affected by the shift?

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Hood culture

5. How familiar are you with the hood?

6. What does ‘being Hood’ mean?

7. Do you identify as Hood? *Study 2 qualifying question*

If yes:

8. How do you balance your Hood identity with your professional identity?

a. What are the challenges you face?

b. What disadvantages in the workplace do you have coming from the hood?

c. What advantages in the workplace do you have coming from the hood?

9. What does it mean to be Hood?

a. Describe positives of the hood.

b. Describe negatives of the hood.

If no:

10. Did you ever identify with ‘being Hood’?

a. Why or why not?

i. If yes, when did that stop? Why?

ii. If no, why? And how did you identify during high school?

11. What does Hood mean?

a. Describe positives of the hood.

b. Describe negatives of the hood.

Both:

12. What are your future career plans?

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a. What do you feel it will take to get there?

13. Is there anything that I missed about your job in relation to your identity that you

would like to add?

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Study 2 – Observation Topics

Hood Culture in Real-Time

1. Can you describe the situation taking place at this moment?

a. Who is involved?

b. What is the time of day?

c. What does physical location look like?

2. Why did you feel, right now, we are experiencing Hood culture?

3. What does this tell us about Hood culture?

4. How do you relate to this situation?

a. What is your role?

Background Information – During Discussion

5. How long have you lived where you live now?

6. Describe your neighborhood.

7. How many hoods are in vicinity of where you live?

8. Do you feel you currently live in the hood?

If yes:

a. Do you ever feel as if you want to leave the hood? If so, why?

b. What do you like most about being from/living in the hood?

c. What would you change about being from/living in the hood?

If no:

d. How does your current residence compare to the hood?

e. What are the negatives of living in the hood?

f. What are the positives of living in the hood?

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9. Describe a typical day in your life.

10. What do you value most?

Hood Culture and its Role in Society

11. What comes to mind when I mention the hood?

12. Who lives in the hood?

a. Which race and ethnicities occupy the hood?

b. What is the average age of people in the hood?

13. What are negative stereotypes that surround hood?

14. What are positive stereotypes that surround hood?

15. What is the difference between hood and ghetto?

16. Is everyone that lives in the hood, identify as Hood?

a. Why or why not?

17. Describe a person from the hood.

18. What are different identities that exist in the hood?

a. What identity do you more closely relate to?

b. What is the role of women in the hood?

i. Describe what is expected of women in the hood.

ii. What are stereotypes of women in the hood?

19. What habits are gained from the hood?

20. What lessons/skills are gained from the hood?

21. Is there anything that I missed about the hood or its identities that you would like

to add?

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