AMERICAN JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY

THE JOURNAL OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA

Volume 106 • No. 2 April 2002 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA 2002

OFFICERS Nancy C. Wilkie, President Jane C. Waldbaum, First Vice President Ricardo J. Elia, Vice President for Professional Responsibilities Naomi J. Norman, Vice President for Publications Cameron Jean Walker, Vice President for Societies Jeffrey A. Lamia, Treasurer Hector Williams, President, AIA Canada

HONORARY PRESIDENTS Frederick R. Matson, Robert H. Dyson, Jr., Machteld J. Mellink, James R. Wiseman, Martha Sharp Joukowsky, James Russell

GOVERNING BOARD Karen Alexander Dorinda J. Oliver Elizabeth Bartman Kathleen A. Pavelko Mary Beth Buck Alice S. Riginos Eric H. Cline John J. Roche Michael Cosmopoulos Lucille Roussin Susan Downey Anne H. Salisbury Alfred Eisenpreis Joan Schiele Neathery Batsell Fuller Catherine Sease Kevin Glowacki John H. Stubbs James R. James, Jr. Kathryn A. Thomas Charles S. La Follette Barbara Tsakirgis Richard Leventhal Patty Jo Watson Jodi Magness Robyn M. Webby Carol C. Mattusch Michael Wiseman Francis P. McManamon Robyn Woodward Andrew M.T. Moore TRUSTEES EMERITI

Richard H. Howland Norma Kershaw

PAST PRESIDENT

Stephen L. Dyson

Jacqueline Rosenthal, Executive Director Leonard V. Quigley, of Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, General Counsel

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THE JOURNAL OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA

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Volume 106 • No. 2 April 2002

ARTICLES Robert D. Ballard, Lawrence E. Stager, Daniel Master, Dana Yoerger, David Mindell, Louis L. Whitcomb, Hanumant Singh, and Dennis Piechota: Iron Age Shipwrecks in Deep Water off Ashkelon, Israel 151 Tyler Bell, Andrew Wilson, and Andrew Wickham: Tracking the Samnites: Landscape and Communications Routes in the Sangro Valley, Italy 169 John K. Papadopoulos and Deborah Ruscillo: A Ketos in Early Athens: An Archaeology of Whales and Sea Monsters in the Greek World 187

NECROLOGY George F. Bass: Michael Lazare Katzev, 1939–2001 229

PROCEEDINGS The 103rd Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America 231

REVIEWS Review Articles Nancy T. de Grummond: Etruscan Mirrors Now 307 Jennifer P. Moore: Straight from the Bottle: Rural Life in Roman Africa 313

Book Reviews Huxley, ed., Cretan Quests: British Explorers, Excavators and Historians (G.C. Gesell) 316 Evans, Scholars, Scoundrels, and the Sphinx: A Photographic and Archaeological Adventure Up the Nile (D.J.I. Begg) 317 Schiffer, ed., Social Theory in Archaeology (J.C. Barrett) 317 Renfrew and Scarre, eds., Cognition and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Symbolic Storage (B.G. Trigger) 318 Hodder, ed., Towards Reflexive Method in Archaeology: The Example at Çatalhöyük (T.F. Strasser) 320 Bailey, ed., The Archaeology of Value: Essays on Prestige and the Process of Valuation (A.B. Knapp) 321 Clarke, ed., Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean in Antiquity: Proceedings of a Conference Held at the Humanities Research Centre in Canberra, 10–12 November, 1997 (D.W. Roller) 322 Hather, The Identification of the North European Woods: A Guide for Archaeologists and Conservators (K.B. Flint-Hamilton) 323 Martínez, Arte prehistórico en la península Ibérica (M. Díaz-Andreu) 324 Gut, Das prähistorische Nineve: Zur relativen Chronologie der frühen Perioden Nordmesopotamiens (G. Emberling) 325 MacGillivray, Driessen, and Sackett, eds., The Palaikastro Kouros: A Minoan Chryselephantine Statuette and Its Aegean Bronze Age Context (K.D.S. Lapatin) 326 Voutsaki and Killen, eds., Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States. Proceedings of a Conference held on 1–3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics, Cambridge (P. Thomas) 328 Brunet, ed., Territoires des cités grecques. Actes de la table ronde internationale organisée par l’École Française d’Athènes, 31 Octobre–3 Novembre 1991 (F. De Angelis) 329 Steiner, Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (J.J. Pollitt) 331 Tempesta, Le Raffigurazioni mitologiche sulla ceramica greco-orientale arcaica (T.H. Carpenter) 332 Lissarrague, Greek Vases: The Athenians and Their Images (N. Spivey) 334 Moreno, Apelle: La battaglia di Alessandro (R. Westgate) 335 Jeppesen, The Maussolleion at Halikarnassos. Reports of the Danish Archaeological Expedition to Bodrum. Vol. 4, The Quadrangle: The Foundations of the Maussolleion and Its Sepulchral Compartments (A.M. Carstens) 336 Mattusch, Brauer, and Knudsen, eds., From the Parts to the Whole. Vol. 1, Acta of the 13th International Bronze Congress, Held at Cambridge, Massachusetts, May 28–June 1, 1996 (M.B. Hollinshead) 337 Fischer-Bossert, Chronologie der Didrachmenprägung von Tarent (K. Sheedy) 338 Herfort-Koch, Mandel, and Schädler, eds., Hellenistische und kaiser- zeitliche Keramik des östlichen Mittelmeergebietes: Kolloquium Frankfurt 24.25. April 1995 (R. Rosenthal-Heginbottom) 340 de Waele, D’Agostino, Lulof, Scatozza Höricht, and Cantilena, Il tempio dorico del Foro Triangolare di Pompei (L. Richardson, jr) 341 Bomgardner, The Story of the Roman Amphitheater (A. Futrell) 342 Junkelmann, Das Spiel mit dem Tod: So kämpften Roms Gladiatoren (S.M. Cerutti) 343 Wilson Jones, Principles of Roman Architecture (J.E. Packer) 344 Fischer, Gichon, and Tal,
En Boqeq: Excavations in an Oasis on the Dead Sea. Vol. 2, The Officina, An Early Roman Building on the Dead Sea Shore (J. Magness) 346 Wacher, A Portrait of Roman Britain (R.S.O. Tomlin) 347 Freeman, Ireland and the Classical World (B. Cunliffe) 348

BOOKS RECEIVED 349 Iron Age Shipwrecks in Deep Water off Ashkelon, Israel

ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, DANIEL MASTER, DANA YOERGER, DAVID MINDELL, LOUIS L. WHITCOMB, HANUMANT SINGH, AND DENNIS PIECHOTA

Abstract rine, a thorough inspection of the three ancient In 1997, two shipwrecks were first discovered in the shipwrecks was not conducted. A preliminary anal- Mediterranean Sea west of Israel by the U.S. Navy’s re- ysis of the black and white videotapes obtained while search Submarine NR-1. Further investigation in 1999 cruising high above the sites, however, did reveal with the remotely operated vehicle system Medea/Jason found the wrecks to be from the eighth century B.C., some wreckage including, in two instances, large the earliest known shipwrecks to be found in the deep accumulations of stacked amphoras. Subsequent sea. Both ships appear to be of Phoenician origin, laden examination of those videotapes by archaeologists with cargoes of fine wine destined for either Egypt or suggested that two of the shipwrecks might date Carthage, when they were lost in a storm on the high from the Iron Age and, for that reason, merited seas. The ships lie upright on the seafloor at a depth of 400 m in a depression formed by the scour of bottom further investigation. currents. Their discovery suggests that ancient mariners took direct routes to their destinations even if it meant 1999 expedition traveling beyond sight of land.* In 1999, a follow-up expedition was conducted in the area in hopes of relocating the two amphora During the summer of 1997, the U.S. nuclear wreck sites to determine their exact age and ori- research submarine NR-1 participated in a major gin. The support vessel for this effort was the North- deepwater archaeology program in the Straits of ern Horizon, a converted British deep-sea trawler. This Sicily north of Skerki Bank.1 Following that expedi- vessel is equipped with a dynamic positioning sys- tion, the submarine moved to the eastern Mediter- tem, and it was previously used by the authors and ranean where it conducted a search effort for the collaborators to survey the remains of the British Israeli Navy in hopes of finding the Dakar, an Israe- luxury liner Lusitania.2 li diesel submarine lost in the 1960s. Although this The primary goals of the archaeological research search effort for the Dakar was not successful, the were to survey, plan, and photograph the two oldest NR-1’s large area search sonar did succeed in find- shipwrecks, the Tanit and the Elissa. The next goal ing three smaller shipwrecks in the area off Egypt was to collect samples of artifacts and other rele- and the Gaza Strip, 33 nautical miles offshore and vant material from their cargoes, while, at the same in 400 m of water (fig. 1). Since the submarine’s time, disturbing as little as possible of their remains primary mission was to locate a lost Israeli subma- in order to obtain the following information: (1)

* The authors wish to thank the Office of Naval Research, Project was made up of terrestrial archaeologists from the pro- Leon Levy and Shelby White, the Leon Levy Expedition to fessional staff of the Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon: Cathe- Ashkelon, and the National Geographic Society for their spon- rine Beckerleg, Susan Cohen, Daniel Master, and Michael sorship of the Ashkelon Deep-Sea Project in 1999. We also wish Press, all doctoral candidates (in 1999) in the Department of to thank the captains and crews of the NR-1 and SSV Carolyn Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at Harvard Universi- Chouest for locating the two shipwreck sites in 1997. Apprecia- ty. In addition, the team included veteran maritime archaeol- tion to the captain and crew of the Northern Horizon for their ogist Shelley Wachsmann, professor in the Institute for Nauti- assistance in the 1999 expedition as well as the Deep Submer- cal Archaeology at Texas A&M University, and Lawrence E. gence Laboratory of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institu- Stager, Dorot Professor of the Archaeology of Israel and direc- tion and the various teams from other research institutions that tor of the expedition’s deep-sea archaeology team. participated in the 1999 field program. Thanks also to Kristen 1 Ballard 1985, 1998; Ballard et al. 2000; McCann and Freed Vagliardo, who provided invaluable assistance in preparing the 1994. manuscript. 2 Ballard and Dunmore 1995. The archaeological component of the Ashkelon Deep-Sea

151 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 151–68 152 ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 1. Topographic map of the eastern Mediterranean from Egypt to Lebanon showing the research area. Contours in meters. the size and date of the shipwrecks, (2) the nature equipped with advanced robotics and control tech- and origin(s) of the cargoes, (3) the home port of the nology ideally suited for deepwater archaeological crew, (4) their intended route and destination(s), programs.4 (5) the cause of the shipwrecks, and (6) the relation- Once the Northern Horizon reached the search ship of the ships and their cargoes to the economic area, the DSL-120 was deployed. A systematic series networks of the Mediterranean. After several days of survey lines was conducted, revealing the loca- of research on each shipwreck, first Tanit and then tion of several possible acoustic targets. These tar- Elissa, the archaeological team was satisfied that it gets had the same size and signature of the sus- had gathered sufficient data to meet most of its re- pected shipwrecks although they were not located search goals. at the reported positions given by the NR-1. The DSL-120 was then recovered and the Medea/ Remote Sensing Methods Jason was deployed to inspect two possible targets. Aboard the Northern Horizon was the Medea/Jason Upon reaching the bottom, the Jason vehicle locat- remotely operated vehicle system and the DSL-120 ed the first target, which proved to be an 18th–19th sidescan sonar.3 The DSL-120, developed by the century sailing ship with a steel anchor and chain. Deep Submergence Laboratory of the Woods Hole The Northern Horizon and the Medea/Jason system Oceanographic Institution, is a phased-array 120 then moved to the second target some 2.4 km away. kHz side-scan sonar used to produce both sono- The second target was acquired on Jason’s scanning grams of the ocean floor as well as bathymetric maps. sonar system at a range of 150 m. It appeared as an The Medea/Jason ROV system has been used on a oval shaped depression 18 m in length and 8 m growing number of marine investigations and is wide with a highly reflective mass centered within

3 Ballard 1982, 1993. 4 Ballard 1993, forthcoming; Ballard et al. 2000. 2002] IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS 153

Fig. 2. Jason depicted in a survey operation simultaneously employing electronic still cameras, video cameras, 675 kHz scanning sonar, and 1200 kHz bottom-lock Doppler navigation sonar. 300 kHz EXACT sonar transducers are not depicted. the depression. As the target was approached, an 1200 kHz bottom track Doppler navigation sonar elongated pile of amphoras about 2 m high came mounted on Jason.7 The bottom transponders and into view. On closer inspection, the amphoras asso- the vehicle’s Doppler navigation provided comple- ciated with the shipwreck appeared to be from the mentary information about the vehicle’s horizontal 8th century B.C., confirming earlier speculation. position. The transponders provided a stable refer- After a preliminary visual survey of the site was ence with high accuracy, but were susceptible to short- conducted, a free-falling elevator was dropped from term dropouts. The Doppler navigation system, how- the surface, which landed fewer than 100 m from ever, provided an excellent dynamic estimate of ve- the site.5 Contained on board the elevator were two hicle motion, but was prone to drift. By combining high frequency EXACT 300 kHz transponders, the two sensors, a very reliable and accurate position which were then deployed by the Jason ROV next to estimate was possible. Figure 2 illustrates the nature the wreck site. For future reference purposes, the of Jason’s sensors. wreck site was nicknamed Tanit. As each survey line was made, a series of elec- Jason was then used to off-load and place the two tronic images was collected, while simultaneously transponders approximately 35 m from the wreck a 675 kHz digital sonar was scanned back and forth site, about 50 m apart. With these two transponders, across the wreck site measuring its microtopogra- it was possible to track Jason’s position three times a phy.8 Due to the limited scanning rate of the sonar, second to an accuracy of about 2 cm.6 With such a the speed along the trackline was set at 10 cm/sec. precise and rapid update rate, it was possible to place High quality color video and still images were also the vehicle in “closed-loop” control and conduct a collected during these survey runs. series of survey lines 1–2 m apart. The navigation Until the precision mapping phase was complet- suite used during this survey effort consisted of the ed, the vehicle constantly hovered over the site and bottom installed EXACT transponders, an attitude did not land. Care was taken not to disturb the site reference package, a precision depth sensor, and a with the vehicle’s propeller wash by insuring the

5 Ballard 1990. 7 Whitcomb et al. 1999. 6 Ballard et al. 2000; Whitcomb et al. 2000, 1999. 8 Singh et al. 2000. 154 ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 3. Mosaic of Tanit shipwreck, which dates to ca. 750 B.C. Tanit, protector of Phoenician seafarers, is the Iron Age successor of the leading Canaanite goddess Astarte and “Ashera of the Sea.” (Courtesy of H. Singh and J. Howland. © WHOI, IFE, and Ashkelon Excavations) vehicle was trimmed for positive buoyancy, result- assembled to permit archaeologists to gain a wider ing in the propeller wash being directed upward perspective of the site of interest.9 instead of downward. The documentation runs were The mapping process continued until the en- conducted at very low speeds over the bottom and tire area had been photographed with overlapping at sufficient altitude, 1.5–3 m, to avoid striking any imagery and a dense concentration of sonar sound- objects. The photographic runs documented the ings. The result was the creation of a digital mosaic exposed artifacts while a sub-bottom profiler pene- image (fig. 3) and a fine-scale bathymetric map of trated the bottom sediments to a depth of a few the wreck’s upper surface (fig. 4). meters. The survey process proved highly efficient and Individual images obtained with a high-resolu- was completed in fewer than 12 hours for each site. tion electronic still camera were processed to re- The team of archaeologists then had a complete move the effects of the underwater environment. photographic record of the site, showing the orien- These images were normalized with respect to ref- tation and size of each exposed object, which was erence images for the camera and then histogram stored in a database. equalized to stretch the contrast and thereby reveal The acoustically derived bathymetric map of the the details of the site. Since lighting conditions same region (fig. 4) highlights the complementary underwater make it virtually impossible to frame nature of the imaging sensors. The optically derived large areas on the sea floor within a single image, photomosaics provide a vivid view of the shipwreck. composites of smaller images (photomosaics) were Because of incremental errors in building up the

9 The creation of a photomosaic involves choosing com- This method was used to make an initial mosaic of the wreck mon points in overlapping imagery to compute the relative site with a small number of images taken at high altitude. Al- transformation between the overlapping images. This trans- though it lacked resolution, the resulting mosaic minimized formation is then used to warp successive images into a com- the inherent distortion associated with mosaics composed of posite mosaic while blending the boundaries between over- a large number of images. This crude mosaic was used as a lapping images to give the mosaic a continuous look (Singh template to construct a higher resolution mosaic of a greater et al. 1998). number of images taken at low altitude. 2002] IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS 155

Fig. 4. Microbathymetry of Tanit site. Contours in meters. photomosaic, however, one is unable to make pre- On some occasions, the artifact selected was nest- cise measurements over the entire mosaic. The bathy- ed within the site among other objects. To ensure metric map, on the other hand, while not visually as that the artifacts were recovered without damage to appealing, provides a mechanism for making very themselves or the surrounding objects, Jason was precise quantitative measurements across the entire moved, centimeters at a time, in incremental steps site. After completing this precision survey, specific while in closed-loop control in all degrees of free- artifacts were selected by the archaeological team dom (i.e., X, Y, Z, and heading).10 Once in posi- for recovery, based upon their diagnostic qualities, tion, while hovering (automatically) above the ob- to help determine the age, origin, and significance ject, the vehicle’s mechanical arm was used to gen- of each wreck. To avoid damage to the artifacts, im- tly grasp the object. To avoid damaging fragile ma- portant artifacts lying along the perimeter of the terials, the strength of the manipulator’s grip could wreck site were initially selected for recovery. The be regulated, applying just enough force to cradle recovery tool that proved most effective was a simple and lift the object. Once properly cradled between hydraulic device that consisted of two opposing hor- the grippers, the vehicle thrusted upward and away izontal tongs each having a webbed mesh net. With from the site toward the nearby elevator. Once the the tongs in a relaxed position, the vehicle operator elevator was full, a meshed lid was placed above the slid the lower tong beneath the desired artifact, artifact compartments, an acoustical command trig- closed the upper opposing tong using the vehicle’s gered the release of the elevator’s weight, sending hydraulic system, and then thrusted the vehicle up it toward the surface where it was recovered aboard off the bottom until it was free of the site. ship, emptied, and sent back to the bottom. Using the search sonar on the vehicle, the pilot After spending two days surveying, mapping, and then drove over to the elevator, positioned the arti- recovering artifacts from the Tanit wreck, Jason then fact above one of the elevator’s net meshed com- went to inspect the third acoustic target located in partments, and reversed the hydraulic pressure, the initial side-scan sonar survey positioned 2 km gently placing the artifact within the selected and to the north of the Tanit wreck site. This third tar- numbered compartment. get also proved to be an Iron Age shipwreck very

10 Whitcomb et al. 1999. 156 ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 5. Mosaic of Elissa shipwreck, which dates to ca. 750 B.C. Elissa, Tyrian princess and sister of Tyrian king Pumiyaton, fled from mainland Phoenicia to Cyprus and picked up a crew of Phoenicians; they then set sail for the western Mediterranean. According to legend she then went on to found Carthage. (Courtesy of H. Singh and J. Howland. © WHOI, IFE, and Ashkelon Excavations) similar to the Tanit although slightly larger. Nick- tected with the same acoustic signatures as the named Elissa, it was also surveyed in detail using Tanit and Elissa wrecksites. The DSL-120 was then EXACT bottom mounted transponders. This sur- recovered and the Medea/Jason was launched to vey produced a similar mosaic (fig. 5) and microto- investigate. pographic map (fig. 6) of the site. The survey was These new targets proved to be a series of hydro- followed by the recovery of sample artifacts, select- carbon seeps characterized by an elongated depres- ed by the archaeologists to determine the age and sion, in the center of which was located a hard re- origin of the ship. flective mound of seep deposits consisting of calci- Following this effort, attempts were made using um carbonate.11 Since these mounds were numer- the DSL-120 to locate additional shipwreck sites. ous and had the same acoustic signature as the Before conducting the new search effort, a series of wreck sites, it was judged that further search efforts lines was made at right angles to the Tanit and Elissa in this area would not be productive. wreck sites using the DSL-120. The purpose of this effort was to obtain acoustic images of the two wrecks archaeological documentation at different aspect angles to help guide the subse- The Ashkelon Deep-Sea Project was an archaeo- quent search program. logical survey with limited artifact sampling. After Since Tanit and Elissa wrecks lie on an east–west locating each wreck, Jason, using the EXACT sys- line connecting the ancient seaport of Ashkelon tem, systematically flew over the wreck in pro- with Egypt and Carthage to the west, it was thought grammed track lines covering the entire wreck. This the two shipwrecks might define an ancient trade information from Jason provided the raw informa- route along which other shipwrecks could be found. tion necessary to build detailed photomosaics and For that reason, a series of side-scan sonar lines construct precise bathymetric maps. These plans was made diagonally across this suspected ancient became the primary recording devices for under- trade route. Very quickly several targets were de- standing the positional relationships of the artifacts.

11 Coleman and Ballard 2001. 2002] IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS 157

Fig. 6. Microbathymetry of Elissa site. Contours in meters.

After thorough recording of the wrecks, the ar- recovered were numbered within the same se- chaeologists decided it would be helpful to recov- quence as the recovered objects but given an “M” er several artifacts from the wrecks. The fine details suffix. Also, core samples taken at the margins of the of the objects, necessary for making precise stylistic wreck sites were numbered and recorded on the connections, were not clear from the visual infor- plans and marked with an “S” suffix. Jason complet- mation provided by Jason. Further, the provenience ed the final step in the recording process by re-fly- of the objects, essential for understanding the ori- ing the initial survey in order to record the final dis- gin of these ships, could only be determined position of the wreck site for future investigators. through petrography or neutron activation analy- Microbathymetry provides the most precise mea- sis, both of which required physical fragments of surements of the two shipwrecks, Tanit and Elissa. the pottery. The contours of their cargoes are in the shape of a The archaeologists on board chose objects that ship, outlining the forms of their long vanished would not only demonstrate the total range of ves- hulls (figs. 3–6). The cargo of Tanit measures 4.5 m sels visible on these ships but would also minimally wide by 11.5 m long, for which we would estimate disturb the delicate stacks of amphoras located in an overall width of ca. 6.5 m and a length ca. 14 m. the middle of the wrecks. The location of each arti- The cargo of Elissa is 5 m wide and 12 m long for an fact was marked on the photomosaics, and the arti- estimated size of the ship of ca. 7 m wide and ca. facts were further identified using time stamps 14.5 m long. linked to the video record of the recovery process. The artifacts were deposited in elevators to be lift- artifact analysis ed to the surface.12 Tanit and Elissa Artifact Samples In an attempt to fully document the alteration of After the survey of Tanit was completed, the this site, we recorded any artifact that was moved in project archaeologists took several samples. First, any way by Jason. Artifacts that were moved but not core samples were collected from the sediments

12 Ballard et al. 2000. 158 ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, ET AL. [AJA 106

Table 1. Inventory of Artifacts Retrieved from Tanit (Shipwreck A)

Type No. Retrieved Inventory Nos.

Amphoras 16 004–006, 009, 011–012, 014–019, 042–045 Cooking Pots 2 002–003 Bowls 1 007 surrounding the wreck, but not so close as to en- 9:5–6). Tanit contained 385 visible amphoras and danger objects not visible on the surface. These Elissa contained 396. It must be emphasized that samples provided a baseline against which to un- this represents just the top two tiers of amphoras derstand the sediments recovered from the vari- and there may be many more below. ous vessels. Then we sampled the various artifact These amphoras are well known from land exca- types (table 1, fig. 7). Of the 385 visible amphoras, vations in Israel and Lebanon. They have a slightly 16 were recovered to provide a broad sample for wasp-waisted body, a sharp shoulder, and a medi- petrographic analysis. um high-necked rim thickened at the top. There The survey of Elissa revealed a greater diversity of have been several significant studies of this form visible objects, and we designed our sampling ac- including work by Bikai, Gal, Gitin, Geva, and Leh- cordingly. We recovered every type of artifact that mann.13 On land, these vessels are commonly found was visible (table 2, figs. 8–9), and in order to un- in eighth-century contexts such as Megiddo III, derstand the cargo in similar ways to the Tanit wreck, Hazor VI–V, and Tyre III–II. While there may be we recovered eight amphoras. Although the sam- some ninth-century examples at Hazor and Megid- ple size of ceramics from Tanit and Elissa were sim- do, the distribution is heavily weighted toward the ilar, the Elissa samples accurately reflect the greater middle to end of the eighth century.14 visible diversity of artifacts on that wreck. Within the eighth century, there is a geographi- cally limited distribution of these amphoras (fig. Cargo 10, table 3). Hazor and Megiddo have more than 60 Amphoras. The most plentiful objects visible on whole forms, in addition to rim fragments. Tyre and the Tanit and Elissa were amphoras (fig. 7:4–5; fig. Sarepta, while not possessing many whole forms,

Fig. 7. Artifacts retrieved from Tanit site. 1, AS99.A.003, cooking pot; 2, AS99.A.002, cooking pot; 3, AS99.A.007, Egyptian bowl; 4, AS99.A.005, amphora; 5, AS99.A.004, amphora.

13 Bikai 1978; Gal 1992; Gitin 1990; Geva 1982; Lehmann 14 Gal 1992. 1996. 2002] IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS 159 Table 2. Inventory of Artifacts Retrieved from Elissa (Shipwreck B)

Type No. Retrieved Inventory Nos.

Amphoras 7 031–032, 035–036, 038–040 One-quarter amphora 1 021 Cooking pots 4 022, 028–029, 034 Mortarium 1 024 Decanter 1 023 Incense stand 1 027 Ballast stones 6 026 Bowl (broken) 1 020 have hundreds of rim fragments. Apart from these manufacture” of the handles would argue that they four sites, no other site has more than 10 preserved were “seldom used.”16 In contrast, many other am- examples. This narrowly defined distribution plot phoras have larger, “functional” handles useful in shows the inland use of these containers in a very terrestrial transport. Our discovery of these jars few places in proximity to the Phoenician coast. It graphically demonstrates that these handles were also shows the presence of the containers in mari- perfectly designed for the guide ropes used to con- time trade both at the port and in transit on Tanit solidate a shipborne cargo. While impractical for and Elissa. One possible destination for this cargo terrestrial transport and pouring, these amphoras was the newly founded Phoenician colony at were perfect as purpose-built maritime containers. Carthage. The early Carthaginian colonists, many Amphoras from the Tanit and Elissa contained an of them Tyrians according to founding legends, average of 17.8 lt of liquid. They averaged 68.8 cm imported this type of transport amphora from the in height and 22.3 cm in width. But these averages Levant. In archaic Carthage, complete jars have been do not do justice to the standardization of these found among mortuary offerings in tombs and amphoras. The complete amphoras that were re- graves as well as in habitations within the city. In covered had a standard deviation of less than 2 cm one room alone the fill beneath the floor produced in height and around 1 cm in width. This narrow rim sherds representing 30 examples of this am- range indicates considerable standardization in phora.15 manufacture, a characteristic typical of every aspect In a discussion of the terrestrial examples of this of these amphoras. These exacting tolerances were form, Geva argued that the “small size and clumsy necessary for intricately stacking more than 400

Fig. 8. Photograph of artifacts retrieved from Elissa

15 Vegas 1999, 430–1, fig. 21:195–197. 16 Geva 1982. 160 ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 9. Artifacts retrieved from Elissa site. 1, AS99.B.023, mushroom- lipped decanter; 2, AS99.B.027, incense stand; 3, AS99.B.024, mortarium; 4, AS99.B.021, small amphora; 5, AS99.B.032, amphora; 6, AS99.B.036, amphora; 7, AS99.B.029, cooking pot; 8, AS99.B.028, cooking pot; 9, AS99.B.034, cooking pot; 10, AS99.B.022, cooking pot. amphoras in the hold of a ship. If this standardiza- ra.17 Finally, the petrographic profile of these jars is tion is representative of the hundreds of amphoras consistent with the Phoenician coast.18 We would still on the wrecks, the picture of standardized pro- argue that these jars were produced in one or more duction is even more remarkable. of the Phoenician port cities heavily involved with In proposing a manufacturing center for this car- the maritime trade of the eighth century, Tyre be- go of amphoras, we have considered several lines ing the primary port in Iron Age II. of evidence. First, these amphoras are purpose-built Resin Linings. Dr. Patrick McGovern of the Molec- maritime containers. They are built to be easily ular Archaeology Laboratory at the University of stacked in the hold of a ship, to have consistent Pennsylvania Museum has reported that “torpedo”- capacity, and to be easily tied down using special shaped amphora (AS99.A.009), dated typological- handles. This argues for a production facility famil- ly to ca. 725 B.C. (± 25 years), had a dark, thin “lin- iar with the needs of maritime transport. Second, ing” on its interior, which he determined to be pine the ports at which many of these jars are found have pitch (from Pinus halepensis). Inspection of the 21 a tradition of substantial pottery production. At amphoras recovered from Tanit and Elissa indicates Sarepta, several kilns have been excavated, and at that all of the jars had once been lined with resin. Tyre, while no kilns were discovered in the extreme- McGovern used three complementary analytical ly limited exposures of that excavation, Bikai un- techniques—infrared spectrometry, liquid chroma- covered kiln wasters from this very type of ampho- tography, and wet chemical analyses—to determine

17 Bikai 1978. er of the Quaternary beach deposits of the central Levantine 18 The petrographic profile of these vessels is quite distinc- coast (for an extensive discussion of these formations on the tive for the eastern Mediterranean. The fabric contains the northern Israeli coast, see Sivan 1996, esp. 106, photomicro- remains of algae of the genus Amphiroa, which is a clear mark- graph 31; also Yuval Goren, pers. comm.). 2002] IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS 161

Fig. 10. Distribution map of eighth-century B.C. amphoras. See table 3 for map legend. whether tartaric acid, an organic acid that occurs covered six cooking pots, two from Tanit and four mainly in grapes or grape products, such as wine, from Elissa. The two cooking pots from Tanit were was present in the resin from Amphora A.009. It very similar and their closest connections are with was. This analysis along with the presence of resin eighth-century cooking pots found on the Leba- lining in the other amphoras examined makes it nese coast at
Arqa.19 This form has a wide chrono- clear that many, if not all, of the nearly identical logical range from the mid eighth through the sev- amphoras on board the two shipwrecks contained enth century. Similarly, two small cooking pots from wine. These, then, would be the oldest cargoes of Elissa had this same form in miniature.20 Also on wine amphoras lined with resin to prevent seepage. Elissa, there was a larger cooking pot with a clear connection to an eighth-century vessel found in Galley Hazor V.21 All of these cooking pots belong to the Cooking Pots. The cooking pots on Tanit and Elissa stylistic family of vessels from the eighth century (figs. 7:1–2; 9:7–10) were far less plentiful but no B.C. in Phoenicia and its hinterland. less important than the amphoras. Because we know Handmade Bowl. At the stern of Tanit we recov- that ancient ships had their galley at the stern, the ered a coarsely made bowl (fig. 7:3). Given the location of the cooking pots was essential for deter- rounded bottom and lack of symmetry of the bowl, mining bow from stern on both ships. In addition, we thought for a while that this might be some sort unlike the amphoras which were brought on as tem- of lid. In our search for parallels at land excava- porary cargo, the cooking pots were probably a ba- tions, we found only one matching object, an Egyp- sic component of the ship, a type of pottery used tian bowl from the Phoenician site of Migdol.22 Pet- voyage after voyage, for cooking one-pot stews, es- rographically, our bowl is characterized by an abun- pecially the fish chowders that were the constantly dance of straw temper. Mineralogically, there is a replenished staple of seagoing ships from antiqui- fair amount of biotite in the sand-sized fraction. This ty to the present. These cooking pots have the same is a unique characterization within this assemblage, stylistic connections as the amphoras, reinforcing and it does fit with the use of Nile clay. This bowl is the idea that these were Phoenician ships. We re- Egyptian in origin, a possible destination of the

19 Lehmann 1996, Tafel 85.448/3. 21 Yadin et al. 1960, LXXXV:7. 20 Lehmann 1996, Tafel 85.448/2. 22 Oren 1984, fig. 20:14. 162 ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, ET AL. [AJA 106

Table 3. Type and Distribution of Eighth-Century B.C. Amphoras for Places Illustrated in Figure 10 Whole Rim Present, Place Site Jars Fragments No Count 1 Tanit 385 – – 2 Elissa 396 – – 3 Tyrea – 300 – 4 Sareptab – 258 – 5 Hazorc 61+ – – 6 H. orbat Rosh Zayitd 3 25+ – 7 Megiddoe 169 – – 8 Byblosf – – Yes 9 Kitiong – – Yes 10 Beth-Sheanh 3 – – 11 Samariai 6–7 – – 12 Gezer j – – Yes 13 Ashdodk 4 – – 14 Ashkelonl – – Yes 15 Ruqeishm 2 – – 16
Arqan – – Yes 17 Ras al-Bassito – – Yes 18 Carthagep – 30+ –

a Bikai 1978, 46–7, pl. XIV.10, IV.5, II.1–9, III1–5, IV.4,6. b Anderson 1988, 1:table 9A; I. 2:type 15, table 9A.c c Yadin et al. 1960, esp. pls. LXXII–LXXIII; total numbers taken from Gal (1992, 71), but many more unpublished examples have been found in the renewed excavations (A. Ben-Tor, pers. comm.). d Gal and Alexandre 2000, type SJ VI, figs. V.5:13, 15, 16; V.7; VI.12:16–20; VII.12:8–9. e Lamon and Shipton 1939, esp. pl. 16, no. 81; total numbers taken from Gal 1992, 71. f Dunand 1954, 279, 281, object 9384, fig. 309. g Bikai 1987, 45, pl. XXIII:588. h James 1966, pl. 70:3. i Crowfoot et al. 1957, pl. 7:9, esp. 169, pl. 21:7. j Gitin 1990, 124–5, pl. 23:5. k Dothan 1971, figs. 38:3, 42:4. l L.E. Stager, pers. comm. m Culican 1973, fig. 4:22. n Thalmann 1990, pl. III. o Courbin 1993. p Vegas 1999. ship. In all probability, this was not the first time been made at only a very few production sites. Leh- that this ship had made the run from Phoenicia to mann charts the beginning of the evolution of this Egypt. form as far back as the late eighth century.23 Our Mortarium. In the galley at the port side of Elissa, eighth-century B.C. exemplar closely matches the we recovered a large, thick-walled bowl known as a petrographic profile of the majority of later mortar- “mortarium” (fig. 9:3). This descriptive name accu- ia, a provenience most closely linked to the north- rately reflects the function of this bowl, in which east corner of the Mediterranean, at sites such as various foodstuffs would be ground. On land, this Ras al-Bassit in northern coastal Syria.24 The use of form is generally found in contexts dating to the deep bowls as mortars for grinding condiments was seventh century B.C. and later. Mortaria are found known in Cilicia at Tarsus as early as the eighth over a time span lasting more than a millennium, century B.C.25 Recently another eighth-century mor- and throughout this period, they appear to have tarium has been found in the Phoenician site of

23 Lehmann 1996, Tafel 107. 25 Hanfmann 1963, 233, pl. 79:922. 24 Blakely and Bennett 1989; Blakely et al. 1992. 2002] IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS 163

H. orbat Rosh Zayit in Galilee. There, too, it appears The mushroom-lipped decanter provides an in- alongside our torpedo-shaped amphoras.26 The Elis- valuable clue as to the cultural background of the sa mortarium seems to be one of the rare examples crew. The mushroom-style rim, whether on jug, of this early eighth-century form, which marks the juglet, or decanter, was the “calling card” of Phoe- beginning of specialized mortarium production. nicians from Tyre to the Pillars of Hercules. Small Amphora. Also found in the galley of Elissa Incense Stand. The small ceramic incense stand was a small amphora (B.021; fig. 9:4); its shape is recovered from the galley of Elissa (fig. 9:2) falls similar to the larger torpedo-shaped ones, but only very much in the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age half their height and a quarter of their capacity. In traditions of terracotta incense stands designed to Hazor VI, where so many of the larger amphoras of be hand held. Typically they were used to offer aro- torpedo-type were found, a much smaller version matics to the gods. similar in shape and size to B.021 appeared.27 This The most commonly cited example of a Canaan- single item, most probably for wine, was set aside ite sea captain offering precious aromatics, such for the crew or for some special purpose. Our guess as frankincense, to the maritime deities comes is that it stored the sacred wine to supply libations, from a 14th-century B.C. Egyptian wall painting which the captain poured out from the decanter from the tomb of Kenamun.31 There the captain upon departure or after a successful arrival. holds a portable incense burner aloft in his right Mushroom-Lipped Decanter. Distribution of the hand and an offering cup in his left, as he gives mushroom-lipped decanter pottery type is centered thanks for a successful voyage to Egypt from the on the Phoenician sites of southern coastal Leba- Levant. An attendant who is steadying a Canaanite non. This type appears more rarely in those areas jar in front of the officer has just filled the cup reached by Phoenician maritime trade, but Leh- with wine. The incense burner and the cup in the mann’s plot of its distribution strongly associates it wall painting served the same purpose as the in- with its place of origin.28 The decanter recovered cense stand and wine decanter found in the gal- here has the sharp shoulder typical of forms from ley of Elissa. Like their Canaanite ancestors, these the last quarter of the eighth century (fig. 9:1). That Phoenician sailors were beholden to such deities it served as a carafe for wine, rather than for water, is as Ba
l S.aphon and Astarte for safe passage over clear from an inscription engraved on another de- the waters. canter describing its contents as yyn kh.l, some kind of wine.29 Further recent discoveries have provided Anchors an even more specific setting for at least some of In addition to ceramic artifacts, eight anchors on the wine decanters. Expertly engraved on a decant- Tanit and Elissa were found in the survey, and the er, 1.27 lt in volume, and dated to ca. 700 B.C., is an team gathered as much data as was possible about inscription that reads: “Belonging to Mattanyahu, them. These anchors are of the most common an- wine for libation, one-fourth” (lmtnyhw. yyn. nsk. cient type, an apsidal stone with a single hole bored rb
t.).30 The term nsk is used for a cultic libation of through it, a type found from the Bronze Age wine several times in the Bible (Gen. 35:14; Exo- through modern times. It is possible to estimate dus 29:40, 30:9; Lev. 23:13, 18; Num. 4:7, 15:5–7). the general length and width of these anchors by Following the lead of Exodus 29:40 and Leviticus comparing them to other artifacts in the digital 23:13, we find that a typical cultic libation of wine photos, but this practice is inexact. Estimating the equaled one-quarter of a hîn, perhaps the quantity weight requires yet another approximation. As pub- referred to elliptically in the nsk rb
t (¼ hîn) of the lications of anchors have shown, there is consider- decanter inscription. If the bat is equal to 32.5 lt, able variation in thickness.32 Anchors of roughly the then a hîn equals ca. 5.4 lt and ¼ hîn equals 1.35 lt. same length and width as these anchors vary be- The amount of wine, sacred or secular, held by our tween 80 and 400 kg. While the high relief of some decanter is ca. 1.3 lt, quite close to the nsk rb
t being of these anchors argues for considerable girth, we offered in the Mattanyahu decanter. cannot make an exact measurement. We were un-

26 Gal and Alexandre 2000, 18, fig. VII, 11:19. We are grate- book jacket for color photograph by Zev Radovan. ful to Amichai Mazar for this reference. 31 For a detailed discussion of the ships depicted in the tomb 27 Yadin et al. 1960. of Khenamun, see Wachsmann 1998, 42–7 and figs. 3.2–3.6; 28 Lehmann 1996, Tafel 40.241b/1. Brody 1998, 78–80, figs. 76a–b; also Pritchard 1954, no. 111. 29 Avigad 1972, 1–5. 32 Frost 1970, 1991. 30 Deutsch and Heltzer 1994, 23–6, fig. 6, pl. 25; see also 164 ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, ET AL. [AJA 106 able to recover an anchor; they were too heavy to be the formation of a small topographic high. The fact lifted by Jason. that all of the amphoras are filled with sediments, On Tanit there were four anchors visible at the even those 2 m above the base of the depression, surface level. Three of the anchors were located shows that the now-exposed artifacts were once bur- roughly amidships and one was located about 2 m ied. This is further supported by the fact that the off the bow. On Elissa, all of the anchors were locat- height of the amphora pile is the same as the sur- ed at the midpoint of the ship, two on either side. rounding ocean floor. The location of the anchors was probably a result of From these observations, we can conclude that the use of the mast to assist in lifting, running a after the upper wooden portion of the ship was re- rope over the yard near the mast, and pulling down moved by wood borers and the non-biodegradable to maneuver the anchor. contents buried, bottom currents acting over a long period of time excavated a portion of the once bur- oceanographic results ied ship. As this process took place, newly exposed In addition to the archaeological aspects of this wood was eaten, leaving the observed pile of arti- expedition, much insight was gained about the facts carefully stacked in place. oceanographic conditions that favor the preserva- The fact that the ships were located more than tion of deepwater sites, and the potential of the 30 nautical miles from shore and on a straight line deep sea for archaeological studies also was con- connecting Ashkelon with Egypt and distant sidered. Carthage further supports the proposal that ancient Unlike the Roman shipwrecks located in deep mariners commonly chose the more direct route water north of Skerki Bank, which were mostly bur- than the one close to land. ied, the Tanit and Elissa wreck sites were found rest- ing in depressions, their contents well exposed. In conservation and the deepwater many ways, they mimic the process observed in the environment Skerki Bank region for individual amphora. There, The conservation of archaeological assemblages hundreds of individual amphoras were found rest- excavated from deep water is, in many respects, sim- ing inside small depressions, the apparent result ilar to that of coastal sites. On the 1999 expedition, of long-term current scour. safe retrieval and transport remained the focus in The Skerki Bank wrecks themselves, however, the field, while desalinization and drying were the were mostly buried. As has been documented be- critical activities in the land-based laboratory. New fore, any wood placed in well-oxygenated bottom problems were, however, presented to the archaeo- waters around the world is quickly consumed by logical conservator by the deepwater environment various wood-boring organisms.33 This process, al- of the artifacts. That environment preserved star- though quick by geologic standards, does take many tling good surface detail on unbroken artifacts, years to remove the major wooden components of while at the same time, chemical alterations within the exposed portions of ships. During this period those same artifacts created unexpected fragility. of time, bottom currents result in the horizontal The bulk of the artifacts collected are low-fired movement of sediment along the bottom and the pottery vessels, mostly Iron Age earthenware and construction of dune-like deposits on the down terracotta. Most are self-slipped with a finer por- current sides of the ship’s exposed surface. If tidal tion of the same clay used for the body of the vessel. in nature, deposits can form around the entire pe- All of the pottery shows solubilization to varying rimeter of the shipwreck. Sediment also penetrates degrees. This term refers to pottery that is soft, even into ship openings, filling existing voids and those powdery, and prone to cracking when dried. This produced as a result of the biodegradation of the pottery fractures when re-dampened and can even ship’s exposed contents. crack when exposed to wide variations in storage The combined result of these processes is the room humidity. buildup of sediments around the initially exposed The orientation of the finds on the seafloor must portions of the ship. While wood removal contin- be considered when analyzing the deterioration of ues through time, the sediments continue to flood the pottery. Three terms are used to describe the the interior compartments of the ship, filling in discoloration and erosion that occurs on different around the non-biodegradable artifacts, leading to parts of a ceramic vessel from the Ashkelon region:

33 Turner 1973. 2002] IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS 165 the exposed side and the submerged sides of an viewed as a function of the pore volume within the artifact, and the biozone. The exposed side of a clay body. Low-fired pottery characteristically has a vessel is in contact with slowly moving, carbonate- large pore or void volume. The solid-state sinter- saturated seawater. Generations of solitary coral ing that strengthens fired clay at low firing temper- grow and redissolve on this surface. The submerged atures does not vitrify the clay, making the interior side is embedded in foraminiferal mud having a of the clay body accessible to seawater. Chemical higher pH than the seawater. At a few centimeters action and other environmental stresses will, over below the seafloor, this mud is often depleted of time, increase that pore volume and lead to a clay carbonates and dominated by silicates. The biozone fabric that collapses in on itself during drying. of a deepwater artifact refers to the boundary be- When cracking occurred, it did not express itself tween the submerged and exposed sides. Here, until the final stage of drying when the water-swol- most coral growth occurs and can maintain a per- len clay particles shrank and became brittle. manent mass of carbonate crust in the form of a An indirect method measuring the relative pore ring circling the artifact. Artifacts that straddle these volume in a clay body is to measure its maximum environments are differentially preserved, which, water retention. Measurements of the Ashkelon in turn, creates stresses within the clay of the pot. vessels taken at the time of treatment showed that The primary environmental causes of the Ash- they contained an average of 21% of their dry weight kelon pottery weakness are varied. The exposed- in water. A few of them contained over 30% in wa- side surfaces are thinned by repeated solitary coral ter. As a comparison, modern bisque-fired clays ab- growth cycles. Each cycle removes clay at the point sorb only 10–14% of their dry weight in water. of contact with the coral. Typically, all surface de- To limit cracking during drying, each Ashkelon tails are eventually lost. While the submerged side vessel was wrapped in wet fabric to give it an artifi- of the vessel is spared, the higher alkalinity and cial drying surface and placed in incubators at 90– salinity of the interstitial water in the surrounding 100° F. Elevated humidity was maintained within mud causes increased dissolution of silica and oth- the incubator during drying to avoid steep mois- er minerals. This condition allows the submerged ture gradients within the pottery walls. surface of the vessel to retain fine surface detail. While this method is successful in most cases, But it also has the softest clay and most crack-prone the Ashkelon pots with the highest moisture con- surface after drying. Carbonate cementation and tent still experienced some cracking. In the future, depletion also play a role in setting up stresses with- improved humidity controllers will be installed in in the pottery. The biozone, the boundary between the drying tanks and the rate of drying will be fur- the two sides, is usually cemented with carbonates, ther controlled at the expected fracture zones. leading to a different shrinkage rate and water sat- Research is being done on two treatment refine- uration content than either the submerged or ex- ments: the formulation of additives for the final posed sides. desalinating phase that will decrease the surface The expression of cracking on the dried Ashkel- tension of the water solution and a method of clay on vessels is the result of manufacturing weaknesses reinforcement prior to drying. In the field, data and environmental alteration. Manufacturing weak- collection will be enhanced to better characterize nesses were introduced during the mixing of the the immediate environments of deepwater artifacts clay and the throwing and firing of the vessel. The and thus predict their condition. These steps are environmental stresses slowly accrued during ma- essential if conservation is to keep pace with the rine burial. A close examination of all finds from the field of deepwater archaeology as it retrieves low- artifacts recovered showed four types of fractures: fired pottery and other artifacts from earlier archae- 1. biozone fracture: occurs along the vessel at the ological periods. point where it meets the seafloor; 2. edge fracture: occurs perpendicular to the rims conclusion and edges of a vessel; In the latter half of the eighth century B.C., when 3. turn fracture: occurs where the shape of the Phoenicians were establishing coastal colonies in vessel abruptly changes; the central and western Mediterranean and Hom- 4. slip crazing and lifting: refers to the fine and er (according to many classicists) was putting the sometimes invisible superficial crack pattern Iliad and the Odyssey into written form, a fleet of on slipped pots. Phoenician ships, the Tanit and Elissa among them, While there are many factors promoting the set sail from the Phoenician mainland. Perhaps they breakdown of the Ashkelon pottery, it is profitably sailed from the great seaport of Tyre, heading south 166 ROBERT D. BALLARD, LAWRENCE E. STAGER, ET AL. [AJA 106 toward their destination somewhere on the coast of calling card of the Phoenicians from the Levant to northern Africa, probably Egypt or the new-found the Pillars of Hercules. Tyrian colony of Carthage farther west. The two ship- The Tanit and Elissa were, then, Phoenician ships wrecks we surveyed were loaded with amphoras manned by Phoenician crews and mainly loaded once filled with wine, more than 10 tons per ship. with a single commodity: fine wines from elsewhere In Ezekiel’s famous oracle comparing the city of decanted into and transported abroad in Phoeni- Tyre to a magnificent ship (ch. 27)—an account cian amphoras. with all the credibility of an eyewitness34—fine wine The ships were roughly the size of the fourth- is being transported overland to Damascus from century B.C. Kyrenia ship, estimated to be 25 tons such faraway places as Izalla, near Mardin in Anato- when fully loaded. The Tanit and Elissa were wide lia, where cuneiform sources indicate that wine was at the beam, about three times as long as they were fit “for a king.” From Damascus these vintages, along wide. They are not as slim as Phoenician ships de- with the wines of Helbon (a place near Damascus picted in relief with horse head prows (and some- famous in classical sources for its fine wines), were times sterns) and known in Greek sources as hippoi transshipped to the Phoenician port of Tyre. (“horses”) but more like what the Greeks called An enigmatic passage in Ezekiel (27:19) can now gauloi, or “tubs.” To the Phoenicians and the Israel- be deciphered as da¯nê yayin me¯ûza¯l, meaning ites, however, these “tubby” seagoing merchant ves- “pithoi of wine from Izalla.”35 The dannu-vessel has sels were known by the more respectable rubric a capacity of ca. 180 lt, or 10 times the size of trans-
onîyôt taršiš, the famous “ships of Tarshish,” men- port amphoras on the two shipwrecks. tioned in the Bible (e.g., 1 Kings 10:22; Isaiah 23:1). So wine of renown was transported overland in Examples of these Phoenician merchantmen are large ceramic jars (pithoi) to be decanted into ex- illustrated in the famous relief of King Luli and his port amphoras at Tyre for shipment to other parts people fleeing from Tyre to Cyprus (ca. 700 B.C.),37 of the Mediterranean. What was obtained in the and in a clay model ship from Amathus (Cyprus) in early sixth century B.C. may also be the case even Iron Age II.38 The Tanit and Elissa were probably earlier, which is to suggest that the tons of wine on part of a Phoenician fleet traveling south from Tyre board the Tanit and Elissa were not necessarily pro- when, en route from Ashkelon to points west, the duce local to Tyre even though the transport am- unexpected east wind from the desert swept the phoras were made in the vicinity. ships off course, where they flooded and foun- Some evidence from the two shipwrecks provides dered. This is the cruel east wind (rûah. qa¯dîm), clues as to the home base of the crew. At the stern which sank Ezekiel’s “Ship of Tyre” (Ezekiel 27:26), end we found a ceramic mortarium for grinding and by which, the Psalmist says the Lord “shatters condiments and cooking pots for one-pot stews, the ships of Tarshish” (Psalm 48:8 [48:7 in English replenished regularly with fresh-caught fish and trans.]). other seafood. (The petrographic profile of the We can only speculate on the intended destina- cooking pots is consistent with a locale in Lebanon, tions of these ships. It could have been Carthage, with best parallels at Tell
Arqa.) The incense burn- where the Tyrian founders would not yet have had er is in the Late Bronze Age tradition, continued time to develop fine vineyards (grapes being un- through the Iron Age, of one being held aloft by a known in the West before the arrival of the Phoeni- Canaanite sea captain, depicted in a 14th-century cian colonists). We have noted the presence of the B.C. Egyptian wall relief from the tomb of Kena- torpedo-shaped amphora there. Also we cannot rule mun.36 In his other hand the captain holds a liba- out Egypt as their destination, although thus far we tion cup filled with wine. Both the incense and have not been able to document the presence of drink offerings were being offered probably to Ba
l- torpedo-shaped amphoras there. What is striking S.aphon for the safe arrival in Egypt. The incense about Egypt is the pattern of Milesian and Sidonian and wine offerings on our Phoenician ships proved shipping revealed in Aramaic bills of lading from to be less efficacious. Egypt in 475 B.C., a palimpsest on papyrus deci- The best clue as to the crew’s origin comes from phered by Ada Yardeni.39 The large consignment the wine decanter with mushroom-shaped lip—the of wine (totaling 300–400 resin-lined amphoras per

34 Diakonoff (1992, 192) suggests that Ezekiel visited Tyre 37 Barnett 1969, pl. 1:1–2. between 588 and 585 B.C. or had access to a detailed report of 38 Amathus model ship (BM A202): Basch 1987, 254, fig. the city and its commerce. 559; Casson 1995, 65–6, figs. 86–7. 35 Millard 1962. 39 Yardeni 1994, 67–78. 36 See n. 31, supra. 2002] IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS 167 ship), under which were metal ingots of copper, Works Cited tin, and iron, and, surprisingly, clay for pot making, was documented by the bills of lading. The pha- Anderson, W. 1988. Sarepta, vols. I and II. Beruit: Univer- raoh was little more than the harbor master and tax sité Libanaise. Avigad, N. 1972. “Two Hebrew Inscriptions on Wine- collector—the bulk of the cargo going elsewhere Jars.” IEJ 22:1–9. in Egypt after the king had taken his tithe or tenth. Ballard, R.D. 1982. “ARGO and Jason.” Oceanus 25:30–5. If Egypt were the intended destination of the Tanit ———. 1985. “NR-1: The Navy’s Inner Space Shuttle.” and the Elissa, they seemed to be on or near a direct National Geographic Magazine 167 (4):451–9. route between Ashkelon and the Delta, most likely ———. 1990. The Lost Wreck of the ISIS. New York: Ran- dom House and Madison. not hugging the coast as they sailed. These north ———. 1993. “The Medea/Jason Remotely Operated Sinai coastal waters are among the most treacher- Vehicle System.” Deep-Sea Research I 40 (8):1673–87. ous in the eastern Mediterranean.40 How direct the ———. 1998. “High-Tech Search for Roman Ship- routes were that the ancient mariners took will only wrecks.” National Geographic Magazine 193 (4):32–41. be known after years of deep-sea research. So far, ———. Forthcoming. Maritime Archaeology. Ballard, R.D., with S. Dunmore. 1995. Exploring the Lusi- these two shipwrecks are the earliest found in deep tania: Probing the Mysteries of the Sinking that Changed waters. There are tens of thousands more waiting History. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. to be discovered using these powerful research Ballard, R.D., A.M. McCann, D. Yoerger, L.L. Whitcomb, tools, and exploration has just begun. D. Mindell, J. Oleson, H. Singh, B. Foley, J. Adams, D. Piechota, and C. Giangrande. 2000. “The Discovery of Ancient History in the Deep Sea Using Advanced Robert D. Ballard Deep Submergence Technology.” Deep-Sea Research I institute for exploration 47 (9):1591–620. 55 coogan boulevard Barnett, R.D. 1969. “Ezekiel and Tyre.” Eretz-Israel 9:6–13. mystic, connecticut 06355 Basch, L. 1987. La musée imaginaire de la marine antique. Athens: Institut hellénique pour la preservation de la tradition nautique. Lawrence E. Stager Bikai, P.M. 1978. Pottery of Tyre. Warminster: Aris and Daniel Master Phillips. semitic museum ———. 1987. Phoenician Pottery of Cyprus. Nicosia: A.G. harvard university Leventis Foundation. 6 divinity avenue Blakely, J.A., and W.J. Bennett. 1989. “Levantine Mor- taria of the Persian Period.” In Analysis and Publica- cambridge, massachusetts 02138 tion of Ceramics: The Computer Data-base in Archaeology, edited by J.A. Blakely and W.J. Bennett, 45–65. BAR- Dana Yoerger IS 551. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. Hanumant Singh Blakely, J.A., R. Brinkmann, and C.J. Vitaliano. 1992. woods hole oceanographic institution “Roman Mortaria and Basins from a Sequence at Caesarea: Fabrics and Sources.” In Caesarea Papers: Straton’s Tower, Herod’s Harbour, and Roman and Byzan- David Mindell tine Caesarea, edited by R.L. Vann, 194–213. Ann Ar- massachusetts institute of technology bor: Journal of Roman Archaeology. Brody, A.J. 1998. ‘Each Man Cried Out to His God’: The Spe- Louis L. Whitcomb cialized Religion of Canaanite and Phoenician Seafarers. Harvard Semitic Monographs 58. Atlanta: Scholars. johns hopkins university Casson, L. 1995. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World, 3rd. ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Dennis Piechota Coleman, D.F., and R.D. Ballard. 2001. “A Highly Con- object and textile conservation centrated Region of Cold Hydrocarbon Seeps in the arlington, massachusetts Southeastern Mediterranean Sea.” Geo-Marine Letters 21:162–7. Courbin, P. 1993. Fouilles de Bassit: Tombes du Fer. Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les civilizations. 40 Ezra Marcus suggests a model for Middle Bronze Age sail- Crowfoot, J.W., G.M. Crowfoot, and K.M. Kenyon. 1957. ing between the Egyptian Delta and Phoenicia in which the Samaria-Sebaste III: The Objects. London: Palestine Ex- ship “is envisioned as tacking, or zig-zagging, its way up or down ploration Fund. the coast although the latter involves going against the pre- Culican, W. 1973. “The Graves at Tell er-Reqeish.” Aus- dominant current”(Marcus 1998, 103). For a detailed study of tralian Journal of Biblical Archaeology 2:66–105. the prevalent winds in the eastern Mediterranean as well as Davis, D.L. 2000. “Navigation in the Ancient Mediterra- Iron Age navigation techniques, see Davis 2000. Davis (2000, nean.” Master’s thesis, Texas A&M University. 208) and Wachsmann (1998, 331) believe that the brailed sail Deutsch, R., and M. Heltzer. 1994. Forty New Ancient West was invented at the beginning of the Iron Age; the invention Semitic Inscriptions. Tel Aviv: Archaeological Center opened up more direct routes between ports as ships became Publications. less dependent on dominant winds. Diakonoff, I.M. 1992. “The Naval Power and Trade of 168 R.D. BALLARD, L.E. STAGER, ET AL., IRON AGE SHIPWRECKS Tyre.” IEJ 42:168–93. Oren, E.D. 1984. “Migdol: A New Fortress on the Edge Dothan, M. 1971. Ashdod II–III: The Second and Third Sea- of the Eastern Nile Delta.” BASOR 256:7–44. sons of Excavations. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. Pritchard, J.B. 1954. The Ancient Near East in Pictures. Dunand, M. 1954. Fouilles de Byblos, vol. 2. Paris: P. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Geuthner. Singh, H., J. Howland, D.R. Yoerger, and L.L. Whitcomb. Frost, H. 1970. “Bronze-Age Stone-Anchors from the 1998. “Quantitative Photomosaicking of Underwater Eastern Mediterranean: Dating and Identification.” Imaging.” In Proceedings of IEEE Oceans 98 Conference 1: Mariner’s Mirror 56:377–94. 263–6. ———. 1991. “Anchors Sacred and Profane: Ugarit– Singh, H., L.L. Whitcomb, D. Yoerger, and O. Pizarro. Ras Shamra, 1986: The Stone Anchors Revised and 2000. “Microbathymetric Mapping from Underwa- Compared.” In Arts et industries de la Pierre. Ras Sham- ter Vehicles in the Deep Ocean.” Computer Vision and ra–Ougarit, vol. 6, edited by M. Yon, 355–410. Lyon: Image Understanding 79 (1):143–61. Maison de l’Orient. Sivan, D. 1996. Paleogeography of the Galilee Coastal Plain Gal, Z. 1992. Lower Galilee during the Iron Age. Winona during the Quaternary. Jerusalem: Geological Survey of Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns. Israel (in Hebrew). Gal, Z., and Y. Alexandre. 2000. H. orbat Rosh Zayit: An Iron Thalmann, J.-P. 1990. “Tell
Arqa, de la conquête assyri- Age Storage Fort and Village. Israel Antiquities Authority enne à l’époque perse.” Transeuphratène 2:51–7. Reports 8. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority. Turner, R. 1973. “Wood-boring Bivalves Opportunistic Geva, S. 1982. “Archaeological Evidence for the Trade Species in the Deep Sea.” Science 180, n. 4093:1377–9. between Israel and Tyre?” BASOR 248:69–72. Vegas, M. 1999. “Eine archaische Keramikfüllung aus Gitin, S. 1990. Gezer. Vol. 3, A Ceramic Typology of the Late einem Haus am Kardo XIII in Karthago.” Römische Iron II, Persian, and Hellenistic Periods at Tell Gezer. Jerus- Mitteilungen 106:395–438. alem: Hebrew Union College. Wachsmann, S. 1998. Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in Hanfmann, G.M.A. 1963. “The Iron Age Pottery of Tar- the Bronze Age Levant. College Station: Texas A&M sus.” In Excavations at Gözlü Kule Tarsus: The Iron Age, University Press. vol. 3, edited by H. Goldman, 18–332. Princeton: Prin- Whitcomb, L.L., D.R. Yoerger, and H. Singh. 1999. “Ad- ceton University Press. vances in Doppler-Based Navigation of Underwater James, F.W. 1966. Iron Age at Beth Shan. Philadelphia: Robotic Vehicles.” In Proceedings of the IEEE Interna- University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. tional Conference on Robotics and Automation 1:399–406. Lamon, R.S., and G.S. Shipton. 1939. Megiddo, vol. 1. Piscataway, NJ: IEEE. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Whitcomb, L.L., D.R. Yoerger, H. Singh, and J. How- Lehmann, G. 1996. Untersuchungen zur späten Eisenzeit in land. 2000. “Advances in Underwater Robot Vehicles Syrien und Libanon: Stratigraphie und Keramikformen for Deep Ocean Exploration: Navigation, Control, zwischen ca. 720 bis 300 v. Chr. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. and Survey Operations.” In Robotics Research: The Ninth Marcus, E.S. 1998. “Maritime Trade in the Southern International Symposium, edited by J. Hollerbach and Levant from Earliest Times through the Middle D. Koditschek, 439–48. London: Springer-Verlag. Bronze IIA Period.” Ph.D. diss., University of Oxford. Yadin, Y. et al. 1960. Hazor. Vol. 2, An Account of the Second McCann, A.M., and J. Freed. 1994. Deep Water Archaeolo- Season of Excavations, 1956. Jerusalem: Magness. gy. JRA Suppl. 13. Ann Arbor: Journal of Roman Ar- Yardeni, A. 1994. “Maritime Trade and Royal Accoun- chaeology. tancy in an Erased Customs Account from 475 BCE Millard, A.R. 1962. “Ezekiel XXVII.19: The Wine Trade in the Ah. iqar Scroll from Elephantine.” BASOR of Damascus.” Journal of Semitic Studies 7:201–3. 293:67–78. Tracking the Samnites: Landscape and Communications Routes in the Sangro Valley, Italy TYLER BELL, ANDREW WILSON, AND ANDREW WICKHAM

Abstract ward Bispham and Susan Kane, builds on the earli- This paper is based on field survey work carried out in er work through excavation on Monte Pallano and the Sangro Valley, Abruzzo, Italy, between 1994 and 1998. at surrounding rural sites.2 While the preliminary results of the survey are published The Sangro river valley (fig. 1) was chosen be- elsewhere (Lloyd et al. 1997), this article presents the results of a computer-based GIS methodology for recon- cause it forms a well-defined topographic unit, in a structing routes of communication between ancient sites region where surprisingly little is known about the in a landscape, designed to complement traditional sur- archaeology. The river itself runs from the Apen- vey methodologies and explore the so-called off-site ar- nines into the Adriatic, a distance of some 120 km. chaeology that exists between areas of intense antique It is located three river valleys north of the Biferno occupation within the landscape. In doing so this re- search not only demonstrates the theoretical value of Valley, where earlier field survey work indicated the such an approach, but also shows how its practical applica- existence of widespread rural settlement in antiq- tion has helped the project understand in greater detail uity.3 The area largely disappears from the literary the ancient landscape of the Sangro river valley. The record after Sulla’s devastation of Samnium in 80 principal results of this analysis applied to settlement B.C., and until recently little research or excava- patterns in the middle Sangro Valley were to show that the fortified hilltop center of Monte Pallano was closely tion has been carried out in the Sangro Valley. De- integrated into the communications network of the sur- spite a recent increase in Samnite studies, we still rounding settlements, that one of the largest Samnite know very little about Samnite settlement, rural or and Roman settlements discovered by the survey lay on a nucleated, and very little about the history of Sam- junction of several well-frequented routes, and that a nium after its subjugation to Rome.4 The project large area of off-site material probably derives from Iron Age cemeteries overlooking a heavily used route around therefore combined field survey, excavation of se- the southern flank of Monte Pallano.* lected sites, geomorphological study, and ethnoar- chaeological enquiry to illuminate these issues. The objective of the Sangro Valley Project has Data from all periods were collected, although the been to investigate settlement processes and land- main research focus is from the Iron Age to the scape history in an area of ancient Samnium now early Middle Ages. This paper presents some of part of modern Abruzzo. The project, directed by the preliminary findings of the project, with partic- John Lloyd and Gary Lock at Oxford, and Neil ular emphasis on the study of settlement and com- Christie at Leicester, with the support of the two munications routes. Italian superintendents responsible for the area, The Sangro river runs through a variety of differ- Amalia Faustoferri and Cinzia Morelli, completed ent landscapes, starting in the mountainous heart five full seasons (1994–1998), with a preliminary of the Apennines, a predominantly pastoral area, season in 1993.1 A second phase, directed by Ed- and flowing through a wider but complex hilly land-

* Financial support for the Sangro Valley Project has been convert Idrisi images into ArcView grids; to Paul Morris, David provided by the Craven Committee of the University of Ox- Thorpe, Sarah Ruth, and Brian Wright for their discussions of ford, The Society of Antiquaries, The Society for the Promo- the anisotropic algorithm; and to AJA’s anonymous reviewers tion of Roman Studies, and the British School at Rome, which for helpful suggestions on an earlier draft. also lent the project a vehicle. We are grateful to the Soprint- 1 Two preliminary reports have been published: Lloyd et al. endenza Archeologica dell’Abruzzo-Chieti for their support and 1997; Faustoferri and Lloyd 1998. assistance throughout the project. Alison Macdonald, who is 2 Bispham and Kane 2000; Bispham 2001a; 2001b. studying the pottery from the project, kindly provided spot 3 Barker 1995a, 1995b. dates on the sites analyzed here. The authors are grateful to 4 In addition to Barker 1995a, recent works include Oakley Justin Moat of the GIS Madagascar Biodiversity Project, Royal 1995; Schneider-Herrmann 1996; Tagliamonte 1996. These Botanic Gardens, Kew, U.K., for his view-imp.ave script, used to are reviewed by Dench (1998).

169 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 169–86 170 TYLER BELL ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 1. Central Italy, showing areas surveyed in the Sangro Valley. (Lloyd et al. 1997, fig. 1) scape in the middle valley, where grain, olives, Settlement in the area surrounding Monte Pall- wine, and fruit are grown, before the valley opens ano was investigated by an intensive fieldwalking out into a much flatter floodplain as the river ap- survey, with walkers spaced at 10 m covering all walk- proaches the sea. Clearly it was impracticable to able ground in a kilometer-wide transect from the study in detail the entire valley, and survey there- treeline below the hillfort westward down to the fore concentrated on three main areas: in the up- river, from the top of the hillfort eastward down to per valley between Opi and Villetta Barrea, in the Tornareccio, and selected ground to the south in middle valley around the hillfort of Monte Pall- the area around San Giovanni, and the plateau of ano, and in the lower valley around a village called Fonte di Fontecampana (fig. 2). This survey re- Fara, a distinctively Lombard toponym. This pa- vealed a large number of sites, the vast majority of per concentrates on the middle valley, especially which lay on hilltops, ridges, or spurs. With the in- the Samnite hillfort of Monte Pallano, with its tensive survey as a control, a smaller team then con- massive polygonal walls, and on settlement in the ducted a more judgemental extensive survey, visit- surrounding territory. Key questions were wheth- ing hilltops, spurs and ridges further afield, and er the hillfort was occupied permanently, season- places with promising toponyms. Many more sites ally, or only at times of crisis, and how far its terri- were discovered in this extensive survey. Most are tory may have extended. Excavations on the pla- Iron Age/Classical, with a number continuing into teau of the hillfort, conducted by both the Soprint- the early Middle Ages, but in general Medieval oc- endenza under Amalia Faustoferri and by our cupation is less well represented in the field sur- project under John Lloyd, Gary Lock, and Neil vey data. Christie, have revealed substantial buildings, Sites discovered during field survey did not ex- showing permanent occupation in the Roman ist in isolation, however, and the simple process of period and certainly the presence of structures placing dots on maps does not do justice to the from earlier periods.5 variety of ancient habitation; the importance of

5 Faustoferri and Lloyd 1998. 2002] LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES 171

Fig. 2. Monte Pallano and surrounding area. North at top. studying settlement within the landscape focuses able significance—are more ephemeral and leave as much upon the relations between neighboring little, if any, indication of their former existence. It or distant sites as well as their individual locations. is on these smaller-scale, local communication Clearly, in such a hilly landscape as the middle San- routes that we focus here. gro Valley, communication is difficult and slow, and Why are these smaller routeways important in our the few communication routes that exist become understanding of the ancient landscape? If we were correspondingly more significant. able to discover the courses of these minor ancient Understanding the ancient communications roads, paths, and trackways, we might gain an im- network on a local scale is essential to understand- pression of the relative importance of different sites, ing the settlement process and the human exploi- and the analysis might also illuminate some of those tation of the landscape. Larger, arterial communi- other concerns that persistently dog field surveys, cation routes are still identifiable, many marked by in particular, the relationship between communi- natural features such as river valleys and terrain that cations routes and indications of “off-site activity,” will have changed little in the preceding centu- those high levels of “background noise” sherd dis- ries. For interregional trade routes through the tribution that are nevertheless not dense enough study area we may assume that the river valley re- to warrant treatment as a site scatter. But to address mained the principal long-distance artery (al- these questions it is necessary to understand the though the upper valley perhaps had closer links lines of ancient communications routes. How can with the Fucine basin than with the Adriatic), but we trace them if they were merely tracks, and not local communications between sites in the same paved or built with substructures or bridges? general area of the valley are less obvious. These One approach was provided by the project’s eth- lines of minor communication routes—paths and noarchaeological work, which focused on pastoral trackways linking long-disappeared sites of argu- transhumance.6 This research indicated that many

6 Conducted by Paul Beavitt and Marina Ambrosi; see Lloyd et al. 1997. 172 TYLER BELL ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 3. The upper valley survey area and sites discovered during survey. Site no. 620 is the inscription recording the erection of the aedes; site no. 618 is the polygonal road revetment. sites detected by the field survey in both the upper Marsica along the valley.7 Some 2.5 km to the west, and the middle valley lay on tratturi, traditional tran- an inscription of A.D. 144, recording the erection shumance routes, some of which are marked on old of an aedes and marble statue to Jupiter,8 is cut into maps or remembered in oral tradition. But the use the rock near the km 54 marker post on the same of tratturi may have been interrupted by political and road and suggests that the modern road may be economic changes; continuity across the early Medi- following the course of the ancient one for much of eval period between Roman systems of long-distance this stretch of the valley. transhumance and the Medieval tratturi cannot be In the constrained landscape of the upper valley assumed. Nevertheless, although the permanence basin, the relationship between sites and commu- of the longer, interregional routes may be doubted, nications routes is very easy to see. But for the more they may have been built up initially from shorter complex terrain of the middle valley around Mon- routes used earlier for local communications or, in te Pallano the situation is harder to understand some cases, short-distance transhumance. (fig. 4). Do modern roads, with their hairpin bends Another option is to read clues in the landscape to allow cars to climb steep hills, provide a reliable itself. In the upper valley survey area, between Opi indication of routes viable in antiquity, or are farm and Villetta Barrea, it was evident from the site dis- tracks, straighter and steeper for animals and cater- tribution in the upper valley that that most sites lay pillar tractors, a better guide? Or might ancient either on or overlooking the narrow corridor of routes have followed different courses altogether? possible communication along the valley of the San- The essential problem, therefore, was to devel- gro itself, or in the two valleys of its tributaries, the op a method of modeling likely human movement Torrente Fondillo and the Torrente Scerzo (fig. 3). across the ancient landscape, based on known set- A reassuring confirmation of the connection be- tlement locations and the topography of the region. tween settlement and the existence of a main com- munications route along the main valley was the theory and methodology discovery in 1995 of a massive substructure in po- Geographical information systems (GIS), de- lygonal masonry, clearly the revetment of a road fol- signed for the analysis of spatial data, are an obvi- lowing much the same line as the modern SS 83 ous tool to use when addressing problems of com-

7 Lloyd et al. 1997, 29–32. 8 CIL 10.5142. 2002] LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES 173

Fig. 4. The landscape of the middle Sangro Valley, near San Giovanni on the south side of Monte Pallano. (Photo by Andrew Wilson) munications routes in a landscape. But computer point called the “target.” The overall cost is deter- modeling of ancient communications routes re- mined by an algorithm that incorporates both the quires an effort to reconstruct those elements with- distance of that point from the target, as well as in the ancient landscape that dictated movement additional, relative costs based on particular aspects through the region, and this is no simple task, even of the landscape. These additional costs are user- in a comparatively little-changed, rural environment defined and usually are derived from a classifica- such as the Sangro Valley. Topographical and geo- tion system in which each feature of the landscape is graphical factors will have had significant impact assigned a cost value that is relative to a base value. upon the manner in which people moved across For example, to determine the least-cost route the landscape, and some of these, such as the loca- through a region that is composed of swamp, scrub- tion of settlement sites, groundcover, sources of land, grassland, and forest, cost values for vegeta- fresh water, and to a certain extent land use, can be tion must be incorporated into the cost surface reconstructed or intelligently estimated by the ar- because these would have significant impact upon chaeologist. Other, non-environmental factors will any movement through the landscape: naturally have also influenced movement across the ancient people would tend to avoid the swamp, traveling landscape: political boundaries, social divisions, through the plains, scrub, and perhaps the forest, cultural taboo or attraction associated with certain with greater difficulty. When building this model, sites; these leave little if any mark in the archaeo- the GIS operator or fieldworker must ascribe a rel- logical record, and therefore can be difficult or ative cost to each type of vegetation, thus the cost of impossible to reconstruct. Even when these factors each class is relative to the class with the lowest cost. are identified one is still faced with the formidable In this example the base unit, grassland, is given task of attempting to quantify each influence: of the value of one because it is level, well-drained, how much more influence was (for example) prox- and easy to traverse. Having established a base, ar- imity to water than the repulsion of an ancient cem- eas of forest can be given a relative cost of six, scrub etery or taboo area in determining one’s chosen a relative cost of three, and swamp a relative cost of route through the landscape? 12, which means that traversing land covered in forest is six times as difficult as traversing grassland, Cost Surfaces scrub is three times as difficult, etc. These values To date, GIS and cost surface generation have may be assigned arbitrarily or, where possible, de- been the tools used in the attempt to model move- termined by actual tests in the field. The “cost” can ment across a landscape and its inherent difficul- be conceived of as time or energy; the actual units ties. A cost surface is a computer-generated model of measurement are irrelevant because the cost is of the landscape in which each part of the surface is relative, not absolute. assigned a “cost,” representing the effort or energy The methodology was first effectively applied to required to reach that point from a predetermined an archaeological project on the island of Hvar in 174 TYLER BELL ET AL. [AJA 106 the late 1980s, where Gaffney and Stančic attempt- Iron Age, the presence of footpaths and communi- ed to define the territories of ancient sites through cation routes that may have cut through it remain the use of site catchment analysis.9 Traditionally site unknown. Social influences on landscape are more catchments have consisted of a simple linear pro- difficult to detect and quantify, and although they gression of time and distance, so that the further a are extremely important in our understanding of given point is away from a site, the higher the “cost” human interaction with the landscape, they are ar- in getting to that point and back within a day—the chaeologically ephemeral. Because geology and to- resultant catchment resembles a circular “bullseye” pography are the most static and unchanging land- in which each band marks the maximum distance scape elements (outside of the obvious exceptions one can travel from the central point in a given time. in which erosion is a major factor, including coast- Significantly advancing this approach, Gaffney and lines, river deltas, and some aeolian environments) Stančic employed GIS to develop a topographically- they therefore remain the most reliably reconstruct- based cost surface, in which the cost is not simply ed aspects of the ancient landscape. based on distance, but also on the slope that one Geology and topography are very much two sides must cross to reach that point and return. This pro- of the same coin; the firmament of the landscape— cess attempts to address the fact that surmounting a the rocks and their composition—affects the geo- steep slope demands a greater cost (in time or en- morphology which in turn gives rise to the valleys ergy) in relation to the comparatively low-cost pro- and hills with which we are familiar as topographic cess of moving on the level. A site situated in moun- features. This article concentrates primarily on the tainous terrain will therefore naturally have a small- shape and form of the surface, the topography, as er catchment area than a similar site on the plains, this has particular impact upon how people move because greater time and energy are required to from place to place, especially in hilly or mountain- cross a varied terrain than a comparatively flat one. ous regions. Even in comparatively level areas the By generating cost surfaces and using the base mea- slightest rise or dip in the landscape will force the surement of the time taken to walk 5 km across the traveler into a different pattern of movement. The Stari Grad plain on the island, Gaffney and Stančic topographic element, however, will never be the could generate site catchments for the island’s pre- sole influence upon movement across the land- historic hillforts, and study the proportion of other scape, but in simulating ancient and prehistoric sites, soils, and additional geographical factors that landscapes it remains the most reliable. Therefore, fell within the catchments. The process results in a any study of movement through an ancient land- better understanding of the hillforts and their rela- scape should use a topographic model as its foun- tionship to the immediate hinterland. dation, upon which additional models can be con- Although Gaffney and Stančic subsequently ad- structed, incorporating further aspects of environ- dressed their over-reliance on environmental fac- mental and non-environmental data. The remain- tors, their initial results were highly significant.10 der of this section presents the authors’ attempts to Their topographically-based cost surface offers sig- advance further the theory and methodology of to- nificant improvements upon the traditional mod- pographically-based cost surface analysis; the final el, because the incorporation of slope data begins section describes the results of its practical applica- to approach some of the more sophisticated fac- tion to the landscape of the Middle Sangro Valley tors, both environmental and non-environmental, and its illumination of the archaeology discovered which make up a landscape. in the field survey. Of these factors, topography and geology are the In the Hvar study, Gaffney and Stančic developed only two that cannot be readily manipulated by arti- a cost model based on the angle of slope. This is a ficial means. Ground cover, the most frequently cit- particularly good basis of cost because it obviates ed cost variable, can be altered in comparatively the need to generate a user-created scale of rela- short time: swamps can be drained, forests can be tive costs such as the example of ground cover giv- felled, and scrubland cleared; even streams and en above. However, there are two key elements of rivers can be bridged, forded, or diverted. If archae- moving up and down a slope that must be included obotanical evidence for a specific region suggests before any attempts are made to model human move- that an area was covered by woodland during the ment across it. First, we cannot assume that the cost

9 Gaffney and Stančic 1991. The text provides a solid intro- Stančic 1998). duction to GIS, including basic aspects of data capture, hard- 10 Gaffney and Van Leusen 1995. ware, and analysis; it is now available online (Gaffney and 2002] LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES 175

tween the two changes would therefore be mgy1 :

mgy2. Since a relative cost surface assumes the mass of the traveler to be the same, and gravity is a con-

stant, we can reduce the ratio to y1 : y2. For the pur- pose of GIS analysis, the landscape is divided into squares or “pixels”—each pixel, in this case, repre- senting an area 10 × 10 m. Slope quantification in a GIS allows only for angles of slope, not absolute θ heights within a pixel, but because y1=xtan( 1) and θ y2=xtan( 2) we can obtain the same ratio expressed θ θ as xtan( 1) : xtan( 2). Furthermore, because x (which Fig. 5. Two slopes in profile is the distance traveled, or the size of one pixel) remains the same, we can finally reduce the ratio to θ θ of climbing a slope is directly proportional to the an acceptable tan 1 : tan 2. Therefore, the relative degree of slope: thus surmounting a 45° slope is cost of ascending slopes can correctly be expressed θ not simply 45 times as difficult as moving on a level, as the ratio of the tangents of the slope angles, tan 1 θ 0° slope. (Taking this to its conclusion would sug- : tan 2, rather than simply by using the angle of slope gest that climbing a vertical slope of 90° is only 90 itself. times as difficult as walking on the level.) A cost- In this case we use a 1° slope as our lowest cost to surface based simply on straightforward slope val- avoid the division by zero that would result if we ues will not incorporate proper relative costs. were to take the tangent of 0—a level surface. The The actual relationship between slope and the new data set is produced by taking the tangents of relative effort required is slightly more complex, all slopes within the landscape, which are then di- and can be expressed mathematically: figure 5 vided by the tangent of 1°, to ascertain the cost of shows two slopes in profile, their angles represent- ascending a steeper slope relative to the cost of θ θ ed by 1 and 2, and their heights represented by y1 ascending a 1° slope. The result is a more accurate, and y2 respectively. X is the horizontal distance the nonlinear cost surface in which the cost of sur- traveler must cross to ascend the slope. mounting a 60° slope is nearly 100 times as diffi- The goal in this exercise is to discover the com- cult as traversing a nearly level surface (fig. 6). parative cost of ascending the two slopes: the change The second point that must be considered when in potential energy after ascending the slope is = using slope as a cost basis is that a slope does not mass * gravity * height ascended, and the ratio be- exert a force uniformly in all directions, but in fact

Fig. 6. Graph showing the nonlinear relationship of cost based on the tangent of slope 176 TYLER BELL ET AL. [AJA 106 exerts 100% of its force downhill.11 In the field, a figures in this paper have been generated. While slope exerts its full force against a traveler moving the combination of three programs may at first ap- directly uphill. When an object moves perpendic- pear complex, their incorporation is not difficult ular to the slope there is comparatively little im- and provides a very powerful combination that al- pedance. The relative friction of a pixel based on lows maximum data flexibility, portability, and ma- slope, therefore, is wholly dependent upon the nipulation. direction of travel across it (although the applica- tion of this model to the real world must of course Anisotropic Cost Surfaces take into account the serious costs involved in de- The project’s primary use of the Idrisi program scending steep slopes; we address this below). was generating anisotropic (nonuniformly direc- Earlier slope-based cost surfaces such as Gaffney tional) cost surfaces using its VARCOST module. and Stančic’s were based on uniform slope values An anisotropic algorithm incorporates both the so that, in effect, the computer simulation assumed magnitude and direction of a force, so that the re- that walking up, down, or across a slope demanded sultant cost surface is largely dependent on the the same cost. While subsequent landscape analy- direction of travel across these various forces from ses were valid in so far as they ascribed low costs to point A to B. When applied to a terrain model, the level land and high costs to all slopes, they could module can use data on slope (magnitude) and not, by their very nature, vary the cost of a pixel aspect (direction in which the slope faces) to pro- based on the direction of travel across it. duce a directionally-based cost surface in which the direction of travel is calculated against the steep- GIS Software ness and aspect of the slope. The result applies the A major focus of the Sangro Valley Project has full force against the traveler when traveling up- been the concept of “off-site” archaeology and the hill, with the traveler when walking downhill, and total-area coverage that a raster-based GIS can pro- in proportional increments relative to direction of trav- vide.12 Cost surfaces are usually constructed in a el when walking at acute angles to the direction of raster environment in which the landscape is di- force (fig. 7). vided into pixels—the smaller the pixel size, the This algorithm will clearly present problems with greater the number that are needed to cover the very steep slopes because it would assume that mov- landscape, and therefore greater the resolution. ing down a 50° slope is very easy (low-cost), when in Thus if a pixel is assigned a value of 10 in a cost fact the descent of a 50° slope can be more of a surface, it means that getting to that pixel from the tumble than a controlled perambulation. Even target point “costs” as much as traversing 10 pixels slopes less steep can be almost as tiring to descend with a base value of one, or five pixels with a value of as ascend. To address this issue we reclassified the two, etc. The project’s raster-based analysis, includ- slope data so that extremely steep slopes were giv- ing surface coverage generation and more ad- en proportionally high costs reflecting the difficul- vanced spatial functions, were performed using ty in traversing them from any direction. Further- Idrisi, an inexpensive but powerful GIS well suit- more the module assumes that a direct traverse of ed to this kind of analysis. However, the raster envi- the hillside—moving perpendicular to the force— ronment in general, and the Idrisi program in par- would incur simply the base cost, no more than if ticular, does not have the spatial precision and da- the walker were moving on level ground. This ap- tabase connectivity that a project of this nature de- parent discrepancy can be accommodated by a user- mands.13 Therefore the primary spatial model of defined function in the algorithm that incorporates the project’s GIS has been constructed within “corrections” for traversing a hillside at angles near- ESRI’s ArcView, and is tied to relational data in a perpendicular to the slope. Furthermore, the Microsoft Access database. The results of the Idrisi VARCOST module can incorporate a traditional raster analysis in turn could be imported directly isotropic cost surface (i.e., one with no weighting into ArcView, in which we could use the greater according to direction of travel), which could be functionality (and more friendly interface) of the used for incorporating additional geographic and ArcView “Spatial Analyst” extension, with which the non-environmental costs, such as ground cover. The

11 We are dealing with frictions rather than forces, but to using Idrisi for DOS. There have been two major revisions of avoid confusion we will refer to the slope as exerting a force. the program; the latest (Idrisi32) offers greater database con- 12 Lock et al. 1999. nectivity and a friendlier user interface (http://www.idrisi. 13 The cost surface analysis for this paper was undertaken clarku.edu). 2002] LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES 177

Fig. 7. Anisotropic cost surfaces: a diagram demonstrating the algorithm’s application of force vectors upon movement across a slope determined by the walker’s direction of travel. The algorithm is documented in the Idrisi Reference Manual, section 15. end result is a combined cost image that more close- ther insight into the causes behind the positioning ly reflects the relative difficulties of moving through of some sites within landscape and even contribute a natural landscape. to an understanding of existing landscape features such as trackways and field boundaries. Cumulative Pathway Analysis The overlapping of pathways between multiple The cost surface is actually an intermediary data sites can be quantified in a GIS to determine where set used to generate optimal paths in which the GIS and how often pathways between different sites cor- calculates the least-cost route between a target site respond. The fictitious example in figure 8 shows and a point (or series of points) within the land- optimal paths that have been generated from point scape. When this analysis is applied to data from a B to points A and C. The two pathways are then regional archaeological survey, possible routes of spatially overlain to produce a cumulative pathway, communication between contemporary sites can be in which cells common between the two receive a mapped. Because cost surfaces calculate the cost value of two; overlapping cells of a third pathway of getting to or from a specific point in the land- would assign the cell a value of three, and so on. In scape they are strictly site-specific, and no single a multisite environment this quantification of path- cost surface can be generated for the purpose of way overlap can help point to those paths that may modeling bidirectional movement among multiple have been used most frequently in antiquity. points in an entire region. As such, the analysis of any multisite landscape requires the generation of application: the sangro valley project a single cost surface for each site. The following section illustrates the pathway The route that is generated between sites can be networks that have been generated between sites very informative (and surprising) by itself, but to- around the slopes of Monte Pallano in four very gether with other pathways can contribute greatly to broad periods: the Bronze Age; the Iron Age/Sam- understanding avenues of communication through nite period (Impasto and Black Gloss pottery); the a region. A network of these pathways can add fur- Roman period, and the Medieval period, starting 178 TYLER BELL ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 8. Cumulative pathway analysis to site B from sites A and C: where the two pathways overlap the corresponding cells (pixels) are given a value of 2, shown here as a darker cell (the cell size has been exaggerated for clarity). about the 6th century A.D. Pottery analysis is ongo- di Fontecampana (ca. 1 × 0.5 km) and the arable ing, so the dating of sites in the middle valley is land below the wooded slopes in the southeast cor- provisional yet acceptable for this preliminary anal- ner of the map grid (fig. 2). Most sites within these ysis. Cost surfaces as described in the previous sec- areas were found on hilltops, ridges, and spurs— tion were generated in Idrisi for each site, using a indeed, very few topographical eminences lacked pixel size of 10 m. Cumulative pathway analysis was sites—and many similar sites were discovered dur- then performed for all sites in occupation within ing the later extensive survey. each of four broad periods for which the pottery With the exception of the summit of Monte Pal- typology allows recognition. lano, where stretches of massive polygonal walling The landscape was walked in teams of four to survive and excavations have revealed buildings of seven people spaced 10 m apart, collecting all arti- Roman date, and of scatter 18 (Fonte di Fontecam- factual material within a meter on either side of pana), where there is an enigmatic rock-cut fea- them, thus giving a notional 20% coverage. Al- ture, none of the sites in this area is signalled by though in the first season we plotted our position visible structures, and all were located as scatters of from maps and imposed rectangular transects on artifacts. No attempt was made to define sites by the the landscape with tape and compass, this proved rigid application of a threshold density of sherds overly time-consuming in hilly terrain and from the per unit area, as we felt that would give a false sense second season onward we used air photographs tak- of precision to very imprecise surface data; more- en from 10,000 ft. and enlarged to 1:5,000 to locate over, we were conscious that the background scat- our position, treating each modern field as a sepa- ter of sherds varied considerably within the survey rate unit for recording purposes. Within the 10 × region, from nothing or almost nothing to an ap- 10 km IGM map grid area around Monte Pallano, a preciable quantity of off-site material, which was transect 1 km wide from Monte Pallano down to the nevertheless too diffuse to represent a discrete con- river was surveyed, with the exception of the steep- centration of artifacts. The important criterion for ly wooded upper slopes of Monte Pallano itself; we site definition, we felt, was that a concentration of also walked the unwooded plateau around Fonte sherds should stand out as noticeably more dense 2002] LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES 179

Fig. 9. The Bronze Age sites and pathway network in the immediate area around Monte Pallano. The Sangro River runs from Lago di Bomba (artificially dammed in modern times) along the valley to the left of scatters 61 and 62. The area shown here and in following figures is the area shown on the map in figure 2, covering 5.7 × 7 km. For location of toponyms not marked on this figure, see figure 2. than the background scatter in the immediate vicin- 65 (on a hilltop) and two sites (58 and 18) along ity. This judgement necessarily could only be made the springline at the foot of the heavily wooded in the field by the team leader. In many cases the section of the slopes of Monte Pallano. A seventh edges of the site were clear and could be defined site (91) was exposed in a track cutting south of with some certainty, but the exception was the re- San Giovanni. gion around the southern flank of Monte Pallano, Figure 9 shows the paths of least resistance cal- where levels of off-site material (especially impasto) culated between the sites producing Bronze Age were high between much denser concentrations of pottery. Paths between scatter 91 by San Giovanni scatter material, and the edges of sites were blurred. in the southeast take one of two routes to the sites The overall settlement patterns show a fairly dense discovered in the transect below Bomba—a lower occupation of the rural landscape, especially in the route, running past Colle S. Pietro (which becomes Iron Age to Roman periods. We were unable to in- important in later periods), and an upper route, vestigate in detail the relationship of settlement to running through a plateau where we found our larg- the river Sangro itself, as the modern Lago di Bomba est Classical site, scatter 18 at Fonte di Fontecampa- (1961) had flooded the river valley below (west of) na. The slight plateau at the Fontecampana site in Colle S. Pietro and Colle Butino. Below the modern fact becomes the key to communications routes dam, however, some sites were found on the river between the south slopes of Monte Pallano and the terraces by the railway station at San Antonio. Al- eastern slopes. The site scatter here includes Bronze though the Lago di Bomba has clearly altered this Age and Iron Age sherds, and seems to be richest part of the landscape since 1961, it does not affect in sherds and wasters of the Classical/Roman peri- our current analysis of the communications between od, when it covered all the ground visible in figure the sites that we did find, as all our survey work lay to 10 up to and beyond the farmhouse. In the Bronze the east of the river, and none of the calculated routes Age the outline of later route networks begins to involves an attempt to cross the river. develop, as does the existence of particular sites that were to remain important on a local scale. Bronze Age Settlement and Communications Seven sites in the Monte Pallano area yielded Iron Age Settlement and Communications Bronze Age material (low-fired, handmade ceram- Many more sites produced Iron Age and Sam- ics, often associated with late and crude struck nite material, of which handmade impasto sherds flints): two small sites on river terraces on the right were the dominant indicator, with some Black Glaze bank of the Sangro (scatters 61 and 62), a small present for the later part of this period. The distri- spur site (67) below modern Bomba, and scatters at bution of Iron Age impasto and Samnite finewares 180 TYLER BELL ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 10. Fonte di Fontecampana (scatter 18), apparently a key site in the communications of the region from the Bronze Age onward. A spread of pottery and tile extended from the camera position to beyond the farmhouse in the distance, across the full width of the natural terrace between the treeline to the left and a point where the ground falls away beyond the right hand edge of the picture. (Photo by Jennie Lowe)

(and probable coarsewares) was very similar, and nite period; impasto sherds of this date cover a although it would be possible to separate these larger area than the Classical and Medieval nucle- two periods, they have here been combined be- us. Scatter 18 at Fontecampana produced impasto cause the pathway analysis is virtually identical for over much of its area; that some of this material both. All the Bronze Age sites continued in occu- may derive from burials is suggested by an earlier pation. Excavations on Monte Pallano indicate find of an Iron Age bronze châtelaine from the Fon- occupation from the fourth or third centuries B.C. tecampana area, typical of female elite burials of onward, and although the megalithic walls on the fifth century B.C. An enigmatic rock-cut fea- Monte Pallano are not closely dated, they evident- ture has been seen as a “donario” (receptacle for ly belong to the Samnite period, indicating an ritual offerings) but is probably better interpret- important fortified center.14 A temenos wall and ed as a rock-cut sarcophagus with lid seating; its quantities of architectural terracottas discovered date is uncertain but it probably belongs to the in recent excavations seem to indicate a substan- Samnite rather than to the Roman period.16 tial Samnite sanctuary of the third to late second New hilltop sites appear at scatter 88 and 84 (Col- or early first centuries B.C.15 To the west of Monte le S. Pietro)—at the latter site Iron Age grave goods, Pallano, several large sites are interpreted as ham- including a spearhead, were found several years lets or villages: scatters 58, 65, and 18, at Fonte di ago.17 On the southern flanks of Monte Pallano a Fontecampana. Scatter 65, on a low hill below Bom- rash of new small sites appears, mainly concentrated ba, may be truncated by the modern highway, but around the break of slope at the springline where measured at least 450 × 200 m at its maximum the steep wooded slopes give way to flatter arable extent, which appears to be in the Iron Age/Sam- land between San Giovanni and Colle Butino.

14 Faustoferri and Lloyd 1998, 11–2. 16 Châtelaine: Cuomo 1985, 43; Faustoferri and Lloyd 1998, 15 Bispham 2001a; report on the 2001 season available on- 15; “donario”: Cuomo 1985, 26. line in Bispham (2001b, http://www.sangro.org/reports/2001/ 17 Faustoferri and Lloyd 1998, 18. contents_2001.html). 2002] LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES 181

Fig. 11. Iron Age/Samnite sites and pathways around Monte Pallano

The resulting path network is more complex (fig. tain might well have used routes across the sum- 11). Nevertheless, the high and low routes are still mit, rather than going around the south of the apparent, and the importance of the Fontecampa- mountain via San Giovanni. Settlement on the sum- na plateau is clearly evident as a junction of a mul- mit of Monte Pallano thus needs to be considered titude of routes. Fontecampana also provides the as part of the regular communications network, rath- jumping-off point for almost the only viable route er than as isolated and ill-frequented. up to the top of Monte Pallano from its western The second point to note is the frequency of path- side. The modern road also passes through this ways between the numerous sites on the southern point to ascend Monte Pallano but winds a much slopes of Monte Pallano, in a belt along and below more circuitous route with hairpins up to the sum- the spring line between San Giovanni (scatters 14 mit, which takes about 15 minutes in a vehicle. Con- and 15) and Colle Butino toward Fontecampana. sequently the authors had initially believed the top This is the area shown in figure 12, looking north, of Monte Pallano to be a difficult place to reach, and the most frequented pathways run approxi- and one that may have been somewhat remote from mately along the line of the modern road visible as the settlements around its base. However, after test- a hedgerow in the middle ground. ing routes on foot it was found that the excavations Perhaps significantly, this zone is the reported of the Soprintendenza on the summit could be location of the find of the Atessa torso, a Samnite reached in 25 minutes from Fontecampana (using funerary sculpture of the same generic type as the a route close to that predicted by the computer), Capestrano Warrior (ca. 550 B.C.), and now in Chi- with a further 35 minutes down the other side to eti Museum (fig. 13).18 Furthermore, in this area a the village of Tornareccio, east of Monte Pallano, scatter of Iron Age impasto (50–52) below the where Iron Age graves have been found—a total of treeline coincides with a group of trees growing only one hour on foot from Fontecampana to Tor- out of stone cairns (fig. 14). The regular spacing of nareccio. Alternative routes from Fontecampana to these just below the treeline, and the scatter of im- Tornareccio around the mountain take about half pasto around each one, raises the suspicion that an hour by car; on foot they would take much long- these may not be simple clearance cairns but rath- er as the distance is several miles. Field-testing the er funerary markers in a line overlooking a well- computer-generated pathways therefore demon- traveled road. The nearby site of Acquachiara (scat- strated that the summit of Monte Pallano is readily ter 21) has also produced an archaic statue-stele accessible, and that communications between set- fragment from a funerary marker and a spread of tlements on the east and west sides of the moun- impasto wares.

18 Faustoferri and Lloyd 1998, 13, 15. 182 TYLER BELL ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 12. Terrain around the south flank of Monte Pallano. Predicted ancient communications routes roughly follow the line of hedgerow and trees running from left to right in the middle distance. (Photo by Andrew Wilson)

This area produced not only many sites but also a nounced ridge overlooking the natural depression high level of off-site material. This is in sharp con- through which a modern north–south road still trast to other areas of the survey where the sites are runs. often very well defined and there is almost no off- site material visible in plowed fields. While some Roman Settlement and Communications of the background noise in this area may be manur- Excavations above the Fonte Benedetti on the top ing scatter or spread around sites themselves, it of Monte Pallano have revealed a porticoed struc- appears to be very diffuse and not related to neigh- ture, probably a public building, erected probably boring sites; much of this off-site material is impas- between the mid first century B.C. and the early to, concentrated along the line of the predicted first century A.D. Subsequent alterations are asso- communications routes. The high levels of off-site ciated with ironworking activity, and the complex material might be a result of colluviation or of the seems to have been abandoned in the late second collapse of ancient agricultural terraces at the top century A.D. Surface finds on the plateau around of the arable slopes, but either explanation seems the excavations suggest a large area of Roman peri- to imply a concentration of sites along the lower od occupation, and small excavations at the south- edge of the woods at the break of slope. The possi- erly peak of the summit, La Torretta, indicate Ro- ble cairns at sites 50–52 and the evidence for fu- man structures and material there too.19 It is not nerary sculpture from the area suggest that the cor- clear whether the former Samnite sanctuary re- relation between the communications routes and tained its importance after the Social War, but the the high levels of off-site material may be explained extent of surface material and the relative richness if the break of slope here was lined with tombs over- (for the region) of the excavated remains suggest a looking major routes. sizeable early Roman settlement on the top of Mon- A final point to note is that the lower route be- te Pallano. Clearly by this period the defensive util- tween the eastern and the southern sites is com- ity of the hilltop had ceased to be important, and manded by scatter 84 on Colle San Pietro, a pro- the site here should be seen as closely linked into

19 Faustoferri and Lloyd 1998, 8–12. 2002] LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES 183 Scatter 58, at the springline on the break of slope below the trees on the flank of Monte Pallano, mea- sured at least 140 × 200 m and certainly extended further than could be seen. Visibility of the site, however, was obscured by vegetation, modern quar- rying, and colluviation on the uphill (east) side, where landslip exposures revealed an archaeolog- ical sequence with a quern fragment and other material in the section. Scatter 18, at Fontecampana, is also situated on the springline at the break of slope between the steep wooded ground and the gentler arable ter- rain. The plateau here contains the largest scatter discovered in the immediate surroundings of Monte Pallano, and indeed the largest in the entire sur- vey, measuring some 500 × 300 m. Unlike scatter 65, Fontecampana seems to have peaked in the Roman period, to judge from the quantities and spread of Roman material. It is also one of the most varied assemblages, yielding finds of quernstones, tile and dolium wasters, coins, and a piece of prob- able hypocaust pila, hinting at the presence of baths. Three inscriptions (a dedication and two tomb- stones: CIL 9.2949, 2972, and 2978), now in the adjacent village of Sambuceto also probably derive originally from Fontecampana. The pathway net- Fig. 13. The so-called Atessa Torso, part of an over-lifesize works show the continued importance of the Fon- archaic funerary sculpture found near Colle Archiano on tecampana site, and its location at a junction of the south flank of Monte Pallano. (Courtesy of the Soprintendenza Archeologica dell’Abruzzo-Chieti) heavily frequented routes helps to explain its pre- eminent size. the surrounding settlement pattern as a communi- To the south of Monte Pallano, between Colle cations hub rather than a fortified retreat. Butino and San Giovanni, are a large number of Around Monte Pallano many of the Iron Age/ smaller sites (50–100 m across), which probably Samnite sites remained in occupation into the Ro- represent farmsteads exploiting the arable in this man period, and consequently the predicted com- area. One of the richest of these (in terms of fin- munications network looks very similar (fig. 15). ewares) is scatter 21 at the spring of Acquachiara. None of the sites could be termed a villa—there But here too there are hamlets or villages—scatter are no architectural moldings, worked stones, mo- 15 to the west of San Giovanni is evidently one of saic tesserae, or other material suggesting architec- these, a large spread of material partially obscured tural pretension, and only one small piece of red by modern cultivation but producing a rich set of painted wall plaster was found during the entire Roman finds, including a stamped tile reading survey of the middle valley area. To the west of Mon- [S]EXPONT, identical to one from Monte Pall- te Pallano the dominant settlement type seems to ano.20 It is very likely that this scatter represents be the hamlet or small village: scatters 65, 58, and part of the same site as scatter 14, to the east of San 18 (Fontecampana) all produced material of this Giovanni, and that the present village obscures con- period from areas over 200 m across. The hilltop tinuity between them. site, scatter 65, produced a sizeable scatter of early Roman material (ITS sherds), though from a more Medieval Settlement and Communications restricted area than had yielded impasto sherds; Medieval occupation discovered by the survey is but further contraction of the site was evident with- much reduced in quantity from the Iron Age and in the Roman period, as ARS sherds came only from Classical periods. It may be that the majority of Me- a limited area in the center of the site. dieval sites have in fact survived to the present day

20 Cuomo 1985, 56. 184 TYLER BELL ET AL. [AJA 106

Fig. 14. The site of scatters 50–52, on the south flank of Monte Pallano. A scatter of pottery and tile across the area in the foreground represents a Roman site, while large quantities of impasto found immediately below the treeline where trees are growing out of stone cairns may indicate an Iron Age cemetery. (Photo by Andrew Wilson) as the villages of Bomba, Tornareccio, San Giovan- period, evidence from zoned collection within the ni, and others, and so remain invisible to fieldwalk- area of a site indicates that these sites were shrink- ing techniques. But in each of those cases it is topo- ing in occupied area (or at least in the area produc- graphically likely that there was prehistoric and clas- ing sherds), with the Medieval sherds coming from sical settlement at those sites too, and in fact this a reduced nucleus in the core of the Classical sites. has been demonstrated by finds at Tornareccio and At scatter 65 the late ARS and Medieval wares come San Giovanni. The Medieval period therefore wit- from a restricted area in the center of the overall nessed either an overall population decline or an scatter. The apparent reduction in dispersed set- increased nucleation of settlement, or both. Where tlement leads to a fall in the number of predicted Roman sites do continue into the early Medieval communications routes and a consequent simplifi-

Fig. 15. The Classical sites and pathway network 2002] LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES 185

Fig. 16. The Medieval sites and pathway network cation of the pathways network. The main arteries We can conclude that many of the existing routes, from previous periods remain in use, especially the including the tratturi, in the Monte Pallano region upper route along the springline, on the south- appear to have been dictated by topographical fea- western flank of the mountain (fig. 16). tures (which is not surprising in such a mountain- ous area), and that the predicted trackways between conclusion ancient sites appear to follow much the same pat- Evidence that the computer model is predicting tern of communications. Although this does not in sensible and perhaps long-lived routes is provided itself prove that the tratturi must go back to remote by the two calculated “classical period” crossroads antiquity, it is very possible that some of them—or north of Fontecampana. Although survey did not at least segments of longer-distance routes—may reveal sites at these locations, we did find junctions do so. Barker has noted that in a neighboring re- of modern farm tracks, which appeared to take sim- gion of Abruzzo the Bronze Age seems to mark the ilar routes along gullies in the area to the routes start of limited exploitation of the Apennine pas- predicted by the computer. The modern metalled tures for seasonal pastoralism, although modalities road, by contrast, takes a winding route with several of seasonal transhumance varied considerably be- hairpin bends in this region, and is much slower tween then and the Medieval period.22 for a traveler on foot than are the farm tracks run- Future research will extend the same techniques ning along the routes preferred by the computer’s to a wider area, once we have obtained elevation algorithm. Furthermore, the route down from La data for more of the region around Monte Pallano. Crocetta (scatter 93), a site below the north end of This should allow us to calculate routes between Monte Pallano, to scatter 58 and the sites below sites found by the extensive survey, and to set Mon- Bomba to the west of the mountain, broadly follows te Pallano in a wider framework of longer-distance an ancient tratturo. The frequent coincidence be- communications. Such a framework might help to tween actual trackways and the communications address the question of territorial limits; the ap- routes predicted by the GIS therefore suggests that plication of time analysis to the pathways, for ex- our assumptions about the effects of slope and as- ample, could provide a model of the areas that pect on human travel are broadly valid and are ap- could be reached from Monte Pallano in a given plicable to this region.21 amount of time.

21 A similar methodology was recently applied in England to tween hillforts corresponds closely with the route of the exist- a series of Iron Age hillforts connected by an extant, prehis- ing trackway. toric trackway in the Berkshire Downs (Bell and Lock 2000). 22 Barker 1989; 1995a, 157–8. The analysis shows that the course predicted by the GIS be- 186 T. BELL ET AL., LANDSCAPE AND COMMUNICATIONS ROUTES This analysis has focused on very local routes in a logical and Geomorphological Record. London: Leicester spatially limited area around the slopes of Monte University Press. Pallano, restricted by the zone for which detailed, Bell, T., and G. Lock. 2000. “Topographic and Cultural Influences on Walking the Ridgeway in Later Prehistor- digitized elevation data was available. Nevertheless, ic Times.” In Beyond the Map: Archaeology and Spatial Tech- it has shown the power of computerized pathway nologies, edited by G. Lock, 85–100. Amsterdam: IOS. analysis techniques for understanding settlement Bispham, E. 2001a. “Sangro Valley Project 2000.” Papers patterns within a landscape, and in particular for of the British School at Rome 69:409. assessing the relative importance of different sites. ———. 2001b. The Sangro Valley Project. http://www.sangro. org (4 March 2001). The role of the Fontecampana site as a communi- Bispham, E., and S. Kane. 2000. “Excavations at Monte cations hub is brought out very clearly; but path- Pallano (CH) in Abruzzo.” Papers of the British School at ways may in some cases serve also to suggest possi- Rome 68:397–8. ble explanations for anomalously high levels of off- Cuomo, L. 1985. Mostra fotografica archeologica su Monte site material. Comparison between predicted an- Pallano e dintorni. Lanciano: Editrice Rocco Carabba. Dench, E. 1998. Review of The Hill-Forts of the Samnites, by cient routes and actual modern roads or farm tracks S.P. Oakley; The Samnites of the Fourth Century BC as showed a reasonably high level of correspondence, Depicted on Campanian Vases and in Other Sources, by G. with tracks perhaps offering a better guide for the Schneider-Herrmann; and I Sanniti: Caudini, Irpini, quickest routes for a traveler on foot. This may sug- Pentri, Carricini, Frentani, by G. Tagliamonte. AJA gest that many of these existing tracks—and not 102:441–3. Faustoferri, A., and J.A. Lloyd. 1998. “Monte Pallano: A least the tratturi—could perpetuate routes that Samnite Fortified Centre and Its Hinterland.” JRA predate recorded history. 11:5–22. Gaffney, V., and P. Van Leusen. 1995. “Postscript – GIS, oxford archdigital Environmental Determinism and Archaeology.” In 27 park end street Archaeology and Geographic Information Systems: A Euro- pean Perspective, edited by G. Lock and Z. Stančic, 367– oxford ox1 1hu 82. London: Taylor and Francis. england Gaffney, V., and Z. Stančic. 1991. GIS Approaches to Re- [email protected] gional Analysis: A Case Study of the Island of Hvar. Ljubl- jana: Znanstveni Inštitut Filozofske Fakultete. institute of archaeology ———. 1998. GIS Approaches to Regional Analysis: A Case Study of the Island of Hvar. http://www.archaeology. 36 beaumont street usyd.edu.au/VISTA/gaffney_stancic (4 March 2002). oxford ox1 2pg Lloyd, J.A., N. Christie, G. Lock, S. Agostini, M. Ambro- england si, P. Beavitt, T. Bell, L. Dallai, C. Doherty, A. Faustof- [email protected] erri, A. MacDonald, C. Morelli, L. Shepherd, L. Tuli- pani, A. Wickham, and A. Wilson. 1997. “From the Mountain to the Plain: Landscape Evolution in the 29, the greenway Abruzzo. An Interim Report on the Sangro Valley uxbridge Project (1994–5).” PBSR 65:1–57. middlesex ub8 2pj Lock, G., T. Bell, and J.A. Lloyd. 1999. “Towards a Meth- england odology for Modelling Surface Survey Data: The San- gro Valley Project.” In Geographical Information Systems [email protected] and Landscape Archaeology, edited by D. Mattingly and M. Gillings, 55–64. Oxford: Oxbow. Works Cited Oakley, S.P. 1995. The Hill-Forts of the Samnites. London: British School at Rome. Barker, G.W.W. 1989. “The Archaeology of the Italian Schneider-Herrmann, G. 1996. The Samnites of the Fourth Shepherd.” Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Soci- Century B.C. as Depicted on Campanian Vases and in Oth- ety 215:1–19. er Sources. BICS Suppl. 61. London: Institute of Classi- ———. 1995a. A Mediterranean Valley. Landscape Archae- cal Studies University of London, and the Accordia ology and Annales History in the Biferno Valley. London: Research Centre University of London. Leicester University Press. Tagliamonte, G. 1996. I Sanniti: Caudini, Irpini, Pentri, ———, ed. 1995b. The Biferno Valley Survey. The Archaeo- Carricini, Frentani. Milan: Longanesi & C. A Ketos in Early Athens: An Archaeology of Whales and Sea Monsters in the Greek World JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO

Abstract unearthed in 1934, the bone languished, appar- This article publishes a fragment of a scapula of a fin ently forgotten for many years, first in the storerooms whale (Balaenoptera physalus) found in an Early Geomet- of the old Agora dig-house, and later in the upper ric well in the area of the later Athenian Agora. Deriving gallery of the Stoa of Attalos, above the Agora Muse- from the carcass of an immature beached whale, the bone was brought to Athens and was used probably as a cutting um. The bone is of interest both on account of the surface, before being discarded ca. 850 B.C. The context fact that it preserves a portion of a scapula of a fin of this extraordinary artifact is analyzed and discussed, as whale, a member of the Balaenoptera genus of whales, are its possible functions. The occurrence of whales in the second largest mammal to have inhabited the the Aegean and Mediterranean is reviewed, so too the earth after the blue whale, as well as for the use it use of whales and whalebones in ancient Greece and in other cultures. Although the incidence of whalebone is was put to prior to being discarded. The bone, al- rare in archaeological contexts in the Aegean, Classical though fragmentary and now preserving only a small literature is full of references to both fantastic sea mon- portion of the original scapula, has a series of cut sters and real whales. The words that the Greeks and marks on its upper, flat surface, and a neat rectan- Romans used for whales and the language of whales in gular cutting for presumed attachment to another mythology and natural history reveal a rich and varied tradition. There is a similarly rich and long tradition of element, now lost. While the exact function of the iconographic representations in ancient art, particularly artifact in the context of the Early Iron Age settle- of fabulous sea monsters, one that extends from Aegean ment of Athens is not immediately obvious, analy- prehistory into the Classical era and well beyond. The sis of the various cuttings, together with the wear Agora whalebone provides a unique insight into the ar- on the bone, provide important insights into the chaeology of whales and sea monsters in Greek litera- ture, natural history, art, and material culture.* life history of this uncommon find. The compara- tive rarity of whale bones in archaeological contexts How vain and foolish, then, thought I, for timid in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean gener- untravelled man to try to comprehend aright this ally, coupled with the use that the bone was put to, wondrous whale, by merely poring over his dead warrant its detailed publication. Moreover, the phys- attenuated skeleton. Herman Melville, Moby Dick.1 ical existence of such a bone serves as a useful fo- cus for the more numerous appearances of whales One of the most enigmatic objects to have been and other sea monsters in Greek literature, mythol- found in the heart of Athens is the so-called bone ogy, natural history, and art. artifact (Agora inv. BI 115), encountered in an Ear- In this article, a detailed description and analysis ly Geometric well (well K 12:2) in the central por- of the bone is provided, which aims at establishing tion of the area that was to become the Classical the salient details of its life history, including the Agora (fig. 1).2 So unique was the object that the nature of the leviathan from which it derived and well from which it derived came to be known, for a the context in which it was finally deposited. From time, as the “well with the bone artifact.” Although there, the incidence of both stranded and sighted

* We gratefully acknowledge our debt to our colleagues in Adrienne Mayor, Greg Monks, Sarah Morris, Jacqui Mulville, the Athenian Agora for facilitating our work and for various Tom Palaima, Stavros Paspalas, Carolyn Riccardelli, Richard Sab- types of assistance, particularly John McK. Camp II, Sylvie Du- in, William Schniedewind, Gianni Siracusano, Aleydis Van de mont, Anne Hooton, Jan Jordan, and Craig Mauzy. We are Moortel, Cornelius Vermeule, and Jennifer Webb. We would grateful to many friends and colleagues for providing illustra- like to record our special thanks to Adrienne Mayor for her tions, for allowing access to material in their care, and for dis- insightful comments and her great enthusiasm for monsters cussion on a variety of topics connected with this paper, espe- of the land and sea. cially the following: Aphrodite Argyrakis, Mary Jean Blasdale, 1 Melville 1851, ch. 103, “Measurement of the Whale’s Skel- Laura Bonomi, David Clarke, John Clegg, Roger Colten, Simon eton,” 494–5. Davis, Peter Dawson, Susanne Ebbinghaus, Sherry Fox, Michael 2 For the topography of Athens in the Early Iron Age, see Jehle, Hans Christian Kochelmann, Roel Lauwerier, Susan Papadopoulos 1996, 2002. Lawrence, Nino Luraghi, Yvonne Marshall, Dave Maxwell,

187 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 187–227 188 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Fig. 1. General view of the area of the Athenian Agora, with the Akropolis, from the west, before the reconstruction of the Stoa of Attalos. (Photo by Alison Frantz; courtesy of the Agora Excavations, American School of Classical Studies at Athens) whales in the Aegean and Mediterranean are re- once living whales and the rich literary and icono- viewed, and a brief overview is provided of the use of graphic traditions of kete in the Greek world. The whales and whalebones in Greece, as well as in other shoulder blade of the Early Iron Age ketos in Ath- cultures. Next, the words that the Greeks and Ro- ens, together with discoveries of several other whale- mans used for whales and the language of whales in bones in various contexts in the Aegean and Med- mythology and natural history are discussed. Finally, iterranean, permit an archaeology of whales and an analysis is presented on the manner in which sea monsters in Greek tradition that draws on the Greek and other artists represented these creatures evidence not only of philology and iconography, of the deep and the iconographic traditions that were but also faunal remains and material culture. formulated and established in Aegean prehistory and in Classical archaeology. the archaeological context Although Classical literature is full of referenc- Before describing Agora BI 115, it is important es to mythical creatures of the deep—as well as to to establish the details of its context and its date. real whales—and fantastic sea monsters feature The deposit in which the whalebone was found was prominently in Greek and Roman art, Classical one of two early wells that were located near the philologists and iconographers have been ham- center of the later Agora, beneath the so-called Civ- pered in their attempts to link the word and the ic Offices.3 The stylobate of an Early Roman build- image, on the one hand, with the material remains ing intersected one of them, K 12:2 of Early Geo- of actual whales on the other. This is in part the metric date, in which BI 115 was found; the other, result of the paucity of verified whalebones in ar- Protogeometric well K 12:1, was located about 2 m chaeological contexts and the lack of general in- to the south (figs. 2–3). The shafts of both wells formation with regard to their specific species or had been cut down to the surviving level of the bed- genera, which has sometimes given rise to the mis- rock by early Roman times. Turkish storage pits over- taken belief that larger whales, such as blue, fin, lay both wells and extended down into the ragged and sperm whales were—and are—uncommon in mouth of K 12:1, which opened in bedrock as an the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. It is our irregular pit, ca. 2 × 2.4 m, narrowing to 1–1.2 m at aim in this paper to (re-)establish the link between the bottom. The shaft was about 4.8 m in depth

3 The well is noted in Shear 1935, 362–3. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 189

Fig. 2. Well K 12:1 in foreground and well K 12:2 (the Early Geometric well with the whalebone) in center during excavation in 1934. View from the south. (Courtesy of the Agora Excavations, American School of Classical Studies at Athens) from the level of the surrounding bedrock4 and lay as the level of the first meter below the surround- under the porch of the Civic Offices, 17.5 m north ing bedrock. The diameter at the mouth of well K of Middle Stoa pier 9 (from the west). The Middle 12:2 as first exposed was 1.3 m, narrowing to 0.7 m Stoa terrace appears to have been built along the at the bottom. The depth of the well below the top line of an earlier east–west road that may have been of the overlying wall B was 6.25 m; its depth from in service during the life of the well, though such a the preserved level of the surrounding bedrock conclusion is speculative. The material from well K approximately 5.3 m (fig. 3). Well K 12:2 was one 12:1 can be assigned to a developed phase of the of several Early Iron Age wells that were stratified. Protogeometric period.5 The lower deposit (period of use) yielded com- Just over 2 m to the north of K 12:1 was well K plete and almost-complete vessels recovered from 12:2 (figs. 2–3), also referred to by the excavator depths ranging between -4.2 and -5.3 m. These as “Protogeometric.”6 There appears to have been vessels, used to draw water, were inadvertently no physical barrier between the two wells until the dropped by their owners; a selection of some of stylobate of the Civic Offices was built between the period-of-use pots is presented here (figs. 4– them. It is worth adding that during excavation 5). The upper deposit, filling the remainder of persistent water was met in both wells, even as high the well, represents the fill dumped into the shaft

4 That is, 54.45 m above sea level. Section M: well at 70/ME. Geometric period into Early, Middle, and Late, with subsequent Deposit first noted 22 and 27 March 1934; cleared 29 March– phases follows that originally devised by Eva Brann and Evelyn 14 April 1934 by D. Burr [Thompson]. A number of complete Lord Smithson, see Papadopoulos 1998; see further Brann 1961, vessels from the deposit, primarily oinochoai, may have been 95; Coldstream 1968, 4–5; Coldstream 1995, 391. Smithson part of the period-of-use material, but on account of several divided the Protogeometric period into various phases on the joins noted throughout the deposit, all of the pottery was com- basis of the internal evidence provided by the Agora graves bined, without a record of the depth noted. As such, it is not and deposits, particularly the well deposits (well K 12:1 was as- possible to establish beyond doubt whether the complete ves- signed by Smithson to PG III). For further notes on these sels were indeed period of use, or if the entire fill was deposit- chronological phases, see Papadopoulos 1996, 119, n. 34. ed at one time. 6 Section M. “Protogeometric” well at 70/MH. Cleared in- 5 Evelyn Smithson’s division of the Early Iron Age into dis- termittently between 2 and 26 April 1934 by Dorothy Burr tinct phases coincides with that of Coldstream (1968, 8–28) [Thompson]. See also Coldstream 1968, 10, 13. for Early and Middle Geometric. Coldstream’s division of the 190 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 one of the earliest of his significant Early Geomet- ric I deposits;7 the upper fill is listed as the earli- est of the Early Geometric II significant deposits on the basis of the latest diagnostic material recov- ered from it.8 The upper deposit yielded some earlier material, including pottery deriving per- haps from disturbed tombs.9 The chronological consistency of the pottery recovered from the low- er deposit would indicate that the well was open and in use for a relatively short period of time, an observation supported by the latest material re- covered from the dumped filling comprising the upper deposit. Although the well, with the possi- ble exception of one piece (P 20618), does not contain any obvious potters’ waste, a number of whole pots from the period-of-use deposit are somewhat poorly fired.10 These are in addition to several handmade cooking vessels or chytrai (fig. 5), all clearly fire-stained or burnt from normal domestic use. The poorly-fired vessels, on the oth- er hand, are all wheelmade and painted and may indicate that “factory seconds” were commonly used for more mundane purposes, such as draw- ing water from wells, though it is worth stressing that damaged vessels sometimes occur in tombs.11 The whalebone, BI 115 (figs. 7–8), was found in the upper deposit at a depth of 1.75 m below wall B and, therefore, at least 1 m in the fill as mea- sured from the level of the surrounding bedrock. Such a depth is well below the level of the intru- Fig. 3. Plan and section of Agora wells K 12:1 and K 12:2. sive material encountered at the mouth of the well, Inked by Richard Anderson, after a sketch in the excavation and the bone artifact may be dated on the basis of notebook. (Courtesy of the Agora Excavations, American the diagnostic pottery recovered from the upper School of Classical Studies at Athens) fill of well K 12:2. This would indicate the chrono- logical phase Early Geometric II, or ca. 850 B.C. in when the well had gone out of use; a selection the conventional absolute chronology, as a termi- from the more numerous and fragmentary materi- nus post quem for BI 115.12 How long the bone was al recovered from this level is also presented (fig. in use prior to its having been discarded cannot 6). Nicolas Coldstream lists the lower deposit as be determined. It is worth noting, however, that

7 Coldstream 1968, 10. Well K 12:2 is listed behind Agora other material in the deposit and thus represents earlier resid- graves C 9:8 and N 16:4. ual material dumped into the well. Apart from the inventoried 8 Coldstream 1968, 13. pieces already noted, there are, among the many sherds from 9 Three vessels, a lekythos (P 3826), a pyxis (P 14207), and the deposit stored in context, a few that are very poorly fired, a “fruit stand” (P 3967), all clearly Protogeometric and quite including some that may even be fragments from possible early, must derive from disturbed burials, perhaps even from wasters or production discards, though their fragmentary state the same grave; this will be treated in more detail in the forth- is such as to render any statement uncertain. The whole pots coming volume on the Early Iron Age tombs in the Athenian from the period of use that are poorly fired include P 3687, P Agora series. 3688, P 3939; other poorly fired vessels from the lower deposit 10 See Papadopoulos 1996, 2002. P 20618 is a fragment of a include the fragmentary oinochoe P 3941. one-handled cup preserving less than one-half of body, includ- 11 See Papadopoulos 1998. ing handle scars, but nothing of the base. The clay body is in 12 Many of the pieces illustrated in figure 5 from the upper part reduced and the paint has mostly fired brown, in places fill were recorded as coming from a similar depth as BI 115; approaching black. It is not inconceivable that the fragment others were recorded as coming from a depth down to 1.54 m. was once a test-piece. The cup is stylistically earlier than the 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 191

Fig. 4. Well K 12:2. Selection of wheelmade and painted pottery from the period-of-use deposit: inv. P 3938, P 3688, P 3687, P 3939. although fragmentary, the state of preservation of perhaps even of the immediate surrounds, in the BI 115 as an artifact is such that it is less likely to Early Geometric period. Table 1 summarizes the have been a residual object, kicking around for faunal remains from well K 12:2 as they were pre- any significant length of time. Apart from the three served and collected in 1934. vessels recovered from the upper fill of well K 12:2 Apart from the whalebone, which is described and believed to derive from disturbed tombs,13 the more fully below, at least five other species are rep- vast majority of residual pottery recovered from this resented in the faunal sample from well K 12:2, and other Early Iron Age deposits consists of small including canids, bovids, and equids. Most of the and very worn scraps of pottery. The possibility that specimens in the sample represent lower extremi- BI 115 was deposited in an earlier tomb and sub- ty skeletal elements with a predominance of sequently disturbed cannot be ruled out, nor can metapodial bones. The significance of these par- it be verified on account of the unique nature of ticular remains is that, with the exception of the the object. Here it is important to emphasize that Equus mid humerus and acetabulum fragments, the whalebone was not the only bone recovered there are no meat-bearing skeletal elements from the fill of well K 12:2. The analysis of the present.14 There are, for instance, no elements from faunal sample from well K 12:2 reveals a pattern of the trunk of the skeleton, such as vertebrae or ribs, bone finds, the interpretation of which may assist that are typical debris from butchered portions of in casting light on the use of the whalebone, and meat. Particularly meaty bones like sheep/goat and

Fig. 5. Well K 12:2. Selection of handmade cooking pots (chytrai) from the period-of-use deposit: inv. P 3760, P 3761.

13 See n. 9. these bones were not meal remains. It is generally believed 14 The equid humerus and acetabulum bones were neither that equids were not considered a normal source of meat in butchered nor burnt; therefore the evidence suggests that ancient Greece. 192 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Fig. 6. Well K 12:2. Selection of pottery from the upper deposit. Top row, P 3963, P 3964, P 3969; bottom row, P 3966, P 20608, P 20617. cattle femora or scapulae are also not present in this was the original Kerameikos—the Potters’ Quar- the assemblage. Most of the bones in the existing ter of early Athens.15 sample represent the mid and lower leg portions of the skeleton. Bones from the lower extremities the whalebone and its possible are typical refuse from the preparatory butchering functions for meat, but they are also the first parts of the skel- The whalebone BI 115 (figs. 7–8) is the remnant eton to be discarded during the removal of the hide. of the right articular section of a broken scapula, The bones do not exhibit cut marks from hasty butchery or skinning, a feature indicative of a skilled butcher. The bones in the sample could therefore be refuse from preliminary butchering for meat or for skinning, or conceivably for both. At least four equids were represented in the sample, but, as already noted, there is no compelling evi- dence that such animals were eaten by the Greeks. Hide removal would then explain better the depo- sition of the equid remains, together with the oth- er lower extremities of different species in the sam- ple. Although comparatively small, this faunal as- semblage of mostly unworked metapodials might suggest that leatherworking was carried out in the immediate vicinity. As we shall see, such a scenario may go a long way in explaining the numerous scratch marks on the surface of the whalebone (fig. 7). The possibility that part of this area northwest of the Athenian Akropolis was an industrial district in the Early Iron Age is in keeping with the copi- ous evidence for potters’ activity, in addition to oth- Fig. 7. Whale scapula (glenoid) fragment, Athenian Agora er industrial debris in this area, which suggest that inv. BI 115. (Drawing by Anne Hooton)

15 The evidence is fully outlined in Papadopoulos 2002; for gy in this area, see esp. Mattusch 1977. a summary, see Papadopoulos 1996. For evidence of metallur- 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 193 also known as the glenoid. The glenoid articu- lates with the proximal humerus in the pectoral girdle in all mammalian species, and its scapula is commonly referred to as the shoulder blade (fig. 9). Although the piece is badly fragmented, the diagnostic features indicative of a large ma- rine mammal are still clear. The bone is lighter than one might expect for its size because of the porosity of the spongy trabecular bone, a result of life in an aquatic environment. Body weight is reduced significantly in saline marine habitats and the bones of marine mammals acquire in- creased buoyancy rather than the weight-bearing stamina that terrestrial animals develop. Agora BI 115 was compared with specimens maintained by the British Museum of Natural His- tory in London, where some 66 individual whale skeletons from a variety of species are available for examination.16 In terms of classification and nomenclature, whales belong to the order Ceta- cea, from the Greek word ketos (Latin cetus or ce- tos, see below), which includes three suborders: the Archaeoceti, or “ancient whales,” extinct forms known only from fossils;17 the Mysticeti, or “moustached whales,” which include at least 10 living species of baleen, or whalebone, whales; and the Odontoceti, or “toothed whales,” includ- ing 65 or more living species of dolphins, por- poises, and whales with teeth but no baleen.18 Because of the fragmentary nature of BI 115, spe- cies identification was not straightforward. The classification was further impeded by the fact that the scapula originated from an immature indi- vidual, with the result that the diagnostic features of the animal had not had a chance to develop fully prior to death. The remnants of the juve- nile cortex around the glenoid cavity, as well as the exposure of the epiphysial surface of the gle- noid, indicates that the bone is underdeveloped (fig. 8b). Through a comparison with modern specimens, the bone most closely resembles the glenoid of an immature fin whale (Balaenoptera physalus, Linn. 1758) (fig. 10), a baleen whale of the suborder Mysticeti. The individual was ap- Fig. 8a–c. Front and lateral views of the whale scapula, BI proximately two to three years of age at the time 115. (Photos by Craig Mauzy) of death.19

16 The whalebone comparative collection is stored off-site is evidently the first time a dismembered whale has turned up in Wandsworth Outstation. at a Paleolithic site. For exposed Eocene whale skulls in the 17 For a useful overview of fossil whales, see Jones 1999, 17– Mediterranean, see Mayor 2000, 160. 8. The evidence of fossils suggests that the distant ancestors of 18 Leatherwood et al. 1983, 2. whales were “hyena-like beasts called mesonychids, scavengers 19 We are indebted to Richard Sabin, the cetacean specialist for carrion and hunters of fish” (Jones 1999, 17). Bernadette of the Mammals Group at the Natural History Museum in Lon- Arnaud (http://www.archaeology.org/online/news/ don. We gratefully acknowledge his assistance in identifying whale.html) reports the discovery of a fossilized whale, proba- the species represented by this bone and his help with the bly a baleen, some 18 ft. long, near Benguela in Angola. This literature, particularly for earlier authors. 194 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 Table 1. Fauna from Well K 12:2 Species Element Number of Individuals Balaenoptera (whale) 1 right glenoid fr 1 (BI 115) Canis (dog) 1 left unfused humerus 1 Ovis/Capra (sheep/goat) 1 fr metacarpus 1 2 mid tibiae Bos (cattle) 2 right metatarsi 2 1 left metatarsus 1 1 mid metatarsus 1 mid metacarpus 1 left calcaneum 1 right astragalus 1 right distal tibia Equus (horse/donkey) 2 right metatarsi 2 (likely donkeys) 2 left metatarsi 2 (another donkey and a horse) 2 left metacarpi 1 right metacarpus 1 distal metapodial 2 metapodial frr 1 proximal phalanx 1 left tibia 1 left radius 2 tarsi 1 right mid humerus 1 fr acetabulum

The fin whale is also known as the Common lies—at 120 yards (or 360 ft.).22 Although likely to Rorqual, deriving from the Norwegian word for “fur- be exaggerated, such a description (“wrinkled bel- row,” and refers to the pleated grooves running lies”) can only refer to blue and fin whales. Here it from its chin to its navel.20 Alternative names in- is important to remember that in the days of clude Finback, Finner, Finfish, Razorback, and Melville, although there were stories of large levia- Herring Whale. As already noted, fin whales are thans, not least of which was Moby Dick (Mocha the second largest mammal on Earth after the blue Dick),23 the largest of the whales that could be whale (Balaenoptera musculus, Linn. 1758); the caught commercially was the sperm whale or cacha- former can measure up to 27 m (89 ft.) long, the lot, followed by the bowhead and right whales.24 It latter can reach a length of up to 33 m (109 ft.). In was their size and the quality of their oil—particu- both species, female individuals are larger than the larly the spermaceti—that made the sperm whale males by more than 10%.21 Herman Melville relates one of the most commercially viable commodities that in the days of Joseph Banks and Daniel Solan- of the sea in the modern era, and the lives of the der, Captain James Cook’s naturalists, a Swedish whalers who hunted them hazardous (fig. 11).25 member of the Academy of Sciences set down cer- Here it is important to note that 11 of the 80 or so tain Iceland whales—reydar-fiskur or Wrinkled Bel- known kinds of whales and dolphins were discov-

20 Leatherwood et al. 1983, 52–6. The throat grooves, in whale in 1820 that inspired the ending of Melville’s narrative, addition to streamlining the shape of the whale, allow the throat see Philbrick 2000. See also Jones 1999, 19. area (cavum ventrale) to expand considerably during feeding, 24 Melville 1851, 145–57, 194–203, 493–5. thus allowing the intake of tons of food-laden water, which is 25 One of the most highly prized parts of a sperm whale was then discarded through their baleen plates, leaving the fish or ambergris, a peculiar substance that occurs in the lower intes- krill for swallowing. This efficient system enables the largest tine in lumps weighing up to 100 kg. It is formed around squid creatures to feed on some of the smallest. beaks that remain in the stomach. It was once highly prized 21 Leatherwood et al. 1983, 52; Würtz and Repetto 1998, for a variety of uses, including as a fixative or base for perfume, 133. in medicine, to spice wine and other foods, and as an aphrodi- 22 Melville 1851, 501. siac. In 1912 a 1,003 lb. lump sold for $69,000. See Leather- 23 Melville 1851. For the great white whale of the Pacific, wood et al. 1983, 87; Reese 1991, 6; Philbrick 2000, 56. For the Mocha Dick, which Melville used for his novel, see Reynolds favorite meal of the sperm whale—the giant squid—see Ellis 1932. For the story of the whaleship Essex rammed by a sperm 1998. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 195

Fig. 9. Skeleton of a bowhead whale (Balaena mysticetus) exhibited at the Royal College of Surgeons, London, after a 19th-century drawing. Arrow points to scapula. ered in the 20th century.26 Although the fin whale that they are one of the fastest of the big whales, was known in the earlier 19th century—“a monster possibly reaching burst speeds in excess of 32 km which, by the various names of Fin-Back, Tall-Spout, per hour (sei whales, Balaenoptera borealis, may be and Long John, has been seen almost in every sea slightly faster).29 This is a contributing factor as to and is commonly the whale whose distant jet is so why photographs of this species are rare and per- often descried by passengers crossing the Atlan- haps why casual sightings—in antiquity as in the ic”27—it was considered an unconquerable levi- present—would have been few and far between. athian by the whale fishery of the time. Melville One of the most numerically abundant of the large describes the “Fin-Back” as a shy and solitary crea- whales, the fin whale was the first species to be hunt- ture, gifted with wondrous power and velocity of ed with the harpoon gun and was heavily exploited swimming, so much so “as to defy all present pur- by the whaling industry, particularly in the 20th suit from man.”28 century, its population severely depleted, especial- Melville’s remark on the velocity of fin whales is ly in the southern oceans.30 The head of the fin supported by modern research, which indicates whale is flattish and can be between one-fifth and

Fig. 10. Fin whale (Balaenoptera physalus)

26 Jones 1999, 50. Micklethwaite Peterson 1994, 202–7. As Jones (1999, 72) has 27 Melville 1851, 150. noted the steam-powered harpoon appeared in 1864 and the 28 Melville 1851, 151. According to Leatherwood et al. (1983, number of whales it killed rose from 30 in that year to 66,000 53) fin whales are sometimes found singly or in pairs, but more in 1961. Pre-whaling estimates suggest that there were often in pods of three to seven individuals. 300,000–650,000 fin whales swimming the oceans of the world. 29 Leatherwood et al. 1983, 54. Current figures suggest that a mere 123,000 animals are left. 30 See Leatherwood et al. 1983, 55–6, 24–30; Connor and 196 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Fig. 11. Aquatint, after Garneray, entitled Pêche du Cachalot, the Whaling Museum, New Bedford, Mass. (Courtesy of the Whaling Museum) one-quarter of the total body length. A distinctly 0.0675 m thick on the articular end (glenoid) and ridged tailstock gave rise to the whalers’ name 0.015 m thick on the blade (fig. 8c). If reconstruct- “Razorback.”31 Fin whales have twin blowholes ed to its original state, the scapula from this indi- with a single longitudinal ridge extending from vidual would measure approximately 0.6 × 0.35 m the blowholes to near the top of the snout. The (fig. 12);34 consequently, the preserved portion of baleen plates in the mouth of fin whales (260–480 the scapula represents only about 20% of the orig- on each side) reach a maximum length of 0.7–0.9 inal bone (fig. 12a). m and a width of 0.2–0.3 m.32 Agora BI 115, when The lateral surface of the scapula is marked by reconstructed to its approximate original dimen- fine cuts made by a fine metal instrument (figs. 7, sions, suggests a total body length of an individual 8).35 The marks have no regular orientation and 10–12 m long. Fin whale calves are born at an ap- occur in random directions of varied length mea- proximate length of 6 m.33 Accordingly, the indi- suring from 2 mm to 5 cm. The marks form no pat- vidual represented by BI 115 must have been a calf terns or signs but rather exhibit cut marks from between two and three years of age when it met its fine specialized work. The palimpsest nature of the demise. marks seems to suggest work carried out over a pe- The greatest dimensions of the scapula are as riod of time rather than all the marks having been follows: 0.12 m preserved length on the shortest made at one time. On account of the irregularity of side, 0.16 and 0.195 m on the adjacent sides, and the markings, we can rule out a number of possible 0.22 m on the longest side (fig. 7). The bone is uses of the bone. For instance, a scapula bound to a

31 On some animals the white of the right side can continue 34 Dimensions were calculated on the smallest metrical fig- onto the upper lip and to the side of the neck giving it a char- ures of the Balaenoptera scapula as provided in True 1904, 144. acteristic asymmetrical appearance. 35 Microscopic analysis of the cut marks indicates that they 32 Leatherwood et al. 1983, 53. The baleen bristles are soft were made by a fine metal instrument rather than a chipped in comparison to the blue whale and vary from yellowish white stone blade. For the differentiation of metal and stone tool to grayish white. marks on bone, see Greenfield 1999. 33 Leatherwood et al. 1983, 52. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 197 and also accounts both for the fine cut marks on the flat surface and the rectangular cutting. The advantages of such a whalebone in leatherworking, particularly for the cutting of leather, lie in the soft and porous yet firm texture of the bone, which pro- vides a good surface on which to cut, but one that does not damage the cutting blade as a stone sur- face might. Moreover, wooden surfaces have a ten- dency to splinter when repeatedly worked upon with sharp instruments. Bone, however, provides a hard yet elastic surface that will rarely splinter when cut repeatedly by a sharp blade. Bone is also easier to maintain and wash and will not warp when ex- posed to frequent humidity. These traits, along with the versatility of bone to accommodate many uses in its basic form, make large bones particularly de- sirable commodities. A whale scapula, such as BI 115 in its original form, with its ample smooth and flat working surface would have appealed to indus- trial and domestic workers alike, a worthy commod- Fig. 12. Reconstruction of the original shape and size of ity of exchange. the whale scapula, BI 115, restored with three hypothetical Unlike whalebone, the incidence of elasmo- cuttings for the attachment of legs (a, acromion process; b, glenoid fossa; c, coracoid process). (Drawing by Deborah branch or cartilaginous fish, such as shark, ray, skate, Ruscillo) sawfish, and guitarfish (evidenced primarily by ver- tebrae), is well known and fully documented in Ae- wooden shaft and used in the fields as a hoe to till gean and Cypriot archaeological contexts.37 In re- the ground would exhibit regular markings and viewing the 120 or so such examples collected and scrapes following a dorsal to ventral pattern on the discussed from approximately 40 sites, and placed bone surface.36 Although the complete bone would in the larger context of fish bone assemblages from have been large and sturdy, the 0.015 m thickness Aegean and Cypriot sites, David Reese’s impres- of the blade renders the specimen inappropriate sion was that these fish were the result of chance for certain tasks: the blade, for example, could not nettings, rather than having been specifically hunt- withstand blows from a cleaver without snapping. ed.38 In the case of the few specimens of cetaceans The rectangular cut hole at the articular end or whalebones that occur in archaeological contexts measures 0.035 × 0.025 m and appears to have been in the Aegean, it is usually assumed that the mam- cut by a sharp implement. The shape of the hole mal was stranded close to the settlement in which it and the care with which it was cut suggests that it was found;39 many of the larger whales, even imma- acted as a juncture between the bone and another ture individuals, would destroy most nets. object, perhaps a wooden leg, thereby transform- The possibility that the Agora bone derives from ing the original large scapula into a useful small a beached whale appears to be confirmed by its sur- table or working surface. If so, the scapula could face wear. The edges of the glenoid have been nat- have had similar cut holes at adjacent points for urally worn down and smoothed by wave action and other wooden legs, no longer preserved (fig. 12). sand friction. There are no tools marks around the Here it is important to note the other faunal re- glenoid, even microscopically, to suggest that the mains from the well, discussed above. A whale scap- edges were filed down by human use. The wear ula used as a leatherworking surface appears to found around the glenoid is typical of bone that conform nicely with the possible hide-removal has been tossed around the surf for quite some refuse implied by the other associated faunal finds, time. The coracoid process has been worn down

36 Cattle scapulae have been known to be used in rural Afri- creatures. Various types of sharks are common in the Mediterra- ca as hoes. nean and the bibliography on them is extensive. 37 Reese 1984. Although we refer to sharks in passing through- 38 Reese 1984, 191. out this study, we have avoided more specific discussion of these 39 See, e.g., Renfrew et al. 1968, 119. 198 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Fig. 13. Stranded sperm whale on the shore near Katwyk, Holland in 1598. Engraving by Jacob Matham after an original drawing by Hendrik Goltzius. New York, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 51.501.6056. (Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art)

(fig. 12) from the posterior side of the glenoid, the stranded creature is evident in the host of spec- and the acromion process broken off. The water- tators, from gentlemen on horseback to barefoot worn edges indicate that the whale was likely not children. When a whale is beached, the body de- hunted out of the waters, but was washed ashore generates within weeks, exposing the skeleton to after its death, or else stranded on the beach, where the elements. During rough weather the skeleton it subsequently died. The age of the individual rep- is dismembered by wave action and the bones can resented by BI 115 supports such a hypothesis. be drawn into the surf. Sea currents can then redis- Immature whales must maintain a close relation- tribute the bones onto other shores. These bones ship with their mothers, even after nursing for the are often found and collected for use as tools or first three or four years of life; otherwise the calf keepsakes, particularly as the time spent in salt water will have little chance of survival on its own. If the and on the sand exposed to the sun has minimized calf strays away from its mother, it will likely starve or the fat content of the bone and the pungent scents fall prey to predators.40 When a whale dies in water, associated with it. A classic example of part of a provided its skin is not punctured, its body expands beached whale skeleton is illustrated in figure 14, with decompositional gases (methane), causing the showing seven semi-articulated vertebrae of whale carcass to float.41 The carcass can be carried by wa- stranded on the coast of the Aegean island of ter currents until it is ultimately washed up upon a Schoinousa in the 1990s and photographed by Ni- shore. A classic illustration is the engraving, exe- kos Panagiotopoulos. cuted by Jacob Matham after an original drawing by Whale strandings are particularly common in Hendrick Goltzius, of a 21 m Sperm whale that was northwest Europe, and by 1947, Grahame Clark was stranded at Katwyk in Holland in February of 1598 able to enumerate some 80 instances of archaeo- (fig. 13).42 The excitement and curiosity around logical sites yielding whalebone in prehistoric con-

40 Roger Crane, Cetacean Specialist, research support for 42 New York, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Elisha Whit- IMAX documentary, Whales (1999). telsey Fund, 51.501.6056. See, e.g., den Broeder 1972, 82–3, 41 Richard Sabin (pers. comm. 1997). no. 80. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 199

Fig. 14. Seven semi-articulated vertebrae of a whale beached on the Aegean island of Schoinousa. (After the Greek magazine Tachydromos) texts ranging from the Mesolithic through the Iron A.D. whaling was widespread along the Channel Age.43 Although scholars have long been aware that coast of France between Normandy and Flanders, whales and whale products were extensively utilized and there is evidence of similar activity off the Bis- by different peoples on the Atlantic seaboard of cay coast of France and Spain.46 The exploitation of Europe, it is generally assumed that stranded the whale by the inhabitants of the Atlantic sea- whales provided the main source of supply in an- board inspired numerous myths and motifs, but the tiquity.44 The problem of determining whether leviathan also left its mark on the peoples of the stranded whales were exploited or whether live Mediterranean. animals were hunted is not straightforward.45 This is important to bear in mind, because it is possible leviathans in the mediterranean that coastal cultures in those parts of the world For any reader of the Old Testament, the literary where whales are less common than northwest Eu- image of Leviathan was above all else frightening, a rope, such as the Aegean, may have exploited strand- bold symbol of evil in Judeo-Christian literature, ed whales from time to time. So far as western Eu- and a constant reminder of the wrath and omnipo- rope is concerned, from at least the ninth century tence of God. More importantly, these massive sea

43 Clark 1947, 100–2. Although Clark listed examples from 1947. Similarly, there is little evidence for the practice of whal- the British Isles, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, ing in Anglo-Saxon or later Medieval England, although the and France, by far the more common occurrences were at pre- venerable Bede, at the opening of the Historia Ecclesiastica, Viking Iron Age sites in Scotland. Scottish sites have produced mentions that seals, dolphins, and sometimes whales were a great variety of implements made of whalebone (see below), caught off the coast of Britain (see Gardiner 1997, 173–4; see and the Firth of Forth has yielded numerous remains of whales further Wallace-Hadrill 1988, 6). stranded on its shores during the Stone Age (see Clark 1947, 45 In dealing with the archaeology of whaling in southern 92, fig. 3 [Firth of Forth], and pls. I–II for whalebone imple- Australia and New Zealand, Susan Lawrence and others have ments). In addition to these physical remains of whales, pre- advocated a more nuanced ethnography of place, one that historic representations of cetaceans are common in north- meshes documents and artifacts into an integrated historical west Europe, especially in Norway (see Clark 1947, 94–8, figs. account, which is sensitive to local material horizons and cul- 6, 9), and more recently, Whittle (2000) has suggested that tural landscapes very different from our own. See Lawrence the motifs on certain Breton menhirs often interpreted as an 1998; Mayne and Lawrence 1999. axe or axe-plow could be representations of whales. 46 The evidence is summarized in Gardiner 1997, 175. For 44 See discussion in Childe 1931, esp. 97; 1935, 248; Nord- whaling in Normandy and Flanders see Musset 1964; Lestoc- mann 1936, 127–8. For the view that whales were hunted by quoy 1948. For whaling in the Bay of Biscay see Fischer 1881; the Ertebölle, see Mathiassen 1935, 150; 1927. The evidence Jenkins 1971. and much of the earlier literature is usefully presented in Clark 200 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 creatures, whatever their precise nature (see be- mens recorded from Tenos, Euboia, and Karpa- low), did not inhabit some far off realm; they repre- thos,51 and, more recently, a number of sperm whales sented, if only in a poetic sense, a stark reality of the sighted in the Saronic Gulf on 20 May 1998.52 Small- Mediterranean: er cetacean species in the Mediterranean include Yonder is the sea, great and wide, which teams with the Cuvier’s beaked whale (Ziphius cavirostris), things innumerable, living things both small and which is quite common, as well as the Minke whale great. (Balaenoptera acutorostrata), pilot whale (Globicepha- There go the ships, and Leviathan which thou didst la melas), and the killer whale (Orcinus orca), all of form to sport in it (Psalms 104:25–26). which are rather rare.53 In July 1999, the Greek press In his seminal study on whales as an economic carried a story of a blue whale (Balaenoptera muscu- factor in prehistoric Europe, Clark wrote: lus) reportedly spotted in the Gulf of Kavala, head- Several species of whale penetrate the Mediterranean ing southwest, according to fishermen who said they and some are at home there, but there is no indica- almost collided with the large sea mammal, which tion that whales were economically important in an- was moving between the Strymon Gulf and Mount cient any more than in modern times. Dolphins are Athos.54 The Kavala-based fishermen were fortunate particularly numerous and were commonly depicted in comparison to Darius’s fleet, which in 492 B.C. by the Minoans, as in the well-known fresco in the “Queen’s Megaron” at Knossos; although the bar- was wrecked by the storm vividly related by Hero- barians of the Black Sea used their fat for oil and ate dotos (6.44) in the waters around Mount Athos. their flesh salted, the Greeks and Romans regarded According to Herodotos, the Persians lost 300 ships Dolphins auspiciously as guardians of mariners and and more than 20,000 men, some dashed against refrained from slaying them, except for medicinal the rocks, others dying from exposure or drown- purposes.47 ing, while many were carried off by the wild sea- Despite the fact that the Greeks enjoyed dolphin, beasts, which abounded in the coasts around Athos especially pickled slices of the mammal, as much (στε γρ θηριωδεστ της σης τς θαλ σσης as their “barbarian” neighbors,48 it is clear that τατης τς περ τν Αθων).55 Most recently, in whales were not systematically exploited in Aegean April 2001, a rare sighting of a humpback whale prehistory and in Classical antiquity. (Megaptera novaeangliae) was reported off the coast In modern times, a variety of whales have been of Tolon in the Argolic Gulf.56 recorded in the Mediterranean, but our knowledge As for the larger fin whales, although actual sight- is limited by the lack of systematic records.49 Steve ings of these creatures are not very common in the Jones notes that even today the Mediterranean has Mediterranean, they are not unknown, so the inci- more than 3,000 whales.50 Species that have been dence of a Balaenoptera scapula in the Aegean could identified in the Mediterranean include the sperm be explained either by a beached whale or by cur- whale (Physeter macrocephalus), with stranded speci- rents carrying the carcass of a dead animal. A fin

47 Clark 1947, 84, n. 1, with reference to Keller 1909–1913, 50 Jones 1999, 258. 408–10. 51 Kinzelbach 1986a, 15; Marchessaux 1980, 62; Reese 1991, 48 For pickled slices of dolphin carried in amphoras, see Pritch- 3–5. The sperm whale is also recorded in Israel (Aharoni 1944) ett 1956, 202–3, n. 192; Papadopoulos and Paspalas 1999, 177, and Egypt (Flower 1932). n. 82. For the consumption of fish in Classical Athens, see 52 Reported in the national news of Greece on that day. Davidson (1997, 8), where it is clear that the dolphin was not 53 For these species, see Marchessaux 1980, 61–3; the Cuvi- considered among the great piscifaunal delicacies, such as tuna, er’s beaked whale is also discussed in Bauer 1978; Kinzelbach sea-perch or grouper, conger eel, gray and red mullet, gilt-head, 1985, with recorded specimens from various parts of Greece sea-bass, and various other fish. Common species of dolphin in (Rhodes, Karpathos, near Gythion, and Tilos), Turkey (near Greece include Delphinus delphis, Tursops truncati, Stenella coer- Çanakkale and near Karatas), Egypt (Sabkhat al-Bardawil), and uleoalba, and Grampus griseus. To this list, Ragnar Kinzelbach Israel (Bet Yannay, Ras Haniqra, near Tel Aviv and Tantura (1986b) has added Risso’s Dolphin (Grampidelphis griseus), [Dor]). For Israel, see further Ilani 1980. In May 1996, 12 through a specimen found stranded between the mouths of Cuvier’s beaked whales were stranded on the coast of the the rivers Vassilipotamos and Eurotas, 5 km southwest of Skala Western Peloponnesos (Kathimerini 6 July 1998, 3). in Lakonia, a place famous for kete (see below). 54 Athens News 10 July 1999, 4. The whale reportedly mea- 49 One of the great problems impeding a detailed analysis of sured over 20 m in length. the distribution of whales in the Mediterranean is the fact that 55 It was this wretched passage around Athos, with its sea systematic records of sightings and strandings have only been monsters, which led to Xerxes’ decision to cut the canal gathered annually since the early 1980s, primarily in France through the neck of the peninsula of Akte in 483–481 B.C. and Spain. In some Mediterranean countries, as Pilleri and (Hdt. 7.22–4). Pilleri (1982, 49) lament, there are no national records what- 56 Reported in the Greek newspaper, Kathimerini 20–22 April soever. 2001. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 201 whale, for example, was recorded stranded by Gulf not far from the Early Iron Age settlement of Lacépède on St. Marguerite Island off the coast of Athens. France in 1798,57 and live fin whales have been spot- ted off the coast of Italy, including a splendid spec- the use of whales and whalebones in imen of a Balaenoptera physalus photographed be- the greek world and beyond tween Calvi and San Remo.58 The fin whale is espe- Archaeological finds of whale remains are un- cially common in the western Mediterranean, common in Greece. The earliest extant whalebone where it has been recorded all year round, with remains from Greece were recovered from the Late peaks in the summer months, particularly between Neolithic settlement at Saliagos, now a small islet Corsica and the French Riviera and around the Ital- between Paros and Antiparos. The two vertebrae ian coasts.59 In Greece, fin whales have been sight- are suspected to have originated from Pilot or Kill- ed primarily in the continental slope area in the er whales.65 Small cetacean vertebrae have also been southern part of the Aegean, and especially around recorded from the excavations at Torone in Cha- Rhodes, Karpathos, and Crete, though in 1997 a likdike, in mixed levels, but are most likely from fin whale was found stranded in the harbor of Kav- dolphins or small whales.66 The excavations at Phais- ala in the north Aegean.60 Stranded fin whales have tos in Crete also yielded a whale vertebra, discov- also been reported in the eastern and southeast- ered under the pavement of one of the magazines ern part of the Mediterranean basin.61 Several au- of the Minoan palace.67 More recently, a massive thoritative guides mention the presence of fin piece of a whale vertebra was seen by one of the whales in the Mediterranean,62 and Würtz and authors (Ruscillo) in the storage area of the Corinth Repetto not only stress the incidence of Balaenoptera excavations. No one is sure of its provenance, but it physalus in the Mediterranean, but assert that Med- appears to be a modern find, since body oil was still iterranean fin whales are genetically isolated from present in the bone. The specimen consists only of the Atlantic population.63 Although they are most trabecular bone, with no surfaces extant. The di- common in the Southern Hemisphere, fin whales mensions are approximately 0.45 × 0.35 m (great- inhabit the North Atlantic and North Pacific in est length × width). The surviving trabecular piece smaller populations.64 Most importantly, the fin seems too large to originate from a sperm whale, whale is the only rorqual commonly found in the but reconstruction is impossible without any corti- Mediterranean. Consequently, the discovery of a fin cal surface preservation. Outside of the Aegean, whale scapula in the heart of what was to become the incidence of whalebone in ancient contexts in historic Athens should not be seen as unusual, and the central and eastern Mediterranean is similarly it is even possible that the animal represented by rare. Reese describes four sperm whale vertebrae BI 115 was stranded along the coast of the Saronic from the Phoenician colony at Motya in western Sic-

57 Hershovitz 1966, 165–6. 62 Leatherwood et al. 1983, 55; Notarbartolo di Sciara and 58 For confirmed sightings of fin whales off the coast of It- Demma 1994, 61, 69; Ridgway and Harrison 1985, 176; Tinker aly, see Van den Brink 1967. For the illustrated fin whale, see 1988, 288. We owe many of these references to Richard Sab- Pilleri and Pilleri 1982, 54, fig. 4. See further Pilleri and Pilleri in. 1987. 63 Würtz and Repetto 1998, 133. For the differences be- 59 Duguy and Vallon 1977; Marchessaux 1980, 62–3. tween the scapulae of European and American fin whales, see 60 Carpentieri et al. 1999, 72. The authors further note that True 1904, 142, figs. 33–6. the relatively high frequency of sightings of all types of whales 64 See Leatherwood et al. 1983, 55. Some populations mi- between Rhodes and Karpathos could be related to the up- grate between warm, low latitude winter mating grounds and welling phenomenon, discussed by Panucci-Papadopoulou et cooler, high latitude summer feeding grounds, but their move- al. (1992), that occurs in this area at various times of the year. ments are less predictable than other large whales. Some low- Marchessaux (1980, 63) lists two specimens of fin whales that er latitude populations, such as in the Gulf of California (Sea were observed and photographed near the island of Gavdos, of Cortez) and Mexico seem to be resident year round. Fin south of Crete. whales are least common in the tropics and will enter polar 61 Marchessaux and Duguy 1979; Marchessaux (1980, 63) waters, but not as often as Minke or Blue whales. notes a fin whale of 16.5 m length found stranded at Askelon 65 See Renfrew et al. 1968, 119. Dr. Frazer of the British in January 1956; he further notes that Israeli fishermen some- Museum writes that it is impossible to give a specific identifica- times pick up fin whale mandibles in their dragnets. See fur- tion to these two vertebrae. ther Carpentieri et al. 1999, 72. At least two stranded fin whales 66 The identification of these was made by the late Dr. San- have been reported on the coast of Egypt: one near Alexan- dor Bökönyi. dria in 1860 (see Paulus 1966), another near Mersa Matruh in 67 Pernier 1935, 119; Reese 1991, 5. December 1926 (see Flower 1932). 202 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 which are composed of a whale vertebra. Scenes of the butchering of fish are relatively rare in Greek vase painting. We know of only four examples: a black-figure olpe in Berlin with two wreathed men preparing to cut up a tuna,70 and three representa- tions which depict a fish, invariably large, placed on a small table, which stands either on three legs (fig. 15) or else on a conical support (fig. 16).71 In all three cases, the upper part of the table, that on which the fish is actually placed, is a circular disk of varying thickness that could very well be part of a large whale vertebra. Be that as it may, the few examples of whalebone finds in the Aegean listed above, together with Agora BI 115, represent the sum total of whalebone found in archaeological contexts in Greece. It is generally assumed that all are likely to have derived from stranded whales, though the possibility that some may have been hunted, perhaps accidentally, cannot be ruled out. In this context, the evidence from Neolithic Saliagos is potentially informative. There, large scombridae (tunny and albacore) ac- count for 97% of the fish bones identified.72 These Fig. 15. Campanian red-figure krater from Lipari, now in tuna bones from Saliagos are from fish measuring the Museo Mandralisca, Cefalù, depicting a fishmonger between two and six feet in length (a five foot tuna slicing a large fish for a customer on a table conceivably made of a whale vertebra. Name vase of the Tunny-seller can weigh up to 800 lbs.), and thus represent a 73 Painter. (Photo by John Papadopoulos) substantial source of food. The killing was per- formed by spears with obsidian spearheads, though ily dating from the sixth to fifth centuries B.C. and it is possible that nets, perhaps strengthened with a few possible additional fragments found at Isola leather, were used to corral the fish during their Lunga near Motya.68 It is important to note that all annual migration.74 In the light of this information, of these finds are vertebrae (cf. fig. 14), and similar it is not too difficult to imagine the occasional small whale vertebrae used as chopping blocks are well whale speared off the coast of Antiparos. known in British sites, such as Maidencastle, and in Against the backdrop of these few whalebones Canadian British Columbia.69 Although there are from Aegean sites, Agora BI 115 stands out both by no attested whale vertebrae chopping blocks in the the fact that it is a scapula, as opposed to the more Aegean, a number of Archaic and Classical repre- common vertebrae, and for the fine cut marks on sentations depicting fishmongers chopping or slic- the flat side, suggesting that it was used as a cutting ing large fish may show tables, the upper parts of surface. Such a use for a whale scapula is rare even

68 Reese 1991, 1–2, 5. The Isola Lunga piece comprised two 71 The three vases include: a Campanian red-figure krater teeth identified as probably from a false killer whale (Pseudor- from Lipari (fig. 15), Trendall 1967, 207–8 (the name vase of ca crassidens, Owen 1846) associated with the third-century B.C. the Tunny-seller Painter; Tullio in Consolo et al. 1991, 68–9, Punic shipwreck; see further Ryder 1975, 213, fig. 1. For the fig. 55); a south Italian red-figure krater in a private collection, incidence of false killer whales in the Mediterranean, see Evans Bielefeld 1966, 253, fig. 1; and a black-figure kylix (Type C), 1987, 94. the J. Paul Getty Museum, inv. 96.AE.96 (fig. 16), True and 69 We are grateful to Simon Davis of the Ancient Monuments Hamma 1994, 92–4, no. 38. Laboratory of English Heritage for information, including illus- 72 Renfrew et al. 1968, 118–21. trations, of a whale vertebra from Maidencastle with chopping 73 Renfrew et al. 1968, 119. marks on it. Yvonne Marshall of the Department of Archaeolo- 74 The story of the annual fishing of tuna by the tonnaroti of gy, Southampton University, and Greg Monks of the Depart- Favignana, a small island off the coast of Sicily—and its associ- ment of Anthropology at the University of Manitoba both gen- ated way of life, is dramatically related by Theresa Maggio (2000) erously offered information on whale vertebrae used as chop- in her account of the mattanza. For the tuna runs in the Atlan- ping blocks from various sites on the west coast of Canada. tic near Gibraltar, see Brown 1968, 56–61. 70 Durand 1979, 28, fig. 9. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 203

Fig. 16. Detail of Athenian black-figure kylix showing a fishmonger cutting up a fish on a biconical table, perhaps with a whale vertebra at the top. Malibu, the J. Paul Getty Museum, inv. 96.AE.96. (Courtesy of the J. Paul Getty Museum) in cultures that extensively exploited whales and and a similar function is possible for the T’uukw’aa whalebones. Indeed, the only comparandum we scapula. have been able to find for this type of working sur- The use of whale products by cultures with ac- face is a scapula from a humpback whale (Megaptera cess to the creatures, whether stranded or hunted, novaeangliae) found on the west coast of Canada at is wide ranging, since whales have an enormous the pre-contact period site of T’uukw’aa (1200 number of usable parts. Whale meat was used as B.P.), a site believed to have been settled by the food both for human and animal consumption, Nootka people. Five pieces of a left scapula blade whale oil was burned for light, as well as for lubrica- were identified with fine cut marks over the later- tion and soap, and even the skin of cetaceans was al surface, with additional cut marks on the medi- used.76 Of the toothed whales, particularly the al surface (fig. 17).75 The cut marks do not appear sperm whale, the teeth were used for elaborate carv- to be oriented in any particular direction, and the ing (scrimshaw), while the jaws were worked in a glenoid has been removed. Although clearly used fashion similar to ivory. In certain cultures, such as as cutting surfaces, the Athenian and west Cana- the Arctic populations of Alaska, Canada, Russia, dian scapulae could not have been used as chop- and Greenland, whale meat was a subsistence sta- ping blocks—unlike the whale vertebrae noted ple, as it was in the Azores and Madeira island groups above—on account of the thinness of the cortex in the Atlantic, or in the Lembata and Solor Islands and the fragility of the spongy trabecular bone. of Indonesia and parts of the Philippines.77 In oth- Leatherworking has been suggested for BI 115, er cultures, at certain times, whale meat enjoyed a

75 We are most grateful to Greg Monks of the Department whale products in the 19th century. For the curing of whale of Anthropology at the University of Manitoba for sharing this meat by the Basques, see Kurlansky 1997, 19–22. information with us and for providing the photograph illus- 77 Connor and Micklethwaite Peterson 1994, 208. Elsewhere, trated in figure 17, now published in Monks 2001, 143, fig.4. in the Faroe Islands, for example, the hunting of whale was a 76 Melville (1851) gives a wonderful overview of the enor- more seasonal activity, particularly during the summer months mous number of usable parts of a whale and the various uses of (see Connor and Micklethwaite Peterson 1994, 207–8). 204 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 ville discusses the various instances where whale- bone has been incorporated into Neolithic and Iron Age sites in Scotland, especially at Skara Brae, Dun Vulan, Freswick, Cheardach Mhor, and Scalloway Smith, and part of a blue whale humerus was incor- porated into a stone wall at a building at the Norse site at Kilpheder.82 Although there does not appear to be a clear pattern of bone usage at these sites, whalebones seem to have been used opportunisti- cally rather than strategically, and, in some cases, for display effect. In this context it is important to note the testimony of Pliny the Elder, who men- tions that the “admirals of the fleets of Alexander [see below] have stated that the Gedrosi [the in- habitants of modern Makan] who live by the river Arabis [either the Purali or the Habb] make the doorways in their houses out of the monster’s jaw and use their bones for roof-beams, many of them having been found that were 60 feet long.”83 Whale- Fig. 17. Detail of the left scapula of a humpback whale bones were similarly used in other parts of the world. (Megaptera novaeangliae), showing fine cut marks on the A.B. Smith and J. Kinahan review the use of whale- lateral surface, from the site of T’uukw’aa on the west coast of Canada (ca. 1200 B.P.). bones by the indigenous coastal peoples of west- ern and southern Africa, who exploited whales for symbolic value considerably greater than a subsis- food and housing materials.84 Although most of the tence resource. Mark Gardiner has argued that whalebones used for building material in the cul- stranded whales in Medieval England were claimed tures noted above are typically the ready-to-use ribs, by the king as “royal fish,” and he goes on to note mandibulae, and maxillae, the scapula enjoys a that the possession and consumption of cetaceans— small but important role in the archaeological whales, porpoises, and dolphins—was one arena record for shelter construction in a number of dif- in which social tensions and the aspirations of ferent cultures. groups competing for power were worked out.78 Several other uses for whale scapulae have been The use of whalebones, as opposed to the skin documented in the archaeological and ethnograph- and flesh of the animal, is even more varied and far ic literature. In the Channel Islands of southern less ephemeral in archaeological contexts. Many California, for example, whale scapulae were used coastal cultures exploited whalebones in architec- as tomb covers and grave markers.85 In Ameland, ture. Whalebone houses, for example, can be off the northern coast of the Netherlands, whale found in abundance in the Canadian High Arctic, scapulae were used as doorstops and signboards where alternative building resources are scarce.79 on the houses of whalers in the 17th and 18th cen- The Thule Inuit culture, ca. 1,000 years ago, built turies.86 Whale scapulae, as well as ribs and man- semi-subterranean houses using whale mandibu- dibulae, were also hung outside town halls in whal- lae and ribs as rafters,80 whereas whale scapulae ing societies in the Netherlands as a sign of policy were often set upright in the foundations to keep and wisdom of the authorities.87 Scapulae of vari- the ribs and jaws stable.81 For Europe, Jacqui Mul- ous other animals, including cattle, rhinoceros, and

78 Gardiner 1997, esp. 173, 188–9. the passage in Arrian, Indica, cited below. 79 See Dawson 2001; Habu and Savelle 1994; Kershaw et al. 84 Smith and Kinahan 1984. It is likely that Polynesian and 1995; McCartney 1979; Mathiassen 1928; Savelle 1997; Taylor coastal Australian indigenous peoples also used whalebones in 1960. shelter construction, and it is worth adding that there are 80 Mathiassen 1927, 132–55; Dawson 2001. The curvature numerous representations of whales in Australian Aboriginal of these elements bound together at the top resulted in a dome- rock art, particularly in the Sydney Basin (see Campbell 1899, shaped house that was covered with skins, turf, and moss. esp. 34–5, pl. 13, fig. 4; McCarthy 1941–1947; 1954–1962, esp. 81 A similar use of whalebones can be observed at archaeo- 23–4, fig. 9A). logical sites on the Canadian west coast. 85 Walker 1952; Bryan 1970. 82 Mulville 2002. 86 Lauwerier 1983. 83 Pliny the Elder 9.2.7 (H. Rackham translation). See also 87 Brongers 1995, 15. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 205 mammoth, have been found in archaeological con- στν µπλ την), and the Greek victory was thus texts around the world, used by different cultures assured. On its return from Troy to Greece, the ship at various times. At prehistoric Langhnaj, in Gujar- carrying Pelop’s scapula was wrecked by a storm off at, India, a rhinoceros shoulder blade, with a vari- the coast of Euboia, but it was not until many years ety of cut marks and small notches or pits, appears later that a certain Damarmenos, a local fisherman to have been used as an anvil of sorts by a microlith- from Eretria, happened to haul up the bone in his maker.88 Experiments conducted with the shoul- nets. Staggered by its size, Damarmenos hid the bone der blade of a modern horse suggest that the rhi- in the sand, but his conscience got the better of him noceros scapula may have been used between the and led him to Delphi to enquire as to whose bone knees of microlith-maker, thus leaving the hands this was and what he should do with it. Adrienne to be freely used. The small notches on the surface Mayor speculates that the huge bone that Damar- of the bone were interpreted as being the places menos netted off Euboia belonged to a Neogene where the blades were struck, and the cuts on the mastodon, and she provides a sketch indicating its edge the places where the “backing” operation was approximate size to that of the fisherman.95 Given its carried out.89 In their book on mammoths, Adrian aquatic associations, might it not be possible that the Lister and Paul Bahn enumerate some of the uses creature whose bone Damarmenos retrieved was a of large scapulae found in archaeological sites, as whale, as George Huxley first suggested?96 anvils (indicated by dents and notches not unlike Whalebones could also be used as tools or as raw those on the Langhnaj shoulder blade), percus- material for tool production, and we wonder how sion instruments, and as tomb covers.90 In China, many bone tools in Greece that have not been ana- cattle scapulae were used at various times as oracle lyzed with regard to the animal from which they bones,91 and a related function for incised cattle derive may be of cetaceans (whales or dolphins). shoulder blades, for necromancy, was known in an- In Scottish, Norse, and Arctic populations, whale- cient Cyprus.92 In discussing the Cypriot ox scapu- bone was fashioned to make a variety of tools, rang- lae, Jennifer Webb adduces examples from various ing from fine needles to the heftier blades used as parts of the ancient Near East (Tell Arpachiyah, blubber mattocks.97 In Iron Age Scotland and in Byblos, Tabara el Akrad, Gözlü Kule [Tarsos], Nuzi, the Orkney, Shetland, Caithness, and the Hebrides among others), as well as Italy and various Cypriot Islands, as Clark notes, cetacean bone was used, sites of the later Bronze and Iron Ages, down into among many others things, for “weaving-combs, the Classical period.93 In Greece, Michael Psellus perforated mallet-heads, knife-handles and copies described the method of divination (µπλα- of metal hair-combs, keys, harness-pieces and the τσκπεα), current in the 11th century A.D., by like” (fig. 18). Vertebral epiphyses have been inter- inspecting shoulder blades, and John Cuthbert preted as “pot-lids” from Scottish sites, and hol- Lawson traced the same practice in parts of Greece lowed-out vertebrae have been identified as vessels into the 19th and 20th centuries.94 or lamps.98 Whale ribs and mandibulae were also There is also the story, recorded in Pausanias used at various Medieval coastal European sites as (5.13.1–7), that the Akhaians would never capture yokes and harnesses for traction animals.99 In addi- Troy until they brought a bone of the legendary tion to the bone, the baleen itself served many pur- Pelops to the besieged city. The bone that was ac- poses, though this rarely survives in the archaeo- cordingly sent from Pisa was a shoulder blade (τν logical record. Among the Inuit it is employed for a

88 Zeuner 1952. birth in the 1940s and predicted his name and occupation, an 89 Zeuner 1952, esp. 182–3. incident that shows the persistence of scapula oracles to the 90 Lister and Bahn 1994, 108–10. In the United States, at modern era. It is also worth adding that one of the oldest en- the Lange-Ferguson site in South Dakota, two mammoths were graved bones, found in ca. 70,000-year-old Middle Stone Age butchered using heavy cleaver-choppers made from the flat levels at Blombos Cave in South Africa, probably derives from a part of a mammoth scapula 10,670 years ago (see Lister and mandibular fragment, rather than a scapula fragment (see Hen- Bahn 1994, 110). shilwood and Sealy 1997; d’Errico et al. 2001, esp. 313–8). 91 See, e.g., Chou 1976, where a wide variety of such oracle 95 Mayor 2000, 109, fig. 3.3, 268. bones are illustrated. For further discussion, with references, 96 Huxley 1975, 45; 1979, 147; Mayor 2000, 300, n. 4. see Webb 1977, 79. 97 Clark 1947, 95, 99, pl. I; MacGregor 1985; Hallén 1994; 92 See esp. Webb 1977, 1985. Mulville 2002. 93 Webb 1977, 76–9. 98 Childe 1931; Hamilton 1968; Hedges 1987; Campbell 94 Lawson 1964, 321. Adrienne Mayor informs us that she 1991; Smith 1998; Mulville 2002. heard from a native of Samos that a lamb scapula was read at his 99 Brongers 1995. 206 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 thy successor of Hesione’s ketos that terrorized the coast near Troy (see below). Porphyrios, according to Procopius (7.29.9–16), annoyed the city of Byz- antion and neighboring towns for some 50 years, “eluding all means devised by the Emperor Justin- ian for its capture.”101 Procopius adds that Porphy- rios’s reign of terror was not continuous; the whale occasionally disappeared for long periods of time. In the end, however, the great Porphyrios met his demise: pursuing a large group of dolphins that had gathered near the mouth of the Euxine Sea one day, the whale came too close to land, found itself stranded in deep mud, and was dragged to shore by the local people and finally killed. The carcass of the creature was placed on wagons, and it was found to be 30 cubits (about 15 m or 45 ft.) long and 10 cubits (5 m or 15 ft.) broad. Its length and color could refer to any number of whales, includ- ing mysticeti, such as blue or fin whales, or odontoceti, such as sperm whales. Porphyrios’s size, longevity, color, and temperament are all, however, in keep- ing with male sperm whales, which can reach a length of 18 m, with current averages of slightly more than 15 m, and are characteristically a dark brownish gray.102 Identifying Porphyrios, however, as a male sperm whale remains, at best, a tentative Fig. 18. Objects of cetacean bone from Scottish Iron Age guess, since Procopius’s account gives no more use- sites. (After Clark 1947; courtesy of the National Museums ful details to assist in determining species or ge- of Antiquities of Scotland) nus, but Melville himself was strongly inclined to believe that Porphyrios was a sperm whale.103 The multitude of purposes, and was used in ancient incidence of whales in the area of Istanbul is also Ireland for making saddle-trees, sieve-bottoms, and recorded by later authors, not least of which is Ev- even hoops for small vessels.100 The versatility of liya Çelebi, the 17th-century Ottoman Pausanias, whalebones, together with baleen, have made them also known as Dervis¸ Mehmed Zilli. In his descrip- a valuable resource throughout human history for tion of the fishmongers of the city (Báliksatajián), use as tools, construction materials, objects of per- Evliya Çelebi writes: “The fishermen [many of whom sonal adornment, and everyday items. are Greeks from Kaissarieh, Nikdeh, and Mania] adorn their shops on litters with many thousand from ketos to PHALLAINA: the language fish, amongst which many monsters of the sea are to of whales in classical antiquity be seen. They exhibit dolphins in chains, sea-hors- Despite the rarity of whales in the Mediterranean es, beavers, whales, and other kind of fish of great as opposed to the Atlantic seaboard of Europe and size, which they catch.”104 the great oceans of the northern and southern In describing the antics of Porphyrios, the word hemispheres, it is not uncommon to find referenc- that Procopius uses to describe the creature is ketos es to whales in Classical literature. We even know (τ κτς; plural κ!τη or κ!τεα). It is from the the personal name of one particularly belligerent Greek word ketos (Latin cetus) that the order Ceta- later Roman whale—Porphyrios (“Purple”)—a wor- cea—referring to both whales and dolphins—is de-

100 Clark 1947, 99; see also Joyce 1903, 288. 103 Melville 1851, 228–9. 101 The story of Porphyrios is eloquently told by Jocelyn 104 Evliya Çelebi, section 14 (210), see von Hammer 1834, Toynbee (1973, 208). 160. We are grateful to Speros Vryonis, Jr. for assistance with 102 Leatherwood et al. 1983, 84–6. For the character of sperm Evliya Çelebi and for allowing us to use his forthcoming paper whales, see further Philbrick 2000, passim, esp. xiii, for a sperm on the Greeks and sea (Vryonis forthcoming) prior to its pub- whale with the vindictiveness and guile of a man, and 224–5. lication. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 207 quintessential Greek monsters as the Gorgons and, in subsequent generations, Kerberos, Hydra, Pegas- os, Chimaira, Sphinx, and the Nemean lion, to men- tion only a few.110 As for a huge fish, as opposed to a sea monster, the word ketos is sometimes used to refer to a tuna, as in Archestratos (Fr. 34.3). Oppian, writing in the third century A.D., in his Halieutica (or Fishing) uses the word ketos to refer generally to any large

Fig. 19. Detail of Corinthian black-figure amphora, depicting Andromeda and the ketos, with Perseus to the rescue. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, F 1652, from Cerveteri. Second quarter of the 6th century B.C. (Drawing after Pfuhl 1923, fig. 190) rived. The word is found in Greek literature as early as Homer, and normally refers to any sea monster or huge fish. In his account of Odysseus’s adventures with the Sirens, Skylla and Charybdis, Homer pro- vides a particularly gory description of Skylla (Odys- sey 12.85–100). In that description we hear of “δελφ#ν ς τε κνας τε, κα ε$ πθι µε#%ν &λ'η κτς” (“dolphins and dogfish or anything bigger, some sea monster”).105 A similar usage of ketos is found elsewhere in Homer, both in the Odyssey and Iliad.106 In one only Homeric passage (Odyssey 4.446, 452), the word ketos is used specifically for seals, but this is for poetic effect, and the normal word for a seal in Homer, as in Greek generally, is phoke (φ(κη).107 Ketos is also the sea monster to which An- dromeda was exposed, a story that led to no shortage of iconographic depictions of beauty and the beast, ranging from the Archaic (fig. 19) through Roman (fig. 20) periods and into the modern era (fig. 21).108 The association of the sea monster and Andromeda extends to the very heavens, for κτς in Greek was 109 also the name of a constellation. In Hesiod’s Theog- Fig. 20. Andromeda exposed to the ketos, with Perseus flying ony (238) we find a certain fair-cheeked Keto to the rescue. Roman wall painting from Pompeii (I.7.7). (Κητ*), who, when paired with Phorkys, begat such (After Blanckenhagen 1987, pl. XXVII:2)

105 Od. 12.96–97. 218) and Van Dyck in 1637–1638 (see Price 1988, 74), both 106 Od. 5.421; Il. 20.147. of which appear to have been inspired by Titian’s Perseus and 107 LSJ sv φ(κη. Andromeda, of ca. 1562, now in the Wallace Collection in Lon- 108 See, e.g., Euripides, Fragmenta 121; Aristophanes, Clouds, don (fig. 21; see Wallace Collection 1968, 318–22, P11). 556; Thesmophoriasouzai 1033. For the iconography of Androm- 109 See Aratus 354; Eudoxus (Astronomus) apud Hipparchos eda and the ketos, see Schauenburg 1981. Figure 19 is a detail (Astronomicus) 1.2.20. See further Manilius Astromica Book of a Corinthian black-figure amphora from Cerveteri, now in V, and esp. Coleman 1983. Berlin, Staaliche Museen, F 1652; see Pfuhl 1923, fig. 190; 110 As West (1966, 235) notes, Κητ* is probably formed sim- Boardman 1987, pl. XXIV (top left). For the Roman wall paint- ply from κτς(Apollodoros 1.2.7 actually has a Nereid called ing from Pompeii (fig. 20), see von Blanckenhagen 1987, 85, Keto). As for genealogy of the offspring of Keto and Phorkys, note 4 (=Pompeii I.7.7). Andromeda and the ketos is a popular the details are not quite certain, but West (1966, 244) pro- theme in European art from the 16th century on. Rubens vides one likely stemma. painted a version in 1636 (see Held 1980, 291–2, no. 209, pl. 208 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Fig. 21. Andromeda and the ketos by Titian, painted for Philip II about 1562, now in the Wallace Collection, London. (Courtesy of the Wallace Collection) creatures of the sea.111 These include a variety of monsters, long before the deacon took his whales (among which are the dashing Physaloi), as plunge.”114 well as a number of large fish, some of which are The monster-infested waters around Athos are specifically named (e.g., tuna, sawfish, the Lamna, well reflected in a series of engravings (+αλκ- and the Maltha), as well as different types of sharks, γραφες) depicting the various monasteries of the dogfish, and rays, including γαλε.112 Oppian also Holy Mountain.115 Of the many such paper icons, includes among his kete those animals that leave we present here only one example, dating to 1850 the salt water and come forth upon the land, such and illustrating the Monastery of Esphigmenou, on as eels, turtles, and seals.113 the east coast of the Akte peninsula (fig. 22). It In Classical literature, two locations of kete are depicts, in the lower left corner, a sea-creature de- preeminent in Greek—especially Aegean—geog- scribed as a “fantastic ketos.”116 The kete on some of raphy: Athos and “hollow Lakedaimon.” With re- the Athos engravings are truly fantastic creatures of gard to the former, Emily Vermeule wrote: “As in the imagination; others, however, more closely re- the sad tale of the Deacon and the Shark, an en- semble real whales. The double spouting creature counter the abbots of Mount Athos remember well, in figure 22, with its huge body, strange mouth, and though it happened in the ninth century—A.D. or flukes takes certain elements from the real world, B.C.?—certain places were always hunted by theria, others from a more imaginary realm. the wild animals of the sea. Herodotos knew that The second geographical topos for kete in the the waters off Mount Athos were packed with sea- Aegean is the Lakonian Gulf between Malea and

111 Halieutica 1.48, 1.360–408; 5.21, 5.71. 114 Vermeule 1979, 183. 112 Halieutica 1.360–82. 115 For these, generally, see Mylonas 1963; Papastratou 1990. 113 Halieutica 1.394–408. 116 Baltogianne 1997, 86–7, no. 36 (inv. XAE 3052). 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 209

Fig. 22. Paper icon depicting the Monastery of Esphigmenou on the Mt. Athos Peninsula, with a whale in the left corner, ca. 1850, Byzantine Museum, Athens, XAE 3052 (0.42 × 0.27 m). (Courtesy of the Byzantine Museum)

Tainaron. In the Homeric poems, the kingdom of as the “hollow” valley of the Eurotas River, and stan- Menelaos is twice introduced with a formulaic de- dard translations provide variations of “hollow Lake- scription that has inspired scholarly comment since daimon.” Rather than “hollow,” Morris goes on to antiquity.117 In the Catalogue of Ships (Iliad 2.581) show that the passage refers to the sea monster- the allies of Menelaos are introduced thus: bound shores (κητ(εσσαν) of Lakedaimon.118 ./ δ’ ε0+ν κλην Λακεδαµνα κητ(εσσαν As Emily Vermeule so cogently expressed, the Homeric kete, like Herodotos’s theria, sounded The same line, with a change of verb, announced more dangerous for not having specific names; they the arrival of Telemachos and Peisistratos at Sparta were nameless monsters, which perhaps grew less (Odyssey 4.1): threatening as the science of marine biology devel- .2 δ3 45ν κλην Λακεδαµνα κητ(εσσαν πρς δ3 6ρα δ(µατ3 7λων Μενελ υ κυδαλµι oped, studying, classifying, and perhaps dissecting them.119 It is not until the fourth century B.C., how- As Sarah Morris has shown, the prevailing inter- ever, that we find the word ketos associated with nat- pretation derives from an understanding of κλην ural history, generically referring, in the modern

117 Morris 1984, 1–2. 119 Vermeule 1979, 183. 118 Morris 1984. 210 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 sense, to the spouting cetacea. Aristotle, in his Histo- In Strabo (16.3.7) we hear of a whale some 50 cu- ria Animalium (6.12 [566b, 2]), writes: bits (25 m) in length that was stranded on a beach ∆ελφς δ< κα φ λλαινα κα τ 6λλα κ!τη, =σα µ> in the Persian Gulf (cf. Arrian, Indica 39.4). Arrian 7+ει ?ρ γ+ια @λλα φυσητρα, %AωτκBσιν. . . . (Indica 39.5) further reports that the whale’s hide The dolphin, the whale, and the other Cetacea, as was as much as a cubit thick, and that it had many many as have no gills but a blowhole instead, are vi- oysters, shellfish, and seaweeds growing on it, a fea- viparous. . . . ture common to many varieties of whales. The word that Arrian and Strabo use in this context is κτς, Elsewhere in Aristotle we read: and it is clear that both words—κτς and φ λλαινα—were interchangeable, up to a point, @ναπνε# δ< τ µ<ν πε% π ντα, 7νια δ< κα τν so far as whales were concerned. νδρων, 4ν φ λλαινα κα δελφς κα τ @ναφυσνται κ!τη π νταD One of the longest and liveliest accounts in Greek of the sighting of whales is to be found in Arrian. All land animals breathe, as do some of the water The report, which was used by Pliny the Elder (see animals, such as the whale, the dolphin, and all the above), is all the more vivid as it evocatively relates spouting cetacea.120 the surprise and wonder of Alexander the Great’s Although the ketos is used to refer to all the men when they confronted large whales (κ!τη). spouting cetecea, the word that Aristotle uses spe- Arrian’s account is of interest not only for the infor- cifically for whale is phallaina (φ λλαινα or mation it offers on living whales, but also for the φ λαινα), hence the Latin bal(l)aena (whale), and architectural use that the bones of stranded whales ultimately baleen. From the fourth century B.C. on- were put to by the indigenous peoples of the outer ward, phallaina is a common word for whale in Greek, ocean (Arabian Sea).124 Arrian (Indica 30.1–9) found in authors as varied as Aristotle, Strabo, Ae- writes: lian, Philostratos, Nonnos, Babrius, Galaenus, Por- Monstrously large sea animals feed in the outer ocean, phyrius Tyrius, and others (some of these authors much larger than those in our inland sea. Nearchos also used ketos with specific reference to whales).121 says that when they were sailing along the coast from Although we have now entered the world of scien- Kyiza, about daybreak they saw water being blown upwards from the sea as it might be shot upwards by tific enquiry, the word phallaina could occasionally the force of a waterspout. They were astonished, and be used to denote any devouring monster. Indeed, asked the pilots what it might be and how it was caused; one of the earliest uses of the word, in Aristophanes’ they replied that it was these great animals spouting Wasps (35, 39), has precisely such a meaning.122 In up water as they moved about in the sea. The sailors Oppian (Halieutica 1.404), the word phallaina is were so startled that the oars fell from their hands. Nearchos went along the line encouraging and cheer- used only once to refer to the whale (Oppian com- ing them, and whenever he sailed past them he sig- monly uses ketos when referring to whales), which naled them to turn the ships in line towards the ani- “leaves the sea for the dry land and basks in the mals as if to give them battle, to raise their battle cry sun.” This reference, together with Porphyrios’s last in time with the plash of oars and to row with rapid charge through the Bosphoros, is one of a number strokes and with a great deal of noise. So they all took heart and sailed together according to signal. But of passages in classical literature that alludes to the when they were actually nearing the beasts, then they stranding of whales, even though Oppian is mis- shouted with all the power of their throats, the trum- taken in his belief that whales basked in the sun.123 pets gave the signal, and the rowers made the utmost

120 Arist. Parts of Animals 3.6 (669a, 7–9). See also 4.13 (697a, on.” In Aristophanes, φ λλαινα is used as a comic devise in 16). the place of Kleon, both for his greed (“with scales in hand 121 For Aristotle, in addition to the passages already cited, weighing pea pulse”) and for his voice (“holding forth in tone see, e.g., Hist. an. 1.5 (489b, 4), 3.20 (521b, 24), 4.10 (537a, and accents like a scalded pig”). For a related meaning of phal- 31). See also Strabo 3.2.7; Ael. NA 9.50, 16.18; Philostr. VA laina, see also Lykophron 841. Another meaning for phallai- 2.14; Nonnos, Dion. 6.298; Babrius 39.1; Galenus 6.728, 737, na, but one that is very rare, is moth, LSJ sv φ λλαινα. also De Usu Partium 3.12; Porphyrius Tyrius, De Abstinentia 3.20. 123 Elsewhere, Oppian (Halieutica 5.70–71) refers to a com- 122 The normal translation of the Aristophanic φ λλαινα panion fish, referred to as EΗγητρα (Guide), which was es- varies. In some English translations it appears as “grampus” (e.g., pecially close to whales (κ!τη), i.e., the pilot-fish or whale- in Rogers 1924 Loeb edition), and thus could refer to any of guide. the smaller cetaceans commonly found in the Mediterranean, 124 In the passage that follows and in Pliny 9.2 (7) on the such as a variety of dolphins, perhaps also some of the smaller Gedrosi, both authors have clearly whales and whalebones in toothed whales, such as the killer whale. Jeffery Henderson in mind. Mayor’s (2000, 331) suggestion that these are fossil his 1998 translation translates phallaina as a “ravening drag- bones seems, in this case, unlikely. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 211 splashing with their oars. So the animals, now visible Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean, Pliny (9.3 [8]), at the bows of the ships, were scared and dived into notes that the largest creature in the Gallic ocean the depths; then not long afterwards they came up to (Bay of Biscay) was the physeter, almost certainly a the surface astern and again spouted water over a great expanse of sea. The sailors clapped at their whale, often translated as a sperm whale, “which unexpected escape from destruction and praised rears up like a vast pillar higher than a ship’s rig- Nearchos for his courage and cleverness. Some of ging and belches out a sort of deluge.”129 In mod- these large creatures go ashore at many parts of the ern taxonomy, physeter (to which was added macro- coast, and when the ebb comes are caught in the cephalus) became the species name for the sperm shallows, while some are cast on the dry land by heavy storms and as a result putrefy and die; their flesh rots whale. Closer to home Pliny (9.5 [12]) notes that away and the bones are left, to be used by the natives whales penetrated the Mediterranean (“Ballaenae for their huts. In fact the bones in their ribs served et in nostra maria penetrant”), a fact corroborated for the larger beams of their dwellings, the smaller by several other authors, not least of which was Dio for rafters and the jawbones for doorposts, since Cassius. In Book 75.16.5, Dio recounts how a huge many of these creatures reached a length of five-and- κτς GπερµHγεθες twenty fathoms. whale ( ) in the reign of Septi- mius Severus was washed up on shore in the Portus A range of meanings similar to those in Greek is Augusti near the mouth of the Tiber River. Dio goes found in Latin for cetus and bal(l)aena. Ce¯tus in Latin on to relate that a model was made of the ketos for can refer to any large sea animal, such as a whale, display at a wild beast show; the model was large dolphin, or porpoise; it can also refer to the sea enough to accommodate 50 bears that were driven monster to which Andromeda was exposed, as well into it.130 Somewhat earlier, in the reign of Claudi- as the constellation “the Whale.”125 As with the us, Pliny (9.5.[14–15]) tells of an orca in the har- Greek φ λλαινα, the Latin ballaena (sometimes bor of Ostia. Although Pliny specifically uses the balle¯na) referred more specifically to “whale.”126 In word orca, often translated as a grampus or killer Petronius’s Satyricon (21.2) we even find the adjec- whale (in keeping with the species name for the tival ballaenaceus—“made of whalebone”—as in killer whale in modern taxonomy)—correctly in our Quartilla’s whalebone rod (“Quartilla balaenaceam estimate—some translators prefer to envisage a larg- tenens virgam”). er whale.131 Be that as it may, the emperor ordered a Latin authors located whales in different seas. barrier of nets to be stretched out at the mouth of Juvenal (10.14), for example, locates whales in the the harbor, and setting out in person with the prae- waters around Britain (“ballaena Britannica”), while torian cohorts made a spectacle for the Roman peo- Pliny (Naturalis Historia 9.2) discusses the whales ple by attacking the stranded creature. The orca, of the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean, where the however, did not go down without a fight, and man- ballaena can reach sizes of over four iugera (one iuger aged to sink at least one of Claudius’s boats with its is about two-thirds of an acre!).127 Pliny marveled spouting. that the same region produced lobsters that grow Pliny’s use of terms such as orca and physeter shows to four cubits (six feet) in length, and he even tells an interest in describing different species of ceta- us of eels in the River Ganges that can grow to “tri- cea in the Mediterranean. Such an interest goes cenos pedes” (300 ft.). Pliny’s three-acre Arabian back at least as early as Aristotle. In Book 3.12 (519a, Sea whales bring to mind the massive leviathan on 24), Aristotle refers to a µυστακIκητς, or “mous- which the Irish Saint Brendan, the noted traveler, tache-whale.” Alternatively given as µυστIκητς or built a chapel.128 After the massive whales of the µυστκτς, J µBς τ κτς refers to the fact that

125 See, among many others, Pliny, HN 32.10, 32.83, 9.78; 129 Pliny HN 9.3 (8), translated by H. Rackham, who trans- Vergil, Aeneis 5.822; Manilius 1.433, 5.15, 5.500, 5.656; Vitr. De lates the physeter or physter as “sperm whale.” arch. 9.5.3; Plaut. Aulularia 375; Captiui 851; Celsus 2.18.2; Sta- 130 Toynbee 1973, 208; Mayor 2000, 138–9. tius, Achilleis 1.55; Silius 11.480; Varro, Menippeae 406. 131 Rackham, for example, in his Loeb edition of Pliny, trans- 126 See, for instance, Plaut. Rud. 545; Ov. Met. 2.9; Pliny HN lates orca as “killer whale,” but adds that this is unlikely, and 9.4, 11.235; Juvenal 10.14. goes on to state that it was probably a cachalot (sperm whale). 127 Pliny also notes in the same passage the smaller pistris, There is enough internal information in Pliny, however, to perhaps a smaller whale or shark that can measure over 20 cubits suggest that the creature he refers to as an orca is indeed a (10 m) in length. See further Toynbee 1973, 208. killer whale (Orcinus orca). At 9.5 (12–13), for example, Pliny 128 See Little 1945; Selmer 1959; Ashe 1962. For an illustra- notes that orcas attack other whales (ballaenae), often in a tion of St. Brendan and his monks celebrating mass on the group, a pattern of behavior that is well known for killer whales, back of the giant whale, Jasconius, on the 1621 map by Hon- but not for sperm whales, nor any of the baleen whales. orius Philoponus, see Nigg 1999, 172–4; see also 135–6. 212 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 such whales lack teeth in their mouths, and “have feeding upside-down. Similar disorientation is ex- instead hairs similar to pigs’ bristles.” Aristotle’s pressed by Pliny (9.6 [16]): meaning here is perfectly clear, as he is describing Ora ballaenae habent in frontibus, ideoque summa the characteristic baleen plates of the whalebone aqua natantes in sublime nimbus efflant. whales (blue whales, fin whales, etc.). Indeed, the term for the mysticeti sub-order of whales (i.e., ba- Whales have their mouths in their foreheads, and leen whales) is derived from Aristotle’s µυσ- consequently when swimming on the surface of the water they blow clouds of spray into the air (Rack- τακIκητς (cf. the musculus marinus qui ballaenam in ham translation). Pliny, Naturalis Historia 11.62 [165]).132 Such usage highlights the importance of the original texts, as In a similar vein, we have heard many modern opposed to translations, and it is our experience whale-watchers express doubt or reservations as to that certain misunderstandings that have crept into which side of the animal is up or down at the sight the literature concerning whales are sometimes at of a breaching humpback whale. Although the dol- the level of the translation. The natural historians, phin was well known to Greek artists and a popular like Aristotle and Pliny, go to some length to de- iconographic subject from prehistory through late scribe the physical characteristics of whales and oth- antiquity, the baleen whales, particularly those of er cetaceans, descriptions that are based on direct the Balaenoptera genus (e.g., blue, fin, sei, Bryde’s, observation or secondhand testimony from mari- and minke whales) are more difficult to observe ners and others. Aristotle speaks about various as- because they surface less frequently and rarely frol- pects of the lives and habits of cetaceans, details ic on the surface. Actual sightings of this genus in ranging from their milking habits (3.20 [521b]) the eastern or central Mediterranean would have and copulation (5.5 [540b]), to the manner in been few and far between (see above). which the animals sleep: “there are people who There is one other Latin text that deserves spe- have actually heard a dolphin snoring” (4.10 cial mention with regard to cetology: Manilius’s [537b]). Such information, however, is only as good description of the sea monster—Cetos—both as a as its observer. Even in those instances when classi- heavenly constellation and, especially, as the myth- cal authors state a physical characteristic of a ceta- ological monster associated with Andromeda. In a cean that seems clearly wrong, a closer reading will paper fully devoted to Manilius’s monster, Kathleen point to some illuminating detail. For example, in Coleman cogently unravels a baleen whale from describing various cetaceans, Aristotle (7 [8], 591b, Manilius’s text, a creature that lies in contrast to 24–30) states: “Generally the other fishes catch the the more poetic sea monsters of Ovid and Vergil.134 smaller ones in their mouths while swimming As Coleman has shown, Manilius described his Cetos straight ahead in their natural attitude. But the se- directly, treating it as a creature in its own right. lachians and the dolphins and all cetaceans The arrival of this Cetos is presaged by the swelling (π ντες 2 κητ(δεις) turn over on their backs to surface of the water (5.579–581) and by a mouth take them, as their mouth is placed down below, full of water (5.581–583). According to Coleman, thus allowing a fair chance of escape to the smaller “the picture of sea foaming inside toothed jaws is fishes.”133 an accurate reflection of the feeding-habits of the Dolphins do not have to turn on their backs to mysticeti,” and she goes on to describe the baleen consume fish, and this rather strange mis-descrip- plates and feeding habits of the whalebone tion of the dolphin has troubled classical philolo- whales.135 The picture that emerges is not quite pure gists, so much so that several editors have suggest- scientific description: in addition to its enormous ed deleting it altogether. The baleen whales, how- size and jaws, the creature does have scales and it is ever, have the characteristic mandible that closes described as “coiled”; but Manilius was, after all, uniquely upward toward the dorsal side of their dealing with a mythological creature. As Coleman cranium (fig. 10). If one expected the mouth to concludes, Manilius’s Cetos is all the more menac- curve downward on the ventral side of the body like ing for being recognizable as a whale, but with night- most fish, it would appear as if a baleen whale was marish additions.136 In this, it is little different to

132 See also Coleman 1983, 230. not its mouth much below its snout, almost in the middle of its 133 Cf. Arist. Parts of Animals 4 (696b, 24). A similar descrip- belly, not a single fish would escape its speed.” tion is echoed by Pliny (9.7 [20]) who writes: “The swiftest of 134 Coleman 1983. all animals, not only those of the sea, is the dolphin; it is swift- 135 Coleman 1983, 229–30. er than a bird and darts much faster than a javelin, and were 136 Coleman 1983, 232. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 213 the kete with which the monks of Mount Athos that Marcus Scaurus, aedile in 58 B.C., brought the adorned their paper icons (fig. 22): part fact, part skeleton from Jaffa (Joppa) to Rome to be shown fantasy. among other marvels collected during his aedile- We have already discussed several instances of ship. The beast—also referred to as belua—was 40 stranded whales in Greek literature, but some of ft. long, the height of the ribs exceeding the ele- the most spectacular stories in Classical literature phants of India, and spine being 1.5 ft. thick. The of stranded sea animals are to be found in Pliny. In fact that this skeleton was brought from Jaffa is in- Book 9.4 (10), Pliny reports that during the reign triguing, because it was at Jaffa that Andromeda was of Tiberius (A.D. 14–37), in an island off the coast said to have been fettered, and it was at Jaffa that of the province of Lyon (Lugdunensis), the reced- Jonah boarded a ship,140 bound for Tarshish, in or- ing ocean tide left more than 300 monsters at the der to escape the Lord’s command for him to go to same time, of marvelous variety and size, and an Nineveh. Once at sea, the story is well known (fig. equal number on the coast of Saintes (Santonum 23): “And the Lord appointed a great fish to swal- litore).137 The word that Pliny uses to describe these low up Jonah; and Jonah was in the belly of the fish creatures is belua, which simply means “beast.” We three days and three nights” (Jonah 1:17). cannot be sure what sort of animal Pliny had in mind, The small book of Jonah, unique among the pro- but the passage is concerned with possible sight- phetic books of the Old Testament, has as its prin- ings of Nereids and a Triton. Reports of stranded cipal figure an obscure Galilean prophet from Gath- sea creatures that are not whales are well known in hepher who counseled Jeroboam II (786–746 B.C.). Greek literature. In the Anthologia Graeca, for ex- The “great fish” was not the principal item of the ample, there are at least two reports of the body of a story; just like the tempest, the plant, and several skolopendra (σκλIπενδρα) washed ashore. The first other natural devices, it was an obedient agent of (6.222 [Theodoridas]) is described as a thousand- God’s purpose. The word that is used for the ani- footed skolopendra, found on the rocks of Iapygia in mal in Hebrew is dag gadol, which is a rather gener- south Italy; the mutilated body of a second such ic reference to a big sea creature, usually taken to creature (6.223 [Antipater]) was discovered by be a whale, with some justification.141 There is not Hermonax. The skolopendra found on land is clearly much development of Hebrew vocabulary for crea- a millipede, and the sea-skolopendra must be a tures of the sea. The generic word for fish (dag) is related worm-like creature of enormous size.138 The sometimes modified, as in the “big fish” of Jonah creatures of the Anthologia Graeca, however, are not 1:17, but the Israelites’ lack of firsthand familiarity your average millipede: both are described as sea with fish is reflected by the fact that not a single monsters, and one even had a vast rib (µHγα species name is preserved in the entire Old Testa- πλευρν), which was dedicated to the gods, a fact ment. In Jonah, we are dealing with a large fish, which led Adrienne Mayor to suspect the possibil- probably a great whale. This is not, however, the ity of a fossil.139 Biblical Leviathan that looms large in the Old Tes- Pliny’s beluas do not end with the strandings off tament, the archetypal sea monster found in differ- Lyon and Saintes. Pliny (9.4 [11]) mentions Turra- ent cultures throughout the world.142 nius’s report of an enormous sea monster cast According to John Day, Leviathan (Hebrew liw- ashore on the coast at Cadiz (Gadir, on the Atlantic ytn) is the name of a mythological sea serpent or coast of Spain near the Strait of Gibraltar), which dragon, personifying the chaos waters, mentioned had some 120 teeth ranging in size between six in the Ugaritic texts, in the Old Testament, and in and nine inches long. But the most fabulous of later Jewish literature.143 Leviathan appears six times Pliny’s stranded sea beasts was at the far eastern in the Old Testament: Job 3:8, Job 40:15–24, Job end of the Mediterranean, and none other than 41:1–34, Psalms 74:14, Psalms 104:26 (cited above), the skeleton of the monster to which Andromeda Isaiah 27:1. In Job 41:1, the passage: “Can you draw herself was exposed. In Book 9.4 (11), Pliny relates out Leviathan with a fishhook, or press down his

137 Pliny’s text continues: “and among the rest elephants, 139 Mayor 2000, 264, no. 10. and rams with only a white streak to resemble horns, and also 140 Boardman 1987, 77; Mayor 2000, 138–9. many Nereids” (Rackham translation). 141 We are grateful to Professor William Schniedewind for 138 For the land version, see Arist. Hist. an. 1.5 (489b, 22); assistance with the Biblical passages cited in this paper. 4.7 (532a, 4). For the sea-skolopendra see, e.g., Arist. Hist. an. 142 See Thompson 1955. 2.14 (505b, 13), which is different to the sea snake; 621a, 6; 143 Day 1992a, 295; with further details in Day 1985. Etymo- Ael. NA 7.26; Oppian, Halieutica 2.424. logically, the name means “twisting one,” as befits a serpent. 214 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Fig. 23. “Jonah and the Whale,” shown as a great fish. Persia, Herat, ca. 1425. New York, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Pulitzer Bequest Fund, 1933. (Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art) tongue with a cord?” is often equated with a croc- a number of times in the Old Testament in two odile. Similarly, the Behemoth in Job 40:15–24, distinct contexts: as the sea monster defeated at “he who eats grass like an ox,” is usually under- the time of creation and as a metaphorical name stood as a hippopotamus, but there are good rea- for Egypt.148 There is also in the Bible Tannim sons against these identifications, particularly the (Hebrew tnyn), first appearing in Genesis 1:21, equation of Leviathan with crocodile.144 The fact, often translated as “dragon,” but sometimes as for example, that Leviathan breathes out fire and “sea monster, serpent,” occasionally as a snake smoke (Job 41:19–21), coupled with his seven (as in Exodus 7:9–12), and sometimes associat- heads in later Jewish literature, suggests a myth- ed with Rahab. In Isaiah 27:1 this serpent is men- ological creature. The Leviathan in Psalms tioned in parallel to Leviathan: “In that day the 104:25–26 is often supposed to be the whale, but Lord with his hard and great and strong sword again, Day believes that it is rather a mythological will punish Leviathan the fleeing serpent, Levia- creature that is in view.145 The discovery of the than the twisting serpent, and he will slay the Ugaritic mythological texts also allude to a con- dragon that is in the sea.” flict between Baal or Anat and Leviathan, this in Whatever the precise nature of the Biblical Le- addition to the more detailed account of Baal’s viathan (and Rahab and Tannim), the narrative of defeat of the sea-god Yam. The Ugaritic texts the Old Testament required, at various points, par- point to a possible Canaanite background to Le- ticularly in Jonah and in Psalms 104:26, the Medi- viathan.146 A related Biblical creature is Rahab terranean to be infested with creatures of enor- (Hebrew rahab), a mythological sea serpent or mous proportions. As we have seen above, the Med- dragon—literally the “boisterous one”—that iterranean was no stranger to more gentle levia- functions similarly to Leviathan.147 Rahab appears thans every bit as real as fin and sperm whales.

144 Day 1992a, 296. counted in Enuma Elish, of Marduk’s victory over the sea 145 Day 1992a, 296. monster Tiamat. Day (1985) points to the Canaanite back- 146 Gunkel (1895) argued that the Biblical allusions to a ground suggested by the Ugaritic texts. conflict between Yahweh and the dragon and the sea consti- 147 See Day 1985; Day 1992b for a useful summary. tuted an Israelite appropriation of the Babylonian myth, re- 148 Job 9:13, 26:12; Psalms 87:4, 89:10; Isaiah 30:7, 51:9. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 215 trying to picture the whale: great Rembetissa Sotiria Bellou, about dying on a the iconography of greek sea monsters ship. The second stanza of the song goes: The power of the sea, as Emily Vermeule noted Αντε, σ ν πεθ νω στI καρ ?ι, ρ5τε µε µHς στI γιαλI, so well, to swallow and conceal a human completely 6ντε, ν µH φ νε τ µαρα ψ ρια κα τI LρµυρI and the numerous flesh-eating creatures under its νερI–@µ ν, @µ ν. surface—stealthy and voiceless hunters—made the Ah, if I die on the boat, throw me into the sea sea a focus for poetic death in Greek tradition.149 So that the black fish and the salt water can eat me, The poetic phrase “food for fishes” was, as Vermeule Aman! Aman!152 explains, “worse than for birds and dogs, because it is harder to find the body again, and bury it proper- The waters of the sea were not for cheerful swim- ly.”150 In one of his weaker moments Homer’s wily ming, unless they were not much more than an- hero Odysseus laments: kle-deep; “a hero might step into the waves to I fear that once again the whirlwind will snatch me wash the worst of his sweat off, as Odysseus and and carry me out on the sea where the fish swarm, Diomedes do at the end of the Doloneia, but only groaning heavily, as far as the hip-joint and thigh.”153 It was this or else the divinity from the deep will let loose against frightening aspect of the sea—a sea full of coop- me a sea monster (κτς), of whom Amphitrite keeps so erating sea monsters ready to mete out death in a many.151 single gulp—that determines and defines the iconography of kete, generically, in classical art. A few millennia later a similar sentiment per- This is nowhere better captured than in the scene vaded modern Greek Rembetika—the once under- of a capsized ship and drowning men on the well ground songs of love, sorrow, and hashish—and known Late Geometric krater from Pithekoussai nowhere more evocatively than a song, first re- (fig. 24), painted just over a century after the Ag- corded by Katsaros and later immortalized by the ora whalebone was discarded.154 Two of the men

Fig. 24. Late Geometric krater from Pithekoussai, inv. 168813, depicting capsized ship and sailors drowning, some swallowed by fish. (After Buchner and Ridgway 1993)

149 Vermeule 1979, 179–209, esp. 184–5. text); the English translation follows that of Holst 1975, 85. 150 Vermeule 1979, 184. 153 Vermeule 1979, 183. See further Couch 1935–1936; Scott 151 Odyssey 5.419–422, Richmond Lattimore translation. See 1936–1937; Combellack 1952–1953, with references to the also Odyssey 14.133–6; 15.477–80; Combellack 1952–1953, 259– earlier literature; Brown 1968; Hall 1994. 60. 154 Buchner 1953–1954; Brunnsåker 1962; Buchner and 152 Petropoulos 1979, 159 (with annotations for the Greek Ridgway 1993, 695, pls. CCIV–CCV, 231. 216 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 immediately under the capsized ship, those with way of rendering a large sea monster, such as a man- arms bent in different directions, appear to be alive, eating fish on the Pithekoussai krater (fig. 24), or as if trying to swim. Of the drowned men, one has the 15th-century A.D. Persian Jonah in the mouth lost his head, another is in the process of losing his; of the “whale,” shown as a large scaly fish (fig. 23). A some of the men appear to have lost their genitals. related representation is that of the man-eating ke- All around swarm fish—over 20 of them—ranging tos (misspelled κτς along the lower border) on a in size from man-eaters to “little spectators.”155 The Roman sarcophagus in the Konya Museum, miles scene on this fragmentary krater could have served from any sea (fig. 25). The center of the sarcopha- as a useful illustration of Herodotos’s account of gus is occupied by a wreath that encloses a cruci- the plight of Darius’s men wrecked by the storm off form object, conceivably a ship’s mast, with sails (?) Mount Athos some 200 years later. suspended from the horizontal beam; the base of In the mythological and heroic realms only the the vertical beam splays out to form two foot-like occasional Übermensch, such as a Herakles (see be- projections, each of which appears to be nibbled at low) or Perseus (figs. 19–21), stood any chance by a fish. Below, and to one side, an enormous fish against the creatures that the sea could summon. has engulfed the head of Jonah (the inscription So while classical natural historians like Aristotle below reads: ΚΙΤ.Σ ΚΙΩΝΑΣ, one way of writing and Pliny described a variety of whales, sometimes Jonah in Greek) who is about to be swallowed whole. quite accurately, Greek artists never depicted a Although about a millennium later than the Pithek- clearly recognizable whale, though a few represen- oussai krater, the Konya (Iconium) ketos carries on tations come close. The relative rarity of whale sight- a well-established tradition. The representation ings and strandings in the Mediterranean (most does not allow for species identification—shark, sightings offer only partial glimpses of whales, while tuna, whale?—nor does it matter: image and word the flesh of stranded animals decays rather quick- combine to convey ketos. ly), coupled with the fact that whales were never An alternative manner of representing the ketos actively hunted in the Greek and Roman worlds, is as a large serpent-like creature: a snake by any was not conducive to artistic photorealism. other name. Like the big fish, a suitably massive The iconography of the classical sea monster (ke- snake was one, relatively straightforward, way of giv- tos) has been a popular subject of modern scholar- ing iconographic substance to a massive sea crea- ship, and there is no shortage of useful overviews of ture that was, above all else, mysterious and fright- Greek, Etruscan, and Roman representations.156 ening. One of the earliest such representations, Our purpose here, therefore, is not to review what dating to ca. 520 B.C., is that on the Athenian black- is a rich iconographic tradition that has been much figure cup in Taranto showing Herakles fighting a commented on, but rather to point to certain sa- sea monster with mouth wide open; Hesione stands lient aspects of that tradition, with particular refer- behind the hero, out of harm’s way, while he dan- ence to the iconography—or lack thereof—of gerously clutches the tongue of the beast, as if ready whales. We have already illustrated a number of Ar- to cut it off (fig. 26).158 Scholars have attempted to chaic, Classical, and Roman kete. By the time that see elements of certain land animals on this mon- Aristotle and Pliny were writing there was no short- ster’s head, but we are essentially dealing with a age of fantastic dragon-like monsters with all sorts large serpent. A clearly identifiable snake’s head, of hideous addenda that appear on later Classical albeit one with a curly nose, is found on the fourth- through Roman representations of the Andromeda century B.C. Etruscan red-figure krater in Perugia story (fig. 20), beasts that any St. George would be (fig. 27), the name vase of the Hesione Painter.159 proud to slay.157 But in essence all Classical kete, Here the hero proceeds solo, without the damsel however fabulous, were depicted in one of several (Hesione or Andromeda) in distress, although he characteristic ways. The first is the most straightfor- does appear in the company of Hesione on the oth- ward and least imaginative: a large fish, such as the er side of the vase. In another place and time, Her- dag gadol of the Old Testament. This is the easiest akles or Pereus could easily replace Marduk (fight-

155 Vermeule 1979, 184. 157 For these see Boardman 1987, esp. pls. XXI–XXIII; von 156 Among many others, see, in particular, Shepard 1940; Blanckenhagen 1987, pl. XXVII. Vermeule 1979, 179–209; Boardman 1987, 1997; von Blanck- 158 Taranto, inv. 52155; see Boardman 1987, 80, n. 49 (with enhagen 1987, all with further references. See also Rumpf 1939, full references). esp. 112–20; Keller 1909, 409–14; Thompson 1947; Lattimore 159 Beazley 1947, 124, no. 1; Boardman 1987, 80–1, pl. XXV, 1976; Boosen 1986. fig. 16. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 217

Fig. 25. Ketos and Jonah (inscribed: Κτς Κι(νας). Roman sarcophagus, Konya Museum. (Photo by Sarah Morris) ing the sea monster Tiamat), or Baal or Anat (do- both a snake of the land and a large sea creature. ing battle with the sea-god Yam or Leviathan) or These are worthy opponents for a Herakles or a Yahweh pitted against the dragon and the sea. The Perseus, and their association with such heroes has kete on the Taranto and Perugia pots are all the the effect of removing them to an otherworldly more frightening for their gaping mouths and, es- realm. However much they resemble the serpen- pecially on the Taranto cup, scaly bodies, as befit tine bodies of real creatures of the sea, such as the

Fig. 26. Athenian black-figure cup, ca. 520 B.C., showing Herakles clutching the tongue of the sea monster, with Hesione behind him. Taranto, Museo Nazionale, inv. 52155. (After Boardman 1987, pl. XXV:15) 218 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106 at hand.161 The ketos has a pointed muzzle, horn- like ears resembling fins, and sharp glittering teeth, picked out in added white. Its body, however, lacks scales, and the animal enjoys a number of features that seem—to quote Shakespeare (Hamlet, act III, scene II)—“very like a whale.” These include ceta- cean-like flippers, one prominent on either side of the body, and flukes, plus what looks suspiciously like a whale fin about two-thirds down the body.162 The overall effect, however, is not of a real whale, and the contrast between the mythological and nat- ural worlds seem all the more stark on account of the careful rendering of the dolphins, octopus, and seal. Indeed, the vase painter has gone to great lengths to draw these smaller creatures as accurate- ly as possible, and it is worth stressing that this is one of the very few representations of the seal in all of Classical art.163 Generally speaking, Greek and

Fig. 27. Etruscan red-figure krater, name vase of the Hesione Painter, Perugia, Museo Archaeologico Nazionale (Museo del Palazzone all’Ipogeo dei Volumni), from Perugia. (Courtesy of the Museo Archaeologico Nazionale) oarfish (Regaleus glesne) about 2 m long caught in Sydney harbor in June 1954 or that illustrated by Vermeule,160 mythological kete could not be caught by average mortal hands. Among the numerous serpentine sea creatures in Greek art, one of the most menacing is the ketos on the Caeretan hydria dating to ca. 520–510 B.C. (fig. 28). The naked hero—Herakles or Perseus or Anonymous—pitted against the monster seems es- Fig. 28. Caeretan hydria, ca. 520–510 B.C., private collection, pecially focused, particularly as his weapon of choice, showing hero fighting ketos, with a seal (phoke) behind the a small sickle, seems grossly inadequate for the task sea monster.

160 See the photograph published in National Geographic, the scene is related to a myth, lost from tradition, of the city August 2000, 120. A somewhat larger example, photographed nymph of Phokaia, personified by the seal (phoke) and the at Yarmouth in 1897, was published in Vermeule 1979, 183, anonymous hero. fig. 5. Oarfish can grow to a length of over 12 m and weigh as 162 As Leatherwood et al. (1983, 13) explain, the horizon- much as 650 lbs.; specimens up to 17 m in length have been tally flattened tail flukes of cetaceans have no skeletal support, reported. Oarfish are found worldwide in all tropical and tem- while the rear third of the body is a powerful tail (tail stock or perate waters. caudal peduncle) that is laterally compressed to reduce drag 161 Hemelrijk 1983, 45–6, no. 29, pls. 103–4; Isler 1983, 18– during swimming. 28, figs. 1–11; Boardman 1987, 80, pl. XXIV, fig. 14; Board- 163 This is the only representation of the seal in Greek art man 1997, 732, no. 26; Marangou 1995, 124–33. Although both that we know of, apart from the seal (phoke) on the coinage of Herakles and Perseus have been suggested, it is possible that Phokaia, for which see Kraay 1976, pl. 3, no. 70. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 219 Roman artists were very careful to depict a variety of vase” is a more realistic exposé of a large fossil skull sea creatures, including different species of fish, emerging from the earth.168 In contrast to it, the ke- octopus, kalamari, various crustaceans, and so on, tos in figure 19 is not only more fleshy and alive, it as accurately as possible on diverse media ranging clearly emerges out of water. from red-figure fish-plates to mosaics.164 As for the This third category of iconographic representa- Caeretan hydria, do we have here, like Coleman’s tions, quadruped head on a fish-like body, is in many literary analysis of Manilius’s sea monster, the core ways the most interesting: part land animal, part sea of a real whale, with the addition of nightmarish creature, what else is a whale? In 1859 a confident elements for artistic effect? Charles Darwin discussed his Leviathan thus: “I can The third manner of representing kete in Classi- see no difficulty in a race of bears being rendered, cal art was to place the head of a clearly—sometimes by natural selection, more aquatic in their structure less clearly—recognizable land animal onto a fishy and habits, with larger and larger mouths, till a crea- or scaly body. Such an ingenious scheme led to a ture was produced as monstrous as a whale.”169 great deal of variety, and, once established, there was To pose the question differently, how would a no shortage of other bodily parts that could be add- Greek artist depict a whale, especially given the ed, as individual artists saw fit. The animal-headed rarity of large cetacean sightings in the Mediterra- beast depicted in figure 19, identified in the idio- nean? The vast majority of the assembled represen- syncratic epichoric alphabet of Corinth as “ketos,” tations of kete show the creature either alone, usu- appears on the left; Andromeda stands on the far ally stressing its frightening attitude, or in some right, while Perseus, at center stage, hurls stones at mythological context, such as with Perseus and the monster. We already know that the action takes Andromeda, with Herakles (with or without He- place at Jaffa. The head of this ketos is typical of one sione), with Thetis and the Nereids, or with Posei- of several distinctive ways that Greek artists repre- don, Amphitrite, Skylla, Triton, or Eros, to mention sented sea monsters with the head of a terrestrial only some.170 Among this wealth of representations, animal. John Boardman has discussed this type at there is, however, one that stands alone, outside some length.165 There appear to be a variety of differ- the established canon. It is an Athenian red-figure ent quadruped heads: lion or dog are often identi- cup, attributed to the manner of the Epeleios Paint- fied, or thus claimed, and occasionally the head is er, now in the Allard Pierson museum in Amster- that of a boar, such as the fragmentary ketos on the dam (fig. 29).171 Dating to about 500 B.C., it depicts west pediment of the Parthenon, which accompa- a young man or boy climbing onto the head of a nies Amphitrite.166 In some representations the head ketos, which is partly in the water. This is not a men- resembles that of a crocodile, in others we find kete acing ketos of myth, but an evidently benign ani- with multiple heads, of whatever animal.167 Occasion- mal. If anything, the iconography of the scene ap- ally, a well-established ketos in Greek art has been pears to be related to a number of genre scenes, partly deconstructed, or shown for what it really is. such as an early fifth-century B.C. Athenian cup by The best example is the late Corinthian column- the Ambrosios Painter showing a boy perched on a krater depicting Herakles and Hesione confront- rock fishing.172 Although the head resembles the ing the legendary monster on the coast of Troy, near muzzle of a land animal, as some scholars suggest, Sigeion (Sigeum), now in Boston. As Adrienne May- it also resembles the heads of a number of beaked or has shown, rather than a scary white monster’s whales of the genus Mesoplodon, some of which oc- head painted by a naïve artist, the “Monster of Troy cur in the Mediterranean.173 The size of the crea-

164 For fish-plates, see McPhee and Trendall 1987; for fish Darwin added an apologetic “almost like a whale.” As Jones (1999, mosaics, see, e.g., Meyboom 1977–1978 (with references); for 17) goes on to explain, the extant fossil evidence suggests that mosaics with real, as well as unreal, creatures of the deep, see, the distant ancestors of whales were hyena-like beasts called e.g., Szabados 2000. For a glossary of Greek fish, see Thomp- mesonychids, scavengers for carrion and hunters of fish. son 1947. 170 See the useful overview of mythological representations 165 Boardman 1987, esp. 81; see also Boardman 1997. in Boardman 1997. 166 Yalouris 1984, pls. 28–9. 171 Inv. 3702: Para 336; Boardman 1997, 732, no. 27. 167 For the crocodile headed ketos, see Boardman 1987, 81; 172 ARV 2, 173. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 01.8024; Ver- for kete with multiple heads see Boardman 1997, 731, nos. 1–2. meule 1979, 180, fig. 1. For later, Hellenistic, representations 168 Mayor 2000, 158–162, figs. 4.1–3. The vase is Museum of of fishermen, see Laubscher 1982. Fine Arts, Boston, 63.420; see further Boardman 1987, pl. XXIV, 173 See Leatherwood et al. 1983, 122–51, especially Gervais’s fig. 10; 1997, 732, no. 24. Beaked Whale (131–2), with a close-up detail of a stranded 169 Darwin 1859; quoted and further explained in Jones 1999, creature published in Connor and Micklethwaite Peterson xxvi. By the sixth edition of On the Origin of the Species in 1872, 1994, color pl. 4 (top). 220 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Fig. 29. Athenian red-figure cup, ca. 500 B.C., attributed to the manner of the Epeleios Painter, now in the Allard Pierson Museum in Amsterdam, depicting a young man or boy climbing onto the head of a ketos. (Courtesy of the Allard Pierson Museum) ture precludes the possibility of a dolphin: this is of the most enduring images of dolphins, cephalo- no boy-on-a-dolphin. Rather than a ketos, this pic- pods, a wide variety of fish, not least of which are ture could be one of the very rare representations the flying-fish, come from the prehistoric Aegean, of a phallaina—a whale—painted at about the same whether depicted on palace or house walls, on pot- time that the word first appears in Greek literature. tery (not just the Late Minoan “Marine Style”), on Thus far we have been concerned with historic engraved gems, or on other media. In addition to representations of kete in the Classical world, but what could be called the commonly edible species, what of older, prehistoric, pictures of the ketos or there are representations of more frightening sea phallaina? The Aegean Bronze Age is full of imag- creatures, such as dragons, crocodiles, and possi- es of all sorts of wondrous sea creatures, despite ble sharks.175 Some of these creatures, such as the the fact that there is nothing referring to any fish or crocodile, are not native to the Aegean, and point sea mammals in the extant corpus of Linear B tab- to the movement of people, commodities, and ideas lets, with the exception of a solitary squid. It ap- between the Aegean, Egypt, and the Levant. In dis- pears as po-ru-po-de-qe (that is, polupodeikwe, referring cussing the Minoan and Homeric Skylla, Spyridon to its many legs) mentioned in a tablet (Ta 722.1); Marinatos illustrated an intriguing Minoan sealing this squid, however, was not a living creature, but from Knossos (fig. 30),176 showing a man on a boat part of an inlaid ornament on a sitting stool.174 Some threatened by the emerging head of a sea monster,

174 We are grateful to Tom Palaima for this information. ly Minoan representation of a shark, see Marinatos 1926, 61, Ventris and Chadwick (1973, 345, Pylos 246), translate the word fig. 4. as “octopus,” but Palaima prefers squid. 176 Marinatos 1926, 58, fig. 2:1; Marinatos 1927–1928, 53– 175 For “dragons” and crocodiles, see Poursat 1976; for a like- 4, figs. 1–2. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 221 gean, the rich iconography of the Minoan and Myce- naean worlds has failed to produce any clearly rec- ognizable whales. In this, too, the prehistoric Ae- gean anticipates iconographic developments in the historic period. There is, however, one Mycenaean image that cannot go unmentioned: the scene on a Pictorial Style krater from a tomb in Enkomi, Cy- prus, depicts charioteers chased by (or hauling) a strange large-eyed creature on either side of the vessel (fig. 31).178 What creature, real or imaginary, the potter had in mind, we do not know, but it is reasonably clear that a terrestrial quadruped was Fig. 30. Drawing of a Minoan clay sealing from Knossos never intended. Occupying the available space depicting a creature of the water pitted against a man on a below each of the handles, the creatures on this boat. (After Marinatos 1927–1928) Mycenaean vase look distinctly like sea mammals. The fluke-like tail, albeit diminutive, the stumpy originally described as a dog-headed beast legs suggesting flippers or fins, the beaked head (κυνκHφαλν τHρας), and anticipating later rep- with striations (an allusion to baleen?) and stream- resentations, such as some of those discussed above. lined body, all seem suggestive. The words for sea In hindsight, and with a better drawing, Marinatos mammals such as dolphins, whales, and seals, have reinterpreted this beast as a hippopotamus, but the not survived in Linear B, but as κτς is used more image of sea monster pitted against man is a famil- than once in Homer, a good case can be made for iar story. The name of the Minoan-looking man on the existence of the word in the Late Bronze Age the boat confronting the creature is not known, and Aegean. As for the prehistoric and historic images, if the animal is a hippopotamus,177 then we can place they were drawn, painted, or engraved by artisans the action—the story—on the Nile. Like later na- whose knowledge of whales would have been, at tives of the Aegean—Herakles who fought the ke- best, very limited. tos on the Anatolian coast near Troy, and Perseus Many of the ancient kete illustrated or discussed who saved Andromeda on the Levantine coast at above are not all that different to some later represen- Jaffa—this Minoan fought a fabulous creature in a tations of whales. The ketos on the Caeretan hydria foreign context, a worthy prehistoric ancestor of (fig. 28), for example, is in essence not that far re- Herakles and Perseus. Although this Minoan seal- moved to what seems, at first sight, like a similarly ing anticipates later Classical representations, and menacing creature on the map of Iceland in the The- despite numerous realistic renderings of fish and atrum Orbis Terrarum by the Flemish cartographer Abra- other creatures of the sea in the Bronze Age Ae- ham Ortelius, first published in 1570 (fig. 32).179 The

Fig. 31. Mycenaean Pictorial Style amphoroid krater from Enkomi, Cyprus, tomb 11, no. 33. (After Sjöqvist 1940, fig. 20, no. 1)

177 The possibility that the monster’s head represents the a lucid and compelling account of sea monsters and other imag- prow or ram of a ship seems, in the case of this sealing, unlike- inary—and real—creatures in modern cartography, see Har- ly. For kete as ship’s rams from the later Archaic through Ro- vey 2000, esp. ch. 2, including an illustration of Sebastian Mün- man periods, see Boardman 1997, 734–5. ster’s fantastic sea monsters published in the 1550 edition of 178 Sjöqvist 1940, fig. 20, no. 1.; Vermeule 1972, pl. XXXII:B. Cosmographia. 179 Detail taken from the 1603 edition of Ortelius 1570. For 222 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Fig. 32. Detail of the Steipereidur, “the tamest of the whales,” by Abraham Ortelius, Flemish cartographer, from his map of Iceland in Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, first published in 1570 (this detail taken from the 1603 edition). (Photo courtesy of the Whaling Museum, New Bedford, Mass.) accompanying text, in Latin, proclaims that this is ries.180 It derived from the carcass of a young the Steipereidur, the tamest of whales (the word in Lat- beached whale, where exactly we cannot tell, but in is cetus), which “fights other whales on behalf of the bone had been worn by the action of waves, and fishermen. Public laws forbid anyone to harm it. It is perhaps further bleached by the sun and wind (cf. a hundred cubits long.” This rather fabulous-look- figs. 13–14). Picked up, it was brought to Athens, ing whale of the 16th century A.D. was never depict- perhaps directly, conceivably indirectly, a large and ed as a mythological creature, but a purportedly unusual bone. Once there it was put to use, proba- “known” type of whale, illustrated only a few decades bly as a cutting surface, perhaps supported by legs, before Hendrick Goltzius and his followers were il- thus forming a small table of sorts, and conceivably lustrating accurately rendered sperm whales (fig. used for leatherworking in an area that was, at the 13). The Steipereidur on Ortelius’s map warns us that time, an industrial district, surrounded by several what may seem to modern eyes—who know whales cemeteries. We do not know precisely how long the and other cetaceans from cinema, television, and a bone saw service, but it is difficult to imagine any variety of documentaries—as a representation of a significant length of time, particularly as the bone rather fantastic sea creature was, in the context of its was used as a cutting surface. As for its deposition, own time, an image rendered after a real animal. this can be pinpointed with greater precision: some- time in the course of the Early Geometric period coda (ca. 850 B.C.), a large fragment of the broken scap- The fin whale scapula thrown into a ninth-centu- ula was thrown into its not-so-ultimate resting place ry B.C. well in the area that was to become the Athe- in the fill of a well. nian Agora has a complex and extraordinary cul- Sightings of whales, together with stranded ceta- tural biography and the potential to tell many sto- ceans on the vast coastlines of the Aegean and Ion-

180 Cf. various papers in Appadurai 1986, and esp. Kopytoff 1986. 2002] AN ARCHAEOLOGY OF WHALES AND SEA MONSTERS IN THE GREEK WORLD 223 ian Seas, as well as waterworn bones found on a mythology, human and natural history, as well as sci- beach, not unlike our scapula, inspired natural his- entific enquiry. torians like Aristotle, and later Pliny, among many The wonder and allure of whales continue to this others—the forebears of Carolus Linnaeus and day.181 We will never know what the Early Iron Age Charles Darwin—to enquire into the nature of inhabitants of Athens who came across this bone whales and other cetaceans. In time, they learned thought of it; we can only recall our own wonder of the character and habits of these gentle levia- and astonishment when we first sighted it, through thans, and preferred to refer to them, in certain a dusty vitrine, on the first floor of the Stoa of Atta- contexts, as φ λλαινα or ballaena, instead of ketos. los above the Agora Museum. Stories of large animals inhabiting the Mediterra- nean inspired a rich oral and literary tradition ex- department of classics and tending from the Old Testament and the earlier the cotsen institute of archaeology Ugaritic mythological texts, to Ovid and Vergil, and university of california, los angeles in the Greek world from Homer to Procopius and a210 fowler far beyond. Well before many of these stories were los angeles, california 90095-1510 ever written down, Aegean artists were depicting [email protected] fabulous sea creatures, monsters of the deep, wor- thy opponents of Herakles, Perseus, Marduk, Baal, department of anthropology and Yahweh. This was the beginning of what was to washington university develop into a rich iconographic tradition in the campus box 1114 Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman periods, one brookings drive a tradition that extended far beyond Late Antiquity st. louis, missouri 63130-4899 into the modern era. Occasionally, a sighted or [email protected] stranded whale may have inspired a more realistic rendering of the creatures that have enjoyed a spe- cial place in human cultural history and memory, Works Cited not only of maritime communities. Aharoni, J. 1944. “Animals Hitherto Unknown to or Lit- As we have seen, the literary and iconographic tle Known from Palestine.” Bulletin of the Zoological traditions of kete in the Greek world and in the great- Society of Egypt Suppl. 6:40–1. er Mediterranean beyond were not totally human Appadurai, A., ed. 1986. The Social Life of Things. Cam- creations that inhabited an imaginary realm: they bridge: Cambridge University Press. were very much the product of a fascination with Ashe, G. 1962. Land to the West: St. Brendan’s Voyage to America. New York: Viking. living creatures of the sea. As one of the largest and Baltogianne, C., ed. 1997. Λιµνια και καρια στ Βυαντιν best dated whalebone finds in the Aegean—indeed, Μ υσε . Athens: Greek Ministry of Culture. one of the very rare examples of a whalebone in a Bauer, K. 1978. “Cuvier’s Schnabelwal Ziphius cavirostris good archaeological context anywhere in the Medi- Cuvier 1823 im östlichen Mittelmeer.” Annalen des terranean—the significance of the Agora whalebone Naturhistorischen Museums in Wien 81:267–72. Beazley, J.D. 1947. Etruscan Vase-Painting. Oxford: Clar- lies in the fact that it provides a cogent link between endon. the material remains of real animals and their repre- Bielefeld, E. 1966. “Ein unteritalisches Vasenbild.” Pan- sentations in art and literature, which form the basis theon 24:252–5. of this study. The date of the Agora whalebone—and Boardman, J. 1987. “‘Very Like a Whale’: Classical Sea of the short life of the young fin whale from which it Monsters.” In Monsters and Demons in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds: Papers Presented in Honor of Edith Pora- derived—was to coincide with one of the most ex- da, edited by A.E. Farkas, P.O. Harper, and E.B. Har- perimental and formative periods of Greek art, a rison, 73–84. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. period when Greek artists were to forge a renewed ———. 1997. “Ketos.” LIMC 8:731–6. interest in human and animal figures. Moreover, the Boosen, M. 1986. Etruskische Meeresmischwesen: Untersuchun- whalebone dates a century or so before the tradition- gen zu Typologie und Bedeutung. Rome: Bretschneider. Brann, E.T.H. 1961. “Late Geometric Well Groups from al date of Homer, precisely at the time when the the Athenian Agora.” Hesperia 30:93–146. Greeks were adopting and adapting the Phoenician Brongers, J.A. 1995. Walvissen en stadhuizen. Amsterdam: alphabet to create an enduring literature of epic, Amersfoort.

181 See, most recently, Dick Russell’s (2001) sympathetic nia, to the Arctic waters of Alaska and Siberia. account of the migration of the gray whales from Baja, Califor- 224 JOHN K. PAPADOPOULOS AND DEBORAH RUSCILLO [AJA 106

Brown, J.P. 1968. “Cosmological Myth and the Tuna of vol. 5, edited by D.N. Freedman, 610–1. New York: Gibraltar.” TAPA 99:37–62. Doubleday. Brunnsåker, S. 1962. “The Pithecusan Shipwreck: A Den Broeder, F. 1972. Hendrik Goltzius and the Printmakers Study of the Late Geometric Picture and Some Basic of Haarlam. Hartford: Museum of Art, University of Aesthetic Concepts of the Geometric Figure-Style.” Connecticut. OpRom 4:165–242. Duguy, R., and D. Vallon. 1977. “Le rorqual commun Bryan, B. 1970. Archaeological Explorations on San Nicolas (Balaenoptera physalus) en Méditerranée occidentale: Island. Southwest Museum Paper 22. 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Michael Lazare Katzev, 1939–2001 GEORGE F. BASS

Michael Lazare Katzev, the Katzev direct the survey. He was classical archaeologist who perfectly prepared. First, he stamped “nautical” most firm- was a superb student. He free- ly on a new branch of archaeol- ly distributed his list of ship ogy in the Mediterranean, died representations on classical of a stroke on 8 September Greek vases—compiled as a 2001 at his home in Southport, seminar project—which be- Maine. came the basis of many pub- Katzev was the first to bring lished lists. As important, he to the surface the wooden rem- understood the logistics of ar- nants of a classical Greek ship. chaeology. That summer, for Hull fragments from different example, he and Susan spent periods had been raised from more days on the unglamorous the Mediterranean, but Katzev but essential job of seeing tons was the first to see such remains through conserva- of equipment through customs in Izmir, and ship- tion and eventual restoration for public display. ping it to Yass
ada, than diving. One item was the Based on the wreck of ca. 300 B.C. he excavated off air-filled plastic dome, or “underwater telephone Kyrenia, Cyprus, he then supervised construction booth,” that he and Susan designed, now used on of a full-scale replica, Kyrenia II, whose voyages pro- diving projects globally. vide new knowledge about the sailing characteris- During their 1967 fall survey, Cypriot sponge-div- tics of ancient merchantmen. Since then, the ship— er Andreas Cariolou showed the Katzevs amphoras the naus—has remained as important as the lost that marked the shipwreck near Kyrenia. Katzev’s cargoes that first drew archaeologists into the sea. exemplary excavation of the site in 1968 and 1969, Born in Los Angeles on 25 July 1939, Katzev re- while he was assistant professor of art history and ceived an A.B. in economics from Stanford Univer- archaeology at Oberlin College, set a standard for sity in 1961 and an M.A. in the history of art from ship archaeology in the Mediterranean. the University of California, Berkeley, in 1963. From In 1973 Katzev became a founder of the Institute the American Numismatic Society’s 1963 Summer of Nautical Archaeology and its first vice president. Seminar, Katzev went to the American School of He and Susan, while overseeing the reassembly of Classical Studies at Athens, where the 1964 Nemea the ship’s remains in Kyrenia’s crusader castle, con- excavation provided his first field experience. His vinced me to put INA headquarters on Cyprus. realization, as an art historian, that extant Greek INA’s first project was the completion of the hull bronze statues came mostly from the sea led to his reconstruction, but events on Cyprus in 1974 end- involvement in underwater archaeology that sum- ed Katzev’s dream of establishing an international mer at the University of Pennsylvania excavation of Mediterranean center for nautical archaeology in a Byzantine shipwreck at Yass
ada, Turkey. There the crusader castle. He and Susan moved to Ath- Katzev met illustrator Susan Womer, who was to be- ens for six years’ library research on the Kyrenia come his lifelong collaborator. ship. Using a technique he helped perfect at Yass
- After his 1964–1965 tenure as a University Fel- ada for replicating ancient iron tools and weapons low in Art History and Archaeology at Columbia from their seabed concretions, he deduced that University, Katzev transferred to the University of the ship had been attacked by pirates. Pennsylvania to pursue a doctorate in classical ar- In 1982 the Katzevs returned to the United States. chaeology. Katzev continued to serve on the INA Board of Di- In 1966 Michael Katzev and Susan Womer were rectors and directed an INA survey of a Hellenistic married. The next summer they returned to Yass
- shipwreck off Lipari in 1976, but he retained his ada to aid my excavation of a late Roman wreck. I association with the American School of Classical had been invited to Cyprus to undertake a survey Studies, assisting in the Corinth excavations of 1971, in Cypriot waters, but recommended instead that 1977, 1978, 1979, and 1981.

229 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 229–30 230 G.F. BASS, MICHAEL LAZARE KATZEV, 1939–2001 Katzev shared his knowledge of the Kyrenia ship than any INA director, he was a stickler for Robert’s through articles, televised films, and lectures. He Rules of Order. In 1974, after having set new stan- was aboard Kyrenia II when it represented Greece dards for shipwreck excavations, he offered to help among the ships that sailed up the Hudson River me with our new institute’s first excavation, again in celebration of the bicentennial of the United off Yass
ada. Although surely tempted, not once did States. Although the finds from the Kyrenia ship he say: “Now this is how we would have done that at have been available to scholars through Katzev’s Kyrenia.” preliminary reports, he did not live to see publica- tion of the multi-authored final work that is sched- institute of nautical archaeology uled to go to press in two years. texas a&m university For several years I shared offices and camps with p.o. drawer hg Michael Katzev, a true scholar and gentleman. More college station, texas 77841-5137 The 103rd Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America

The 103rd Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America was held in conjunction with the 133rd Annual Meeting of the American Philological Association in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on 3–6 January 2002. On 4 January Nancy C. Wilkie, President, presented the Institute’s 37th annual Gold Medal Award for Distinguished Archaeological Achievement to Robert McCormick Adams and the sixth annual Excellence in Undergraduate Teaching Award to P. Nick Kardulias of the College of Wooster. She also presented the third Martha and Artemis Joukowsky Distinguished Service Award to Frank J. Wezniak. Jane C. Waldbaum, First Vice President, presented the 21st annual Pomerance Award for Scientific Contributions to Archaeol- ogy to Garman Harbottle. Naomi J. Norman, Vice President for Publications, presented the 13th annual James R. Wiseman Book Award to Lynn E. Roller for In Search of God the Mother: The Cult of Anatolian Cybele (Berkeley 1999). Ricardo J. Elia, Vice President for Professional Responsibilities, presented the 4th annual Conserva- tion and Heritage Management Award to the Wet Organic Archaeological Materials Working Group of the ICOM-CC and the second Outstanding Public Service Award to Nancy Bookidis and Charles K. Williams, II. The texts of these award citations are printed below. On 5 January, at the 122nd Meeting of Council, the following were elected to the Institute’s Governing Board: Elizabeth Bartman, Kathleen Pavelko, Alice Riginos, John Roche, Joan Schiele, John Stubbs, and Robyn Woodward, General Trustees (three-year terms); Lucille Roussin, Esq., General Trustee (two-year term); Patty Jo Watson, Kevin Glowacki, and Andrew M.T. Moore, Academic Trustees (three-year terms). Francis McManamon was elected to the Nominating Committee (two-year term). The Outstanding Local Society Prize was presented at the Meeting of Council to the Cleveland Society. On 4–6 January papers were delivered in 40 sessions. The abstracts of these papers, of the Poster Sessions, and of Workshops are printed below. The following Workshops and Roundtable Discussions were also held: Gendered Space in the Greek City; Marble in the Roman World; Reaching Outside the Ivory Tower: Archae- ology Education for the Public; Many Sites, Many Voices, Many Listeners: From Excavation to Interpretation and Education; Getting a Job: Career Strategies for Archaeology Graduate Students; How to Get Your First Article Published; How to Organize a Colloquium; How to Write an Abstract; The Global History of Human Health Project; Issues of Doing Archaeological Work in a Foreign Country; Certification Standards for Ar- chaeological Field Schools: A Forum; Visions of the City: New Technological and Theoretical Work on the Severan Marble Plan of Rome; Archaeological Computing; Databases and the Field Archaeologist: Standards and Practices; and Noah’s Flood? The Catastrophic Flooding of the Black Sea ca. 5600 B.C. and its Archaeo- logical Implications.

231 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 232 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA POMERANCE AWARD FOR SCIENTIFIC CONTRIBUTIONS TO ARCHAEOLOGY

GARMAN HARBOTTLE

Dr. Garman Harbottle has been at the forefront of applying nuclear sciences to problems in archaeology, especially in the fields of proveniencing, radiocarbon dating, and archaeometallurgy. He epitomizes the pioneering interdisciplinary researcher, who in this case was able to take his plethora of chemical and statis- tical skills, combine them with an excellent understanding of archaeological data gained by close collabora- tion with archaeologists, and bridge the gulf in solving important archaeological problems, especially of the provenience or source of many materials. In 1960 he proposed that INAA (instrumental neutron activation analysis) could be used to source Mesoamerican ceramics. At a time when computer database and statistical methods were in their infancy for scientific and scholarly research generally, he proposed building INAA databases that would serve to charac- terize ceramic production at specific sites and enable socioeconomic systems to be reconstructed. After a two-year assignment as head of the Division of Research and Laboratories at the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, Gar’s proposal began to be realized in 1968 when he joined Dr. Edward V. Sayre in the Chemistry Department at Brookhaven National Laboratory. Archaeology, and later art history, provided an ideal avenue for demonstrating the usefulness of the peaceful employment of nuclear energy. For the next 18 years, the Brookhaven group experimented with and carried out archaeometric provenience investigations with archaeological collaborators from around the world, trained many archaeologists and their graduate students, and pioneered innovative approaches to strengthening the link between archaeol- ogy and the physical sciences. Gar’s role during the 1970s in developing sophisticated statistical techniques for handling the enor- mous amount of chemical data produced by INAA should be stressed. In collaboration with Brookhaven Lab programmers, he wrote a search program that would scan the databases for samples that were chemi- cally similar to a given specimen. The probabilistic “Mahalanobis Distance” search engines, a novel devel- opment, soon followed. Other innovations at Brookhaven that Gar achieved include computer-controlled sample changers and magnetic tape readouts that permitted the analysis of large numbers of archaeologi- cal specimens. With Dr. Phillip Weigand of SUNY Stony Brook and others, he carried out a full-scale investigation of New World turquoise procurement and trade. The demonstration that trade in turquoise took place be- tween centers in New Mexico, such as Chaco Canyon, and pre-Columbian Mexico has led to a reevaluation of the cultural interactions between these two areas. Gar has made similar contributions to the proveniencing of obsidian and limestone. The Brookhaven Limestone Database Project has been able to trace the stones used in building some of the major cathedrals, ruined abbeys, and cloisters of Europe back to their quar- ries. The original edifices from which Medieval sculptures were taken has also been determined. This ongoing project is now affiliated with more than 33 museums in the United States, France, and Great Britain. Prior to the development of AMS 14C dating, Gar developed a miniature 14C counter at Brookhaven that would date small samples of 10 mg. The technique was used to date a sample from an instance of iron smelting thought to have been carried by the Frobhisher expedition to the Arctic in A.D. 1576. The date for the ingot, however, was found to be of earlier Norse or Viking date. One of the themes of Gar’s research has been that each new advance in science is potentially of value to the archaeologist or art historian. For instance, he suggested to Dr. Peter Gaspar of Washington University that the gold content of ancient coins could be uniquely determined, nondestructively, by gold K-edge absorp- tion using gamma radiation from 133BA as a probe. Gaspar then tested and published this innovative method. In summary, Garman Harbottle has been a pioneer in the development of the archaeological sciences. He fits well the ideal of a multifaceted scientist who has had the opportunity to see how the hard sciences can be made to serve the needs, and extend the horizons, of archaeological research. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 233 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA GOLD MEDAL AWARD FOR DISTINGUISHED ARCHAEOLOGICAL ACHIEVEMENT

ROBERT MCCORMICK ADAMS

Robert McCormick Adams is one of America’s foremost archaeologists. In the course of a highly distin- guished career Professor Adams has worked in both the Near East and Mesoamerica. Above all, however, it is his pioneer research in Iraq, with its broad cross-cultural implications, which has been most richly acclaimed in scholarly circles throughout the world. Over the course of his career Adams has emphasized the importance of social interaction and cultural ecology in the evolution of civilizations. In particular, his research has explored the relevance of cultural ecology as an explanation for the rise of civilizations as a cross-cultural phenomenon. Representative of this facet of Adams’s work are the Henry Lewis Morgan Lectures, which he delivered at the University of Rochester in 1965 and which were published in book form as The Evolution of Urban Society in the following year. In this influential study Adams compared in detail the development of early pristine civilizations in Mesopotamia and Mesoamerica. He showed how, despite differences in detail, processual similarities led to remarkable parallels in the way that these unrelated civilizations evolved. From the outset Adams’s theoretical contributions were closely supported by his innovative and timely field surveys in Iraq, which saved a vast store of otherwise unexamined data from irretrievable loss. This work was concentrated in the broad alluvial plain of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers where early Uruk, Sumerian, Akkadian, and Babylonian civilizations each emerged in turn. Such fieldwork in Mesopotamia remained one of his more significant, consuming concerns well into the 1970s, and fresh surveys probably would have been initiated in the 1980s but for the constraints of the Iran-Iraq War. Adams’s survey data embraced all available material from the Neolithic period well into Islamic times. It provided an unparalleled data set for examining how the natural environment had affected local subsistence strategies and Mesopotamian cultural evolution as a whole. The results of this exhaustive examination of the available archaeological evidence culminated in the publication of a remarkable series of monographs in- cluding Land Behind Baghdad (1965), The Uruk Countryside (1972, with Hans Nissen), and the magisterial study, Heartland of Cities (1981). With the aim of continuing to flesh out his ideas on the importance of social interactions, both within and between given societies, he published a number of landmark articles including “Ideologies: Unity and Diversity” (1992) and “Anthropological Perspectives on Ancient Trade” (1974). More recently he has published Paths of Fire—An Anthropologist’s Inquiry into Western Technology (1996). This insightful volume explores the interaction between the forces of social and technological change and the implications of this interaction for the modern world. As far as Robert Adams’s distinguished contributions as a teacher are concerned, many of his students now hold academic positions of distinction, through which they are transmitting his innovative lines of thinking to new generations of students. While service to the discipline at large is not a formal criterion for the present award, it cannot pass without notice that Professor Adams has always maintained an interest in policies which promote research and that he has occupied a particularly notable succession of significant academic positions. Thus, apart from two terms as the Director of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, he has served as Dean and Provost of the University of Chicago, as a Councilor of the National Academy of Sciences and as Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute from 1984 to 1994. From this last date, moreover, he has continued to teach and advise a new generation of students as an adjunct professor in the Department of Anthropology of the University of California at San Diego. In conclusion, this is an overall record of distinguished archaeological achievement that few can be said to match. And, on behalf of the Archaeological Institute of America, I believe the award of the Gold Medal constitutes an entirely fitting degree of recognition for an individual who happily remains “in harness” more than 45 years since the time of his first faculty appointment—and who unquestionably remains at the cutting edge of our common subject. 234 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA OUTSTANDING PUBLIC SERVICE AWARD

NANCY BOOKIDIS AND CHARLES K. WILLIAMS, II

The Archaeological Institute of America is pleased to recognize Nancy Bookidis and Charles K. Williams, II, with the Award for Outstanding Public Service for their important roles in the successful recovery and repatriation of archaeological material stolen from Greece. On 12 April 1990, thieves broke into the archaeological museum of ancient Corinth and made off with nearly 300 objects, assaulting the night guard and stealing the museum’s payroll. The theft, the largest ever from a Greek museum, was widely publicized in the press and in a special 1990 issue of IFAReports (11:6). Although several of the objects were recovered from a New York antiquities gallery in 1998, it was not until the fall of 1999 that Greek and American authorities were able to make a major breakthrough in the case. On 7 September 1999, FBI agents working in collaboration with Greek police officials recovered the majority of the Corinth antiquities in a Miami storage facility. Three Roman portrait heads were later found in a New York auction house. In January of 2001, 274 of the artifacts were repatriated to Greece from the United States. The successful recovery of the stolen Corinthian artifacts was clearly a model of international cooperation between Greek and American law enforcement agencies and archaeological authorities. Many individual archaeologists also played an important role in this effort, including those who worked anonymously for many years to keep the memory of the theft alive in the public consciousness. In particular, Nancy Bookidis and Charles K. Williams, II, longtime assistant director and director of the Corinth excavations of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, took immediate steps in 1990 to provide the Greek Ministry of Culture and Interpol with complete descriptions and photographs of the stolen objects for distribution to law en- forcement agencies, museums, galleries, and private collectors. For nearly a decade after the theft, Bookidis and Williams diligently continued to write articles for popular journals about the stolen artifacts, and to keep a sharp watch for any Corinthian material appearing on the art market. After the majority of the stolen material had been recovered in the Miami warehouse, Williams recognized one of the still missing artifacts, a marble head of the god Serapis, in an auction catalogue in New York. As a result of this information, the last three portrait heads were eventually recovered. The prompt and diligent actions of Bookidis and Williams embody the very spirit of the AIA Code of Professional Responsibilities. Among the special responsibilities of archaeologists, the Code states that they “should anticipate and provide for adequate and accessible long-term storage and curatorial facilities for all archaeological materials, records, and archives” and that they “should treat others at home and in the field with respect and sensitivity. As primary stewards of the archaeological record, they should work actively to preserve that record in all its dimensions and for the long term; and they should give due consideration to the interests of others, both colleagues and the lay public, who are affected by the research.” By demonstrat- ing the importance of detailed and accessible archives, by actively striving to meet the legal criterion of due diligence in the recovery of stolen artifacts, and by educating the public about the illicit trade in antiquities, Bookidis and Williams have truly set new standards for future generations of archaeologists. For their extraordinary efforts to conserve, preserve, and protect the cultural heritage of the country in which they work, their selfless cooperation with Greek law enforcement authorities and archaeological col- leagues, and their efforts to inform the public of the importance of context in archaeological research, the Archaeological Institute of America is proud to honor Nancy Bookidis and Charles K. Williams, II, with this Outstanding Public Service Award. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 235 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA MARTHA AND ARTEMIS JOUKOWSKY DISTINGUISHED SERVICE AWARD

FRANK J. WEZNIAK

Frank Wezniak guided the finances of the Institute for nearly 16 years, during times of great fiscal chal- lenges as well as through times of gratifying growth. The Institute is delighted today to acknowledge that it has greatly benefited from his wise and innovative stewardship, and to recognize with this award his extraor- dinary accomplishments. Frank’s association with the Institute began on a rainy October day in 1985 when Artemis Joukowsky and then-President James Wiseman called on Frank at his home in Weston, Massachusetts. The visitors were hopeful that they would be able to persuade him to apply his famed financial acumen to helping the Institute rise from a financial situation so serious that its future existence was in jeopardy. Frank was impressed with the mission and prestige of the Institute, and, after looking closely at the operations and finances of the Institute over a period of several weeks, decided that he might indeed be helpful. He was elected to his first term as Treasurer that December, and immediately set out to build on wise changes in fiscal policy already set in motion by his predecessor as Treasurer, James H. Ottaway, Jr., and by Trustee Malcolm Wiener. Budgeting and accounting procedures were altered to ensure that expenditures reflected the specific goals of the opera- tional units (publications, lectures, headquarters, and other programs) of the Institute, as determined by the officers. In those difficult times, a number of temporary steps were taken by the President and the Board, acting with Frank Wezniak’s guidance, to cut expenditures and to stop the eroding of the endowment. Even within the same fiscal year (1986), the deficit was reduced to a fraction of what had been anticipated, and the endowment actually increased in value. In the next fiscal year, after eight years of deficits that totaled a million dollars, there was actually a surplus, which marked the beginning of a remarkable string, rarely interrupted, of balanced budgets, year-end surpluses, and a growing endowment. Frank Wezniak understood that sound financial management required clear goals for the different operat- ing units of the Institute, and equally clear methods and schedules for achieving those goals, whether finan- cial or institutional. This was a central facet of his financial management during his extraordinary tenure as Treasurer, during which he worked with four successive presidents. He also served on special task forces and planning committees, whose deliberations shaped and clarified the immediate and longer-term aims of their successive deliberations. During the Institute’s most recent financial challenges, in the course of worldwide economic downturn, Frank performed heroically, abandoning some earlier cherished goals in recognition of fiscal reality, and negotiating highly favorable terms for the Institute as it withdrew from direct responsibility for a publication it could no longer afford. The Martha and Artemis Joukowsky Distinguished Service Award of the Archaeological Institute of America recognizes volunteers who have furthered the work of the Institute and have improved its effectiveness through their sustained exceptional service. The Institute is pleased to present this year’s award to Frank Wezniak, in recognition of his many years of service as the innovative, wise, and dedicated Treasurer of the Institute. 236 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA EXCELLENCE IN UNDERGRADUATE TEACHING AWARD

P. NICK KARDULIAS

It is with great pleasure that the Archaeological Institute of America presents the Award for Excellence in Undergraduate Teaching to Professor P. Nick Kardulias. Professor Kardulias has taught archaeology and anthropology at Youngstown State University, Kenyon College, and, since 1993, at the College of Wooster, where he is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology and the program in Archaeology. Professor Kardulias is a specialist in Aegean prehistory and has also taught courses in lithics, ethnoarchaeology, North American archaeology, cultural resource management, political anthropology, the history of classical antiquity, and a wide range of other topics. His excellence in undergraduate teach- ing is demonstrated, however, not in the broad range of his research and teaching subjects alone, but in the results. The letters written in support of his nomination by present and former students and colleagues provide ample evidence of his commitment and successes as a teacher of archaeology. If we can sum up his achievement in the words of one of his colleagues, “[Nick] is a master of the leading question, forcing students to reach beyond simple recitations of facts to the implications of those data for understanding human history and behavior. He encourages his students to think with, and not just about, archaeological materials.” All those in the profession of teaching know how significant an achievement this is. The letters in support of his nomination describe his teaching methods as innovative and effective, combining many different modes of learning. These same letters outline Professor Kardulias’s outstand- ing commitment to learning outside the classroom in the form of fieldtrips, hands-on experience, even sporting activities, and the occasional dinner at home with his mother. They also tell of an extraordinary degree of personal attention to students. He organizes student groups, arranges extracurricular events that involve hundreds of students in everything from atlatl throwing and flintknapping to simulated digs and the mounting of exhibits of artifacts. He has encouraged students to do fieldwork and worked tire- lessly to help them find transportation to field locations in Ohio, Cyprus, and Greece. He helped students to find funding for these activities, and in the field gave unstintingly of his time, his experience, and his knowledge. One writer says, “Nick’s humor, intelligence, and almost encyclopedic knowledge [are] a journey in archaeological history in general and his ability to reach out and connect with students [is] amazing. He seems to understand people’s questions before they even ask them, and his ability to explain concepts in a very clear and concise way is something I still envy when I myself am in front of a classroom.” As part of his commitment to students, Professor Kardulias has worked with students to co-author pub- lished articles, and he has supervised many undergraduate honors theses. To do this he took on extra advising loads, and in the words of one writer, “[w]hile most professors work with between five and ten students as the most [on honors theses], Nick has regularly advised . . . fifteen students a semester . . . while teaching a full course load and serving on multiple committees.” Several students state that their continu- ing interests in archaeology stem from their contact with Professor Kardulias, and the number of his students who have gone on to graduate school and academic careers is indeed a remarkable testimony to his effectiveness as a teacher. As one of them says, “If not for him I can very truthfully say that I would not be where I am today.” Professor Kardulias is praised not only for his global approach to teaching and his excellence and conviction but also as “unabashedly honest, dedicated, sincere, concerned, and kind.” One writer says, “It is for his demeanor and vision that I value Professor Kardulias as my purest role model.” This same infor- mant goes on to say, “[by] personal example he imparts that same precious lesson to those who continue their higher education in archaeology and to those who choose other professions.” Yet another student says, “I regard him as a great mentor and friend,” while another writes, “his vibrant humor, love for the discipline, and obvious joy in teaching were and still are an inspiration.” The testimony from students provides ample evidence that Professor Kardulias has had a major effect on his students. One writes, “I will never forget the time that Nick enlisted me . . . to participate in a lithic microwear study . . . [w]hen the time came to undertake the experiment we found ourselves in the base- ment of . . . a 19th century farmhouse . . . cleaning a none-too-fresh deer carcass with razor-sharp, inch-sized pieces of chert! The fact that the basement had a dirt floor and a single naked lightbulb hanging from the 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 237 ceiling only served to heighten the similarities between our predicament and any number of B-grade horror movies I had seen.” The same writer continues, “I think I probably covered a very large chunk of north-central Ohio with Nick, through snowstorms, ice, and rain, and I loved every minute of it!” The evidence of Professor P. Nick Kardulias’s excellence as an undergraduate teacher of archaeology is abundant and strong, and the Archaeological Institute of America is proud to recognize his passion, commit- ment, and success by giving him the Award for Excellence in Undergraduate Teaching for the year 2002.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA CONSERVATION AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT AWARD

WET ORGANIC ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIALS WORKING GROUP

The Governing Board of the Archaeological Institute of America is pleased to present the 2002 Conserva- tion and Heritage Management Award to the Wet Organic Archaeological Materials Working Group (WOAM) of the International Council of Museums Committee for Conservation (ICOM-CC). Over the past 20 years, WOAM has met regularly to report on research on the conservation of wet archaeological materials that has taken place since the previous meeting. The scope of their work includes not only artifacts, but sites and site monitoring as well. As part of the proceedings, the group sets a research agenda for future work that various members agree to pursue. In this way, current research builds on previous work and determines areas of future work. This serves to reduce redundancy in conservation research as well as to target areas of particular concern. The Group has been responsible for the great strides that have been made in recent years in the understanding and treatment of wet and waterlogged archaeological materials and is therefore deserving of recognition.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA JAMES R. WISEMAN BOOK AWARD

LYNN E. ROLLER

The Archaeological Institute of America is pleased to give the 2002 James R. Wiseman Book Award to Lynn E. Roller for In Search of God the Mother: the Cult of Anatolian Cybele (Berkeley 1999). To the much-contested study of goddess-worship has come a voice of reason. In Search of God the Mother exposes the assumptions, stereotypes, and misconceptions behind the image of the mother-goddess, and substitutes exact observations, clear arguments, and sound conclusions. Historical in outline and intent, Roller looks to literature, inscriptions, and the material remains to reconstruct the various roles that god the mother played, first in Anatolia, then in the wider worlds of the Mediterranean, and now in modern theories of psychology and history of religion. This is an elegant treatment of a very problematic issue, handled with sensitivity and meticulous attention to detail. It exposes the false assumptions behind the characterization of mother-goddess worship as “primi- tive,” and traces the implications for questions of gender and ethnicity in the modern as well as the ancient world. This clearly written, well organized, and handsomely produced book should become a standard. 238 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA OUTSTANDING LOCAL SOCIETY PRIZE

CLEVELAND SOCIETY

On this fifth day of January 2002, the Archaeological Institute of America is pleased to present the Out- standing Local Society Prize to the Cleveland Society. The Cleveland Society of the AIA is commended for its activity and outreach. Of particular note is the long history of the Society since its founding in 1895. For over 100 years it has provided continuous programming to the Cleveland area, stimulating local residents in their own pursuits of archaeological interest. The Cleveland Society has multiplied the outreach of its lecture programs by having each lecture video- taped and then made available to local high school and college teachers. In addition, a summer program of showing the videotapes at the Cleveland Museum of Art has allowed a second audience to experience the lectures through a film format. The Cleveland Society is further to be commended for its recent establishment of a Field Archaeology Scholarship supported by individual contributions. An intern is thus enabled to spend three weeks in the field and three weeks in an archaeology laboratory. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 239 ABSTRACTS OF PAPERS

The abstracts of the papers appear in the order of presentation and are followed by an alphabetical index of authors.

SESSION 1A: BURIAL IN THE GREEK AND The relationship between “Orphism,” “Pythagoreanism,” and ROMAN WORLDS the Bacchic mysteries in Southern Italy and elsewhere has been a subject of controversy for well over a century, with much of the discussion devoted to doctrines and doubts about The Rich Athenian Lady Was Pregnant: The their antiquity. Archaeological discoveries over the last 40 years Anthropology of a Geometric Tomb in the (the Hipponion gold plate, the Dervenyi papyrus, the inscribed Athenian Agora: Maria A. Liston, University bones from Olbia on the Black Sea) have led some historians of religion (e.g., W. Burhert 1977) to conclude that there of Waterloo, Ontario, and John K. Papadopoulos, were no clear-cut borders between “Ophism” and similar phe- The J. Paul Getty Museum nomena of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. such as the Bacchic initiations and “Pythagoreanism.” Recent discoveries Discovered in 1967, the so-called Tomb of the Rich Athe- of burials in the Chora of Metaponto by Carter (1998) and nian Lady, ca. 850 B.C., fully published by Evelyn Smithson in Bottini (1992) and a representation of Dionysos in the Hesperia (1968), soon became one of the best known of all Pantanello Sanctuary reflect the actual behavior of the Mystai Greek Geometric burials. The tomb contained a remarkable and point to the same conclusion. assemblage of grave gifts, including gold and imported glass jewelry, ivory stamp seals, and an unusual ceramic chest with five model granaries. Although J. Lawrence Angel initially stud- The Necropolis of Andriake: Elif Ugurlu, ied the human remains from most of these burials, he was Anadolu University, Turkey primarily concerned with the crania, and much of the postcra- nial material was never examined. As part of a new study of the Andriake is the harbor of Myra, which was one of the most Early Iron Age burials in the area of the Classical Agora, the important cities in Lycia in ancient times. Myra was surveyed in cremation burials were reexamined, providing additional in- 1997 and I conducted research in the necropolis of the city. formation on the woman herself. The extraordinary care with The Andriake necropolis consists of three main parts: north, which her cremated remains were gathered led to the preser- south, and upper. During the survey, 80 sarcophagi were cata- vation of most of the facial structure, allowing a forensic facial logued. In the upper necropolis, all of the sarcophagi are the reconstruction. The examination of the postcranial remains Lykia type. Some of them are carved into rock and some of identified cremated bone fragments belonging neither to the them are similar to the “chamosorien” type. No inscriptions 30–35 year old woman, nor to the animals burned on her pyre. could be found in the upper necropolis. The earliest date of This new analysis has established that the rich Athenian lady the usage of the sarcophagi is the Hellenistic period. In the was pregnant or had recently given birth when she died. Al- area of the necropolis are some niches and hollows that were though shrinkage from cremation complicates the estimation carved into rock. They are found very close to the sarcophagus of age, the fetus was probably 30–36 weeks old, at least one that is interpreted as a possible connection with the cult of the month less than full term. This new discovery permits a reas- dead. In the south necropolis, there are some inscriptions on sessment of status and burial in the period and adds a new the tombs—one of which belongs to a “Naukreros” who was dimension to the complex and intriguing story of human dis- from Nicomedia. posal in the Aegean Early Iron Age. The Andriake necropolis is generally dated between the first and third centuries A.D. Sarcophagi that are near the churches show us that they could have been used later. Most Burial in the Chora of Metaponto: Joseph of the sarcophagi have been broken and destroyed. In this Coleman Carter, Institute of Classical Archaeol- paper it is claimed that two parts constitute the north necropolis. ogy, University of Texas at Austin, Maciej Moreover, it is evident that the first part is earlier than the other. While the Lykia-type sarcophagi are seen in the first Henneberg and Renata Henneberg, University of part, the “triangle pediment lids” type is generally seen in the Adelaide, Australia, and Lucilla Burn, The Brit- other. Some of them have inscriptions on them that can be ish Museum read with difficulty.

In 1999, the Institute of Classical Archaeology excavated a small necropoleis in the heart of the Chora of Metaponto, “Ghost Money” in Roman Corinthian Graves: at Pizzica, one dating from the first half of the fifth century Mary E.H. Walbank, British School at Athens B.C. The analysis of the burials is nearly complete. The physical anthropology by the Hennebergs and the stylistic A detailed examination of burial practices and beliefs at analysis of the figured vases, including five masterpieces of Roman Corinth is in progress, based on material from unpub- Southern Italian, red-figured vase painting, is in progress lished excavations of 1930–1931 and 1961–1962. Among the and will be completed by 2001. Argument is made that one grave goods is a number of gold foil impressions, often called of the burials contains the clearest evidence yet that the “ghost money” or pseudocoins. They have been widely re- deceased was an adherent of the “Orphic-Pythagorean- corded in funerary contexts in the Peloponnese and Magna Dionysiac” mystical beliefs that flourished in Southern Italy Graecia, but since the majority are impressions of Sicyonian during this period. coins of Hellenistic date they have always been regarded as 240 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 belonging to that period. However, the Corinthian impres- easy task. In this paper I present an examination of a series of sions have been found in Roman contexts dating from the stone cairns that demarcated a territory held in common by first to the fifth century A.D. Their deposition can no longer Hermion and Epidauros and propose the identification of a be regarded as a purely Hellenistic custom nor used to date single, large stone as one used to define the common terri- burials. tory of Troizen and Arsinoe (Methana). The gold foil discs come from both chamber tombs and Pausanias (2.36.3) noted the existence of boleoi lithoi, or single sarcophagi in different burial grounds. Most were in heaped-up piles of stones, between the territory of Hermion graves with multiple burials. The contexts show that they were and Epidauros. Further reference to the boleoi lithoi on IG not “Charon’s fee,” as is generally thought, nor personal orna- 42.1.75 and SEG 11.377, duplicate records of a settlement ments, but talismans to protect the dead from harm, and per- between the two states, confirms that these cairns defined a haps also used in exorcism. The most popular image remains territory held in common by the two states. Although nei- the Sicyonian dove, a common Greek and Roman symbol of ther source calls the cairns “herms” they fit the model of marital affection, but also particularly appropriate at Roman previously identified stone piles along the border of Tegea, Corinth. The dove also would have been acceptable in a Chris- Lakonia, and the Argolid that Pausanias (2.38.7) called herms. tian context. Other images appear to have had personal con- According to IG 42.1.76–77, the record of an arbitration notations. between Troizen and Arsinoe (Methana), the “White Herm” A question for discussion is whether the Greek custom of was one of several points that defined a territory the two placing gold foil discs in graves was taken over by Roman states held in common. I have identified recently a single, Corinthians who could afford it, or was it confined to certain large stone near the Methana peninsula as the “White Herm” families or groups who wished to preserve the tradition. of the inscription. Several cuttings on the stone itself and its prominent location between Troizen and Methana suggest its identification as the “White Herm.” SESSION 1B: ANCIENT LANDSCAPES Fluxgate Gradiometry and Rural Archaeol- Ceramic Rubbish and Recycling in the Clas- ogy: The Investigation of Etruscan and sical Landscapes of Greece: David K. Early Roman Farm Sites in Central Italy: Pettegrew, Ohio State University Kimberly M. Brown, University of Pennsylvania Magnetometry, or more properly “fluxgate gradiometry,” is Over the last decade, ceramic waste has played a surprisingly just one of several geophysical prospecting methods currently important role in the literature of classical archaeology in Greece. in use in archaeology (ground-penetrating radar, resistivity, Many of the broader conclusions from survey archaeology for and magnetic susceptibility are others, for example). In fact, the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. are drawn from the spread of Mediterranean archaeology has seen a recent flowering of low-density, “off-site” ceramic material frequently encountered the potential of this intensive and refined form of noninvasive in archaeological surface survey. According to the advocates of surface survey. It is essentially a systematic program of the “manuring hypothesis,” artifactual domestic rubbish (in- fieldwalking that articulates the features of both visible and cluding pottery) was dumped in the manure pile outside an buried remains, and the associative qualities they share. Using urban or rural settlement that was then carted out to the fields the computer images generated with this methodology, we and used as fertilizer, thereby transporting the rubbish with the are able to recover, visualize, and interpret formal qualities of manure. Several sherds per trip to the field would, over time, the typically subterranean elements that comprise a site and create the continuous “carpet” of low-density artifact scatter its environment, whether rural or urban. For this paper, I frequently discerned across the Greek landscape today. This compare the building plans I recovered through magnetom- paper discusses ancient attitudes and behaviors toward material etry survey at isolated rural locations in northern Lazio and culture and ceramic waste in the town and countryside of Clas- Tuscany to the plans of buildings from known urban centers sical to early Hellenistic Greece. Literary, epigraphic, and ar- throughout central Italy. The resulting analysis, a character- chaeological evidence from Attica and other poleis suggests that ization of specific features of rural and urban habitats, provides broken pottery was typically retained in or near the settlement an understanding of rural buildings and their urban counter- for its potential reuse value. Although ceramics could be re- parts, an area in which we have very little direct evidence. cycled for a variety of ends, the incorporation of pottery and Moreover, I specifically address the ways in which magnetom- tiles in the construction of house floors and walls consumed the etry survey enhances the ability of the archaeologist to infer a greatest amounts of discarded items. The significant reuse of population from a surface assemblage that might include pot- ceramics in this way suggests that we look to explanations other tery finds and other types of features. Magnetometry, when than manuring for the existence of off-site scatter across Classi- combined with conventional landscape surface survey, can be cal and late Classical landscapes. a powerful tool for archaeological research.

When is a Stone or a Stone Cairn a Herm? The PERIPLUS of Italy: Strabo, Pliny, and the Methods of Defining Territorial Bound- Geography of the XI Regions: Ingrid E.M. aries in the Peloponnese: Michael D. Dixon, Edlund-Berry, University of Texas at Austin University of Southern Indiana In their descriptions of the 11 regions of ancient Italy, Several ancient sources, both literary and epigraphic, re- Strabo (Geography 5.1–6.1) and Pliny (NH 3.38–138) provide fer to the use of stone herms as boundary markers within the different means for defining the territory of each, including Peloponnese during the Hellenistic period. Identification of names of boundary rivers, cities, peoples, and natural features. a single stone or a stone cairn as a herm, however, is not an According to R. Thomsen, The Italic Regions (Copenhagen 1947), 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 241

Pliny draws his information about the regions primarily from the University of Oklahoma to offer its students increased oppor- census lists of Augustus (3.46) and from descriptions by geogra- tunities in classical archaeology through an archaeological field phers such as Ptolemy. A comparison of Strabo’s and Pliny’s narra- school. These opportunities begin with the Casinum Project tive suggests, however, that their sources fall into three main and have the goal of scientific inquiry accomplished through categories, including Rome-centered political and historical in- teaching. The first site that the OU Archaeological Field School formation, general ethnographic accounts, and descriptions of has chosen to excavate is the ancient walled city of Casinum. the coastline based on the seafarers’ perspective, the periplus. The site is located in an archaeological park in Monte Cassino The periplus in particular has archaeological implications in and encompasses a large area with attendant impressive urban that it provides not only information on cities and promonto- architectural structures. Ancient literary sources inform us that ries, but also on the exact location of the shoreline in antiquity. the city possessed several temples, a basilica, a forum, an am- Thus areas which to us appear to be inland were recognized as phitheater, a theater, and other urban structures. However, coastal, and rivers and lakes were described as dominating the with the exception of the massive amphitheater and huge inland to an extent that is today apparent primarily through theater, little is certain about the location of the other urban geology and not topography. structures. To investigate the urban makeup of the city, three As a result of this analysis of Strabo’s and Pliny’s use of the Oklahoma teams explored the city. The first team focused on periplus in their descriptions of ancient Italy, it is thus possible an extensive survey of the site with ground-penetrating radar to reconstruct not only the Roman perspective on the different (GPR). A second team began excavations in the area of a areas of Italy but also the physical setting of the land, the water- suspected temple. A third team excavated adjacent to the ways, the lakes, and the coastline, thereby combining the tradi- amphitheater in an effort to establish its date of construction. tionally Roman interest in the land with the Greek emphasis on All of the efforts were designed to increase our scientific knowl- the water and the sea as a means of travel and communication. edge of the city’s early inhabitants and to offer opportunities to students interested in classical archaeology.

The Allusive Landscape of Hadrian’s Villa The Durrës Archaeological Project (Alba- at Tivoli: Jessica Davis Powers, University of nia): Aaron D. Wolpert, Jack L. Davis, and Sharon Michigan R. Stocker, University of Cincinnati, and Afrim Certain components of Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli have tradi- Hoti and Iris Pojani, International Center for Al- tionally been identified by names that refer to sites in Rome’s banian Archaeology, Tirana eastern provinces. These identifications are based on the Historia Augusta, according to which parts of the Villa evoked the Ly- In spring 2001, a joint Albanian-American team explored ceum, the Academy, the Prytaneum, Canopus, the Stoa Poikile, uplands north of the modern city of Durrës (ancient the Vale of Tempe, and the Underworld (SHA Hadr. 26.5). Durrachium/Epidamnus) as far as the harbor of Porto Romano This paper draws on archaeological and textual evidence to (5 km distant). In total a continuous area of approximately 6 illuminate the creation and reception of the allusive sites lo- km2 was intensively surveyed by two field teams in 14 days of cated throughout the Villa’s landscape. Seven features are con- fieldwork. All data collected by the project are stored in elec- sidered, with the Temple of Aphrodite replacing the Prytaneum tronic form and linked to an electronic DEM. This fieldwork of the Historia Augusta list (W. MacDonald and J. Pinto, Hadrian’s constitutes the first systematic exploration of any part of the Villa and Its Legacy [New Haven 1995] 7). hinterland of the ancient city. Research was urgently required. The allusive elements are approached first from the perspec- Antiquities are in great danger of destruction because of illegal tive of Hadrian, as their patron. A personal connection, in the uncontrolled expansion of the city of Durrës since 1991. In form of travel or benefactions, between emperor and namesake general, surface visibility was poor (lower than 30% in most site can be demonstrated for almost all the locales recreated. tracts), and there was a strong correlation between localized The paper next discusses the varying ways that Hadrian’s visi- patterns of erosion and higher artifact densities. Twenty-nine tors, both Romans and foreigners, may have responded to these sites were, however, defined in 12 separate catchment zones. evocative elements. To their viewers these features may have Of some 3,200 artifacts collected in the field, the majority were called to mind both Rome’s dominance over the provinces and of the Archaic, Classical, and Hellenistic periods. Fragments of Hadrian’s concern for them. Thirdly, Hadrian’s Villa is situated funerary monuments and remnants of grave goods of the Greek in the wider tradition of imperial and private villas, places of period were found in various areas near the modern city. One retreat and relaxation, with components named after specific particularly interesting site may preserve the remains of a hith- sites. These approaches suggest that the allusive landscape of erto unknown Greek temple. Material from the Roman period Hadrian’s Villa invited potentially conflicting interpretations was noticeably underrepresented, although what appear to be relating to the importance of the East and Greek culture, the the foundations of a late antique and Medieval church were interests of the emperor, and the power of Rome. found at Kisha e Kalmi. Significant quantities of Ottoman and early modern pottery were also recognized. The University of Oklahoma Archaeologi- cal Expedition to Italy: The Casinum All Roads Lead To Nemea: New Physical Evi- Project: Farland H. Stanley, Jr., University of dence for Greek Roads in the Territory of Oklahoma Kleonai, Northeast Peloponnesos: Jeannette Marchand, University of California, Berkeley In the summer of 2001 an archaeological team from the University of Oklahoma worked in cooperation with Italian It is usually argued that the Greeks were not prolific road colleagues to excavate the ruins of the Roman city of Casinum builders. The study of roads in Greece often consists only of in Italy. The project is part of a new academic move at the the search for “main roads” mentioned by Pausanias or noted 242 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 on the Peutinger Table. These sources, however, date to the WWII patterns in archaeological publication from eastern Roman period, when Greece was politically unified and long- Europe (Romania and Bulgaria) and the west (the U.K. and distance travel tended to make one road predominant. I ar- U.S.). Investigation measures the proportions of national gue that autopsy suggests that the Greeks had many more and non-national topics and authors in the major disciplin- roads for wheeled traffic than usually thought, and that the ary journals. Analysis aims to answer key questions about idea that roads in the chora were built only for military pur- the actual relationships between the day-to-day practice of poses or by large, dominant states ignores the evidence of archaeology and the contemporary state doctrines on the local roads and the realities of classical politics. practice of an ideologically sensitive discipline. For example, To illustrate this view, I present new physical evidence in during periods when a government explicitly condemns the form of wheel-ruts for three previously unknown major foreign work and collaboration (as was the case in 1950s roads leading from the city of Kleonai and the Corinth-Argos Bulgaria), what was the reality on the ground; were stric- road toward the Nemea valley. These roads can be distin- tures evident in publication topic and authorship? In other guished to some extent in function and date: one can be cases (as more recently in Romania), were national reorien- dated to the Mycenaean period by its Cyclopean retaining tations toward the West reflected in patterns of archaeo- wall; a widened branch of this road apparently served as the logical publication? What can one conclude from a similar direct road from Kleonai to Nemea in the Classical period. analysis of contemporary Western trends? Has there been a The second follows a gentler course, passing well-preserved more open policy toward internationalism in British and quarries and following a rock-cut aqueduct for over 0.5 km. American journals? This research has significance for un- The third road is an alternate route allowing travelers from derstanding the reality of archaeological practices that un- Corinth to bypass their enemy Kleonai’s city walls. The new derlie and quietly contradict explicit state ideologies. evidence for these roads and others from Kleonai provides significant insight into the polis’s history and economy, and suggests that assumptions about Greek road building need Cultural Heritage and the Archaeological reconsideration. Record in the Balkans: Eugene N. Borza, Penn- sylvania State University (Emeritus)

The course of archaeological investigation and its conse- SESSION 1C: COLLOQUIUM: USING AND SAV- quent contribution to an understanding of the history of ING THE PAST: CULTURAL HERITAGE AND the ancient Balkans has been unstable, often in direct con- THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD IN THE sequence of the political vicissitudes of the modern Balkans BALKANS themselves during the last half of the 20th century. The present contribution to the colloquium will survey the gen- eral course of archaeological research in the Balkans north Archaeology and Politics: The Iron Age in of Greece, and then concentrate on the important excava- Slovenia: Peter S. Wells, University of Minnesota tions in Greek Macedonia. Among the points to be consid- ered are: Societies in the southeast Alpine region of Slovenia have 1. The lack of material evidence indicating Mycenaean occupied a critical frontier zone for the past 3,000 years. settlement (as opposed to Mycenaean imported ware or During the Iron Age, trading towns linked cultures of Etruria local imitations) in Macedonia and Epirus. The significance and northeast Italy to groups throughout the Balkan penin- of this conclusion bears directly on the argument suggest- sula. In the Roman period, this region connected Italy to the ing that the historical Macedonians had Hellenic origins. frontier provinces along the middle Danube. Since the mid- 2. The revelation of a rich Macedonian material culture 19th century, archaeological research here has reflected in the historical period, most of the evidence thus far com- political changes in Europe. The massive burial mounds at ing from the fifth to third centuries B.C. It is significant the Early Iron Age towns attracted research attention early, that this material culture is eclectic, indicating that the and discoveries in Slovenia played a major role in the cre- Macedonians were not tied to any cultural canon, having ation of our understanding of Iron Age prehistory. During borrowed from the Greek south, the Greek east, and the the Cold War, the archaeology of this region at the north- Balkan north. western edge of Yugoslavia integrated western and eastern 3. The influence of modern nationalism on the interpre- European traditions of research and interpretation. In the tation of archaeological evidence, that is, the tendency to past decade Iron Age archaeology has changed to adapt to use the material evidence of antiquity to bolster modern the new political, social, and cultural circumstances of post- political ends. Cold War Europe. 4. The relative isolation from one another in which mod- ern Balkan archaeological services have worked, resulting in the imposition of artificial modern national boundaries Perforated Boundaries: The Reality of State on homogeneous cultural regions, which knew no such Ideology in Archaeological Practice: boundaries in antiquity. Douglass W. Bailey, Cardiff University, U.K.

In highly centralized political systems, the form of ar- The View from Split: Sheila McNally, University chaeological publication reveals much about official pro- of Minnesota scriptions on the way archaeology must be carried out and, more interestingly, about how archaeologists follow or ig- The late 1980s promised a fruitful future for archaeological nore such constraints. In this paper, I compare the post- monuments in Split and its region. New parts of Diocletian’s 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 243

Palace continually emerged. Its conservation and presenta- SESSION 1D: AIA/ASOR JOINT COLLO- tion seemed assured through an agreement between the QUIUM: THE GALILEE: ARCHAEOLOGY World Bank and the Yugoslav government. Activities here AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY and elsewhere in the Balkans encouraged me, with others, to propose a major project considering how the late Roman flowering of Split, Gamzigrad, and Thessalonike affected later The Galilee Boat: A Porthole into the Past: history. Shelley Wachsmann, Institute of Nautical Archae- Events of the early 1990s disrupted those plans, and radi- cally adjusted priorities. Most tragically, widespread military ology at Texas A&M University damage showed the inability of UNESCO and others to orga- In 1986, two brothers from Kibbutz Ginosar discovered the nize protection, although the historic core of Split was spared Galilee Boat (a.k.a. the Kinneret Boat, the “Jesus Boat”) en- the damage inflicted on other historic urban centers such as tirely buried in the seabed of the Sea of Galilee during a Dubrovnik and Mostar. Long-term reverberations include a severe drought, which lowered the lake’s water level. The breakdown in scholarly interaction. It may be some time be- Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums (now the Is- fore we can again propose to consider the shared past of rael Antiquities Authority), aided by numerous volunteers, ex- cities in Croatia, Serbia, and Greece. cavated and rescued the boat in a remarkable 11-day excava- The impressive positive development was the profound tion. The waterlogged hull, secured in a fiberglass and poly- commitment of the people of Split and Croatia to their monu- urethane cocoon successfully sailed intact to the nearby Yigal ments. Support for archaeological investigation never wa- Allon Centre, where it underwent an extensive conservation vered, and has probably increased. Exciting new discoveries period and where it is now exhibited in its own exhibition hall. have occurred. Limited resources for conservation and pre- The boat is preserved to a length of 8.2 m, a breadth of 2.3 sentation remain a great concern. International support is m, and a height of 1.2 m. The vessel was constructed in the again being sought, with some success. The Congress of Early contemporaneous “shell-based” method, with edge-joined Christian Archaeology, held in Split, reflected renewed re- planking attached with pegged mortise-and-tenon joints. Iron emphasis on certain scholarly connections. The outlook is nails hold frames to the hull. Numerous repairs, the frequent more uncertain than it appeared 15 years ago. Most promis- utilization of timbers in secondary use, and the multiplicity of ing is the necessity for reexamining priorities; most alarming wood types evident in the hull all suggest that this vessel had is the possibility of proceeding within narrow lines. a long work life and an owner of meager means. The boat dates to the first centuries B.C.–A.D. An analysis Picking Up the Pieces: Heritage Site Conser- of crew sizes suggests that this is the type of boat referred to in the Gospels in use among Jesus’ disciples, as well as that used vation in Former Yugoslavia: John H. Stubbs, by the Jews against the Romans in the nautical Battle of Migdal World Monuments Fund in A.D. 67. Thus, this humble vessel supplies a remarkable, and at present unique, view of Galilean seafaring in antiquity. The Balkan conflicts of the 1990s proved disastrous to the citizens, the economies, and much of the built envi- ronment of former Yugoslavia. Since implementation of “forced peace” in the region, Croatia, Bosnia, and other The Death of Herod and the New Divide affected areas are slowly rebuilding. in Galilee: Andrea M. Berlin, University of The region possesses a wealth of historic buildings, towns, Minnesota and archaeological sites dating from Neolithic times. Orga- nized restoration and preservation efforts at monuments The death of Herod the Great in 4 B.C.E. is generally including Diocletian’s Palace in Split began in the mid 19th regarded as a nonevent in terms of the character of village century. A variety of sites, often in urban contexts, have life in Galilee. Archaeologists do not distinguish Herodian been impressively restored. Examples include the other and post-Herodian settlement patterns, trade and market coastal towns of Dubrovnik, Zadar, and Korcula and the routes, or the types of material goods found in these levels in inland cities of Zagreb, Belgrade, and Sarajevo. Smaller the region’s many small villages. Close inspection of the evi- towns such as Vukovar and Mostar were restored as parts of dence provides a different picture, however: certain aspects a heritage tourism network. By the mid 1980s nearly the of material life did change dramatically in the years following whole of former Yugoslavia’s significant built heritage had Herod’s death. What is the nature of that change? been conserved. Prior to and during Herod’s reign, an easily discernable During the conflicts in 1991–1997, many of the historic system of market routes linked the Galilee’s Jewish and Gen- towns and settlements of southeastern Croatia and Bosnia- tile sites, which therefore contained a similar array of house- Herzegovina were laid waste by shelling, vandalism, and hold goods. In the years following, however, while the evi- the nightmarish policy of ethnic cleansing. Heritage sites dence reveals that those routes remained the same, it also were especially targeted, even those marked with UNESCO’s appears that Jews deliberately refrained from purchasing one Blue Shield insignia indicating protection under the Hague particular type of Phoenician-supplied ceramic: the red-slipped Convention. plates and bowls known commonly as Eastern Sigillata A (ESA). The World Monuments Fund is among several organiza- At the same time, Phoenicians and other gentile groups did tions working in the region offering both financial and tech- not purchase Galilean food products, as indicated by the ab- nical assistance at restorations in Dubrovnik, Split, and Mostar. sence of an otherwise widely distributed storage container More difficult challenges are faced at heavily damaged made in the Galilean site of Shikhin. Vukovar and Pocitelj. The Greco-Roman archaeological site What can account for this pattern? Neither political nor of Butrint, Albania and the synagogue of Subotica, Yugosla- economic shifts provide a satisfactory explanation. Rather, the via have also received assistance. data reflect a situation presented by several early Christian 244 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 authors, and especially emphasized by the author of the Gospel from local and regional to international importance in the of Mark: a sudden “lifestyle” divide between Jews and non-Jews Byzantine period as literary and archaeological evidence indi- (whether characterized as Phoenicians or Gentiles). cate the site functioned as a Christian pilgrimage site as early as the fifth century C.E.

Sepphoris and the Earliest Christian Con- gregations: James F. Strange, University of South The Jewish Setting of Early Christianity: Florida The Archaeology of Galilee: Eric M. Meyers, Duke University Nowhere in the records of Christianity from 35–70 C.E. is Sepphoris or Tiberias mentioned as a Christian center. On the Recent excavations in the Galilee at such places as other hand, Capernaum was the headquarters of Jesus. The Sepphoris, Bethsaida, Jotapata, Cadasa, and Capernaum, to curse on Capernaum in Luke 10:15 suggests that early Chris- name but a few, have strengthened the idea that the heart- tian communities did not develop at Capernaum. Sepphoris, land of Galilee was overwhelmingly Jewish in character from on the other hand, appears to have been a stronghold of the first century B.C.E in many places to the peak of the Judaism in the early centuries. Frédéric Manns developed the rabbinic period in the fourth century C.E. Such a conclusion is thesis that Sepphoris was a bastion of Jewish-Christianity. If so, supported by the material culture reflected in coins, lamps, then it may be no surprise that this history was suppressed by architecture, and epigraphical remains. While there is still later Gentile Christian writers. Speculation whether Jesus trav- discussion about the pagan borders of the area, and how far eled to and from Sepphoris as a boy or even as an adult will not some of those communities or suburbs of metropolitan areas pay dividends. Yet, the excavations at Sepphoris reveal enough would have encroached upon the Jewish heartland, the basic of the early material culture to argue to what extent early contours of Jewish Galilee in the Roman period are now well- Christian communities might have thrived at Sepphoris. The established. results of excavations at Sepphoris to date tend to contribute Because of the “invisible” nature of the earliest evidence of to a view of a city which exhibits some Roman (not necessarily Christianity in the Galilee scholars are hard-pressed to deter- “Hellenistic”) elements in public space, but much less so in mine where the earliest remains of Christianity are to be lo- private space, which in fact appears to be Jewish. If so, then cated. Capernaum provides the clearest corpus of data on this the development of a Jewish-Christian community at Sepphoris matter and Christian presence there from the first century is not ruled out. In fact, since archaeology seems to document onward cannot be doubted. But it is from the time after both accommodation and resistance to Roman institutions, Constantine’s conversion, ca. 312 C.E., that most of the Chris- Sepphoris may have been an ideal environment for the devel- tian expansion may be dated, and hence when we speak of opment of a Jewish-Christian presence meeting in homes until Christian settlements in the Galilee, except for a few excep- 70 C.E. That the author of Mark has a geographical viewpoint tions, we are speaking about fourth century and later, or the from the west and north of Galilee tends to support such a Byzantine period. Western Galilee in particular and venerated hypothesis. holy places are where the best preserved Christian remains are to be found. The impact of the pagan cities that surround the Galilee on Khirbet Cana: Transformations of a Small the material culture and character of sites in Galilee will also Town in Lower Galilee in the Hellenistic be considered. Beth Shean (Scythopolis) is among the most through Byzantine Periods: Douglas R. important of those cities, but the cities of the Decapolis, Acco/ Ptolemais, and Tyre are all important in this regard as well. The Edwards, University of Puget Sound excavations at Bethsaida and Cadasa shed new light on the encroachment of Syrian and Phoenician culture respectively “Urbanocentric” biases have often governed the study of on various places in Galilee. ancient societies, notably for historical periods. Towns and villages of small size and occupation offer more controlled ways to discern the larger political economy, the ways in which social forms of ranking and segmentation pervaded the day- to-day life of all members of society, and the extent to which SESSION 1E: COLLOQUIUM: NEW DIREC- small settlements connected to larger regional and interna- TIONS IN ARCHAEOLOGICAL MAPPING, tional commercial and cultural spheres. GIS, AND REMOTE SENSING Excavations and an extensive site survey of Khirbet Cana, a medium-sized site roughly 800 m by 300 m, began in 1997 in order to address these issues as they relate to lower Galilee in Loss of Archaeological Memory in the Land- Israel. Khirbet Cana is situated in the center of the lower scape in Central and South-Central Italy: Galilee along an important east–west corridor, the Bet Netofa Umberto Moscatelli, Università di Macerata, Italy Valley. The site’s close proximity to significant urban centers and numerous villages make it an ideal site to gauge the inter- The principle aim of the paper is to highlight the phenom- action between urban areas and the countryside. The central ena of degradation of the archaeological heritage and histori- location of the site made it attractive from the Hellenistic cal memory in the modern landscape. Intense landscape ex- through Byzantine period as indicated through ceramic, nu- ploitation, due both to modern building and agricultural and mismatic, and architectural evidence. This paper examines industrial activities, have severely changed the quantity and the site’s three significant architectural and cultural transfor- quality of the archaeological record on the surface of the mations: Late Hellenistic/Early Roman, Late Roman/Early ground. Examples of loss of archaeological memory in Italian Byzantine, and the Late Byzantine period. The town moved contexts are presented, for instance in central and south- 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 245 central Italy, specifically Abruzzo (Sangro River Valley), Marche tablishing the probable location of the outpost. Employing (Fiastra River Valley and Asculum), Umbria, Lazio, and Toscana. recent geographical information systems studies based on the The mapping and analysis of such destructive factors within CEDAE map of the Theban Necropolis combined with low a GIS point out the difficulties that the researcher faces in the altitude aerial photographs from the 1960s, the location of application of intensive studies of landscape archaeology. The the outpost can be determined with a high degree of probabil- last part of the paper illustrates several GIS applications for the ity to lie at the northeastern edge of the Qurnet Murai and treatment of archival data, both in the reconstruction of the facing the Ramesseum. In particular it is postulated that the degradation of the historical landscape and in supporting re- outpost was situated within 250 m of the northeastern corner search focused on Medieval period landscapes. of the Ptolemaic Hathor temple, putting it in the immediate proximity of the village and not the Ramesseum. This conclu- sion is supported by organizational similarities with the East- The Medieval Countryside of the North- ern Village at Amarna, the distribution of Ramesside adminis- western Peloponnese, Greece: Strategies trative ostraca at Deir el-Medina, and topographical observa- of Analysis and Documentation: Kostis tions. The latter is further supported by remote sensing opera- tions performed on the target area using Image Analyst, an Kourelis, University of Pennsylvania extension of ArcView GIS. Recent archaeological fieldwork in the northwestern Peloponnese reveals a countryside permeated with deserted Medieval villages. Ignored thus far by both architectural histo- Customized Technology for Archaeological rians and archaeologists, these inconspicuous monuments Research at Kotyiti, New Mexico: Nicholas present new methodological problems in the study of histori- L. Stapp, University of Pennsylvania Museum cal landscapes. Material from the Morea Project (F.A. Cooper and J. D. Alchermes, directors), a survey of Medieval and mod- Modern archaeological research should incorporate tech- ern vernacular architecture, is here used to address problems nology that is customized to the needs of researchers, and of data collection and geographic analysis. Medieval settle- more specifically to the needs of a site. Using the Native ments in Greece have escaped scholarly attention on account American pueblo site of Kotyiti, New Mexico, as a case study, of the practical difficulties in surveying them by traditional use of customized technology will be discussed. The technol- methods. Located in a remote mountainous terrain, these ogy customized to study Kotyiti included GIS, CAD, remote settlements survive only as rubble ruins beneath dense under- sensing, and 3-D visualization. This is a collaborative research growth each containing as many as 300 houses over a distance project between the University of Pennsylvania Museum of as great as a kilometer. Mapping such sites was possible by GPS Archaeology and Anthropology and the Pueblo of Cochiti. surveying, while methods of remote sensing and spectral analy- The site of Kotyiti was a fortified village, strategically posi- sis have aided in the recognition and prospection of previously tioned on top of a mesa in northern central New Mexico. unknown sites. Kotyiti is well known as one of the centers of resistance during Since Medieval archaeology in Greece does not yet consti- the Pueblo Revolt and Spanish Reconquest Periods, 1680– tute a discipline of its own, it has not developed adequate 1694. Descendants currently use Kotyiti for ceremonial visits interpretive methodologies for the study of the rural land- before tribal hunting trips, for outdoor education for the chil- scape. An attempt to reconstruct the Medieval Peloponnesian dren of descendants, and as a symbol of the strength and countryside offers a unique opportunity to assess the diverse honor of ancestors. historiographic traditions that have born on its study, as well as A combination of GIS, CAD, remote sensing, and 3-D visu- to suggest new directions in research. Sources as disparate as alization was employed to enhance the study of Kotyiti and to Medieval chronicles, early modern travelers, inscriptions, de- create two- and three-dimensional maps of the site and its mographic data, archaeological surveys, excavations, and ar- cultural landscape. These maps offer unusual precision, as they chitectural studies are brought together into a case study of combine accurate topographical data, overlaid aerial and satel- historical geography made possible by GIS applications. lite imagery, and detailed digital surveyed data. The results of this research are providing new information regarding the organization of site structure during this Pueblo Revolt period. Locating the Administrative Outpost of the Workmen’s Village in Western Thebes (Egypt) Using GIS: Andrew J. Koh, University A Stone-for-Stone Digital Map of Roman of Pennsylvania Museum Corinth, Greece: David Gilman Romano, Uni- versity of Pennsylvania Museum Past discussion on the administrative outpost of Deir el- Medina has focused on the role of that facility in supply and The work of the Corinth Computer Project, since 1987, has administration of the workmen’s village. Opinion has varied been involved with the study and evolution of the city plan significantly, however, on the actual physical location of the and landscape of Roman Corinth. One of the goals of the outpost. Suggestions have ranged from the immediate north research project has been the creation of a stone-for-stone of the town’s main entrance to a location adjacent to the digital map of the entire city, excavated since 1896 by the Ramesseum. In his study of P. Turin (1923), R. Ventura has Corinth Excavations of the American School of Classical Stud- shown the importance of ancient survey measurements in ies at Athens. Now nearing completion, this highly accurate recording the elevation of the outpost relative to the map incorporates the actual-state drawings of each of the Ramesseum and a well dug during the reign of Ramesses VI. excavated buildings, monuments, and structures of the an- This well, likely equivalent with the Great Pit excavated by B. cient city, Roman as well as Greek, Hellenistic, Byzantine, Bruyère, and the Ramesseum provide reference points in es- Frankish, Venetian, Turkish, and modern. Each of the draw- 246 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 ings have been digitized and geo-referenced with respect to SESSION 1F: COLLOQUIUM: VEHICLES OF an electronic total station survey (undertaken by the Corinth IDENTITY, VALUES OF EXCHANGE: ART, Computer Project, 1988–1997) of the above-ground monu- ments and structures of the city. The digital map creates a COMMERCE, AND IDEOLOGY IN THE never before seen plan of the entire excavated city. Each AEGEAN BRONZE AGE drawn line in the digital map incorporates three different kinds of information: chronology, physical characteristics, Sir Arthur Evans and the Popular Press: John and function. The Roman city may be seen in terms of the C. McEnroe, Hamilton College development and evolution of the city plan emperor by em- peror. This digital map creates a completely new tool for use From the time of their inception in 1900, Arthur Evans’s in the study of the ancient city and is unique. Aspects of this excavations at the “Palace of Minos” at Knossos were reported digital map are now online at the Corinth Computer Project in newspapers, popular journals, and books intended for the Web site: http://corinth.sas.upenn. edu. general reader. However, a bibliographic review shows that this early press coverage was minor in comparison to what would happen in the 1920s, long after the major excavations A Virtual Visitation of Lemon Hill, Fair- at the site had been completed. mount Park: Mark Davison, University of Penn- In the 1920s archaeology was suddenly big news. “Tutmania” sylvania swept Europe and America. New discoveries at Ur, Mohenjo Daro, and elsewhere captured the public imagination. Estab- The virtual visitation of Lemon Hill, Fairmount Park is a lished journals devoted increasing space to archaeology, and culmination of many sources of data and multiple methods in- new magazines such as Discovery were founded. The develop- cluding 2-D digital mapping, historic stills, 3-D modeling, geo- ment of the half tone printing process allowed the popular rectified data, digital video, animation, and satellite imagery. press to present photographs of spectacular objects and dra- The multidimensional application of current technology allows matic events. the viewer to explore a landscape through time and space. This new media attention had a profound effect on Evans This project, led by the author as a landscape architect, when he launched a new campaign at Knossos in 1922. Soon working for the Cartographic Modeling Laboratory at the more photogenic Minoan objets d’art—nearly all of them University of Pennsylvania, was completed under the guid- fake—appeared in the popular press than ever before. At ance of the principle investigator, Dana Tomlin, Department Knossos the reinforced concrete reconstructions of 1928–1930 of Landscape Architecture and Regional Planning, University were on an entirely new scale and were addressed to a new of Pennsylvania. The methodology used in the application of audience. They were not required for conservation; rather, the technology for various aspects of the project relied upon Evans tells us, they were intended “for the education of the techniques established at the Corinth Computer Project of public,” and helped to inaugurate the “Heritage industry.” the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and The issue raises important questions: How do diverse audi- Anthropology, under the auspices of David Romano. The site ences shape what scholars do? Can we balance our responsibili- used for the project was Fairmount Park in Philadelphia, with ties to the past with our responsibilities to the present? particular emphasis placed upon the parcel of land known as Lemon Hill. Data from 1870 was juxtaposed with the year 2000. The Obsidian and Quartz in Sphakia: Lucia Nixon, results give us a detailed account of the period of significance Magdalen College for Lemon Hill, compared with present day conditions. The focus of the project has been to explore the adaptation of The Sphakia Survey, co-directed by Jennifer Moody and various software platforms to analyze the cultural landscape in Lucia Nixon, is an interdisciplinary archaeological project whose order to exemplify how digital technology can assist in the main objective is to reconstruct the sequence of human activ- archiving, analysis, evaluation, maintenance, interpretation, ity in a remote and rugged part of Crete, from ca. 3000 B.C. and treatment alternatives for a particular site. The project until A.D. 1900. Web site offers a short description of the project that can be Obsidian is found at a number of sites in Sphakia with a separated into four sections: time maps that deal with the prehistoric phase. Macroscopic inspection suggests that this analysis of 2-D digital, hardcopy, and satellite maps; view maps, obsidian is Melian. Obsidian is more common at sites with an which look at the comparison of various images both 2-D and earlier phase (Final Neolithic–Early Minoan), where it is of- 3-D; space and time maps as a combination of various forms of ten found in association with worked quartz. In later prehis- data, which allow the user to move through the space both toric phases (Early–Middle Minoan), chert is more commonly physically and metaphorically; and finally the treatment alter- used, and quartz occurs less frequently. The lithics from native maps allow for comparison between various solutions to Sphakia, including the obsidian, were studied by Lucy Wilson. a site. The treatment maps can project forward in time to I have studied the association of obsidian and quartz. visualize the spaces that the alternative models would create. In this paper I begin with the overall distribution of obsid- The purpose of creating a digitally based cultural landscape ian in Sphakia. Next I look more closely at obsidian from sites report is to allow for a virtual visitation of a site or project in at three different altitudes in Sphakia: down near the coast terms of both space and time. The digital database can be near Khora Sphakion, which Dr. Wilson suggests is the point applied to a wide variety of uses such as an archive, an interpre- of entry for Sphakiote obsidian; at the middle altitude of 800 tation guide for the public, and a tool for making manage- masl near the mountain plain of Anopoli; and up in the White ment decisions in general and in effect enhancing all mainte- Mountains. I discuss the associated lithic materials (especially nance procedures. It documents the present, which is archived the quartz) and pottery from these sites as a means of consid- as the past, and can envision the future of a cultural landscape ering the value of obsidian and its role in the local economy. using diverse and complicated sets of data. My conclusion touches on comparative material from other 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 247 sites in western Crete such as Nerokourou, and the situation Miletus and the Mesara: Amy E. Raymond, Uni- on Melos in the relevant prehistoric periods. versity of Toronto

Middle Minoan sealstones, Kamares fine ware, and Mesaran Minoan and Mycenaean Architecture at polychrome ware are among the Cretan imports found in the Pylos: Michael C. Nelson, College of Visual Arts, Middle Bronze Age deposits at the eastern Aegean site of St. Paul, Minnesota Miletus. These imports occur in greater number and in a greater variety at Miletus than MM IB–II imports found elsewhere When Carl Blegen uncovered the walls of the Main Build- east of Crete, and now there is evidence for an even stronger ing of the Late Bronze Age palace at Pylos, he noticed their relationship between the Milesian and Cretan populations. In striking similarity to Minoan architecture. The finely cut and this paper I explore three ways in which Milesian ceramic coursed ashlar masonry laid in several different styles, multiple production reflects practices associated with Crete. First, re- recesses and setbacks in facade walls, mortises for securing gionally made domestic wares from Miletus occur in Minoan wooden string courses, and the double-ax mason’s mark all shapes, corresponding with the Protopalatial period in Miletus find direct parallels in earlier and contemporary buildings and III and the Neopalatial period in Miletus IV. Second, Anatolian structures of Crete. When Lord William Taylour excavated the red slip burnished ware is found at Miletus in a shape that is Grave Circle at Pylos, which lies about 145 m south–southwest unique in southwestern Anatolia but is well-known in MM of the palace, he too noted the Minoan-like qualities of some assemblages, the carinated cup. And, finally, a MBA Milesian of the burials and artifacts. The pithos style of burial and the kiln excavated in the 2000 season appears to have more in Minoanizing or imported Minoan pottery indicated to him common with Cretan kilns, such as the LM IA kiln at Kommos that a few of the tomb’s occupants may have been “natural- in the Mesara, than it does with other MBA Anatolian kilns, ized” Minoans. such as that at Kocabas¸tepe. I conclude that ceramic technol- A reevaluation of the architecture at Pylos reveals two basic ogy as well as pottery was exchanged between the eastern and distinctive chronological phases in the LBA. The first is a Aegean and Cretan cultures, as exemplified in the material time when Pylian architecture, particularly stone masonry, re- from Miletus and the Mesara. sembles Minoan building methods. The second phase post- dates the Late Helladic IIIA period and the architecture is Mycenaean, which includes a centrally located, large megaron. Aegean Landscape Painting as a Vehicle of The transition in architecture and building techniques that Identity: Anne P. Chapin, Brevard College occurred at Pylos is reminiscent of the change from Minoan to Mycenaean cultural dominance that swept through the Aegean Today, Neopalatial Minoan landscape painting is widely rec- in the LBA. It suggests that Pylos was once within the Minoan ognized for its characteristic depiction of the natural world community, perhaps simply by proximity, but then quickly and and is easily distinguished from contemporary Egyptian and abruptly became Mycenaean. Near Eastern landscape through its energetic style and singu- lar focus on the world of nature. This paper examines Neopalatial landscape painting as an expression of Minoan Island Rite or International Sport? Depic- ethnicity and argues that the art form is emblematic of Minoan tions of Bull Games in the Minor Arts from cultural self-definition. The spread of landscape art across the Aegean suggests the impact of Minoan ethnicity—with its Crete and Abroad in the Late Bronze Age: ideals, cultural priorities, religious beliefs, and political struc- Dawn Cain, University of Toronto tures—on the populations of the Aegean islands. The result- ing variations in landscape art across the Aegean thus preserve Bull leaping may be the most publicized and least under- visual statements of religious, cultural, and perhaps even po- stood cultural artifact of Late Bronze Age Crete. Wall paint- litical interactions with the Minoan elite power structure while ings depicting lithe figures wearing cod pieces and high boots, at the same time proclaiming their own local styles and re- long dark hair marking their trajectory as they vault over the gional identities. Taken together, Aegean landscape painting backs of bulls shown in full gallop, have become the leitmotif served to establish and define the shifting boundaries of the of Minoan society since its discovery by archaeologist Arthur Minoan sphere of influence in cultural interactions through- Evans in the early 20th century. Abbreviated depictions of bull out the Aegean. The presence of landscape art in the broader sports are preserved more frequently on portable objects like Mediterranean archaeological record also suggests that the sealstones, sealings, and rings found on the island as well as on art form played an important role in the material interplay the Greek mainland. Famous gold cups from a tomb at Vapheio, between Aegean populations and the cultures of Egypt and Greece, relate the most expansive narrative we possess of the the Near East. bull games. Along with frescoes of the theme unearthed at Mycenae and Tiryns, the cups also suggest an interest in and familiarity with bull games that have traditionally been associ- ated exclusively with Crete. The occurrence of representa- tions of bull acrobatics on sealstones from Syria-Palestine and SESSION 1G: WORKSHOP: APPROACHES TO recently discovered ritual vessels from Anatolia complicate the TEACHING THE ANCIENT CITY received impression of bull leaping as a defining feature of Minoan ritual and society. This paper explores the evidence Over the last century, our approaches to studying the an- for bull sports in the so-called minor arts of Crete and her cient world have multiplied and diversified in response to the neighbors, touching on aspects of chronology, iconography, wealth of primary data produced by excavation and survey. and meaning within the international context of trade and Many disciplines and specialized fields of research now con- exchange that prevailed in the LBA. tribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the past 248 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 than was previously possible. While the strong interest in an- but for the worshippers. It informs them of their duties and, cient civilizations is reflected in the broad range of courses moreover, rights, allowing them to check the actions of cultic offered at colleges and universities, techniques for incorporat- personnel and thus truly establishing them as an interested ing new discoveries and developments into the context of an party in the performance of cult. undergraduate curriculum are not always apparent or available to everyone. One way to demonstrate the advances in our knowl- edge is to focus on the ancient city. This workshop explores The Struggle for Apollo: The Aitolian pedagogical approaches to teaching the ancient city using a Soteria at Delphi and the Antigonid variety of conceptual frameworks and integrating material from Soteria at Delos: Craige B. Champion, Syracuse multiple disciplines. By bringing together teachers from differ- ent areas of geographical and technical expertise, this work- University shop will present avenues for exploring ancient cities and pro- Aitolians worked to counter their unsavory reputation in vide an opportunity to discuss class design in an informal con- the Greek world. This cultural politics centered around Delphi, text. Participants will give a short presentation (ca. 15 minutes) and in particular the Aitolian role in the repulse of a Gallic explaining their instructional goals and approaches. The discus- attack against the sanctuary in 279 B.C.E. In the recognition sants will comment on the contribution of each talk and pro- decrees for the reorganized, penteteric Delphic Soteria, Aitolia mote dialogue among the panel and the workshop participants. represented itself as savior of Delphi, dramatically asserting Panel: Nancy Klein and Kevin Glowacki, Indiana University; claims to Hellenic legitimacy. This propaganda, aimed at secur- Joseph Day, Wabash College; John Dobbins, University of Virginia; ing Aitolian “Hellenism,” was doomed to failure, as Aitolian Naomi Norman, University of Georgia; Elizabeth C. Stone, SUNY maritime raids actually began on a large scale in the late 250s at Stony Brook; Mary Voigt, College of William and Mary; Carla and early 240s, hitting the Cyclades particularly hard. Antonaccio, Wesleyan University Antigonos Gonatas worked out a lasting modus vivendi with the Aitolian Confederation. In light of Aitolian maritime raid- ing in the Aegean and particularly in the Cyclades in the 240s, we may read his establishment of a Soteria festival at Delos in SESSION 1H: JOINT AIA/APA COLLOQUIUM: 245 B.C.E. as a politico-cultural response to the Aitolian Del- EPIGRAPHY ACROSS CULTURES phic Soteria. Antigonos’s Soteria at Delos, the mythical birth- place of Apollo, may well have been a response to Aitolian Pilgrims to Abydos from the Sixth Century influence at Delphi, home of Apollo’s oracle, which served to distance Makedonia from an ally whom many Greeks consid- B.C.E. to the Fourth Century C.E.: Toward a ered to be little better than barbarians. While Antigonos liber- Comprehensive Catalogue of the Graffiti ated Delos from Ptolemaic control, he also guaranteed safety (Greek, Egyptian, Aramaic, Phoenician, from Aitolian privateering raids. This reading gains strength from J.D. Morgan’s study of Athenian metonic cycles, which Carian): Ian Rutherford, University of Reading, would push Polyeuktos’s archonship (and hence the inaugura- U.K. tion of the Aitolian penteteric Soteria) to 250/49, allowing Gonatas ample time to respond to the Aitolian Soteria at Delphi Abstract not available. with his own at Delos.

The Punic “Marseilles Tariff” (CIS 1.165; KAI Greeks, Romans, Jews, and Others In Iudaea/ 69) and Its Greek Counterparts: Eran Lupu, Syria Palaestina: “A Civilization of Epig- Tel Aviv University, Israel raphy”: Jerusalem and Caesarea: Hannah M. The so-called Marseilles tariff, one of the most substantial Cotton, The Hebrew University, Israel, and inscriptions in the Phoenico-Punic corpus, was discovered at Jonathan J. Price, Tel Aviv University, Israel Marseilles in 1844. This document, which identifies itself as a sacrificial tariff, lists sacrificial victims, the type of offering, and The myriad languages and local cultures of the ancient details regarding the distribution of the parts between the Near East, as well as their interaction with the successive em- priests (who may also receive money) and the worshippers pires which dominated the region, left indelible traces in the who offer the sacrifice. It ends with miscellaneous regulations epigraphic evidence, whose full richness is realized only by related to sacrifice. Similarities—and differences—between studying the inscriptions in different languages together. This the sacrificial system evident in the Marseilles tariff and the is the idea behind the creation of the first comprehensive one dealt with by the Levitical code were noted at once. The multilingual (Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Aramaic, Samaritan, obvious link between the two systems gained further support Nabataean, Syriac, Thamudic, and Safaitic) corpus of all in- with the discovery of Ugaritic tablets. Connections between scriptions, both published and unpublished, from the fourth the Marseilles tariff and Greek sacred laws have been noted. century B.C.E. to the seventh century C.E., from present-day The Marseilles tariff is somewhat similar to sacrificial tariffs Israel—the Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palaestinae (CIIP), featured in a number of Greek sacred laws although the sacri- being prepared in Israel and Germany. The inscriptions will be ficial system it regulates is different. But it shares something arranged by site; each site in turn is arranged according to its more basic and general with Greek sacred laws, namely, the own inner logic, taking due account of chronology, the unity regulation of cult through rules inscribed on stones that are of a building complex, and subject matter. set up publicly where cultic activity would take place. One can Jerusalem offers perhaps the richest epigraphic testimony, argue that this is done not for the benefit of cult personnel representing a chronological span extending far beyond the 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 249 parameters of the CIIP. Bringing together in one place the The Metaponto Archaeological Survey: The over 1,000 inscriptions in several languages from Jerusalem 2001 Field Season: Stephen M. Thompson, Insti- will at once provide a picture of the imprint left on the city by successive political entities as well as the complex and ever- tute of Classical Archaeology, University of changing cultural and demographic mosaic there. The variety Texas at Austin and depth of the epigraphic finds in Jerusalem will be illus- trated by a sample of texts in Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and Ara- This report will present the results of the 2001 season of maic, including dedicatory inscriptions set up by Roman sol- field survey in the rural territory of Greek Metaponto, south- diers stationed there; epitaphs by Jews and Christians; dedica- ern Italy. Continuing work begun in 2000, a principal com- tory inscriptions documenting the Temple, synagogues, and ponent of this season’s research will be the systematic resur- churches; and graffiti illustrating transient hopes and beliefs. vey of selected areas first covered in the early 1980s. Coupled The Latin and Greek inscriptions from Caesarea, the seat with a program of local informant interviewing, this field- of the Roman government in Iudaea/Syria-Palaestina, offer a work aims to both document and quantify the transforma- unique testimony of the separate functioning of the senato- tional effects of a range of specific agricultural regimes upon rial and equestrian administrative organs in a Roman province the surface archaeology of the region over a relatively long during the first three centuries C.E. In addition they demon- (by research standards) time span. The other main focus of strate the upward mobility of the municipal aristocracy of the this season’s work to be summarized in this report will be the colony and its integration into the imperial upper classes. systematic coverage of thus far unsurveyed portions of the southern Metapontino between the Basento and Cavone Rivers. Galatian Inscriptions and Cultural Assimi- lation in Greco-Roman Asia Minor: Philip Hadrian and the Urban Renewal of Cumae: J. Freeman, Washington University in St. Louis Rufus Fears, University of Oklahoma Abstract not available. This paper presents the results of three summers of field study of the Roman remains at the Italian site of Cumae. It focuses on the temples on the acropolis, offering new dates SESSION 1J: POSTER SESSION for their reconstruction, placing this renovation into a vi- able historical context, and relating it to a broader program of urban renewal at Cumae. A careful study of the design of Reconstructing Monumental Architecture these temples offers significant evidence for the process by At Paliké (Mineo, Sicily): Brian E. McConnell, which innovative architectural forms and ideas radiated from Rome to other parts of Italy and the empire at large. Quite Soprintendenza BB.CC.AA di Catania, Italy, apart from architectural history, the Imperial remains at Cumae and Learning Sites, Inc., Williamstown, Massa- provide important new insights into the religious policy of chusetts the emperor Hadrian. The acropolis at Cumae is dominated by two temples, origi- Completion of a major project at ancient Paliké (Mineo, nally built in the Greek period, probably at the beginning of Sicily) enables us to evaluate the architecture of this indig- the fifth century B.C. during the tyranny of Aristodemus. enous Sikel sanctuary. Excavation by the Superintendency of The lower temple was dedicated to Apollo. A sacred way led Catania, presented in the AIA colloquium “Exploration of the from it to the temple on the summit, traditionally ascribed to Sikel Heartland” (San Diego 2001), continues through this Zeus. Both temples were reconstructed in the Roman pe- spring, and this poster presents complete reconstructions of riod, and the lower temple was reoriented. The date and four monumental buildings. The fifth-century B.C. layout of character of these renovations have baffled generations of the site, with two stoas (B and FA) and a hestiaterion set on archaeologists. There lingers a romantic tendency to associ- terraces ascending toward the dramatic backdrop of a large ate them with Vergil and Augustus. The present paper devel- cave, clearly anticipates design concepts of later, Hellenistic ops careful criteria, based on constructional techniques and sanctuaries. Both stoas faced a plain where natural, “boiling” epigraphical evidence, to date these renovations accurately. lakes were the heart of the sanctuary described by Diodorus The result is to place them securely in the Antonine period, Siculus (11.89), and offered space for a variety of purposes to specifically in the reign of Hadrian. The renovations were a wider “public.” The hestiaterion erected in ashlar blocks with part of a broader building program at Cumae under Hadrian a columned entranceway, instead, stood on a higher terrace and Antoninus Pius. A sumptuously appointed bath complex which may have been reserved for functionaries and invited so closely resembles the Forum Baths at Ostia as to suggest guests or representatives. A virtual reality reconstruction pre- that the same architect designed both. Even more notewor- pared by Learning Sites (and set up next to the poster) will thy is the barrel-vaulted apsed temple, resting on a high permit visitors to experience the treatment of interior space podium, erected in this period at the eastern end of the and exterior panorama. The use of a “Sikel foot” (0.255 m) forum. Its closest architectural counterpart is the Temple of derived from the measurements of the hestiaterion would the Deified Hadrian in Rome. The renovation of the temples seem confirmed in the length of Stoa B, while the coherent on the acropolis at Cumae reflects the broader religious policy design of the sanctuary suggests that it was administered by by which Hadrian sought to reinvigorate traditional cults. the kind of authority which is intimated in the text of Diodorus. The paper concludes by drawing parallels between Hadrian’s The subsequent creation of a peristyle court on a raised plat- renovation of the oracular site of Apollo at Cumae and his form is consistent with the design of Italic sanctuaries at program of architectural and religious revitalization of the Terracina, Palestrina, and Rome. oracle of Apollo at Delphi. 250 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 The Archaeological Information System The Reassessment of a Romano-Byzantine Fortvna: The Current State of Develop- Villa on the Byrsa Hill in Carthage: Chris- ment: Chrystina Häuber and Franz Xaver Schütz, tine Zitrides, University of Illinois, and Alicia Universität Bonn, Germany Walker, Harvard University

After the joint AIA/APA workshop at the annual meeting In 1998 an international team initiated excavations on the in 2001, which brought together partners of the project for Byrsa Hill in Carthage with the goal of further exploring the the first time, the purpose of this poster presentation is to remains of a partially excavated Romano-Byzantine villa lo- concentrate on the discussion of the functionalities of the cated along the Cardo Maximus, near the summit of the city’s information system (functionalities of CAD, DB, and GIS acropolis. softwares). We have been developing FORTVNA since 1994; Père Delattre, of the Order of the White Fathers, previously in 2000 the prototype was ready and since 2001 we are prepar- excavated the site in 1892 and published the results of his ing the beta version of the software. One of the aims is to investigation in the 1893 Bulletin Archéologique. He offered a develop a user-friendly tool, which is why discussions with fu- Byzantine date for the building, produced a partial plan of the ture users, for example archaeologists and/or ancient histori- site, and provided a list of recovered small finds. Although the ans, are of the greatest importance. We have developed structure has been exposed for over a century, no documented FORTVNA as an interactive tool to assist the topography stu- work has been carried out since Delattre’s investigations. dent to: (1) access information regarding a given ancient The present project aims to reassess Delattre’s dating of Roman structure and its associated materials, and (2) have a the building, to elucidate the interrelationship of its multiple basis to understand and interpret the information. Partners in phases, to conserve the exposed structure, and to remap the this project are the archaeological agencies of the City of site. In the course of the present three year campaign, a com- Rome and university professors of classical archaeology, an- plex stratigraphic sequence has emerged, which suggests oc- cient history, classics, and GIS from Bonn, New Brunswick, cupation from the first century B.C.E. to the sixth century and Perugia. FORTVNA offers the opportunity to: (1) search C.E. Previously undocumented mosaics indicate at least three for “persistent” ancient structures, and (2) reconstruct an- separate episodes of construction, and exploration of hereto cient buildings and landscapes more precisely than previous unexposed areas will allow for the integration of this structure methods. The first area tested with this system is that of the into the urban topography of Carthage. Mons Oppius in Rome. E. La Rocca of the Sovraintendenza In our poster, we present preliminary results from the 1998– BB.CC. of the City of Rome has provided us with the most 2001 campaigns, offering new dates and a revised map of the important maps of Rome in digital vector format. site’s multiple phases. The villa provides an intriguing case study of reuse and adaptation in the urban domestic context of Roman and Byzantine Carthage. A New Reconstruction of Octavian’s Pa- latine Complex: Caroline K. Quenemoen, Yale Bir Ftouha Excavation 1994–2000: Recon- University structing a History from Fragments: Susan Although Gianfilippo Carettoni’s excavations of the House T. Stevens, Randolph-Macon Woman’s College, of Augustus secured the identification of Octavian’s famed and Brian S. Dayhoff, University of Maryland Palatine complex over 30 years ago, a comprehensive architec- tural reconstruction of the known complex is still lacking. This In five campaigns of open area excavation (ca. 1,600 m2) poster presents such a reconstruction based upon new evi- the current project has revealed an elaborate basilica complex dence from my study of the archaeological remains in and ex at least 80 m E–W by 55 m N–S in extent. One of the most situ and the results of previously published excavations. Origi- striking aspects of the site is that the complex had only one nal photographs, plans, elevations, sections, and axonometric major phase of construction now tentatively dated to the early drawings illustrate the conclusions. sixth century. The center of the complex was a three-aisled The study evaluates the structural implications of ashlar con- ambulatory basilica, entered through a polygonal structure in struction and the proportions of architectural sculpture ex situ the west. East of the basilica’s apse was a round baptistery to propose an elevation of the house’s porticus that departs attached to the basilica by twin peristyle courtyards that pro- significantly from the proposal put forth by Patrizio Pensabene vided the complex with a N–S axis. in 1998. The employment of Luna marble to articulate the Because Bir Ftouha was systematically dismantled and robbed decorative elevation of the porticus, the influence of Asia Mi- for building materials, probably beginning in the early Islamic nor on the marble architectural sculpture, and the use of aediculae period, colonnades and elevation walls survived primarily as rob- to distinguish the important rooms on the porticus’s north flank ber trenches. Only patterns of distribution of fragments of indicates that the house played a fundamental role in the archi- decorated red slipped roof tiles, opus sectile wall panels, and bizonal tectural revolution of the 30s B.C. griffin capitals found in destruction debris and later fill remain The study also presents new evidence to restore the Portico to articulate the decoration of the complex. Mosaic floors re- of the Danaids to the precinct of the Temple of Apollo. The mained in situ but those cut by later graves suffered from tomb house’s first floor plan reveals several peculiarities best ex- robbing and the floor surfaces closest to modern ground level plained as the result of the need to meet the structural re- were heavily damaged by tree planting and plowing. quirements of a portico located on the third story, at the level The poster highlights post-excavation analysis of this im- of the temple precinct. The design and proportions of con- portant but poorly preserved early Christian basilica complex temporary precinct porticoes further suggest that the archi- on the outskirts of Carthage. It previews the final report on tectural elements assigned by Pensabene to the house should the excavation, currently in preparation. The challenge of be restored to the portico. that report is to reassemble the fragments of this site to recon- 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 251 struct a history, visualize an unusual architectural design, and Naxos) during the Aceramic Neolithic. Consequently, the restore luster to rich detail. exploration, mining skills, and trade mechanisms during the Aceramic Neolithic were more sophisticated than previously thought. Donkeys, Carts, and Camels: The Decline of the Roman Roads, the Rise of Islamic Trade: A New Link Between the Shaft Graves of Karen Eva Carr, Portland State University Mycenae and Crete: Silver Coatings for Throughout the early Middle Ages, one major road ran Bronze Rivets on Aegean Daggers: Susan through Baetica—the Via Augusta. Many minor roads con- nected the smaller towns to each other and moved silver from Ferrence, Temple University, and Kristalia the mines of the Sierra Morena to the riverine ports. As the Melesanaki, Maripaz P. Mateo, and Demetrios Anglos, milestones and the legal codes show, these roads were kept up Foundation for Research and Technology- by corvèe labor under the compulsion of the imperial govern- Hellas (FORTH), Institute of Electronic Struc- ment. Archaeological evidence from surface survey (M. Ponsich, Implantation Rurale Antique sur le Bas-Guadalquivir, ture and Laser, Crete Madrid, 1974–1991) sheds light on the role of these roads in the fourth century and illuminates their fate after the collapse A copper rivet from an LM context in Building AD on of Roman rule. Pseira, Crete was analyzed by laser-induced breakdown spec- Many fourth-century Baetican sites clustered along the Via troscopy (LIBS) at the INSTAP Study Center of East Crete in Augusta, and others lined the smaller roads. But there are July 2000 and found to have silver coating on both ends. The almost no fifth-century sites along the Via Augusta. Sites also rivet was probably used to hold the hilt onto an edged weapon moved further away from the smaller roads and cluster along such as a knife, dagger, or sword. The excavators originally the rivers instead. Sixth-century sites under Visigothic rule thought it was made of only copper or bronze but it had not show a slight return to the Via Augusta, especially downstream been scientifically analyzed until this recent series of tests. of Seville. There is a tendency to align sites with the minor LIBS has been adapted for elementally analyzing archaeo- roads as well, but not to the extent of the fourth century. logical artifacts in order to gather scientific information about There is no seventh-century survey evidence, but under Is- metals, pottery, and other ancient materials. The transport- lamic rule the eighth- and ninth-century sites return to an able workstation provides on-site, rapid results about the quali- alignment with the Via Augusta. They are located still further tative and semi-quantitative elemental composition of archaeo- from the minor roads. Apparently the form of government logical objects. LIBS is practically nondestructive because less had a significant impact on the road system of Baetica. than a microgram of sample material is consumed when the laser pulse ablates the sample surface. The emission from the resulting plasma plume is collected and spectrally analyzed by The Polished Stone Axes from Knossos and the system. Each element present in the sample is identified by its characteristic emission line(s) at specific wavelength(s) Their Implications for the Aegean Neo- on the recorded spectrum. lithic: Thomas F. Strasser, California State Uni- This new scientific evidence helps to link the LM town of versity, Sacramento Pseira to the LM palace of Mallia and the LH Shaft Graves of Mycenae. Mallia and Mycenae had strong metalworking tradi- Polished stone axes, adzes, and chisels (collectively known tions as indicated by gold plate hilt covers and pommel attach- as “celts”) are signature tools of the Neolithic in Europe and ments from the former and elaborately inlaid daggers from west Asia. They appear in the first phases of habitation at the latter. Now all three sites are linked by the silver-capped Knossos and are vestiges of the earliest colonizers of Crete. rivets used as fine decorative details on edged weapons. This paper presents the preliminary results of an analysis of those tools. The research focuses on the celts’ surface abra- sions, symmetry, and media for evidence concerning produc- Weight Measurement in Late Mycenaean tion, function, and resource exploitation. Greece: An Empirical Study: Karl M. Petruso, The Knossian assemblage indicates a variety of production University of Texas at Arlington techniques. Several tools bear evidence for flaking and drill- ing. Only certain stones have qualities that allow for these As a result of research carried out over the past generation reduction processes. There is evidence that specific stones into weight metrology in the prehistoric Aegean, the stan- were exploited for predetermined shapes that were depen- dard mass as well as the mathematical structure of the system dent on the reduction technique to be used. of weight measurement used in Late Bronze Age Crete and There is also functional variability. Many of the tools are the Cycladic Islands are now understood in great detail. A miniatures comprised of soft stone that could not function as satisfying harmony exists between the evidence from the sur- woodworking instruments. These tools are shaped to a degree viving balance weights themselves and the evidence from the of symmetry beyond requirements, suggesting a nonutilitarian Linear B tablets which deal with quantities of goods accounted use that is still unclear. Ethnographies report many symbolic for by weight. By contrast, however, the standards of weight complexes surrounding celt use that may be paralleled in the measurement used in mainland Greece for the entire Cretan setting. Mycenaean period are very poorly understood, owing largely A few tools are made from imported emery. They may be to the rarity of identified and published balance weights. the earliest evidence for the exploitation of Cycladic or Recent metrological analyses of the masses of some four Anatolian emery in the Aegean. If Cycladic, these tools dem- dozen well-preserved balance weights from two sites (Mycenae onstrate the visitation of the emery bearing islands (e.g., and the fountain on the north slope of the Athenian Acropo- 252 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 lis) have provided evidence for at least two internally consis- three Paleolithic chert blades, one of which is made with the tent—yet apparently different—systems of weight measure- Levallois technique. The geophysical survey conducted at ment in mainland Greece at the end of the LBA. The results Traghanes revealed the continuation of the large building of these analyses will be presented, and their ramifications for complex revealed last year, as well as parallel curvilinear fea- our understanding of Mycenaean microeconomics and macro- tures that could belong to fortification walls. economics will be considered.

Counting Sherds by the Thousands: System- To Dye For: Reconstructing Murex Dyeing atic Survey of an Amphora Production Site: Techniques in the Bronze Age Aegean: Effie F. Athanassopoulos, University of Nebraska- Deborah Ruscillo, University of Winnipeg Lincoln

The manufacture of the “Royal Purple” dye had a signifi- This research project is a collaboration between the Ameri- cant impact on the social and economic worlds of the Aegean can School of Classical Studies at Athens and the 13th Bronze Age. Reams of cloth and garments were traded and Ephoreia of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities of the Greek offered as tribute to courts and shrines. Even the term “Royal Archaeological Service. It is a study of land use and economic Purple” signifies the importance and wealth of the cloth as a activities in an area known as “Tsoukalia” on the island of status object. The crushing of thousands of marine gastropods Alonissos in the Aegean, in Greece. Tsoukalia in modern of the species murex was required to dye fabric a deep shade of Greek means “pots.” In this location there are substantial purple. The work was intensive and unpleasant, from the gath- remains of a fourth-century B.C.E. transport amphora pro- ering of enough specimens, to the dye extraction from each duction site. The site was reused for similar activities in the individual, to the concoction of the dye itself. early 20th century, when a brick and tile factory operated Since the Roman times, other sources of purple have been there for a few years. The fourth-century phase is the pri- used to dye cloth, and the techniques and recipes of murex mary focus of our research. dye have been lost. Ancient authors, such as Pliny, superfi- In the 1999 and 2000 field seasons systematic recording cially discuss the dyemaking procedure but do not offer de- of the dense surface scatters of ceramics was carried out. tails. In the summer of 2001, with generous funding from the Most of this material has come to the surface in the last few Institute of Aegean Prehistory, the author will set out to re- decades from repeated disturbances of the extensive pottery construct murex dye manufacture techniques. The work will dumps. Clearly, the dumps are a product of the operation of be performed in Crete at the site of Kommos, where excava- the amphora production facility. On the basis of the informa- tions of the MM II/III period have produced industrial re- tion we have collected it is now possible to create density mains of a murex dyeing installation. Crushed murex has also plots of surface ceramic artifacts across the site. We have also been found in contemporary levels at Palaikastro and Knossos, documented the pottery forms present at the site along with also on the island. a statistical breakdown of their relative frequency. This poster This paper will present the results of the 2001 murex sea- presentation will report on the results of the systematic sur- son, and will illustrate the results of the baiting, extracting, vey of the last two seasons. concocting, and dyeing experiments. Swatches of linen, wool, and silk will be presented to show color ranges in comparison with ancient iconographic representations of the Royal Purple. The Mallakastra Regional Archaeological Project (MRAP): Results of the 2001 Sur- The Iklaina Archaeological Project: 2001 vey and Excavation Season Near Apollonia, Report: Michael B. Cosmopoulos, University of Albania: Sharon R. Stocker and Jack L. Davis, Uni- Manitoba versity of Cincinnati, Muzafer Korkuti and Skender Muçaj, Institute of Archaeology, Tirana, Lorenc The Iklaina Archaeological Project is an interdisciplinary project aiming at investigating A-pu2, one of the district capi- Bejko, International Centre for Albanian Ar- tals of the Mycenaean state of Pylos through survey, excava- chaeology, Tirana, and Michael L. Galaty, tion, and scientific analyses. The third season of the survey Millsaps College was conducted for three weeks in May–June 2001. During this time we covered the eastern end of the plateau, the ravine to The Mallakastra Regional Archaeological Project (MRAP) is the west, and the hills to the southwest and northwest of the a cooperative program of regional archaeological research, location Traghanes, where Marinatos had excavated briefly in sponsored by the Institute of Archaeology (Tirana, Albania) 1954. In the central part of the east section of the plateau we and the Department of Classics of the University of Cincin- discovered a large concentration of pottery, including EH bowls nati. The goal of MRAP is to study patterns of settlement and of the so-called Nozaina ware, a large number of Late Roman land use in the area of Fier, regional capital of the district of sherds with combed decoration, and Byzantine glazed sherds. Mallakastra, Albania. Three seasons of intensive surface survey Another major concentration of pottery was found on a low in 1998, 1999, and 2000 have resulted in the investigation of ridge connecting the modern village of Iklaina with the main ca. 22 km2 around the ancient Greek city of Apollonia, a plateau, approximately 900 m to the southeast of Traghanes. Corinthian colony established in the sixth century B.C., and This concentration consisted of over 2,000 LH IIIA1–B2 sherds later a western terminus for the Via Egnatia. In June and July (including many stems and rims from good quality kylikes). of 2001 we planned test excavations at a small Hellenistic site Finally, a large number of LH IIIA1–B2 sherds and one that was discovered, mapped, and surface collected in 2001. Mycenaean bovine figurine were found in a previously unex- These excavations should help to determine the function of plored part of the cliff immediately to the southwest of the site (such sites, when found in Greece, are often inter- Traghanes. The study of the stone tools from the site revealed preted as farmsteads). Excavations may also help to explain 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 253 the apparent increase in settlement outside of Apollonia’s tainly the earliest I know of on pottery) of what was later to walls during the Hellenistic period, a pattern that differs become a standard Attic usage—and one which was out of strongly when compared to the region’s Classical and Roman step with the rest of the Greek-speaking world. This raises settlement patterns. interesting questions about Onesimos’s origins and about In addition, during the 2001 field season MRAP will expand the origins of some peculiarities of written Attic Greek. its program of ancient environmental reconstruction based This work is part of the continuing saga of the Image on palynological investigations and soil studies, extract addi- Project, a Web-based searchable database of inscriptions on tional sediment cores for pollen analysis, and complete the Attic Archaic pottery. mapping of the massive necropolis (several square kilometers in area) associated with Apollonia. The Amphorae “with Wineglass-Shaped Feet” of “Porticello” and “Melitopol” Types: Excavations at Konjuh, Republic of Mace- Mende or Kos?: Nevena Georgieva, University of donia, 2000–2001: Carolyn S. Snively, Gettysburg London, U.K. College The paper questions the widely accepted Mendean attribu- A joint project of Gettysburg College and the Museum of tion of the amphorae “with wineglass-shaped feet” of Macedonia carried out excavations in 2000 and (we hope) “Porticello” type of the first half of the fourth century B.C. 2001 at the site of Golemo Gradiste, Konjuh, Kratovo. Inves- found predominantly in the area of the Black Sea. Based on tigations have focused on the acropolis of the city; the long the publication of workshops producing amphorae of this type bedrock outcropping rises ca. 100 m above the Kriva River at on Kos (type III) (Kantzia 1994); unpublished stamped mate- its foot. rials from the collection of the British Museum; and detailed The eastern third of the acropolis consists of a long, gen- study of shapes, texture and markings, it achieves the follow- tly sloping plateau. Its northern side shows extensive re- ing: mains of rock-cut architecture, e.g., rooms, corridors, and 1. supports a date of ca. 425 B.C. for the Porticello ship staircases leading down to a narrow terrace beyond which the wreck (Eiseman and Ridgway 1987) (based also on a terrain falls precipitously toward the lower northern section more precise dating of the amphorae of “Soloha II” type); of the city. A terrace-fortification wall marks the southern 2. supports Koan origin for the amphorae of type 1 (i.e., edge of the plateau. “with wineglass-shaped feet”) from the wreck; Excavation toward the western end of the plateau revealed 3. suggests that in the fourth century B.C. such amphorae two rooms of a large building. The apsidal western room mea- were produced by both Kos and Mende and that sured 3.6 × 9.4 m, the eastern one 4 × 9 m. The function of Mendean shapes copied, or were influenced by, the the building, which extends to east and south, remains un- Koan type III amphorae of the late fifth century B.C.; certain; fragments of stone mouldings point to a degree of 4. suggests a transitional shape for the Mendean class from provincial elegance. the rounded shapes of the fifth to the angular shapes of Trenches further east, across the width of the plateau, the fourth century B.C.; lead us to suspect that the residents of the area created the 5. offers certain Koan identifications among the published plateau in late antiquity. They apparently leveled the cliffs at materials of the first half of the fourth century B.C.; and the north side and then shaped the remains into rooms; 6. proposes Koan identification of the “Melitopol” type of east–west terrace walls were constructed to retain earth and amphorae “with wineglass-shaped feet” (Zeest 1960, 89) to form the plateau as well as to serve as foundations for of the second half of the fourth century B.C. from the numerous buildings. The reasons for intensive occupation of eponymous tumulus and the Chertomlyk tumulus in this inhospitable hill, perhaps administrative or military, await south Russia (Polin 1991), connecting them directly to further investigation. one of the Koan work shops.

. Inscriptions on Attic Pottery: Onesimos’s Pottery at Hacimusalar in North Central Iliupersis in the Villa Giulia: Pierre Desrochers, Lycia: Mark B. Garrison and James Gallagher, Trin- Université d’Ottawa, and Martin F. Kilmer, Uni- ity University, Ilknur Özgen, Bilkent University, versity of Ottawa Turkey, and Halford Haskell and Pamela Haskell, Southwestern University The Getty’s Iliupersis kylix by Onesimos has had excellent publication for its mythology and its links to other works of The site of Hac
musalar is a large höyük located in the Onesimos, those in the Getty and some of those elsewhere. Elmal
basin in north central Lycia. Excavations over the last The inscriptions on this kylix, however, have not been stud- six years have yielded important evidence for pottery typologies ied as a body. The readings cause few problems: they are the and chronologies for the area. This poster session will focus on names of the participants in the battle, from both Akhaian two important aspects of the pottery assemblage at Hac
musalar. and Trojan sides, and a small set of “other” inscriptions, such The first concerns the nature of the rich local Roman pottery as the identification of the altar at which Priam is about to be assemblage and its relationships to Roman pottery in greater killed: HERKAIOU (“Of [Zeus] Herkaios”). western Anatolia. The second concerns the stratified sequence The alphabet Onesimos uses is the standard Attic 19-let- that the site has revealed for pottery of the Iron Age and ter Archaic alphabet (with one very interesting modifica- Classical periods. The pottery for these first millennium B.C. tion). His spellings of most of the names are right in line periods in Lycia as a whole is poorly documented and little with those used by painters earlier in the period. One name studied. The material from Hac
musalar will contribute sig- offers what seems to be the earliest known example (cer- nificantly to a better understanding of pottery in these peri- 254 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 ods. Excavations in two separate areas of the höyük have yielded to the location and documentation of the multiple localities well-stratified deposits of pottery from these periods, includ- where obsidian may be found on each of these islands, and ing some exceptionally nice examples of phiale. complements previous work done on the Monte Arci sources This poster session will exhibit via photography and draw- in Sardinia by Tykot (JAS 24 [1997] 467–79). We also present ing the major wares for the periods under discussion and their results from the characterization of each source, based on relationships to known pottery assemblages at other sites. The visual and physical properties as well as trace element finger- poster will also include information about the nature of the printing using neutron activation analysis and laser ablation archaeological deposits in which the pottery was found. ICP mass spectrometry. The application of these methods to well over 1,000 obsid- ian artifacts is allowing us to construct statistically significant Provenance of Etruscan Pottery from Poggio geographic and chronological patterns of obsidian source ex- Colla, Italy: A Chemical Characterization ploitation. New interpretive schemes reestablish exchange as Study: Justin J. Winkler and Robert H. Tykot, Uni- critically important for understanding all stages of the chaîne opératoire of lithic raw material acquisition, modification, use, versity of South Florida and discard. As the most visible indicator of Neolithic interac- The field report is a combined contextual and archaeometric tions in the central Mediterranean, obsidian use is also rel- study of Etruscan pottery based upon research being con- evant to discussions of the earliest settlement of the Mediter- ducted at the site of Poggio Colla. The site is a recently discov- ranean islands, the transition to agriculture, long-distance ered hilltop settlement (ca. 700–100 B.C.) now undergoing exchange networks, craft specialization, and the development excavation by Southern Methodist University. Settlement of social differentiation and other precursors of more complex contexts are rare hence the site provides a special opportunity Copper and Bronze Age societies. to reconstruct manufacturing technology, material provenance, and distribution. Etruscan pottery manufacture is poorly known in the Diet and Mobility in Medieval Greece as Re- Mugello region of Etruria. The current study hypothesizes constructed Using Stable Isotope Analy- that the site’s production strategies are centralized, thereby sis: Sandra Garvie-Lok, University of Calgary indicative of an intraregional redistributive economy, perhaps suggesting the presence of a centralized political authority. Historical documents allow the reconstruction of aspects of Alternative results may conclude, however, that Poggio Colla is the Medieval Greek diet, including the types of foods eaten a provincial settlement with site-specific pottery manufacture and their symbolic roles. However, a number of important moderately sustained at the household level. Current evidence questions remain. These include the exact importance of at Poggio Colla indicates continuous internal development for marine resources to the diet, whether this importance varied at least 600 years prior to Romanization, however, whether by locale, and whether the ethnic differences in foodways this phenomena occurred independent of major centers to noted by many chroniclers translated to significant differences the south still has yet to be determined. in day-to-day diet. This study addresses such questions using Investigations comprise three components: (1) the excava- stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of archaeological tion of a pottery production zone containing one or more human bone from several Medieval Greek communities. I ex- kilns; (2) the location and sampling of potential clay sources amine Christian communities of the Late Byzantine through in and around the site area; and (3) the systematic physical Turkokratia from inland, coastal, and island locales, and com- and chemical characterization of ceramic material utilizing pare bone from Frankish and Ottoman Muslim cemeteries to petrography and ICP mass spectrometry to clearly identify fea- this grouped sample. The results of the analyses suggest that tures of local production and to determine other sources of marine resources typically played a small role in the Medieval production. Investigations are to focus upon analyzing ceramic diet, belying the importance of fish as a status item. Contrary samples representing each known fabric type including utili- to expectations, there appears to be little difference in diet by tarian (coarse and fine) and special function (black glaze and locale or ethnic affiliation. Most interesting, perhaps, is the bucchero) wares from three periods of occupation. significant increase in internal variability seen in some Otto- man era communities. This most likely reflects increased life- time mobility in these groups, and agrees with historical evi- Geoarchaeological Survey and Character- dence for increased trade and movement in the Ottoman era. ization of the Central Mediterranean Ob- My results illustrate the potential of stable isotope analysis of sidian Sources: New Approaches to an Old human remains not only for the reconstruction of diet in the past but also for the study of shifting patterns of residential Problem: Robert H. Tykot, Lisa Beyer, Teddi Setzer, mobility over time. Barbara Vargo, John Bernal, and Julie Bliss, Uni- versity of South Florida Late Bronze Age Vegetation Change, Cli- Studies of prehistoric trade in obsidian have been a major matic Deterioration, and Human Response aspect of archaeological research for more than a quarter cen- tury, yet until recently the central Mediterranean sources in the Strath of Kildonan, Sutherland, were not all fully documented. Furthermore, the source Scotland: Darcey L. Francis, University of analysis of obsidian artifacts mostly has been limited to small Edinburgh, Scotland numbers of samples, limiting the determination of regional and chronological patterns of obsidian use. Our NSF-funded A severe and abrupt climatic deterioration in the Late geoarchaeological survey of obsidian sources on Lipari, Bronze Age has been cited as the source of social, cultural, and Palmarola, and Pantelleria employed a systematic approach economic disintegration in northwest Europe. In Britain, it is 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 255 believed that this deterioration resulted in the abandon- The Road Less Traveled Is Getting More Traf- ment of environmentally marginal communities. Subsequent fic: Archaeological Tourism in Mexico’s intergroup conflict led to the collapse of the established social order and the emergence of new structures and sys- Yucatan Peninsula: Cameron J. Walker, Califor- tems. This view is criticized as overly environmentally de- nia State University at Fullerton terministic and extreme because the reality, uniqueness, extent, and predictability of this settlement collapse has Archaeological tourism is increasingly popular in the Yucatan yet to be established. The Strath of Kildonan, Sutherland Peninsula. As millions of people arrive in Cancun each year, in northern Scotland is used as a study site where climate- many of them move down the coast to visit lesser-known ar- human relations can be effectively assessed because it is chaeological sites. This paper explores some of the issues con- historically and currently economically marginal, climati- cerning archaeological tourism as they are being encountered cally stressed, possesses a rich and well-understood archaeo- at four Maya archaeological sites in the state of Quintana Roo. logical landscape, and previous work has supported the aban- Each site offers different challenges and requires different donment hypothesis. solutions. One site, El Altar, is located on the grounds of a Simplified models suggest that settlement viability was public botanical garden already open for tourism. T’isil is lo- governed by altitude, and the abandonment of upland cated on privately owned Rancho Santa Maria whose owner settlements occurred preferentially, with migration to core plans to offer small-scale luxury vacations. The other two ar- areas in the lowlands and the valley floor. Three deep peat chaeological sites, Muyil and Naranjal, are adjacent to small basins were sampled for analysis at locations implied by the Maya communities that view tourism development as an op- archaeological record to be either at core or the periph- portunity to improve their standard of living. Certain material eral settings, allowing continuous measurement of vegeta- improvements must be made at each archaeological site to tion changes associated with prehistoric settlement ex- make it an accessible, meaningful experience for the tourists pansion and contraction. A range of paleoenvironmental who visit. Each site must be monitored since the environ- tools (pollen analysis and peat stratigraphy) including ment, local communities, and archaeological monuments are tephrochronology, radiocarbon dating, and GIS is used to all interconnected in a complex web where negative impacts test models of prehistoric settlement in Scotland, in particu- on one cannot be completely separated from impacts on the lar that economic thresholds were lowered and settlements others. There is some urgency to identify potential problems were abandoned in the LBA. and find solutions since these sites are already targeted for tourism development and plans are proceeding. If these sites can be designed as low-impact, sustainable tourism destina- Mapping the Landscape of Prehistoric Ohio: tions, they will serve as models to encourage conservation practices in the Yucatan as well as in other parts of the world. GIS Analysis of Settlement and Resource Exploitation in Knox County: P. Nick Kardulias and Aaron Fuleki, College of Wooster Archaeology and Economic Development: Is- sues and Opportunities: Arlene K. Fleming, Knox County in central Ohio contains an abundant but World Bank understudied archaeological record. The region lies between two key areas. To the south along the Scioto River and other In developing countries, proliferating construction dimin- major drainages, the Adena and Hopewell cultures constructed ishes the record of mankind’s cultural heritage by damaging numerous impressive earthworks. Many sites in the northern or destroying excavated and hidden archaeological material, part of the state also exhibit such elaborate features in sev- historic structures, sites of living culture, and natural features eral periods. Cyrus Thomas and William Mills, pioneers of with cultural significance. American archaeology, did conduct work in the county in During the past four decades, there have been attempts to the late 19th century. The Kokosing River Basin Archaeo- encourage due attention to cultural resources when undertak- logical Survey (KRBS) began work in the 1970s with a com- ing projects such as dams, roads, irrigation systems, and urban bined strategy of regional survey and excavation in order to upgrading or expansion. UNESCO issued a Recommendation gather data about prehistoric land use, settlement patterns, Concerning the Preservation of Cultural Property Endangered by exchange systems, and technology in eastern Knox County. Public or Private Works in 1968, calling upon member countries From 1991 to 1998, excavation focused on two multicompo- to take protective measures. The World Bank, in 1986, added nent loci, the Acton Site (33KN345), a Middle Archaic to a policy note directing planners of development projects to Late Prehistoric (ca. 5000 B.C.–A.D. 1200) lithic workshop, safeguard cultural property. Environmental assessments, re- and the Millwood Rockshelter (33KN395) with Early Archaic quired by multilateral lending institutions and bilateral donor to Late Woodland deposits (7000 B.C.–A.D. 1000). To place agencies, include procedures for identification and protec- these sites in their regional context, we undertook GIS analy- tion of cultural heritage. However, without strong advocacy, sis of the potential catchment area within a 10 km radius enforcement, operational guidance, adequate information, and around the two loci. We incorporated physiographic features skilled practitioners, these policies have limited effect. (soil type, elevation, aspect, proximity to primary and sec- Recognizing the problem, the World Bank is strengthen- ondary water sources, and distance from major chert quar- ing its policy for safeguarding cultural resources in develop- ries) in the database. The analysis suggests a consistent settle- ment projects by mandating the integration of this work into ment pattern throughout the entire prehistoric sequence. It the environmental impact assessment process. Cultural heri- seems that the shift from Archaic foraging to Woodland hor- tage considerations will become an essential part of project ticulture did not have a major impact on residential mobility, planning, design, and implementation in Bank-financed similar to what some scholars have suggested for other parts projects. This will necessitate accelerated surveying, mapping, of Ohio. and information management. It could lead to a new perspec- 256 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 tive on the management of cultural resources, a holistic, inter- contemporary Roman hydraulic methods with local know-how disciplinary approach, requiring analytical instruments, impact in order to meet its water supply needs, both in times of strife assessment methods, and training in a broad range of skills. and in times of growth, between the Herulian sack and the reign of Justinian.

SESSION 2A: WATER SUPPLY AND USAGE The Water Supply of Roman Carthage: Ex- cavations at the La Malga Cisterns The Roman Aqueduct Bridge at Kemerdere (1999–2001): Hans vanderLeest, Mount Allison Near Ilion (Troy): William Aylward, Univer- University sity of Wisconsin-Madison Set on the northern edge of Roman Carthage, the La Malga cisterns are among the largest reservoir cisterns known Recent investigation of the aqueduct bridge at from the Roman world, with an estimated capacity of at least Kemerdere in northwestern Turkey has clarified the sig- 51,000 m3. The area adjacent to these cisterns contains other nificance of the bridge for Ilion’s water supply during the hydraulic installations, including a branch of the Zaghouan Roman empire. From a source in the Ida Mountains the aqueduct, and it is possible that the area of La Malga func- aqueduct crossed the gorge of the Thymbrios River (Kemer tioned as a major distribution point for the water supply of Su) on a masonry bridge about 12 km east of Ilion. The Roman Carthage. Although extensive remains of the cis- discovery of part of the aqueduct’s underground conduit terns were always known, there has been little archaeologi- between the bridge and Ilion in 1998 confirmed the bridge’s cal investigation of the area. Recent clearing of debris by the connection to the city. The preserved height of the bridge Musée National de Carthage has made the site more acces- above the gorge (ca. 27 m) and the span of the principal sible for archaeological excavation. arch (ca. 16 m) rank the bridge among the largest and most Campaigns undertaken by Mount Allison University in ambitious of its kind. This paper presents the first system- 1999–2001 have concentrated on establishing the limits of atic analysis of the bridge’s construction and date, as well as the cisterns and on recovering evidence for the date of con- its architectural and functional relationship to Ilion’s hy- struction. The main block of the cisterns, made up of the 15 draulic system and known public buildings, which include a parallel barrel-vaulted chambers now visible, was enclosed by monumental nymphaeum and bath. a retaining wall. Investigation of this wall has confirmed that The keystone of the principal arch had a relief bust, the complex never extended beyond it. The transverse cis- which has now weathered beyond recognition. J.M. Cook tern on the southeast side of the main block was clearly (The Troad [Oxford 1973] 116), following earlier commen- added later, although before the construction of the tators, called the bust a portrait of a Julio-Claudian emperor. Zaghouan aqueduct in the second century A.D. When the However, inscriptions normally commemorated patronage aqueduct was built, the ground level at the east corner was of aqueducts and bridges, and the extant comparanda for raised significantly. A short preserved length of a smaller decorated keystones in the East tend to be mythological. A channel at this corner, once thought to be an inlet to supply bust of Apollo would have marked the bridge’s presumed the main cisterns, is in fact connected to a separate hydraulic location near the lost sanctuary of Apollo Thymbraios, which installation constructed east of the cistern complex. was tied to the legendary fall of Troy as the setting for Apollo’s gift of prophecy to Cassandra and Achilles’ abduc- tion and murder of Troilus. The Petra Garden Feasibility Study: Leigh-Ann Bedal, American Center for Oriental Research In Times of Strife and Times of Growth: Wa- As a result of the identification of a pool-complex with a tering Late Roman Athens: Shawna Leigh, In- monumental swimming pool and island-pavilion and an elabo- tercollegiate Center for Classical Studies in rate hydraulic system during a 1998 survey and excavation of Rome the so-called Lower Market at Petra, it was hypothesized that the large earthen terrace (65 × 53 m) adjoining the pool was The “modern” history of the study of the water supply of the site of an ancient garden of the Nabataean-Roman period. Roman Athens began in C.E. 1436, when Cyriacus of Ancona In the summer of 2001, a feasibility study was conducted that recorded the dedicatory inscription of an aqueduct built for was specifically devoted to the preliminary investigation of the the city by the emperors Hadrian and Antoninus Pius (CIL garden terrace. Ground-penetrating radar (GPR) provided a 549). Knowledge of this particular aqueduct has dominated view of the terrace’s subsurface, revealing the layout of archi- subsequent discussions of the hydraulics in Roman Athens, tectural features along the central axis as well as variations in resulting in a tendency to ascribe any piece of Roman water soil stratigraphy. Based on the GPR findings, excavation supply structure to the second-century C.E. system. While no trenches were opened to test the results of GPR, to determine period of the Roman hydraulic system in Athens has hereto- the stratigraphic sequence of the garden terrace, and to iden- fore been well-studied, almost no attention has been given to tify and describe the soils and any architectural and hydraulic this aspect of the urban infrastructure dating after the Herulian features that belong to the Nabataean-Roman garden phase sack of C.E. 267. In this paper I present the combined evi- of the site. Coinciding with the excavations, a number of soil dence from the Athenian Agora, yearly reports of excavations cores were taken in order to determine the site’s stratigraphy throughout the city, and particularly the results of the recent and soil morphology. This paper presents the methodology excavations associated with the Athens Metro project. The and findings of the feasibility study and its implications for data present a picture of a city able to utilize a combination of further study of the Petra pool-complex and garden. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 257 Toilets of Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli (Italy) Work and Freedmen Identity in the First Cen- and Roman Privacy: Gemma C.M. Jansen, Uni- tury A.C.: Michele George, McMaster University versity of Nijmegen, The Netherlands In this paper I examine work scenes in early Imperial Confronted with the large number of Roman communal funerary commemorations to show how negotium, a concept toilets and communal baths, many people conclude that the reviled by Roman elites in the late Republic, became widely present notion of privacy was not available in these times. This accepted in self-representation among nonelites and in par- rather general conclusion can be put into perspective by study- ticular among freedmen. Previous scholarship on this imag- ing the level of privacy in the toilets of the emperor Hadrian’s ery (G. Zimmer, Römische Berufdarstellungen [Berlin 1982]) villa at Tivoli. Here we investigated more than 30 toilets with has focused on the identification of attributes and stylistic two questions in mind: (1) Which people used which toilets? periodization. More attention to the social context is re- (2) How much privacy did these toilets offer? quired, especially to the role of slave experience in the evo- It appeared that there were different levels of privacy for lution of freedmen identity. Initially subordinated to mar- different groups visiting or living at the villa. The soberly fur- ginal decoration on portrait stelae in the Augustan period, nished multiseater toilets for staff members did not provide work scenes rapidly assumed a dominant role in the emer- much privacy and users had no possibility to separate themselves gent collective identity of freedmen and became a legiti- physically from others. However, privacy from passersby was guar- mate visual metaphor for status throughout the Roman em- anteed. The richly decorated single-seat toilets of the emperor pire for nonelite groups of varied status. Two exceptional and his guests, on the other hand, offered more privacy. scenes from Rome (now in Florence) dated to the Claudian The most striking discovery concerned the single-seat toi- period depicting the display of cloth use the wares, the set- lets for guests. Ancient literature reveals that even high offi- ting, and the clients to signal the genteel nature of the cials used multiseaters. The multiseaters detected at several business transaction to bring prestige to the cloth merchant. baths of the villa confirm this. But the occurrence of single- The visual imagery can be directly related to the real social seaters especially for guests indicates that Romans, when they circumstances of Roman freedmen, whose own success often had enough money and enough space, preferred single toi- depended upon the good will of a rich and influential pa- lets and a certain level of privacy. tron. Other reliefs, simpler in composition and utilizing a system of syncopated visual references to work, evince greater independence from social connections and use work more directly as an assertion of social identity and agency. Using SESSION 2B: SOCIAL INTERPRETATIONS OF these contrasting examples, I explore the varying modula- ANCIENT ICONOGRAPHY tions in the earliest monuments which use work as a com- memorative device. Gender and Patronage in Etruscan Art: The Evidence of the Onomastic Mirrors: Alexandra Costume and Social Relations in Palmyra: A. Carpino, Northern Arizona University Maura Keane Heyn, University of California, Los The Etruscans’ onomastic mirrors—artifacts containing in- Angeles scriptions identifying the individuals who either owned, dedi- cated, or received the mirror as a gift—allow scholars inter- In this paper, I examine the costumes depicted in the ested in questions of patronage and gender an important op- funerary portraiture from Palmyra, a caravan city in the Syr- portunity to study these issues in the context of an art form ian desert. Following scholars who analyze the appropriation consistently associated with women. In this paper, these mir- of Roman material culture in the western provinces of the rors form the basis of my analysis of the interpretive models empire, I argue that the adoption or rejection of Roman that have been used in the past to categorize the subjects and styles of dress is related to the struggle for social status in the patrons of this important Etruscan art form. The mirrors’ epi- aftermath of the Roman conquest. graphic evidence indicates that a new interpretative frame- Several hundred relief busts, as well as many banquet re- work is essential, one that not only allows for broader and liefs, have been excavated from tombs that were in use in more diverse perspectives on issues such as gender and owner- the first three centuries A.D. The relief busts were used to ship but also one that moves beyond stereotypes based on seal the loculi in the tombs, while the banquet reliefs usually contemporary cultural values and ideas. In addition, the ono- adorned the lids of the sarcophagi. Most of the males on the mastic mirrors demonstrate the problematic nature of trying relief busts are depicted in the stance and costume of the to distinguish ownership on the basis of iconography alone. Romans. Contrary to the busts, the majority of men who are Since they contain both female and male names, their sub- shown reclining in the banquet reliefs are wearing local dress. jects allow one to understand both the types and range of In the past, scholars have postulated that this choice of the scenes patronized by the Etruscans as well as whether Etruscan local costume reflected a desire to be portrayed in fancier artists created iconographies geared specifically, or even ex- dress. I argue, however, that this selection is related to the clusively, for their female and male clients. Given that men social relations in the city. Those men featured on the sar- claim ownership of mirrors with subjects as diverse as warrior cophagi are clearly important members of society, and their scenes and love affairs, and that women owned artifacts illus- decision not to use the western style of costume is signifi- trating both mythological births and heroic battles, I argue cant. An analysis of the men who chose to be depicted in that a new interpretative model is in order, one that considers local costume as well as a consideration of their activities in the multivalent factors—such as gender, function, and con- the city allows for a more sophisticated understanding of text—that impact a client’s choice of subject matter. their decision. 258 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 Ephebic Imagery on the Gravestones of Ro- SESSION 2C: BRONZE AGE AEGEAN ARCHI- man Attica: Celina Gray, University of Califor- TECTURE nia, Berkeley Aghia Photia, Siteia: Toward the Final Pub- The representations of nude youths clad only in a chlamys stand in marked contrast to the heavily clothed figures which lication of a Unique Site: Metaxia Tsipopoulou, predominate on the gravestones of Roman Attica. While schol- Greek Ministry of Culture ars, most recently von Moock (1998), have often labeled the 2 nude youth in funerary art as an ephebe—the 18 year-old male Sixteen years ago a 600 m rectangular Late Prepalatial enrolled in the ephebate for military and educational train- building, surrounded by a fortification wall, was excavated at ing—there has been little attempt to examine the implica- Aghia Photia, east Crete. Sophisticated features, unknown in tions of such imagery on the gravestones of this period. By Minoan architecture, especially at an early stage, combined framing the memory of the deceased in the visual terms of with absence of prestige artifacts resulted to a significant de- the ephebe, citizens and noncitizens alike could lay claim to gree of uncertainty concerning its interpretation. Conse- a wider Athenian identity regardless of the actual participa- quently, evidence published only in preliminary form was se- tion of the commemorated individual in the ephebate. Since lectively used to support often contradictory hypotheses. A by the late second century B.C. noncitizens were allowed to final season in 1997 added interesting new elements and es- become ephebes, the opportunity to announce publicly their tablished that the site had a more complex history than ini- connection to this institution may have exercised particular tially thought. Limited, yet important, EM remains led us to appeal to foreign residents, as gravestones of Milesian immi- reconsider the possible connection with the well-known cem- grants indicate. etery 200 m to the east, as well as the fortification wall, which Epigrams from the Palatine Anthology and other literary has Early Helladic and Early Cycladic parallels. Although no sources attest to the association between the nude male wear- convincing prototypes are available for the MM I building, its ing the chlamys and the ephebe, while a gravestone from relationship with the rest of Crete and the surrounding area Marathon explicitly uses the inscribed word ephebos in con- are of much interest. Moreover, special organization and cir- junction with a chlamys-clad youth. Likewise, as late as the culation patterns reflect absence of hierarchical rules in func- second century A.C., a group of Athenian reliefs in honor of tion. Two MM IIA circular structures, constructed partially on kosmetai features ephebes that closely resemble the figures the remains of the MM IA building are identifiable as tholos on the gravestones. Thus the image of the ephebe remained tombs, also unknown in eastern Crete. Aghia Photia, failing to a potent symbol for Roman Athens in an environment of conform to any convenient interpretation, can serve as an lively dialogue about what it meant to be an Athenian. example for the lack of the appropriate tools, both theoretical and methodological, towards an understanding of prehistoric Crete after a century of Minoan archaeology. Pannonian Stelae, Romans, and Romanization on the Northern Frontier: Mary T. Boatwright, Reconstructing the Missing Facade of the Duke University Central Court in the Palace at Knossos: Intercisa, Aquincum, Gorsium, and other sites of Roman Joseph W. Shaw, University of Toronto Pannonia now furnish some 200 funerary stelae that com- bine relief and text in their representation of the deceased. When Evans excavated the Palace at Knossos he found the The stelae date roughly from the middle of the first cen- eastern part of the central court eroded down to at least two tury C.E. into the fourth. Many are quite large (originally meters below its original floor level. He also discovered that >2 m H, 0.8 m W), permitting elaborate relief. The more just east of the court was a huge terrace-like cutting within ornate stelae are decorated in zones: the top, often treated which were preserved the Grand Staircase and the Residential architecturally (e.g., as a pediment), surmounts a portrait Quarter. Since then it has been assumed, somewhat vaguely, relief area with the deceased in bust form and on a single that the western walls of these two areas formed the edge of level if multiple; an intermediate zone, frequently with a the court. stock scene (such as a horse-drawn coach or a funeral offer- This presentation offers a different solution, partially based ing), separates the portraits from the accompanying Latin on comparative analysis with the courts of the other Minoan epitaph. Regardless of origin, men are togate or in military palaces. Specifically, the proposal is made that fronting the dress. Many of the women, however, are in indigenous court here was a long pillared portico of two adjoining sec- “Norico-Pannonian” costume, even when shown alongside tions. The first, northern, section of reconstruction is based togate husbands and/or identified epigraphically as Roman on Doll and Evans’s restoration of an East Hall. South of the citizens. Hall was the Grand Staircase, presumably with an entrance These stelae have never been investigated comprehen- leading down to it from the Central Court. Such an entrance sively in the context of self-identity along the Roman fron- can be convincingly established by the fact that all major areas tier. Saller and Shaw used the texts alone in their general bordering Minoan central courts could be reached directly affirmation of the overwhelming importance of the Roman from them. Yet, the entrance must have been covered (hence “nuclear” family (JRS 1984; contended by Roxan [1991], the beginning of the second stretch of the proposed portico), again without visuals). O. Harl (1993) compiled examples for otherwise the Grand Staircase would have been flooded by of women with indigenous dress and names to argue for runoff water during the rains. The portico continued south, to enduring Celtic matriarchal tendencies. Seen as a whole, the end of the court. however, the stelae evince a more nuanced, inclusive self- The proposed restoration finds support from parallels of identification along this oft-overrun border. similar arrangements alongside other palatial courts (e.g., 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 259

Phaistos, Malia, Kato Zakros, Galatas), some discovered after of some of the past interpretations, although the initial results Evans’s time. Moreover, the newly proposed arrangement re- confirm many of the earlier findings, most significantly of sults in general proportions of court length to width that con- which is the importance of the architectural and ceramic evi- form better with those of the other palaces. The odd propor- dence dating to LH IIIA2, a period to which few “physical” tions of the court as now seen were first brought to my atten- remains can be assigned, especially at Mycenae. tion by one of my graduate students (Arron Lowe), a remark that prompted me to undertake this investigation. Building Status in the West House Group at A Proposed Reconstruction of the Upper Mycenae: Bryan E. Burns, University of South- Story of the South House at Knossos: Jane ern California F. Lloyd, William Paterson University of New The West House group of Late Helladic structures at Jersey Mycenae is traditionally understood as four separate houses, collectively labeled the “Ivory Houses.” The buildings’ loca- Reconstructions of the South House at Knossos and other tion outside the citadel, complex architectural form, and un- early Neopalatial Minoan houses as block-shaped multistory usually varied contents—ranging from cooking pots and trans- structures are based on contemporary Aegean images and port vessels to luxury imports and Linear B tablets—indicate models. This paper reexamines the evidence for upper stories. their multifunctional and elite character. It remains unclear, Upper stories preserved in the West House and Xeste 3 on and much debated, to what degree the palatial authority con- Thera and evidence for upper stories in houses on Crete indi- trolled these buildings, as well as the people and activities they cate that the plans of any upper stories in Theran and Minoan housed. In this paper, I concentrate on the architecture of houses are directly related to the ground floor plans of the the buildings with an argument that the physical structures houses. Mid-second millennium B.C. Aegean and Egyptian were part of the occupants’ attempt to enhance their stand- images and models of buildings give little information about ing in a palatial context. the existence, form, and extent of upper stories but do sug- Previous scholarly attention to the architecture has resulted gest that roofs could be used as terraces. The minimum thick- in numerous schemes for the details of entrance and circula- ness of bearing walls carrying an upper story is estimated from tion. My examination is of a more comprehensive nature, modern building codes. The bearing walls of Theran houses beginning with the preserved remains, rather than the simpli- with upper stories and Minoan houses with evidence for upper fied restorations offered by the excavators, and presenting a stories tend to be thicker than this estimated minimum. Mul- new interpretation of building history and spatial dynamics. tistory Theran houses are freestanding. Minoan houses with Apprehending the construction sequence as a series of ex- possible upper stories were supported against one side of a pansions of a single complex, rather than the creation of self- cutting or terraces stepped into a slope. Stairways and fallen contained houses, more accurately reflects the buildings’ asso- objects and building debris are not necessarily reliable indica- ciation. Recognizing the addition of functionally specific spaces tors of an upper story. A reconstruction of the South House and growing monumentality over time encourages theories of with a partial upper story of one or two rooms is presented the occupants’ commercial and self-aggrandizing goals. The based on this evidence. implications of this study for elite and factional group identity in Mycenaean society are carried further through brief com- parison with other extrapalatial structures at Mycenae and The Reopening of Petsas House: The Study other citadel sites of the Peloponnese. of a Ceramic Warehouse and the New Ex- cavation at Mycenae: Kim S. Shelton, Greek Archaeological Society SESSION 2D: GREEK VASE PAINTING AND This report presents the findings of the initial season of ICONOGRAPHY the Greek Archaeological Society’s new excavation at Mycenae under the general direction of Dr. Spyros Iakovidis in the area known as “Petsas House.” It also includes details of the mate- The Diffusion of the Protogeometric Style rial under study for publication from the partial investigation of Pottery in the Peloponnese: Mary E. by Papadimitriou and Petsas in 1950 and 1951 (Prakt [1950] Voyatzis, University of Arizona 203–33; [1951] 192–6, pl. III) that led to the new project. The building complex, as first cleared, consists of two parallel According to the conventional view, the Protogeometric rows of basement rooms situated along a terraced slope. Most style of pottery originated in Athens and was subsequently of these basement areas were used as storerooms for new (un- adopted in numerous regions throughout the Greek world. used) pottery vessels, which were found broken on the floors Protogeometric pottery (influenced by Athens either directly having fallen from shelves where they were originally arranged or indirectly) was produced in such areas as Euboeia, Thessaly, by shape and size. More than 500 vases and 150 figurines have the Argolid, the Corinthia, and Asia Minor. The telltale deco- been identified so far, dating the building’s final use and ration of compass-drawn concentric circles and new, improved destruction by fire to the LH IIIA2 period (later 14th century shapes provide textbook examples of what the new style of B.C.). The first season of the new excavation revealed much pottery looked like. Some areas did not adopt the new style, more of the building’s plan, including an extensive entrance however. These regions are often considered somewhat pro- and several ground floor rooms, while the material recovered vincial and untypical in terms of their ceramic development. I adds to our knowledge of the settlement and its relationship believe that a fresh examination of Early Iron Age ceramic to the citadel. These finds lead us to a complete reevaluation assemblages from the Peloponnese in particular presents a 260 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 different picture: that Attic-influenced Protogeometric style society. The “Mastery of Animals” composition is used as a pottery was the exception rather than the rule. Although vehicle for exploring the reception of oriental iconography in standard Protogeometric pottery can be observed in the Argolid early Crete, where the earliest Iron Age Greek examples ap- and the Corinthia, the rest of the Peloponnese reveals many pear. The composition’s model is manifestly Mesopotamian in regional variations, from Achaea, Elis, Messenia, and Laconia. origin and can be traced in early Iron Age art from Mesopotamia From ancient Arcadia virtually no Early Iron Age pottery was to the coast of Syria-Palestine, the source for many of the uncovered, except from the Sanctuary of Athena Alea at Tegea, orientalizing elements in Greek art. where recent excavations have yielded large amounts of stan- The early manifestations of the Mistress and Master of Ani- dard Protogeometric as well as equally large amounts of Laconian mals fall into two distinctive groups. The first includes those style pottery. It appears that Tegea’s proximity to the Argolid compositions that follow their Near Eastern models very closely exposed the site to the latest ceramic trends, but at the same in style as well as scheme. Analysis of the typology and medium time, her proximity to Laconia admitted the distinctive of the objects on which these compositions appear also demon- Laconian style of pottery into her sphere, thus extending its strates that the function of the model is as important in the distribution much further north than previously realized. In reception process as the artistic elements. The second group short, the spread of the standard Protogeometric style of pot- includes variants of the composition that retain the overall con- tery seems to have been largely concentrated in the north- cept of “mastery of animals” but with adaptations befitting in- eastern part of the Peloponnese. I conclude that the various digenous tastes. other styles of pottery from this region deserve study, not only By contrast, in the seventh century, a period in which the in relation to the Attic sequence, but also in their own right, contact with “foreign” cultures was much wider, the adaptations and should be recognized, not as peripheral or atypical works, tend to differ significantly from their Near Eastern models. The but as part of the rich tapestry of regional styles that comprised symmetrical scheme and some of the animals of the originals Peloponnesian ceramics in the Early Iron Age. are retained, but the end product is very Hellenic in flavor.

The Dance of Ares: Dancing Warriors in The Appropriation of Narrative Art in Early Early Archaic Vase Painting: Lisa Buboltz, Greek Poetry: The Case of Archilochus: Harvard University Kristen Seaman, University of California, Berkeley

This paper discusses images of warriors participating in a The birth of narrative in early Greek art is commonly attrib- relatively peaceful activity—dance. The association between uted to textual influence, and the earliest narrative images are war and dance is well-known in Greek literature; this paper often discussed as straightforward illustrations of the Homeric explores a variant of this connection in vase painting of the epics. But in this paper, I explore the possibility of the reverse late eighth and early seventh centuries B.C., a period in which phenomenon—the appropriation of artistic imagery in early the visual theme of dancing warriors becomes unusually promi- Greek poetry. In his discussion of Desire (fr. 191), Archilochus nent. This paper suggests that the popularity of this theme alludes to Odysseus’s flight from the Cyclopes under the belly reflects two recent developments—the polis and hoplite war- of a ram. The phrase π καρδην υσθες both adapts the fare—both of which place a new emphasis on community and specific language of the Odyssey (9.432) and recalls the images cooperation. of the curled-up Odysseus present in seventh-century mate- The chronological and geographical range of the images rial culture (e.g., the Ram Jug). Archilochus therefore makes support the contention that the dancing warrior theme is Desire vivid for his audience by not only infusing it with physi- particularly popular in regions that exhibit early and strong cality but also appealing to the sense of sight, participating in polis development, such as Athens and Argos. It also implies what later classical theorists would call ργεια (pictorial vivid- that the dancing warrior theme was employed in at least two ness), φαντασα (visualization), and κφρασις (description). ways: as a model for young men, and as a emblem for the The preexisting artistic representations of Odysseus’s flight virtuous adult male citizen. would have undoubtedly facilitated the audience’s visualiza- In late eighth-century vase painting, the dancing warrior tion. And, although Archilochus does not offer an explicit begins to replace the fighting or mourning warrior. This ex- ekphrasis, the phrase π καρδην υσθες functions in an presses some fundamental changes in archaic Greek society. ekphrastic manner, for it provides an overall pause in the By celebrating both the aggressive qualities of the warrior and action, prompting the audience to recall, indeed ponder, the the more civil and cooperative skills of the dancer, the image image of Odysseus—and to consider the ways in which Desire of the dancing warrior presents a new paradigm for the Greek and Odysseus are analogously deceitful. This example thus male: the soldier who creates and cooperates, as well as de- demonstrates that the relationship of art and text is not as fends and destroys. uncomplicated as it often seems and, moreover, affirms the constructive roles that images play in early Greek culture. Oriental and Orientalizing in the Ninth and Eighth Centuries: The Case of the “Mas- Spectator Typology in Archaic Greek Art: tery of Animals” Composition: Alison E. Mark D. Stansbury-O’Donnell, University of St. Barclay, University of Toronto Thomas

Hard evidence for early Iron Age contact between the an- The presence of spectators or onlookers in narrative scenes, cient Near East and the Aegean is limited to a few sites: nota- especially in vase painting, has long been noted by scholars. bly, Lefkandi, Athens, and Crete. Analysis of the “oriental” H.A.G. Bridjer catalogued the characteristics of spectators in models and orientalizing art here yields interesting insights some early Attic cup painters, but there has not been a system- concerning the reception of Near Eastern culture in Greek atic study of the structural role of the spectator in the narra- 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 261 tive. Using theory about narrative microstructure, one can Is the situation so simple? In this paper, I explore the uses define four categories and six different types of spectator (and abuses) of auloi in Athenian iconography, in an attempt based on their structural role within the image. These include: to define prevailing opinions about the instrument. Rather (1) invested spectators: generally the figure serves as a catalyst than a universal condemnation of the aulos, the imagery re- in the narrative, overseeing the action; (2) interested specta- veals a degree of acceptance, but a certain wariness too. While tors: these figures are catalysts, but do not play a role in over- Muses were shown with auloi in hand suggesting the proper seeing the action. Their role as an index is weaker; (3) de- usage of the instrument, at the same time representations of tached spectators: these figures are catalysts, but could also be Marsyas urged caution. The questions surrounding auloi in seen as participating indirectly in the nucleus. They are, how- the Classical period were a product of new developments in ever, removed from the space or time of the narrative nucleus; musical theory at this time, a growing belief that music had and (4) pure spectators: these figures are not catalysts since immense power to influence moral character and actions. they are not involved in the action; when they perform ac- tions, it is typically amongst themselves. There are three sub- categories of these: (a) mimetic: actions mirror those of the Bridging Love and Death: A Special Apulian narrative nucleus; (b) reactive: actions respond to the narra- Musical Instrument: Gina Salapata, Massey tive nucleus; and (c) inert: little response to the nucleus, little action within the figure. University, New Zealand This categorization of onlookers opens up possibilities for A ladder-shaped musical instrument, often depicted on south analyzing the relationship between the viewer and the image, Italian, mainly Apulian, vases is commonly, if mistakenly, re- and indicates the importance of theories regarding the gaze ferred to as a “xylophone” or an “Apulian sistrum.” This instru- and of cultural poetics in their eventual interpretation. ment, almost exclusively associated with women, is found in both erotic/nuptial and funerary scenes. Unknown in main- The Golden Eagles of Zeus: Pindar and the land Greece, it had a long tradition in Magna Graecia, as shown by bronze forerunners from the eighth century B.C., which Aktaeon Krater by the Painter of the were in turn derived from Near Eastern prototypes. It is very Woolly Satyrs: Jennifer Udell, Hunter College likely that the instrument passed directly from East to West via the Phoenicians together with the ceremonies it accompanied. This paper addresses the possible influence of the Pindaric On the basis of its eastern origins, its almost exclusive asso- odes upon contemporary fifth-century Athenian vase paint- ciation with women, and its appearance in both erotic and ing. The focus is upon a krater in the Louvre by the Painter of funerary scenes, I argue that this special instrument was par- the Woolly Satyrs (ca. 450–440 B.C.), which depicts the death ticularly associated with, and perhaps even originated in, the of Aktaeon. I suggest that certain unusual details present in Adonia, an eastern festival in honor of Aphrodite and Adonis, this specific portrayal of the Aktaeon myth are perhaps visual celebrated only by women all over the Mediterranean. The reflections of Pindar’s Pythian 4. This vase painting is not con- ritual for Adonis, notorious for his affair with the love goddess sidered an “illustration” of the ode, but rather one that may but also for his premature tragic death, included both joyful, have derived some of its pictorial detail from the visual imagery sensual celebrations for the union of the divinities and exag- of Pindar’s poetry, specifically the descriptive phrase “the gerated manifestations of grief over their separation. golden eagles of Zeus” (Pyth. 4.1–5), which I believe may find The dual association of Adonis with love and death, in both its graphic counterpart on the krater by the Painter of the myth and cult, may have bestowed upon this special Apulian Woolly Satyrs. The argument finds additional support in both instrument a multivalent symbolism appropriate to both erotic/ the tendency of the Greek vase painter, at times, to draw nuptial and funerary contexts. Furthermore, the ritual return inspiration from literary themes, as the many extant examples of Adonis to life, celebrated each year, may have endowed it of the Homeric epics depicted on pots demonstrate, as well as with eschatological connotations carrying allusions to rebirth; the acknowledgement of Pindar’s expansive reputation, which it would have thus appropriately been included in funerary may have exposed his poetry to the largest possible audience, scenes, symbolizing the start of a new life at Elysion. including vase painters. For instance, the widespread fame enjoyed by Pindar during his career is suggested by the re- gional diversity of those whom he claimed as patrons. Of the 45 victory odes composed by the poet, himself born in Thebes SESSION 2E: ARCHAEOLOGY OF CULT (ca. 518 B.C.), only a fraction were commissioned by Thebans, compared to the many poems he composed on behalf of cli- ents from Sicily, Aigina, and other cities in mainland Greece. New Evidence for the Geological Origin of the Delphic Oracle: Active Faults, Gas- Another Look at the Aulos: Sheramy D. eous Emissions, and Architectural Anoma- Bundrick, University of Missouri-Columbia lies in the Temple of Apollo: John R. Hale, University of Louisville, Jelle de Boer, Wesleyan In the fourth century B.C., both Plato and Aristotle speak disparagingly of the aulos, the most important Greek wind University, Jeffrey Chanton, Florida State Univer- instrument. Plato would prefer to ban the aulos from his ideal sity, and Henry Spiller, M.D., Kentucky Regional city (Republic 399d), while Aristotle decries it as being “not a Poison Center moral instrument but rather one that excites the emotions” (Politics 1341a). Based on the testimony of these authors, it is This report presents the results of a five-year interdiscipli- tempting to characterize the aulos in Athens as a forbidden, nary study of geological features and archaeological remains rejected object, one that was felt suitable only for satyrs, pros- linked to the oracular cult at Delphi. The research team in- titutes, and other “outsiders.” cluded a geologist, an archaeologist, a chemist, and a toxicolo- 262 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 gist. Beginning in 1996, the team identified and mapped geo- The paper begins with a brief overview of the literary and logical faults at Delphi, conducted a field survey of ancient epigraphic evidence for sacerdotal houses. The textual evi- structures associated with those faults, and analyzed samples of dence indicates that, at some sites, their form and function spring water and travertine rock to detect both ancient and were analogous to those of private houses, while, elsewhere, modern gaseous emissions. The study concluded with research they more closely resembled buildings which sheltered large into the physiological and psychological effects of the gases groups of unrelated people, such as ancient hostels and identified at Delphi. prytaneia. Archaeological examples, which have been identi- Evidence derived from fieldwork and laboratory analysis indi- fied on the basis of texts, such as the Theokoleon at Olympia, cates that the Apollo temple was built on bituminous limestone give further support to these observations. From the evidence, in a zone of cross-faulting, where the intersection of active I suggest possible archaeological correlates for buildings used faults provided pathways through which groundwater and gases to house personnel. rose to the surface. A previously undocumented NW–SE fault, In the second part of the paper, I discuss the archaeological designated the “Kerna” fault, runs through the sanctuary and evidence at two sites for which we have little textual evidence: under the temple. Its line coincides with an alcove on the south the building near the temple of Apollo on Cape Zoster in Attica side of the cella and an elaborate conduit for spring water built and the building near the propylon at the Aphaia sanctuary on into the foundation. Emissions of light hydrocarbon gases, in- Aigina. The excavators of both sites originally identified the cluding the sweet-smelling intoxicant ethylene, occurred along buildings as priest houses, but their identifications have since this fault. Ethylene can induce either a euphoric trance state or been challenged. I argue that the architectural remains, associ- (more rarely) a violent delirium. The scientific evidence thus ated finds, and probable reconstructions of cult practices at suggests that Plutarch, Pausanias, Diodorus, Strabo, and other both sites fit the observations presented in the first part of the ancient authors accurately recorded the unusual geological situ- paper and conclude that we cannot dismiss the possibility that ation at Delphi, and understood its relation to the siting and these buildings were used for housing personnel. design of the Apollo temple, the behavior of the Pythia, and other aspects of the oracular cult. Filling Up the Greek Temple: Josephine Shaya, University of Michigan A Preliminary Report on Excavations in the Hero Shrine at Nemea, 1997–2001: Jorge J. The Lindian temple chronicle is a monumental inscrip- Bravo, III, University of California, Berkeley tion that includes both an inventory of ancient votive offer- ings (such as gifts from Herakles, Helen of Troy, and Excavations at Nemea, under the direction of Stephen G. Alexander the Great) said to have once been possessed but Miller of the University of California at Berkeley, were carried then lost by the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos as well as out during the summers of 1997 through 2001. A major focus accounts of four epiphanies of Athena. It is our most detailed was the excavation of the hero shrine discovered in 1978 source for the perceptions and uses of antiquities in the late (S.G. Miller, ed., Nemea: A Guide to the Site and Museum [Berke- Hellenistic period. ley 1990] 104–10). Work on the shrine has significantly clari- This paper elaborates the relationship of the inscription fied the nature and chronology of the shrine, particularly in with the temple of Athena at Lindos and its treasures. It exam- its earlier, Archaic phase. In the Archaic period the shrine ines both the Lindian archaeological record and the chronicle occupied an extensive, artificially constructed earthen mound for what they reveal about where and how the stele was dis- having pronounced sloping sides that were supported and played. It argues that the inscription transformed the existing demarcated by rubble features. While the western, southern, temple treasures into placeholders for the lost ones. Viewed in and eastern limits of the mound correspond approximately to light of the stele, these treasures became shadows of ancient the limits of the later hero shrine enclosure, the mound has and renowned offering, a kind of second-rate cast of charac- been determined to extend northward as a kind of ridged ters performing the same play. There may have been little embankment for well over 100 m. The shrine was bounded in ancient to see in the temple of Athena at Lindos in the first part by the Nemea River and by roadways. Numerous votives, century B.C., but the stele, as a historical marker, made the especially drinking vessels, were incorporated into the con- building and its contents resonate with memories of what had struction of the shrine’s perimeter. Exploration below the once been there. Archaic shrine has yielded some earlier material, but no evi- dence of earlier cult activity. The shrine thus seems to be a new foundation of the sixth century B.C., perhaps to be as- The Use of Pottery in Ritual at Ilion Dur- sociated with the organization of the Nemean Games as a ing the Archaic Period: Carolyn Aslan, Koç Panhellenic festival. The findings suggest a possible close as- sociation between the shrine and the athletic competitions of University, Turkey the Games in all periods of the shrine’s use. Recent excavations at the site of Ilion have compiled new evidence for Archaic period activity in the sanctuary area on the western side of the mound. One focal point in the sanctu- The Archaeology of the “Priest’s House” ary is a stone structure called “Altar B.” The area around Altar B and the Houses of Cape Zoster and Aigina: contained deposits of primarily late seventh- to sixth-century Deborah Elizabeth Brown, Bryn Mawr College B.C. pottery, including imported and local fine wares, as well as coarse and gray wares. In particular, numerous fragments of Not infrequently, excavators of ancient Greek cult sites have small cups and bowls decorated with swans dominate the as- labeled buildings that are clearly not temples, propyla, or stoas semblage. Although such vessels are not limited to Ilion, their as “priests’ houses.” Because of the nonmonumental character concentration and quantity around Altar B points to a special of these buildings, scholars have rarely examined the evidence meaning for the decoration, and to the actual use of these in support of or in opposition to these identifications. vessels as part of the ritual. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 263

Tralles Inscription BCH 1883 (#19): Inter- Athienou Archaeological Project, 2001: The pretation and Consequences in the Study 12th Season of Investigations at Athienou- of Sacred Prostitution: Stephanie Lynn Budin, MALLOURA, Cyprus: Michael K. Toumazou, University of Pennsylvania Davidson College, P. Nick Kardulias, College of This paper is an examination of a late second-century C.E. Wooster, and Derek B. Counts, Tufts University inscription from Tralles, Turkey and the effects that its publi- cation have had on the study of sacred prostitution in the Following a study season in the summer of 2000, AAP, modern literature. The inscription itself comes from an anath- sponsored by Davidson College and financed through a NSF- ema dedicated to Zeus by a woman named Aurelia Aimelia REU grant, conducted its 12th season of investigations at upon completing (apparently) her career as a courtesan and Athienou-Malloura between June 1 and July 21. Our work “according to the oracle.” involved some 40 individuals representing 17 U.S. and for- While the text itself seems to be quite straightforward, eign institutions. preexisting assumptions about sacred prostitution have, Recent extensive trenching through the Malloura valley throughout the years, added subtexts and imaginative inter- by the Cyprus Department of Public Works for the laying of pretations to this brief inscription. Ramsay (“Unedited In- water pipes provided us with an opportunity to gain supple- scriptions of Asia Minor,” BCH 7 [1883] 276–7) himself began mentary information on the geomorphology and human use this trend by translating Aurelia’s profession (παλλακη) as of the valley. Three deeply buried chamber tombs were dis- “sacred prostitute.” This creative interpretation of the vocabu- covered and excavated in an area previously unsuspected to lary then came to influence, among others, Liddell and Scott have contained burials. Though poor and architecturally un- in their Greek-English Lexicon and the Oxford Classical Dictio- impressive, they belong to an unknown cemetery separate nary. In the end, this short inscription has insinuated its way from that along the east slope of Maghara Tepesi. into the sources for the study of sacred prostitution in spite of The rural sanctuary continued to be the main focus of our the fact that, as I argue, it has nothing to do with sacred investigations. Excavation continued at basal levels in previ- prostitution at all. ously investigated areas (EUs 10 and 24). In the latter, sev- The paper is composed of two parts. The first part addresses eral segments of Archaic walls built on bedrock and in align- the text of the inscription itself and a close comparandum, for ment with previously identified walls were discovered. Two a complete appreciation of what exactly might be derived from new areas (EUs 28 and 30) were opened up to the north in its vocabulary and context. The second part considers the search of the elusive altar and the north peribolos of the myths and misconceptions which have surrounded this dedi- temenos. EU 28 proved to be especially rich in finds but cation, with a primary focus on the methodology/-ies em- heavily disturbed by looters; several ashlar blocks, seemingly ployed in the study of sacred prostitution in the classical world. in situ, need to be investigated further. EU 30 is much less The paper ends with a new methodology for the study of disturbed and promises to be productive during next year’s sacred prostitution in the classical world. excavations. This year’s range of finds comprises fragmen- tary limestone statuary, terracotta figurines, ceramic vessels and lamps, limestone utensils, and coins. Some of the most The Local Cult of Demeter in Cilicia: New noteworthy finds include a fine wreathed votary head (Clas- Sculptural Depictions: As¸e Çalik-Ross, sical), a bronze statuette arm, a helmeted terracotta warrior (Archaic) with shield slung on his back, and a ring bezel with Anadolu University, Turkey a male figure and two (?) goats. In terms of site preservation and consolidation several Representations of Demeter on coins from Cilician cities, important tasks were undertaken: the sanctuary’s south and various forms of epigraphical evidence suggest that peribolos was pointed; a large protective shelter was built Demeter was one of the better-known deities in Cilicia during over the two adjacent water cisterns excavated at Maghara the Greco-Roman period. Tepesi; and a wooden staircase was constructed providing In recent research in the area, sculptural depictions of easy access to T.27 whose original rock-cut stepped dromos Demeter have also been found. A half-statue of a fertility was partially destroyed. goddess, discovered in the vicinity of Flaviopolis, reflects an alternative way of representing the deity, enabling her to be distinguished from Hecate and Artemis Perasia. The goddess, who is veiled, wears a polos and is adorned with a necklace. She holds a torch in one hand, and ears of corn and an olive SESSION 2F: AIA/APA JOINT COLLOQUIUM: branch in the other. There is a similar depiction from the THE ROMANS AT TABLE: PERSPECTIVES same area, again veiled, in which Demeter holds a long torch. ON BANQUETING In addition to these two representations, a bust of a woman with comparable features was found in the same part of Cilicia, with an inscription confirming its dedication to Demeter. Horizontal Women: Sex and the Ideology of The sculptural finds and epigraphical evidence indicate the Convivial Posture at Rome: Matthew B. Roller, existence of a local sacred place for Demeter, during at least Johns Hopkins University the second half of the second century and the third century A.D. Previously, representations of goddesses with a similar Historians assert that Roman republican women normally appearance emerged mainly from the southern part of Anatolia, dined seated as their menfolk reclined, while imperial women and they were regarded as Kybele. The overall style of these reclined like men. Reconsideration is necessary. Based mainly representations of Demeter seems to be a fusion of the Greek on two oft-cited texts (Val. Max. 2.1.2; Isid. 20.11.9), this tradition with indigenous Anatolian ones, in that they bear assertion ignores much countervailing textual and visual evi- traces of Hittite and Phrygian stylization, as well as displaying dence. Moreover, it neglects the interpenetration of dining typical characteristics of Cilician style. posture with other social practices and tensions, which made 264 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 posture meaningful and suggest particular rationales for its Dining with Nature: Roman Villas and the representation. Architectural Setting of the C ENA: Jeremy I survey the evidence for women’s convivial posture through the Antonine period, as represented in (mostly Rossiter, University of Alberta elite) literary texts, on freedmen’s funerary monuments from Rome, and in Campanian wallpaintings, whose intended Roman literature provides ample evidence for dining cer- viewers varied in status. The texts overwhelmingly suggest emonies at the villas of the rich, but how were the villas them- that, in all periods, women of diverse statuses dined reclin- selves designed to accommodate these ceremonies? Recent ing alongside men to whom they were sexually connected; archaeological evidence from villa excavations in Italy and the all three forms of evidence (texts and paintings especially) western provinces is examined to show how architects com- show that this posture was erotically charged and might bined practical and aesthetic considerations to create appro- indicate that such women were also more widely sexually priate contexts for the formal Roman cena. Practical consider- available. Conversely, some texts and funerary monuments ations included the need to accommodate a variety of dining portray women dining seated alongside reclining men; this room furnishings, the demands of dining room “theatre,” and posture likely connotes chastity. But the texts locate this the need to provide a comfortable environment in different practice in the remote past or among foreigners, and the seasonal conditions. Aesthetic interests encouraged the use monuments aim to stress a legitimate, exclusive marriage of garden settings and natural vistas and led to the employ- connection—freedmen’s special concern. Thus seated ment of striking imagery in dining room interiors, in both women, though their image is ideologically potent, are spe- permanent features (floors and walls) and portable fixtures cial cases. (cushions, tapestries, etc.) The architectural response to these My survey indicates that women of every status commonly different interests reflected both the individual tastes and dined reclining, even during the Republic. More interest- resources of the villa owner and local building traditions. A ingly, it reveals an ideological link between posture and range of architectural solutions is presented here to illustrate sexuality, which may affect the representations of women’s both the common elements and the diversity of dining room dining posture more than actual social practice does. design in Roman villas. Examples used are mainly from re- cently excavated (and probably less well-known) villa sites. Villas to be discussed include the Late Roman villa at Gamzigrad Eating and Political Image Making: The Ban- in Serbia (Srejovic 1993), the newly excavated villas at Romana do Rabaçal and at Carranque in Spain, the villa at Desenzano quets of the Emperor Domitian: John F. in Italy, and the villas at Lalonquette and Seviac in Gaul. Ex- Donahue, College of William and Mary amination of these and other villas will focus on spaces in- tended specifically for dining, noting in particular their siting Abstract not available. and orientation, their interior arrangements and decoration, and their construction materials. The paper aims to update earlier discussions of dining architecture in Roman villas (Ellis The Waiting Servant in Later Roman Art: 1991; Rossiter 1991; Dunbabin 1996) by drawing attention to Katherine M.D. Dunbabin, McMaster University a number of new villa excavations which provide important additional information about the physical environment of the Literary and epigraphic sources from the early empire Roman cena. attest to the importance attached to the presence of a large staff of specialized servants at the banquets of the wealthy, and to their elegant appearance and sophisticated training. Teaching Eating: Susan E. Alcock, University of In contrast, banquet scenes in the art of this period, such as Michigan the paintings at Pompeii and Herculaneum, place little em- phasis upon the servants who appear in them: they are This paper seeks to complement the other presentations in comparatively insignificant figures who perform essential this session by outlining some of the advantages of “teaching functions such as bearing cups and jugs of wine. In contrast, eating”—that is, the use of food and dining as the pedagogical by the later empire the waiting servants have become an focus in undergraduate courses in archaeology and classics. By object of interest in their own right, used to convey mes- its very nature, of course, the topic itself is capable of winning sages of the wealth and status of the owners and of the students’ immediate attention, and it thus offers one valuable lavishness of the hospitality that they offer their guests. In means of attracting students with little or no prior exposure to the third-century Schola Praeconum in Rome, the wall paint- the ancient world into taking courses in classics (a matter of ings simply show rows of servants bearing objects against an ever-growing concern for all of us). architectural background, ready to greet and serve the en- The study of food raises many themes important in trying tering guests; while the fourth-century paintings from the to understand the ancient world, while also affording opportu- Casa sul Celio in Rome present elaborately dressed figures nities for deploying a very varied set of sources and method- of servants offering wine and large plates laden with food, ologies. It is possible to move from conditions of agricultural apparently without any representation of the banquet it- production to issues of diet and health; gender, morality, power, self. Similar figures are found on mosaics and sarcophagi, religion, and sex naturally all have important parts to play. In and a range of iconographical types is developed to convey this light, ancient Roman feasting—the specific subject of the various differentiated roles that they serve. The paper the present session—represents an especially fruitful topic for studies the iconographical sources of these figures, and analysis. One can observe and assess the dynamics of host and compares the use of processions of servants in contexts guest, of slave and free, and of male and female, by bringing outside the banquet, as part of the general representation into the discussion a very wide range of textual, art historical, of the life of luxury. and archaeological information. And, as everywhere with the 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 265 study of food and “foodways,” there is the ubiquitous obbligato Mesopotamian civilization with that now being carried out in of modern experience (their own dinner parties) against which other world areas where pristine transitions took place from students can map the distance between the world of ancient food-producing “Neolithic” lifeways to urbanized, state-based Rome and that of their own experience. civilizations.

The Land Behind Uruk: Hans J. Nissen, The Free SESSION 2G: WORKSHOP: PRACTICAL FIELD University of Berlin, Germany COMPUTING By now, archaeological surface surveys have become an es- Several AIA workshops in the last few years have focused on tablished line of investigation in Mesopotamian archaeology, showcasing new technologies, and others have focused on and in the Near East in general. Since they have been intro- the more abstract aspects of digital archiving and computer duced to Mesopotamia Robert McC. Adams has been most use. Few, however, have focused on the practical uses of tech- active and influential in carrying them through as a powerful nology in fieldwork and publishing. This workshop fills this tool. While before research was concentrated on excavating gap. Each 40-minute paper will demonstrate one specific skill towns and cities, neglecting their countryside and thus one of or task. their most important constituents, the new tool opened the The goals of the workshop are to reach the widest possible way for a new understanding of the political context. In this audience and to ensure that participants leave the workshop sense, the survey of the Uruk countryside proved particularly with both the knowledge and the tools needed to perform fruitful because of the mass of information already accumu- specific computer-related tasks. In order to obtain these goals, lated by the many years of archaeological investigation within the workshop format is as follows: (1) all demonstrations are the city limits. Together with subsequent surveys this new presented on desktop software (Mac OS or Windows), which approach has since led to changing our concept of ensures that the demonstrations are of practical use to as many Mesopotamian history. participants as possible; (2) each paper focuses on a single task, and demonstrates all procedures necessary to complete the task; and (3) we will provide participants with a CD-ROM Distant Lands: Adapting Regional Archaeo- containing tutorial files and software demos. logical Survey to the Study of Other The following is a list of titles and software: (1) “Rapid Ceramic Vector Illustrations for Publication” (Freehand and Civilizations: Henry T. Wright, University of Illustrator); (2) “Relational Databases: Recording Your Pottery Michigan and Small Finds” (Filemaker Pro); and (3) “GIS and Adaptive Sampling Strategies: Improving the Efficiency of Pedestrian New landscapes have challenged survey archaeologists to Survey” (ArcView with Avenue scripts). transform regional studies. Even as Adams himself is develop- Panel: John Wallrodt, University of Cincinnati; Sebastian ing new approaches to Mesopotamia, his colleagues and stu- Heath, American Numismatic Society; James Conolly, Univer- dents and their students are on the ground in such diverse sity College London, U.K. locales as highland Peru, central Mexico, central Madagascar, eastern Pakistan, and central China. In addition to applying new technologies, survey archaeologists are making new inte- grations of the evidence from documents and excavations, and using new assumptions based in different philosophical SESSION 2H: COLLOQUIUM: GOLD MEDAL perspectives. This presentation will illustrate a few of these SESSION IN HONOR OF ROBERT McC. recent efforts. ADAMS

From Jarmo to Sumer: The Urban Revolution Environment and Irrigation Systems in in Southern Mesopotamia: Patty Jo Watson, Greater Mesopotamia: Tony J. Wilkinson, The Washington University in St. Louis Oriental Institute, University of Chicago

Robert McC. Adams’s archaeological career began with field- In the area of greater Mesopotamia irrigation systems have work at the 8,500 year-old agropastoral village of Jarmo, north a remarkably long history, and more than anyone else Robert Iraq, in 1950–1951 when he was an anthropology graduate McC. Adams has made a major contribution to our under- student at the University of Chicago. Although his M.A. thesis standing of how these systems developed through time. Fol- was based on Jarmo artifact analysis, Adams’s dissertation re- lowing a brief outline of the work of Adams on early irriga- search, as well as much of his later scholarship, was focused tion systems, I will place the development of irrigation sys- upon events and processes that took place during the fourth tems within their natural and environmental context. On to third millennia B.C. in southern Mesopotamia. His field- face value, irrigation systems of the Mesopotamian plains work there and his comprehensive publications concerning required enormous expenditures of manpower to dig them. the rise of the Bronze Age civilization in the Mesopotamian In this paper I will first examine how such vast labor projects alluvium laid the foundation for subsequent studies describing may have influenced the trajectory of urban growth during and explaining the origins of state-based, socioeconomically late prehistory and early historic time, and second I will dis- stratified societies at various times and places in the human cuss alternative ways that irrigation channels may have devel- past. In this paper, I compare Adams’s work on the origins of oped, in part through natural agencies. 266 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 Whither the Tigris?: Elizabeth C. Stone, SUNY at Lydian to Persian times that is supported by archaeological and Stony Brook textual sources), this research focuses on the distribution of Lydian and Persian period activity throughout the region When Robert McC. Adams conducted his surveys of south- through study of provenienced objects in museum collections ern Iraq, it was widely believed that the Tigris played an insig- and locations of sites, especially tumuli, or burial mounds. These nificant role in the Mesopotamian urban landscape between monuments are the most conspicuous markers of Lydian and the third and the first millennia B.C. Since that time Gasche, Persian period presence, and their sizes, locations, and num- Cole, and myself have independently identified Tigris chan- bers are understood to indicate general areas of settlement nels in northern and central Babylonia, respectively, that played and prosperity. The locations of these hypothesized and other an important role in settlement in the early second millen- known areas of settlement, and investigations of natural land- nium, and Steinkeller has argued based on textile evidence scape divisions, agricultural and other resource potentials, and that the channel that fed Adab was called the Tigris in Ur III routes of communication establish hypothetical territories times. This paper will use these data, interpretation of various within Lydia and thus make possible broad interpretations of kinds of satellite imagery, and Adams’s recent work with the the social, political, and economic organization of the region. CORONA pictures to develop a new evaluation of the role of the Tigris in early settlement and abandonment patterns in southern and central Babylonia. Sardis: Highlights of Fieldwork Results, 1998–2001: Crawford H. Greenewalt, Jr., Univer- sity of California, Berkeley From KLM to CORONA: Using Satellite Pho- tography Toward a New Understanding of Excavation clarified aspects of the Lydian city in the sev- Fifth–Fourth Millennium B.C. Landscapes enth and sixth centuries B.C. Lydian city defenses had been understood prior to 1999 primarily from a short segment, the in Southern Mesopotamia: Jennifer R. Pournelle, exterior-interior orientation of which was uncertain. Other University of California, La Jolla segments located in 1999 and 2000 show that Lydian Sardis had much the same location as the Roman city, and an intra-
Prevailing theories of Ubaid social evolution in southern mural area of about 115 ha (in many places the Late Roman Mesopotamia presume a uniform, arid landscape transited by city wall had been built near or on the Lydian city wall). The Tigris and Euphrates distributaries. These theories hold that it newly located wall segments were built with a stone socle sup- was the introduction of well-attested early Samarran hydro- porting coursed mudbrick; mudbrick courses were interlaced logic management technologies from the northern alluvium at ca. 1 m intervals with sapling layers. Parts of all newly located to the south that began the punctuated evolution of segments stand 8–11 m high (and are submerged in later Mesopotamian irrigation schemes. New research, using de- occupation, alluvial, and colluvial fills). One small corner of a classified CORONA satellite photography to integrate recent Lydian house, destroyed ca. 550 B.C., yielded ca. 50 house- geomorphologic, paleoclimatic, and excavation evidence within hold artifacts; in addition to standard items and food remains, a comprehensive examination of the southern alluvium, casts the assemblage included a wooden comb, iron hoops from a serious doubt on the landscape characterization underlying keg or barrel, and an ivory toggle. A freshly opened and van- this model. The mid fifth–mid fourth millennium B.C. alluvial dalized Lydian tumulus tomb, located 4 km from Sardis, was landscape consisted in large part, not of desert or steppe, but recorded by the Sardis Expedition. The grave chamber, rect- of semi-permanent marshlands. This finding requires a com- angular with a pitched ceiling, is noteworthy for the vivid prehensive reassessment of southern Mesopotamian colors of its painted decoration, Phrygian-style gable motifs,
hydrostrategies leading to the Ubaid–Uruk transition. Since faux rush-matting ceiling pattern, “bunk-bed” arrangement of joining the “type” multidisciplinary team at Jarmo, Adams’s (seven) funeral couches, and high quality ornament of marble legacy to the future of the field includes his role in adding klinai and door leaf. imaging technologies, key to such extensive reassessments, to the essential archaeological toolkit. New Work on the Temple of Artemis at Sardis: Theories and Investigations, 1988–2000: Fikret SESSION 3A: ANATOLIA I K. Yegül, University of California, Santa Barbara The Temple of Artemis at Sardis, one of the seven largest Lydian and Persian Period Site Distribution in of all Greek temples, was excavated by the Princeton Expedi- Lydia: Christopher H. Roosevelt, Cornell University tion during 1911–1914, and partially published in 1922–1925. Subsequent work in the 1970s by the Harvard Archaeological This paper presents the results of recent research based on Expedition produced valuable information, although major a study of museum collections and an extensive survey of burial problems concerning the building’s complicated history and mounds and other selected sites in the regions of Manisa and unusual design remained. New field investigations and a full western Us¸ak, Turkey, which were once part of ancient Lydia. architectural documentation of the temple since 1988 prom- What we know about this region in the Lydian and Persian ise to answer some of these questions and establish new direc- periods is based primarily on the long-term excavations at its tions in understanding this celebrated structure. urban capital Sardis; the relationship between Sardis and other The architectural outline of the Temple of Artemis was Lydian and Persian period centers of prosperity in Lydia is conceived and continued to be developed in the century or so virtually unknown. In order to understand better Lydia as a following the death of Alexander the Great, a period of change whole (assuming a degree of administrative continuity from and innovation in Greek temple design. Its pseudo-dipteral 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 267 arrangement represents an important phase in the evolution 1942) questioned whether the Mamurt Kale sanctuary should of the building. The temple continued to change during the be connected to Pergamon. At Troy the differences are not as Roman Imperial era when the cella was divided into two to pronounced, but they do exist. This paper will offer a brief incorporate the Imperial cult. The idea of an Antonine cult in analysis of the variations in types between the West Sanctuary the temple was further strengthened in 1997 by the discovery and the lower city, and offer suggestions to explain the typo- of a colossal bearded head, possibly Commodus. logical and qualitative differences among the Cybele figurines We are beginning to see that much that was assumed to be in domestic and public contexts at Troy. of Greek origin in the design and construction of the temple at Sardis, such as the entire exterior peristyle, or the unusual arrangement of porch colonnades, are actually of Roman work, with credible parallels in the West. Diverging from the aes- SESSION 3B: GREEK SCULPTURE thetics of Hellenistic models, the Temple of Artemis at Sardis appears to be a transitional and unfinished experiment in Greco-Roman architecture in Anatolia. Heroes and Athletes at Olympia: The Achae- an Dedication: Aileen Ajootian, University of Seal Images from Achaemenid Daskyleion: Mississippi Deniz Kaptan, Bilkent University, Turkey According to Pausanias (5.25.8), Onatas’s Early Classical Achaean Dedication, east of the Zeus Temple, depicted the Excavations carried out in Daskyleion in the 1950s revealed moment when the Achaian warriors, to determine which one the richest assemblage of seal impressions unearthed in Anatolia would fight Hektor, watched as King Nestor shook lots out of dating from the Achaemenid Persian period. Soon after their a helmet. While Pausanias described the monument fully, he discovery a selection of seal impressions were presented in did not mention that the semicircular base for the bronze preliminary excavation reports. A small number of inscribed warrior statues, and a smaller round one for Nestor are some 9 seals were also published around this time. The research project m apart, or that a north–south road running through the on the entire assemblage, however, has been carried out in sanctuary bisected the space between them. The narrative recent years and its full publication is presently in press. enacted by the statues was perhaps initiated by passersby who The seal impressions appear on bullae, a large number of walked between the bases, entering an atmosphere defined which bear impressions of papyrus fiber on the back indicating and enclosed by the sculptures. The Homeric story came alive that they were originally attached to written documents. These whenever viewers crossed into the statues’ environment, par- perished documents, from which only the clay bullae with seal ticipating in the accomplishment of the episode, just as they impressions survived, were most probably kept in a local store- anticipated the outcome when they heard the Iliad recited. house of the satrapal center for archival purposes. So far no There is another way in which this complex monument other contemporaneous archive is known in Anatolia. may have fused the heroic world and contemporary Panhellenic The seal images, 185 in number, fall into three major experience. The choice of Hektor’s opponent by kleros, or lot, groups: those in the manner of Persian Court Art, Persianizing, was also the process used in sacred athletics to assign lanes in and Greek. These groups display a variety of styles and sub- equestrian competitions and foot races, or heats and partners jects. The seals following the style and iconography of the in wrestling events. Lucian (Hermotimos 40) describes center of the Achaemenid empire include royal name seals pankratiasts standing in a circle as a Judge inspected lots they inscribed in Old Persian and Babylonian. Persianizing seals are had chosen. The heroic bronze Achaeans, atop one of the particularly significant since they comprise the largest collec- earliest semicircular statue bases in Greece, perhaps replicated tion of the so-called Graeco-Persian seals coming from the the actual experience of Classical competitors at Olympia, bring- same archaeological context. This talk discusses how the group ing to life a vignette resonating with Homeric meaning and of Persianizing seals from Daskyleion offers the potential of symbolizing Olympic athletics. serving as a reference source for seal studies and representa- tional art of the Achaemenid Persian period. The Neo-Attic Niobid Reliefs: Phidian Inno- Cybele at Troy: The Terracotta Figurines: vation and Zeus’s Throne: Jean Sorabella, Co- Blanche Menadier, University of Sydney, Australia lumbia University

Recent excavations at Troy have brought to light ca. 1,500 Around 430 B.C., Phidias portrayed the massacre of the new terracotta figurines from the lower city, the West Sanctu- Niobids on the throne of the great Zeus at Olympia. Reliefs of ary, and an ancient dump probably to be associated with the the first and second centuries A.D. in Florence, Kassel, Modena, Athena Sanctuary which surmounted the Bronze Age citadel. St. Petersburg, and Rome reflect the composition and have A considerable number of these are representations of Cybele. been used to reconstruct it. The innovative handling of the These add to the repertoire of Cybele types reported from subject and its meaning on Zeus’s throne have received less previous excavations by Schliemann and Blegen, and many comment. In this paper, I seek Phidias’s contribution to the come from more clearly defined contexts. In general the figu- iconography of the Niobids by comparing earlier representa- rines from the West Sanctuary appear to be inferior in fabric tions of the theme in art and poetry. and workmanship to those associated with domestic contexts. Images of the Niobids are rare in Archaic and early Classical A similar situation occurred at Pergamon. The two nearby hill Greek art. Examples occur on Tyrrhrenian amphorae in Ham- top shrines to Cybele, Mamurt Kale and Kapikaya, have pro- burg and Tarquinia and a red-figure krater in Paris. The paint- duced figurines which differ significantly from those in the ers of these vases downplay the suffering of the children and city of Pergamon itself, so much so that G. Kleiner (Berlin so affirm the gods’ right to punish. The version of the story in 268 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106

Homer (Il. 24.602–20) presents it in a more ambivalent light that they are of the same technique and weathering. They and leaves the audience to judge whether their action was just should therefore belong to the sculpture, which should then or exaggerated. be reconstructed as Aphrodite holding an apple in token of The innocence of the Niobids in the face of the gods’ victory in the Judgment of Paris. attack creates an imbalance abhorrent to the ethos of noble Recent investigations of the topography of Melos support warfare. The Neo-Attic reliefs suggest that Phidias’s friezes the thesis advanced here that the statue formed part of the divided Apollo and Artemis, introduced space between the sculptural decoration of a gymnasium. I argue that the fact figures, included Niobe, and varied the poses of her children. that the statue was located in a major civic and educational By emphasizing both the sufferings of mortals and the justice institution of the Hellenistic city is critical to its meaning. of the gods, he maintained the moral weight of both sides, Literary evidence, particularly Isokrates (Helen 41–9; see also instilled his image with the tension and subtlety of poetry, and Planudean Appendix 178; Hymn 5.15–28; Heroides 16.83–8), made high claims for art on the throne of Zeus. suggests that in the Late Classical and Hellenistic periods the Judgment of Paris was reinterpreted as an allegory for man’s choice of a way of life. For the young men attending the Hellenistic Bronze Statuettes from Domes- gymnasium, the sensuous image of Aphrodite was the embodi- tic Contexts: Issues of Form and Function: ment of the most desirable goals in life, love, and beauty; the goddess promised individual fulfillment through romantic love, Heather F. Sharpe, Indiana University at a time when political power and martial success were increas- It is generally accepted that by the Hellenistic period free- ingly off-limits to inhabitants of the Greek polis. standing bronze statuettes were no longer simply used as votives but were also put on display in private households. Indeed, O Sister, Who Art Thou? The Tangled Ico- scholars often cite the story of Lysippos’s statuette of Herakles Epitrapezios made for Alexander the Great in support of this nography of Sculptures of Muses: Natalie idea of a change in the setting and function of small bronzes. Taback, Harvard University Some questions remain, however, regarding exactly when this shift occurred and the exact function of the bronzes in their The nine Muses, the Greek goddesses of intellectual inspira- domestic setting; were they simply decorative or did they re- tion, are frequently indistinguishable from one another in sculp- tain a religious function? The archaeological evidence is scant, tural form. Body pose and drapery scheme are often not suffi- but a small number of bronze statuettes have been excavated cient to discern which of the nine is depicted. The Seated from Greek domestic contexts, which can be firmly dated to Muse Turning Around type, for instance, appears with a diptych the Hellenistic period. on the Archelaos relief and a mask on the Halicarnassos Base, In this paper I present examples of bronze statuettes from suggesting two different Muses. Similarly, the Melpomene domestic contexts indicating that, as early as the mid third Miletus type at times holds not a mask but a kithara; thus she is century B.C., a shift in practice did occur. Furthermore, judg- not exclusively Melpomene. Even attributes, when preserved, ing by the archaeological contexts, the bronzes do display a are not a secure means of identifying individual Muses since marked religious character and were not merely decorative. they are often modern restorations; in addition, certain ones, The subjects portrayed also reflect their religious function; such as scrolls, can be associated with more than one Muse. This included among my examples are a libation bearer, a female paper attempts to offer an elucidation of the elusive identities offerant, and a number of herms. of sculptures of Muses. It is proposed that the tangled iconogra- Although numerous bronzes of Hellenistic date are known phy of the sculptures is more understandable if viewed as a to exist, research on them is often hampered by a lack of reflection of the group nature of the sisters: born on the same information regarding when they were made, how they were day, ever engaged with one another. Though governing her used, and where they were displayed. By taking a closer look at own realm, an individual Muse, when represented in sculptural some of the bronzes from domestic contexts, I can supply at form, seems to have evoked the collective category “Muses.” least some answers to these questions. Muse iconography would therefore be almost interchangeable, a factor which united the sisters visually, with elements selected and combined in various ways. Since the Muses’ tangled iconog- The Victory of Love: A New Interpretation raphy complicates the formation of a typology, this paper pro- of the Aphrodite of Melos in Its Original poses a new method of classifying the sculptures, one with less restrictive categories allowing for an overall presentation of the Context: Rachel Kousser, Institute of Fine Arts, Muses’ common iconographic repertoire. New York University

The celebrated statue of the Aphrodite of Melos has been A Bejeweled Siren from Memphis: Alexis Q. lauded as a timeless ideal of female beauty, but little scholarly Castor, Franklin and Marshall College attention has been paid to its contemporary Hellenistic cul- tural and civic setting. This paper draws upon newly available In 1851, Auguste Mariette discovered a marble siren at the archival, sculptural, and archaeological evidence to advance a Serapaeum at Memphis. Now in the Cairo Museum, the siren new interpretation of the statue’s social and topographic con- originally belonged to a larger decorative program that in- text. cluded sphinxes, panthers, peacocks, and lions, all dating to A careful reading of the archival evidence for the discovery the mid third century B.C. The Memphis siren is notable for of the sculpture suggests that it was found in an architectural the extravagant amount of jewelry—earrings, necklace, and niche, together with fragments of an arm and hand holding breast band—carefully carved on the statue. Her strap neck- an apple, and a dedicatory inscription from a gymnasium offi- lace with seed pendants was a favorite type of Hellenistic jew- cial (IG 12.3.1091). New photographic documentation and elry, but her other ornaments are more unusual. The large measurements of the hand and arm fragments demonstrate hoop earrings are unparalleled among real examples of Helle- 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 269 nistic earrings. Most striking is the wide strap strung with an held in place while the circumferential struts were installed. assortment of amulets that crosses her upper body. Such amu- The coffer molds slid freely on the centering surface, other- lets are found more commonly on statues of goddesses, such as wise they would have thwarted decentering. the popular Artemis of Ephesos. Taken as a whole, this sculp- 2. Application of the concrete: Never did the centering ture offers one of the most detailed representations of jewelry have to bear more than a fraction of the liquid weight of the that survives from the Hellenistic era. entire dome, since the liquid concrete below was hardening After a brief survey of the siren as represented in contem- into a self-supporting compression ring as additional liquid was porary Egyptian and Greek sculpture, terracotta, and other added to it in layers. As the effects of weight increased toward minor arts, I will focus on the jewelry that adorns this siren. the top, thin layering took precedence over speed. What other female figures sport similar ornaments? How do 3. Easing: Loosening the centering from the high pressure these images compare to known Hellenistic jewelry? What of the concrete surface required successfully springing strate- specific parallels may be found for the amulets? Certain pen- gically placed wedges. The eased centering, once stripped of dants are associated especially with eastern types of jewelry, its skin and the coffer molds, served as a scaffolding framework others may carry magical connotations. Wooing with both her for the decorators. music and beauty, beauty that was enhanced by her jewelry, 4. Decentering: Centering could not be removed in the the siren from Memphis provides an important example of manner that it was built. I discuss the intricate process of Hellenistic ideals of feminine charm. disassembling the wooden armature without cranes and with- out damaging the building. I suggest further that two ostensibly aesthetic decisions, the inclusion of an oculus and the choice of 28 meridians, may SESSION 3C: BUILDING ROME have pragmatic origins.

The Pantheon of Agrippa, the Frieze from San Evoking the Antique: Origins, Patronage, Lorenzo, and a Building on the Haterii Re- and Viewer Reception of Transverse Cella liefs: Pieter B.F.J. Broucke, Middlebury College Temples in Republican Rome: Peter De Staebler, Six fragments of an ancient frieze, now in the Capitoline Institute of Fine Arts, New York University Museum, were used as spolia at San Lorenzo fuori le Mura (CM Much attention has been paid to issues surrounding the 99, 100, 102, 104, 105, 107). In 1937, a smaller seventh frag- introduction of Hellenistic temple architecture in Republican ment was extracted from a Medieval structure at the Porticus Rome. Round and peripteral temples have been analyzed in of Octavia (CM 2426). The frieze depicts bucrania alternating terms of the semiotics of their plans and elevations, decora- with sets of either naval motifs or priestly instruments. Two tion, construction materials, and the relationship between small portraits recently identified as Augustus and Agrippa date these aspects and the identities of the patrons. An important the fragments to immediately after 29 B.C. With a height of temple type absent from these discussions is the transverse 0.59 m and a reconstructed length of at least 40.36 m, the cella temple, one with the cella wider than the porch. This frieze featured in a substantial building. paper attempts to reconstruct the “Bildsprache” of this pecu- The findspot of the seventh fragment situates the origin of liar temple type by offering new suggestions concerning its the frieze in the Campus Martius while the portraits point to architectural origin and exploring what is known of the pa- an Agrippan commission. The naval imagery refers to Actium, trons of the attested temples of this type in Rome. but the priestly instruments indicate a religious building rather The Greek precedents cited by Vitruvius (4.8.4) for the than a victory monument. They find, in fact, close parallels in type (the Erechtheum, and Temple of Athena at Sounion) the 28 decorative panels on Hadrian’s Pantheon. I argue that are unconvincing, yet the notion of a Greek origin has never the frieze belonged to the Pantheon of Agrippa. been challenged. Moreover, when the unorthodox architec- This attribution permits the identification of a building on tural plan of the transverse cella temple is discussed at all in a Haterii relief as the Agrippan Pantheon restored by Domitian modern scholarship, it is usually explained away as being con- following the fire of A.D. 80. After it burnt again under Trajan, nected with exigencies of space. Hadrian completely rebuilt the structure. Perhaps, like some This paper will argue that the origins of the transverse cella caryatids, parts of the frieze were salvaged from the ruins and temple form may be found, not in the Greek world, but in a carted off toward Tivoli. Temporarily deposited at the begin- class of small structures of unknown precise function in Etrusco- ning of the Via Tiburtina just outside Rome, the blocks never Italic sanctuaries. In the three known instances of transverse reached Tivoli and became recycled in the nearby church of cella temples built at Rome (the Temples of Veiovis, Dioscuri San Lorenzo fuori le Mura. in Circo, and Concordia), I will offer compelling reasons, hav- ing to do with cult and/or topographical setting, why the Perfect Ten: Vaulting the Pantheon: Rabun particular patrons would have wished to build a type of temple whose form carried an old, Italic resonance. Taylor, Harvard University

This paper considers the process of building the concrete vault of the Pantheon, contending that the engineers took The Templum Pacis and Its Republican Manu- an experimental approach by carefully testing designs on the bial Aesthetic: Megan Hertzig, Institute of Fine ground and rehearsing the assembly and easing process. There Arts, New York University were four logistical phases, none of which has ever been ad- equately discussed. The Templum Pacis within the Imperial tradition of build- 1. Centering: Somehow the great meridional ribs of wood, ing continues to present a curious and unexplained aesthetic. each several tons in weight, had to be positioned and then It is possible to reexamine the Templum Pacis as a monument 270 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 designed to evoke the manubial temples and porticoes of the Damascus appears to have had one of the longest and most Republican period. Vespasian drew from the monuments of spectacularly successful careers. An assessment of the sources, Republican Rome in an effort to set himself and his newly written and archaeological, for his contribution to imperial founded dynasty apart from his predecessors. architecture must focus on three significant questions in an The Templum Pacis was built ex manubiis to commemorate attempt to lead to a clearer understanding of both the career Vespasian’s victory over the Jews. Like the many republican itself and of the origins and intent of the extensive building buildings filled with war booty, the Templum Pacis contained program in the city of Rome attributed to him. The three not only the spoils from the Jewish campaign but also master- essential topics investigated in this paper are: (1) the career pieces of Greek sculpture and painting (Pliny NH 34.84). In path of Apollodorus, and how he came to his position of domi- placing the Greek works together with the captured Jewish nance in the relatively new opera Caesaris, the imperial archi- relics Vespasian’s display would have recalled the earlier repub- tecture ministry probably created under Domitian; (2) how lican repositories for the Greek spoils, the manubial dedica- much of the architecture dedicated in Rome during Trajan’s tions. Furthermore, the eclectic nature of the Templum Pacis reign originated with Trajan and Apollodorus, and how much “art collection” is pointedly different from the thematic sculp- had in fact already been begun, or proposed, by Domitian and ture arrangement within the Porticus of Pompey or the highly his architectus Rabirius; and (3) the evidence for continua- programmatic one of Augustus’s Forum and evokes the par- tion of Apollodorus’s position after Trajan’s death, especially ticular aesthetic of the republican settings. Moreover, recent his putative responsibility for designing the Pantheon during excavations of the area offer new information about the build- the first decade of Hadrian’s principate, and the supposed ing. Although Vespasian had a vast amount of money to spend conflict between long-time architectus and new emperor over it is now clear that the materials used were intended to give it the Temple of Venus and Rome. In considering Apollodorus’s an austere, old-fashioned appearance. Also, in its architectural career, the paper touches on the history and the ideology that plan and its austerity, the Templum Pacis makes a conscious informed Trajan’s building program, as well as those of his break with traditional imperial buildings, recalling instead the predecessor (Domitian) and successor (Hadrian) in reshaping manubial monuments of Republican Rome. the topography of ancient Rome.

The Capitolium Vetus and the Flavians: A Pork Barrels and Traffic Cones: Road Works New Interpretation of CIL 6.401: Gil Renberg, in Early Imperial Rome: Matthew Fullerton, Uni- Duke University versity of Alberta

This paper argues that CIL 6.401, a dedicatory inscription This paper evaluates road works in early Imperial Rome. In that has received little attention, is significant to Roman to- particular, it studies the personal gains and benefits that the pography because it may record an unknown restoration of repair and maintenance of city streets brought to the emper- the Capitolium Vetus, and perhaps indicates an earlier restora- ors of the first century A.D. (Augustus through Domitian). tion under Domitian. The inscription states that an aedes of The paper asks the following questions: What were the known Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva was rebuilt in 139 C.E. by a father developments in the first century A.D.? Did each emperor and son named Titus Flavius Vestinus. Since it cannot refer to follow a consistent program of road maintenance? Finally, why Jupiter’s Capitoline temple, it must refer to Rome’s other did each emperor contribute to the repair of roads and the Capitolium, located on the Quirinal. Furthermore, the text improvement of streets within the city? The first part of the provides two indications of a link between the Flavians and paper summarizes the contents of the so-called Lex Iulia the Capitolium Vetus: first, the primary dedicant appears to Municipalis and reassesses its value towards the recreation of have been associated with the Flavians, probably as an imperial late republican and early imperial road maintenance. The sec- freedman; and second, the unusual identification of Minerva ond part uses archaeological, epigraphic, and literary evidence as “Augusta” may suggest a link to imperial cult and thus to her to analyze emperors’ contributions towards the preservation famous devotee, Domitian. Although the precise location of of roads and to draw conclusions on their motives. The third the Capitolium Vetus has not been established, it almost cer- and final part of the paper speculates on each emperor’s per- tainly stood near the Templum Gentis Flaviae. A connection sonal motives for the undertaking, continuation, or cessation between the Flavians and this Quirinal landmark has not been of road works. Were they acting on the need to repair the proposed, but this temple most likely was important to their city’s streets or were they attempting to woo the Roman citi- clan, especially if it did share their Sabine origins. The zens with political pork barreling? Capitolium Vetus, then, may have been among the monu- ments on the Quirinal that were built or rebuilt by the Flavians, perhaps after the fire of Nero. Decades later, the structure may again have been in need of repair, and one of Domitian’s SESSION 3D: ROMAN SCULPTURE AND ITS imperial freedmen, out of a sense of loyalty to his former MEANINGS patron, undertook its restoration.

Marsyas Augur: A Plebeian Augur in the Time Emperors and Architects: Apollodorus, of Sulla?: Peter Justin Moon Schertz, University Rabirius, and Hadrian: James C. Anderson, Jr., of Southern California University of Georgia The earliest known representation of Marsyas in ancient Among upper level personnel introduced, or retained, in Rome stood in the Forum Romanum and showed him not as the imperial service by Trajan, the architectus Apollodorus of the ill-fated discoverer of Athena’s flutes, still less as the bound 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 271 or hanging victim of Apollo’s punishment; rather, it depicted in most cases, sufficient vestiges of the old portrait are pre- a silens standing with his right arm raised and carrying a wine- served to reveal its identity. The process is similar, in the larger skin on his left shoulder. In Roman thought, this statue was domain of sculptural recycling, to the deliberate preservation identified as an indicium libertatis and was closely associated of traces of the old hairstyle amid the new in female portraits. with plebeian rights. Scholars who have written on this statue While meant to dishonor, the recutting of imperial portraits, (e.g., M. Torelli and F. Coarelli) have generally located the therefore, results in a confirmation of memory rather than its source of these plebeian connotations in the presumed dedi- obliteration. The relationship between the old and the new cator of the statue, the plebeian leader C. Marcius Rutilius portrait is not static, but constitutes a dynamic dialogue. It is Censorinus, whose descendent, L. Marcius Censorinus, de- appropriately two-sided: Caligula’s transformation into Augustus, picted the statue on coins issued at the height of the Sullan for instance, can be viewed as a change for the better, while a civil war in the 80s B.C.E. Tacitean viewer would appreciate the profiling of Augustus as This politico-historical reading of the statue does not, how- Caligula’s progenitor. Moreover, although portraits were re- ever, fully account for the presence of the statue on these cut, the rest of the statue remained the same, thereby rein- coins. In Rome, Marsyas was also regarded as a teacher of forcing the earlier identity. Given the rehabilitation of several augury and an attendant of Liber Pater, one of the preemi- dishonored rulers, the frequency of resculpting in the private nent plebeian deities of the Aventine Triad; thus, this paper and public realms in general, and Roman familiarity with se- argues that the depiction of the Forum Marsyas on these coins mantically dichotomous portraits of statesmen such as Pompey, reflects not only the plebeian ancestry of the Censorini, but it is not surprising that damnatio memoriae by the fourth cen- also evokes a specifically plebeian augural figure at a time tury leads to translatio memoriae. The same process of recutting when augury and the augural college (as Sulla’s own coinage now is used to transform a positive ruler into another positive of the period makes clear) were politically contentious issues. one (cf. Arch of Constantine). All this suggests that the stigma attached to the earlier negative examples was limited.

Architectural Images in Roman Historical Relief: The Significance of Sightlines: A Man for All Seasons? The Transformation Melanie D. Grunow, University of Michigan of the Gender of Time in the Roman World: Melissa Barden Dowling, Southern Meth- Nearly half of the surviving historical reliefs from the city of odist University Rome feature recognizable images of religious and civic build- ings. This paper examines one overlooked aspect of the topo- The first discrete personification of abstract time, Aeternitas, graphic context of these reliefs: sightlines to the building(s) appeared in Roman art of the first century A.D., initially as a represented on them. These sightlines not only contributed female image represented on official coins and monuments. to the recognizability of architectural images but also marked But in A.D. 121, a new male image of time appeared in impe- the depicted buildings as significant. The reliefs drew atten- rial, state sponsored art, and simultaneously, Roman personifi- tion to chosen landmarks, thereby encouraging viewers to cations of the Seasons appeared in male as well as female form. read the landscape in terms of imperial ideology. Throughout the second century, the iconography of time For example, the Valle-Medici relief with an image of the remained remarkably fluid, illustrated by both male and fe- Temple of Mars Ultor once belonged to the Julio-Claudian male types. Three trends in Roman society (the increasing Ara Gentis Iuliae on the Capitoline Hill. Tellingly, the relief centralization of time keeping, the creation of elaborate be- depicts a frontal view of the temple facade, a view available liefs in the afterlife, and transformations in Romans’ expecta- only from the Capitoline. By inviting the viewer to look at the tions of life through changes in the conception of virtus) Temple of Mars Ultor, the Ara Gentis Iuliae simultaneously explain these changes and suggest a profound reenvisioning deemphasized the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus just a of the nature of time in Western thought. few steps away (perhaps an intentional reminder of Augustus’s transfer of rituals from the Capitoline to Mars Ultor). This type of topographic relationship between relief and Imaging Women on the Column of Marcus: temple can be analyzed for the Temple of Quirinus, the Trajanic Extispicium relief, the Anaglypha, and the Arch of Constantine, Sheila Dillon, Duke University among others. Although the monuments depicted in relief While most studies of Marcus’s Column have been con- varied over time (early reliefs feature recent construction, cerned with the sculptural style of the frieze, I focus in this whereas later reliefs depict the emperor in traditional contexts paper on a mostly neglected aspect of the frieze’s historical such as the Forum or the Capitoline), the deliberate exploita- narrative: the representation of women in the wars. This pa- tion of sightlines continued, forming a series of conscious topo- per considers the roles these non-Roman women played in graphic cross-references in the urban landscape of Rome. the imperial history constructed by the frieze, and explores the following questions. What part does a woman’s age, ethnicity, and social status play in how she is represented? Recut Imperial Portraits: Nuances and Wider Why do these women invariably appear in scenes of extreme Context: Karl Galinsky, University of Texas at violence, in which they are separated from their children, Austin taken prisoner, physically assaulted, or even killed, while the women pictured on Trajan’s Column peacefully attend sacri- Instead of being an isolated phenomenon amounting to fices, greet the emperor, or flee the fighting without harm? damnatio memoriae (a term of convenience), the reuse and Why were such scenes considered relevant and meaningful to recutting of portraits of dishonored Roman emperors need to the war’s narrative? What does their inclusion suggest about be viewed in a larger context. One salient perspective is that, the history this monument was striving to construct? Rather 272 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 than representing “a more insecure army” or “a more pro- Late Bronze Age Greece, since the slaughter of this many foundly pathetic spirit akin to the melancholy of the ‘Medita- cattle on a single occasion would have provided sufficient meat tions’,” I argue that the scenes on Marcus’s column were meant to feed hundreds of individuals. to show that the emperor and his army were supremely ca- pable of crushing the barbarian invaders even into the next generation, thus the prominence of the violence done to Hierarchy, Exclusion, Aspiration, and Social barbarian women and children. Such images would have reas- Manipulation in Mycenaean Banqueting: sured the Roman audience that the imperial ideology of clem- ency, humanity, and elegant civilian culture as expressed, for Lisa M. Bendall, Cambridge University example, in the elegantly styled portraits of the Antonine emperors, did not extend to the battlefield. Linear B documentation relating to state-organized ban- quets includes lists of foodstuffs contributed by social elites for major feasts, provisions by the palaces to regional centers for local feasting, and—more surprising—by lower-ranking mem- bers of society (e.g., craftsmen) to the palaces. Donations of SESSION 3E: COLLOQUIUM: THE MYCE- this type may have worked to enhance personal prestige NAEAN FEAST: AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL through demonstrations of piety and wealth, but a model of COLLOQUIUM “reciprocal gift-giving” is difficult to invoke in the latter two cases because of the very great differences in wealth and social status of the participants. The Preparation, Equipment, and Rituals of The contributions may be linked to a “banqueting hierar- the Mycenaean Feast: James C. Wright, Bryn chy” observed at Pylos, Nichoria, and Malthi. At the palace, Mawr College Cts. 63 and 88 are known to be banqueting areas, served with fineware from nearby pantries. Ct. 58 is proposed as another Information about feasting in the Mycenaean world is de- banqueting area, served with inferior pottery from Rm. 60. rived from frescoes, seals, scenes on decorated pottery, asso- Finally, a paucity of drinking vessels in the megaron is ex- ciations of pottery and metal and stone vessels in tombs and in plained by noting that the room has the major concentra- settlement contexts, and the Linear B tablets. In this paper I tion of metal drinking vessels. The quality of wares in each examine these sources from the Minoan through the area can be linked to degrees of control of access, suggesting Mycenaean periods and present an outline of the history of a gradation of social status for the participants. A lower level the Mycenaean feast. I explore the origins of feasting tradi- of the hierarchy is seen at Nichoria and Malthi, with local tions in the Middle Helladic period and the adaptation by the imitation of palatial installations and wares. The situation Mycenaeans of the highly developed rituals of the feast in the may be not so much one of reciprocity, but of patronage and courts of the Minoan palaces and villas. I then consider the social insecurity. Banqueting was apparently a standard fea- general nature of feasting in the Mycenaean palaces and show ture of Mycenaean religious life, but participation at the how it includes hunting and sacrifice, the transportation of various levels marked one’s place in the hierarchy and af- equipment, the preparation of food, and the celebration of firmed one’s status. the feast. I conclude with observations about the evolution of the feast as a social phenomenon. Late Mycenaean Feasting on Tsoungiza at An- cient Nemea: Mary K. Dabney, Bryn Mawr Col- Animal Sacrifice, Archives, and Feasting at lege, Paul Halstead, Sheffield University, U.K., the Palace of Nestor: Jack L. Davis and Sharon and Patrick Thomas, University of Evansville R. Stocker, University of Cincinnati Excavations from 1984 to 1986 of the prehistoric settle- In 1998 and 2000 study for final publication of animal bones ment on Tsoungiza at Ancient Nemea by the Nemea Valley from the Palace of Nestor at Pylos was initiated by Paul Halstead Archaeological Project uncovered several large deposits of Late and Valasia Isaakidou of Sheffield University. The authors of Mycenaean date. One in Excavation Unit 9 on the eastern this paper are providing information concerning the context slope of the settlement of which the decorated pottery was of those faunal assemblages preserved by Blegen’s team, draw- predominantly solidly painted open shapes, primarily kylikes ing it from primary archives and from reexamination of associ- and stemmed bowls, is dated to the LH IIIA: 1–2 period. Mixed ated, but unpublished finds. Of special interest is a large de- with the pottery were many distinctive types of anthropomor- posit of animal bones found heaped in the corner of the so- phic and zoomorphic ceramic figurines and the lower two- called annex to the Archives Room of the Palace (room 7). thirds of a large ceramic female figure. The figure with a re- The assemblage consisted of thigh bones from 11 cattle, from stored height of 45 cm is similar to those found in the sanctu- all of which meat had been scraped before they were inten- aries at Phylakopi and Mycenae. Also in the deposit were ani- tionally burnt. It is clear that the bones were not burned mal bones, almost exclusively from the heads and feet (legs) accidentally in the destruction of the Palace. Nearby Blegen of cattle, which we interpret as discard from primary butcher- found 11 miniature kylikes, a bronze sword, and a bronze ing. The contents of this deposit distinguish it from other knife. In another part of the room had stood a large storage jar deposits of household refuse at Tsoungiza. This deposit ap- or pithos. This deposit seems to provide clear evidence for pears to be refuse from a ceremonial activity that included burnt animal sacrifice at the end of the 13th century B.C. In feasting. The authors are examining the significance of this this paper we discuss the implications of these discoveries for deposit in the context of the growth of nearby Mycenae and Mycenaean ritual practice and the implications that they raise the social and economic relationship of Mycenae to outlying concerning the relationship between sacrifice and feasting in settlements such as Tsoungiza. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 273 Native Traditions of Drinking at Phaistos exclusive equipment. Likewise, it will assess whether the during the Mycenaean Period: Elisabetta geographic, economic, and cultural affinities of Cyprus and the kingdom of Ugarit will have influenced the choice of Borgna, University of Udine, Italy ceremonial equipment.

Some evidence of consumption at LM IIIC Phaistos sheds light on several aspects of drinking and eating activities on different ceremonial occasions in Late Bronze Age Crete. The SESSION 3F: WORKSHOP: COMBATING investigation of both the archaeological contexts and the func- tion of the pottery style establishes that conspicuous consump- PSEUDOARCHAEOLOGY tion of food and drink constituted powerful social and ideologi- cal instruments to negotiate social identity, legitimize author- The phenomenon of pseudoarchaeology—reconstructions ity, and, possibly, create political hierarchy. In Postpalatial times of ancient history adhering to pseudoscientific standards of traditional social control practices such as festivals and ban- argument—is gaining in popularity. Books promoting Atlantis quets became a dynamic means of political competition. The or its variants, numerological interpretations of ancient monu- transition from the palaces to postpalatial settlements im- ments, extraterrestrial intervention in human antiquity, reviv- plies that participation in drinking ceremonies was less ex- als of “ancient wisdom,” and the like sell in the millions, and clusive and prompted by a much more intense social interac- pseudoarchaeologists are a frequent feature of television and tion, as elaborate pottery styles suggest. Meanwhile the evi- other mass media presentations to the public. It is the purpose dence of Phaistos apparently indicates that different types of of this workshop to discuss the phenomenon and to examine banquets were possibly related to separate spheres of social various means the profession can employ to combat it. Ques- exchange, dependent on different social roles and political tions addressed include: What distinguishes archaeology from implications. In the context of Minoan-Mycenaean accul- pseudoarchaeology? Should professional archaeologists even turation in LM III Crete, in which the adoption of the Main- address the claims of pseudoarchaeologists or should they ig- land component was possible due to the ideological strate- nore them? Is it an abrogation of professional responsibility to gies of the local elites, on the one hand drinking activities let invalid claims gain wide acceptance with the public? Or seem to have been strongly influenced by the Mycenaean does addressing pseudoclaims lend them a legitimacy they tradition, especially as regards symbolic display and pottery otherwise would lack? In confronting invalid claims, what meth- style, on the other hand they were well rooted in traditional ods work best for the professional archaeologists in the class- Minoan practices. room and with a wider audience? How can the profession This paper aims at identifying the native Cretan compo- better tackle the widespread misconceptions about its nature nents by considering evidence of ritual consumption in such and methods so readily played upon by pseudohistorians and different spheres as funerary rituals, aristocratic dwellings, pseudoarchaeologists? How can professionals get their mes- and cult practices, in order to distinguish similarities with and sage across in the mass media, if at all? differences from the Mycenaean banqueting traditions. Panel: Garrett G. Fagan and Donald Redford, Penn State Uni- versity; Nicholas Flemming, Director, European Global Ocean Observing System, Southampton Oceanography Centre; Ken Cypriot Drinking Traditions and the Adap- Feder, Central Connecticut State University; Chris Hale, BBC writer/producer and author tation of Mycenaean Drinking Ritual: Louise Steel, University of Wales, Lampeter

This paper will examine how Mycenaean drinking equip- ment—specifically chariot kraters, but also a variety of cups, SESSION 3G: WORKSHOP: ETRUSCANS IN kylikes, and serving vessels—were incorporated within tradi- THE MUSEUM tional Cypriot practices of consumption during the 15th, 14th, and 13th centuries B.C., and the ultimate impact of these In the fall of 2002, the University of Pennsylvania Museum changing social practices. will inaugurate its newly reinstalled Etruscan gallery, and, in The basic premise is that since the beginning of the Early anticipation, we propose to organize a workshop that will bring Bronze Age on Cyprus, ceremonial drinking and group feast- together a group of Etruscan scholars to consider the particu- ing had formed an important element of Cypriot society un- lar issues and problems associated with the study of Etruscan derpinning group cohesion. For the most part this can be material in museum collections. inferred from the emphasis on certain novel ceramic shapes The leading scholars of Etruscan archaeology in the United within the Cypriot funerary repertoire, in particular those States have agreed to join us in the workshop. Each partici- that are imitative of metallic forms and those with exagger- pant will present an aspect of his or her own research that is ated spouts. By the early second millennium exotic drinking connected to the Museum’s collection but also addresses sets with international connotations—made in the Bichrome broader issues related to working with Etruscan or Italic mate- ware and widely disseminated around the coastal Near East— rial in museum “contexts.” Thus, while the workshop will use were being used. the Museum’s collection as its starting point, it will also pro- With reference to the ceramic record, and representa- vide a forum for the exchange of ideas and information re- tions where available, this paper will examine the incorpora- lated to more general issues, such as authentication, conserva- tion of Mycenaean drinking equipment into these highly tion, display, and the use of archival documentation. developed ceremonies. Specifically it will address to what The workshop topics will include: (1) Etruscan mirrors; (2) extent socioeconomic changes during the Late Bronze Age, history of the Museum’s Etruscan collection; (3) Faliscan pot- in particular the emergence of urban communities, affected tery; (4) Etruscan iconography; (5) forgeries and authentica- ceremonial practices necessitating the adoption of new, more tion; (6) conservation of Etruscan objects; (7) interpretation 274 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 of remains in Etruscan urns in the Museum’s collection, with New Phrygian Rock-Cut Cult Monuments reference to a study by Marshall Becker; (8) Etrusco-Geomet- from Western Phrygia: Taciser Tüfekçi Sivas, ric pottery; (9) a dubious Chiusine tomb group; and (10) archi- tectural terracottas. Anadolu University, Turkey Panel: Ann Blair Brownlee and Julia Lawson, University of Pennsylvania Museum; Jean MacIntosh Turfa, Bryn Mawr Col- The Phrygians emerged as a powerful Iron Age kingdom of lege; Larissa Bonfante, New York University; Ingrid E.M. Edlund- Anatolia in central Turkey in the eighth century B.C.E. This Berry, University of Texas at Austin; Nancy de Grummond, Florida paper proposes to explore one aspect of the religious architec- State University; Richard De Puma, University of Iowa; Karen ture of Phrygian civilization in the light of new surveys in Vellucci, Institute for Aegean Prehistory; P. Gregory Warden, western Phrygia. Southern Methodist University; Nancy Winter, Oxford Univer- The evidence for Phrygian religious cult indicates that the sity, U.K. major divinity was a goddess known to the Phrygians as Matar/ Mother Goddess. In western Phrygia, the prominence of Matar is demonstrated by a series of religious rock monuments. The monumental rock facades, the stepped altars, and the niches are the most original and impressive types of these monu- SESSION 3H: WORKSHOP: GOING PUBLIC: ments. The major concentration of these cult monuments lies HOW TO ATTRACT MEDIA ATTENTION in the highlands of Phrygia between the modern Turkish cities of Eskis¸ehir, Afyonkarahisar, and Kütahya. Our surveys Public understanding of the mission of archaeology is es- have not only added a number of new open-air sanctuaries to sential if the discipline is to survive. This means telling ar- the map, but also enriched the typology of the Phrygian cult chaeological stories that people find compelling and memo- monuments such as convex circular rock-cut forms and rectan- rable. Those scholars who do this successfully provide an incal- gular basins. culable service to the profession. In this workshop, both jour- The diameters of the convex circular forms vary between nalists and academics will offer tips on engaging the media, 0.9 m and 1.0 m and are outlined with channels. The rectan- which pitfalls to avoid, and which opportunities to embrace. gular basins are composed of two basins connected by round Panel: Peter Young, Archaeology magazine; Richard Wertime, holes and rectangular or oval small niches at the back wall of Beaver College; Susan Kepecs, Madison, Wisconsin journalist the first basins. The upper basins lie about 0.5 m higher than and Mayanist; Dottie Brown, former science editor, The Phila- the lower ones. delphia Inquirer; John Noble Wilford, The New York Times; and The functions and the meanings of these recently found Christine Finn, Oxford University rock monuments are less clear than the other cult monu- ments such as facades and altars. But in my opinion similar functions could be proposed for these monuments, as for the other cult monuments, as open-air shrines. SESSION 4A: ANATOLIA II Rock-Cut Sacred Areas at Ephesos in the Archaeological Investigations into the Light of New Surveys: Feris¸tah Soykal, Middle Bronze Age Cemetery of the Vil- Anadolu University, Turkey lage of Çavlum: A. Nejat Bilgen, Anadolu Uni- versity, Turkey In Anatolia, first the Hittites and Urartians carved the rocks for cultic purposes, then the Phrygians’ skill in rockcarving, The cemetery of Çavlum village is in the plain of Alpu, 16 inherited from the Bronze Age, enabled them to carve im- km away from the center of Eskis¸ehir, Turkey. Archaeological pressive monumental cult monuments for the great Mother salvage excavations were conducted in 1999 and 2000. In these Goddess/Matar Kubileya. Certainly, the Phrygians were the two years, 46 graves were excavated. Of the 46 graves, 44 are mediators in the transporting of this tradition to Ionia, and pithos graves and 2 are plain inhumed burials. In total, 59 Ephesos, with its three open-air rock-cut sacred areas and one human skeletons were discovered. For the burial types, 27 rock-cut shrine, represents one of the most important settle- graves were single and 14 graves double, and in 1 grave four ments where this tradition survived. These sacred areas are: people were buried together. The finds from the tombs proved 1. Open-air rock-cut spring sacred area on Mt. Pion (Pana- to be varied. Bowls, bronze or copper jewelry, shell beads, and y
rdag˘
). This sacred area consists of niches, rock reliefs, knucklebones were found inside and nearby the graves. Pots and stepped altars, and is dedicated to Meter, Zeus which displayed different typology were left both inside and Patroios, and Apollo. outside of the pithoi. Two years of work have resulted in the 2. Open-air rock-cut sacred area on Mt. Koressos unearthing of a rather important Early Hittite cemetery in (Bülbüldag˘
). It consists of one rock throne and the the region of the Upper Sakarya Valley and the region of steps leading to the throne. In the literature it is known Eskis¸ehir. The cemetery of Çavlum village has become an im- as dedicated to Zeus, but it could be dedicated to Meter portant place in Anatolian archaeology on account of the quan- at the same time. tity and quality of the material it contains from the Early Hittite 3. In 1999 in the course of our surveys we discovered a period, when the custom of pithos burials was practiced as well. second rock-cut sacred area on Mt. Koressos. It consists Although the contemporary settlement has not been found, of small rock niches, a cave, and rock-cut steps leading it is considered that the Çavlum village mound should be the to this area. connected settlement of the cemetery. Therefore, this cem- 4. “Felsspalt Tempel” is situated just in the north of etery enables us to understand the cultural structure of this Olympieion. Its foundation is completely hewn out of region in the Anatolian Middle Bronze Age. bedrock. It could be dedicated to Leto. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 275

As in the old Anatolian tradition, the Ephesians also dedi- Midas, whom Assyrian records from 717 to 709 B.C. show to cated the rocks to the Mother Goddess, and this reveals that have been in power during at least that span of years. It is not the rooted Anatolian tradition continued to survive in Ionia mentioned in any text later than Herodotos, and by the time for a long time. of Plutarch the building clearly no longer contained it.

Early Phrygian Drawings at Gordion and the Mortuary Evidence for a Possible Late Creation of a Phrygian Visual Identity: Sarmatian Presence at Gordion, Turkey: Lynn E. Roller, University of California, Davis Andrew L. Goldman, University of Pennsylvania

A series of drawings from late eighth-century B.C. Gordion Mortuary patterns within rural cemeteries have received offers insight into attempts to establish a distinctive visual little attention in Turkey, where research remains largely fo- identity in the early Phrygian polity. The drawings, incised cused upon urban necropoleis and their monumental funerary onto individual stone blocks that were later incorporated into architecture. In central Anatolia, where the majority of the building material, include human and animal figures and ab- Roman period population once lived in a rural environment, stract signs. While initially thought to be random sketches, a town cemeteries represent an invaluable and hitherto close analysis reveals that many of the drawings were done by unexploited resource for examining complex phenomena such skilled artists familiar with Neo-Hittite sculptural style. The as cultural diffusion in the Galatian hinterlands. The investi- subject matter reveals an intriguing combination of Neo-Hittite gation of such cemeteries is urgently needed, since unchecked (lions, warriors, hieroglyphic signs) and Phrygian (architec- spoliation and increased agricultural activity are rapidly dimin- ture, predatory birds) themes. Some may have been training ishing their numbers. exercises for local artists or preliminary sketches for a larger Excavations in the Common Cemetery at Gordion during sculptural program, a point which suggests that the artists may the 1950s and early 1960s produced evidence for one such have been preparing a complex sculptural narrative. But what town cemetery, a cluster of 51 inhumation burials grouped would have been the purpose of such a narrative? closely together and dating between the second and fourth The answer may lie in the changing political role of Phrygia centuries A.D. Burial offerings include a wide range of goods, in central Anatolia during the early Iron Age. As the Phrygians and six separate categories of construction technique may be gained power to become the dominant people on the Anatolian differentiated among the single and double interments. Two plateau, they were faced with the need to establish a distinc- distinct types of burials—deep-shafted graves with either tive visual identity. Yet the Phrygians, immigrants from south- stepped ledges for a lower cover or an off-set “catacomb” cham- eastern Europe, had no tradition of monumental art compa- ber at the bottom—have origins that can be traced explicitly rable to contemporary sculptural programs of the Neo-Hittites to the Northern Pontic region and Late Sarmatian culture. and Assyrians. The Gordion drawings suggest that the Certain parallels are also apparent in the posture of the de- Phrygians were on the verge of creating such a program. Al- ceased, the graves’ northward orientation, and the inventory though the project was abandoned, these preliminary draw- of the grave goods. It is suggested here that direct cultural ings survive as a witness to a visual program that would have contact may be responsible for such phenomena. One pos- helped advertise the Phrygians as an important power on the sible explanation, based upon the presence of hob-nailed boots Anatolian plateau. and rings with intaglios bearing martial themes, is that military veterans of Sarmatian origin were settled at Gordion during the Late Roman period. The Throne of Midas?: Keith DeVries, University of Pennsylvania Museum

A now well-known ivory statuette of a lion tamer was found SESSION 4B: AEGEAN SCRIPTS AND AR- in 1939 at Delphi in one of two adjacent pits filled with dis- carded votive material (some burned), of which the latest CHIVES piece dates to ca. 420 B.C. The pits lay about 10 m west of the Treasury of the Corinthians. The statuette, which cuttings A Linear A-Inscribed Bronze Cauldron from show to have been a furniture attachment, has usually been Mycenae Shaft Grave IV and Heirlooms of taken to be an Orientalizing east Greek work (with particu- larly strong Anatolian affinities). Demargne (1964), however, a Cretan Bronze Artist in the Late thought it was either east Greek or Lydian; Amandry (1991), Mycenaean Palatial Period: Thomas G. the excavator of the deposits, declared himself convinced that Palaima, University of Texas at Austin it was made in Asia Minor but uncertain whether it was Greek or non-Greek; Schiering (1975) argued that it was Lydian or An inscribed sign on the handle of a Cretan bronze caul- Phrygian. dron from the Shaft Grave IV at Mycenae fits into the enlarg- Recent finds near Elmali and progress in the research and ing picture of Linear A outside of Crete and has implications publication of older excavated material, especially at Gordion, for the structure of the Linear A syllabary and for elite artistic now allow a confident identification of the statuette as indeed connoisseurship in the late Mycenaean Palatial period. non-Greek Anatolian, with a strong probability of being spe- The inscribed sign (discovered in cleaning in 1962) was cifically Phrygian. A date of the late eighth to seventh centu- omitted from the definitive Linear A corpus and the standard ries is likely. transcription volume because it was a singleton and difficult to The intriguing possibility thus arises that the statuette was identify. It occurs on Matthäus Nr. 24 = Karo N. 576. I argue part of the throne that Herodotos saw at Delphi in the that the sign is most probably a version of the Linear A sign Corinthian Treasury and termed a gift from the Phrygian king corresponding to Linear B *43 (phonetic value ai). It is known 276 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 that Linear A had such signs designating vocalic and semi- grams for liquid products are already identified as wine, olive oil, vocalic elements of i, j, u, w. and honey. Only one other ideogram that appears numerous In the inventory of ritual vessels, elaborate furniture, and times remains unidentified: *134, which in MY Go 610 is mea- sacrificial implements for a major commensual ceremony in sured in liquid subunits, and on five inscribed nodules is sent to the Pylos Ta series, a long-standing interpretive problem has Thebes along with animals for a feast. Or grains listed in mixed been the unusual identification of certain tripods as “of Cretan commodity tablets might be intended for beer-making. Unlike manufacture” “Aigeus.” One proposal is that Aigeus identifies wine, beer can be brewed anytime from stored grain, but has a the manufacturer. The ai on Matthäus Nr. 24 likewise may short storage life. The KN Fs series records periodic offerings of identify the Shaft Grave cauldron as the product of Aigeus. wine, olive oil, honey, grain, and flour sent to shrines; the The implications of the fact that an official at Pylos ca. 1200 honey and the grain could have been fermented at the shrine B.C.E. could identify heirloom bronze vessels exceptionally as to make the “cocktail.” The relative importance of beer versus Cretan in origin and of a certain artist’s style is worthy of wine in ritual must also be evaluated. discussion, whether or not the mark on Matthäus Nr. 24 is correctly identified as ai. “Deciphering” Images: A Semiotic Approach to the Mycenaean Nodules from Pylos: The Context and Content of Cypro-Minoan Diamantis Panagiotopoulos, University of Heidel- Texts from Kalavasos-AYIOS DHIMITRIOS: Joanna berg, Germany S. Smith, Columbia University Mycenaean nodules combine both script and iconography Cypro-Minoan, the Late Bronze Age script of Cyprus, re- for transmitting information related to the administrative activ- mains undeciphered. Neither are there enough inscriptions ity of the palaces. Whereas the inscriptions can be read and for a cryptographic solution, nor is there a bilingual text that evaluated, the seal impressions remain in a sense “undeciphered” might be used to translate Cypro-Minoan. An archaeological due to their vague semiotic status. The present paper attempts approach, however, makes it possible to understand not only to explore the rich potential of this “miniature iconography” as the functional context of the texts, but also, in some cases, a means of deepening our understanding of Mycenaean ideol- their probable contents. In 1998, Nicolle Hirschfeld and I ogy and administration. presented a poster session on the Cypro-Minoan Corpus Project In semiotic terms, the seal impression fulfills a dual function. (abstract in AJA 103 [1999] 279) that detailed the archaeo- It serves as: (a) an “indexical” sign establishing the identity of logical approach. Since that time we have each pursued spe- the seal owner, and (b) an “iconic” sign affording symbolic cific segments of the total corpus. In this poster session I information about its person or status. Especially the tension present the complete results of my study of 13th century B.C. between “indexical” and “iconic” functions of the images can Cypro-Minoan inscriptions from Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, be indicative as to the identity of the seal users and to the Cyprus. factors determining the variety and choice of seal designs. The Of primary concern are five lengthy documents written most striking feature of the Pylian seal impressions is that the pre-firing on small clay cylinders from Building X. They are ideological/“iconic” elements appear to have superseded the the only set of similar Cypro-Minoan texts ever discovered in administrative/“indexical” ones. The seal designs were not cre- a single phase of use of one building on Cyprus. By comparison ated as transparent signifiers of personal identity but mainly as with Linear A, the accepted parent script for Cypro-Minoan, as bearers of an ideological message concerning the status of the well as the visual arrangement of contemporary texts written seal owner. Consequently, priority was given to the visual impact in Aegean and Near Eastern scripts, it has been possible to of the image rather than to its “legibility,” i.e., the efficiency of determine that the Kalavasos cylinders contain numerals and immediate decoding. repeated signs, including ideograms. Palimpsest sections of Relevant to the “iconic” qualities of the Pylian seal impres- the texts preserve traces of earlier records that were erased sions is the recognition of two homogeneous groups among prior to reinscription. The find contexts, condition of the them: the first consists of elaborate seal designs displaying a objects, text structures, and relationships among signs make it “palatial” iconography, whereas the second includes poor qual- possible to determine the function of this group of lengthy ity motifs featuring nonrepresentative “bucolic” themes. Sig- Cypro-Minoan inscriptions: the Kalavasos cylinders contain nificantly, all inscribed nodules belong to the first group. The economic records. present paper aims to demonstrate that this pattern is meaning- ful and corresponds to official rank and location of the seal owners. Beer in the Linear B Records?: Ruth Palmer, Ohio University Kinship and the Late Helladic Political Organic residue analyses on clay vessels presented in Minoans and Mycenaeans: Flavours of their Time (1999) indicated that a Economy: Re-Reading Administrative Docu- fermented grain beverage had been made in the Aegean ments from Pylos: Elizabeth M. Percival and possibly as early as EM IIB. Samples from LBA Khania and Aaron D. Wolpert, University of Cincinnati Rethymnon on Crete, and Thebes, and Mycenae on the main- land show fermented grains perhaps as part of a “cocktail” of Conventional readings of Linear B archives at Pylos recon- wine, honey, and beer for ritual consumption. This Bronze struct a central bureaucracy that imposed an administered Age evidence for beer in the Aegean is striking, because later economy on the Messenian hinterland. Nontextual evidence, Greek did not have an Aegean word for beer, even though however, supports other plausible interpretations. Research grain-based Near Eastern civilizations made it a staple drink. into conditions beyond Ano Englianos has demonstrated that What evidence might the Linear B records provide for beer authority was embedded in local communities participating in or the mixed beverage? The most frequently recorded ideo- a decentered regional economy. Surface remains attest to spe- 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 277 cialized industries not housed at the palace and not recorded telesteria (Halls of Mysteries). To date, there has been little in preserved archives; reassessment of the collection of agri- discussion of this term as it relates to the temple of Demeter at cultural staples indicates that the palace extracted “subsistence” Eleusis, but it has found its way into the secondary literature in support from the immediate vicinity and did not manage a reference to structures that have been associated, justifiably more extensive redistributive system; and diachronic settle- or not, with the cult of fertility deities and the initiation into ment patterns situate this scaled-down economic presence their mysteries. Upon examining the limited bibliography on within a short-lived and hard-fought ascendancy for rulers at presumed Halls of Mysteries, it becomes evident that these Ano Englianos. Such conditions suggest negotiated politics are sometimes believed to belong to a distinct architectural structured by traditional kinship logic, not an entrenched type, a variation of the Hypostyle Hall, with a rectangular, hegemony enforced through institutional coercion. Village often squarish, plan; rows of seats along the sides of two of its heads delivered collected resources to the center in accor- interior walls; and a “forest of columns” to support its roof. dance with kinship and ritual obligations associated with wife- A review of all buildings that were identified in modern giving and wife-taking, marital relations that enhanced politi- times as telesteria follows. Evidence from the Telesterion of cal legitimacy for these local chiefs and the paramount lin- Eleusis; the Kabireion of Samothrace; buildings from the sanc- eage. It is clear nonetheless that this alternative reconstruc- tuary of Aphrodite Erykine in Gortynia, the Argive Heraion, tion is not consonant with the painstaking archival Sangri (Naxos), and the Lemnian Kabireion; as well as from recordkeeping associated with the palace. In this paper we surviving hypostyle halls, suggests that the arbitrary identifica- reconcile this contradiction, arguing that a political economy tion of structures as “telesteria” cannot stand to scrutiny. The governed by kinship principles was differently represented at the term itself was never used in antiquity to describe a generic center in depersonalized terms that effected separation from a architectural type, but was rather used to refer to the process peripheral substratum of local aristocrats. Conflicting repre- of initiation. Furthermore, the archaeological data suggest sentations reflect a constant tension in center–periphery re- that no specific form was ever developed for mystery halls. lations that is legible in the textual record—in toponyms, “districts,” and standardized accounting that mask a parallel reality of personal obligation. Archaic and Classical Predecessors to Helle- nistic Monumental Steps: Mary B. Hollinshead, University of Rhode Island

SESSION 4C: GREEK ARCHITECTURE Changes that take place in Hellenistic architecture make it look dramatically different from that of earlier eras. Multilevel complexes, such as the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos on Rhodes The Telesterion at Eleusis and Its Position or the sanctuary of Asklepios on Kos suggest new concepts at in Greek Architectural Tradition: Crispin work, despite the conservative nature of the Greek architec- Corrado Goulet, Brown University tural tradition. Their broad staircases epitomize the topographi- cal linking and conspicuous display of the Hellenistic period. The building at Eleusis known as the Telesterion was unique Yet much of what looks new is a recombination of existing within Greek sanctuary architecture. A square, roofed structure components such as temples, terraces, and stoas, albeit with with provisions for the containment of a large crowd, the hall important alterations in placement and scale. I would add was unparalleled in buildings of purely religious function during monumental steps to the list of formal elements that were the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E. Yet investigation has shown already well-established in Archaic and Classical Greece. Early that while the Telesterion was undoubtedly singular, certain of examples of broad steps at sites around the Aegean basin serve its unique aspects tied it to established features within sanctuar- as retaining walls, grandstands, and routes of access. Several ies, giving it historical tradition as far back as the Geometric (e.g., Perachora, Argos, Thasos) serve more than one func- period. The unique form, however, was not one to be subse- tion, reflecting an adaptability of form not always acknowl- quently adopted in the religious sphere. Due to its tremendous edged in Greek architecture. Such overlaps in function also capacity for accommodating crowds, it instead became popular embody an intriguing conflict in iconography—of individual in civic architecture. Indeed the Telesterion at Eleusis was prob- ascent versus communal viewing. Evidence of early steps at ably the single influence for a new type of public building that Lindos, the Argive Heraion, and Corinth demonstrates that quickly gained popularity in Athens, and soon, all of Greece. the Greeks were not only adapting to but also exploiting ir- This paper explores the archaeological data from sites that pre- regular terrain by building monumental staircases as early as and postdate the Telesterion. I argue that the features that in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. My study of Archaic and fact made the Telesterion such a distinct structure, the stepped Classical broad steps aims to assess their various uses and mean- theatral area as well as the square enclosed design, came to- ing in context, and to establish this architectural element in gether in a form of architecture which uniquely linked an early the repertoire of pre-Hellenistic architecture. tradition of sanctuary features with a future class of civic assem- bly buildings. Indeed the Telesterion may have been the chro- nological join between the two. As Kerenyi said, “Within Greek Classical and Medieval Fortifications on Mt. religion, the Eleusinian Mysteries were unique of their kind.” Oneion in the Korinthia: William R. Caraher So, too, the architecture. and Timothy E. Gregory, Ohio State University

Mt. Oneion forms a nearly solid barrier to north–south Telesterion or Telesteria?: Elizabeth Kosmetatou, communications in the eastern part of the Korinthia. In 1971 Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium Ronald Stroud called attention to a fortification and tower on the easternmost pinnacle of Oneion, at Stanotopi, overlook- This paper aims at examining the validity of the occasional ing the harbor at Kenchreai and the probable course of a identification of ancient buildings by some modern scholars as coastal road running north–south. During the summer of 2000 278 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 the Eastern Korinthia Archaeological Survey explored further occupation of some 600 years has even been posited between to the west. This revealed a much more extensive series of the two chronological periods (J.E. Coleman, “An Archaeo- fortifications and clarified our understanding of the passes logical Scenario for the ‘Coming of the Greeks’ ca. 3200 B.C.,” across Mt. Oneion and the relationship between Korinth and JIES 28 [2000] 101–53). its hinterland. Among the discoveries on the ridge of the I identify three central Greek sites, Petromagoula and Pyrasos Oneion summit was a large fortified circuit built in rough, dry near Volos, and Doliana near Ioannina, as likely to have pro- masonry, with many obvious outlying walls. The dense ceramic duced some of the earliest EBA material yet attested. The rel- scatter, clearly associated with the upper fortification, dates evant finds from Petromagoula and Doliana include distinctive almost exclusively to the Late Classical period. incised pottery (dubbed “Bratislava type” by J. Maran) with close The rough construction and narrow chronological range of Balkan parallels during the Baden period. Although the mate- ceramic evidence fit well with J. McCredie’s criteria for forti- rial from Doliana was regarded as Chalcolithic by its excavator, I fied camps, and this helps to explain its purpose. This camp, argue that it is better placed in the EBA. Doliana is dated by a best accessed from south of Oneion, protected passes that led series of radiocarbon determinations, not yet published in de- to the area around modern Athikia (and ancient Tenea?), tail, to 3600–3200 B.C. The finds from these three sites have bypassing the regular route along the Xeropotamos River. few connections with the preceding Chalcolithic cultures of Clearly, the fortification system on Mt. Oneion served to pro- Greece and, taken together with evidence from Sitagroi and tect the wealthy area south of the mountain which must have Dikili Tash in Macedonia, may suggest that Early Bronze Age been especially important to Korinth. Not far from the Late peoples moved into the Greek peninsula from the north. Classical fortification was a defensive wall dating apparently from the Venetian era and showing that the pass through Oneion remained important into late times. Bronze Age Mitrou in East Lokris, Greece: Margaretha Kramer-Hajós, Cornell University

An Augustan Tribunal: A Seat for Gallio: Paul The unexcavated Bronze Age site of Mitrou is an islet/prom- D. Scotton, University of Washington ontory located in the bay of Atalanti. Investigations by the Cornell Halai and East Lokris project began in 1988–1989 with Investigations in the Julian Basilica in Ancient Corinth dur- surface and subsurface surveys. In 2000 and 2001 the finds ing July and August 2000 have led to the recognition of key collected from the surface were extensively studied in prepara- elements of the Augustan or first phase of construction of the tion for publication by Margaretha Kramer-Hajós (pottery) and building. I have argued previously, both at this forum and in Kerill O’Neill (lithics, figurines, etc.). Our researches show that print, that the Julian Basilica was the site of the imperial court of Mitrou was extensively settled throughout the Bronze Age with law in Corinth. Elements of the later, Antonine tribunal, previ- occupation continuing into the Early Iron Age, after which ously identified, enabled a restoration of that facade on paper. there was little human activity. Magnetometer survey in 1988– The location of the tribunal of the Antonine phase in the 1989 indicated the possible location of a fortification wall at the south aisle and evidence of earlier attempts to shore up the neck of the promontory. Artifacts from the surface of Mitrou main floor from below suggested that an earlier version of the range almost exclusively from Early Helladic to Geometric date. tribunal stood in this same spot. Elements of that Augustan They include obsidian cores and various stone tools, Mycenaean phase tribunal have now been identified. anthropomorphic and theriomorphic figurines, and high-qual- Most importantly, two wall crown blocks indicate the spacing ity Mycenaean pottery. Examination of vertical scarps produced of the support beams for the ceiling coffers and demonstrate by erosion from the sea showed that beneath the Mycenaean that the Augustan tribunal conformed to the design module of levels are from two to at least four meters of Middle Helladic and the building, i.e., 10 Roman feet (RF) or 2.957 m. This tribunal Early Helladic deposits. We recorded eight cist tombs, some of was 10 × 30 RF, tetrastyle, Ionic, and originally of poros, stucco, carefully cut stone, and counted many more, all probably of and wood. Although the tribunal was later reveted in marble, its Middle Helladic date. basic appearance did not change until the Antonine remodel- Mitrou was probably the biggest (ca. 3.6 ha) and most ing of the basilica. Thus, a restoration can be offered not only of important center in East Lokris for much of the Bronze Age the Augustan tribunal but also of the one upon which Gallio sat and may have served as a port for Orchomenos. Late Helladic and before which the apostle Paul was brought. chamber tombs recovered by the Greek Archaeological Ser- vice at nearby Tragana may represent a cemetery of the Mycenaean settlement.

SESSION 4D: RECENT RESEARCH ON THE PREHISTORIC GREEK MAINLAND Patterns in the Later Prehistory of the East- ern Korinthia: Daniel J. Pullen, Florida State The Beginning of the Bronze Age on the University, Thomas F. Tartaron, Yale University, Greek Mainland: John E. Coleman, Cornell Richard M. Rothaus, St. Cloud State University, University and Dimitri Nakassis and Amy Dill, University of Texas at Austin. The Early Bronze Age probably began on the Greek main- land in the later fourth millennium B.C. (ca. 3200 B.C. accord- From 1999 to 2001, the Eastern Korinthia Archaeological ing to many scholars). The details are obscure, despite the Survey (EKAS) obtained a wealth of new data on later prehis- recent appearance of reports on excavations at sites occupied toric settlement in its 200 km2 study area. EKAS sampled di- in the Chalcolithic (or “Final Neolithic”) period and the EBA, verse environmental zones in the lowlands of the northern such as Pevkakia near Volos. Radiocarbon dates are scarce and Korinthian plain, the Saronic and Korinthian Gulf coasts, and the few sites occupied in both the Chalcolithic and the EBA the rugged inland terrain south of Mount Oneion. Predictive show no clear signs of a continuous cultural transition. A gap in models for prehistoric settlement and harbor locations were de- 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 279 veloped and tested, and numerous sites and off-site scatters of reforms that might assist its development in the future. Five prehistoric material were systematically investigated. As a result, main components in Albanian archaeological thought are dis- we are able to measure intraregional variability in habitation and cussed: archaeology’s close links with history and historical rea- exploitation of land and other resources, and to address complex soning; Marxism as the ruling ideology in the country through- questions involving the regional system and its interrelated parts. out the second half of the 20th century; nationalism and We may also begin to place the eastern Korinthia within the ethnogenesis, and their development in the Balkans; empiri- wider context of other regional projects carried out in neighbor- cism; and cultural history. ing regions, including the Nemea Valley, the Berbati Valley, and Three main points about Albanian archaeology need to be the southern Argolid. It is already clear that the eastern Korinthia’s kept in mind: Albanian archaeology is a relatively new discipline Neolithic and Bronze Age trajectory is unique in its particular that came into existence a mere 50 years ago, was modeled on chronological development and social and economic dynamics. other European schools, and was influenced by foreign intel- Thus, the EKAS results contribute to the broader picture of chro- lectual achievements. Archaeology in Albania was, however, an nological and cultural variability that is emerging from similar Albanian product that was determined by the social, political, studies in the northeastern Peloponnese and beyond. This paper and historical context of the country at that time when it devel- examines the similarities and contrasts, and offers explanations oped. Consequently, changes in the cultural context in Albania for them. might also be expected to have an impact on the archaeological system (theoretical, administrative, educational, and informa- tive). Among recent developments are noted the current theo- The Third Season of Excavations at Plataiai, retical confusion in Albanian archaeology, which reflects to Greece: An Analysis: Andreas L. Konecny, Aus- some degree social conditions in Albania, and insecurity about trian Institute of Archaeology, University of future developments in the discipline. However, close contacts with archaeological institutions in other countries, changes Vienna, and Ronald T. Marchese, University of within the discipline outside of Albania, and a growing con- Minnesota at Duluth sciousness of the need for some substantive reforms within the Albanian system offer hope for the creation of a stronger, more Excavation and survey of ancient Plataiai continued in Sep- integrated archaeology in the future. tember, 2001. Both yielded a substantial body of new informa- tion on the site. The Archaic and Classical fortification systems were thoroughly examined and linked to the broader issue of The Myths of Aeneas: Archaeology, Politics, Athenian defensive strategy in the sixth to fourth centuries B.C. Excavations in the “lower town” at the western gateway— and Identity in Inter-War Albania: Oliver J. the main thoroughfare of the community, which determined Gilkes, University of East Anglia, U.K. the town’s orthogonal schema—was clarified, especially those structures previously identified as domestic housing. On the Between 1924 and 1943 the Italian government sponsored “acropolis” Archaic and Geometric strata were consolidated, pro- an archaeological mission in Albania. Its purpose was overtly po- viding a more substantive body of data on the early domestic litical, to counteract foreign influence with a cultural initiative habitation of the community. Further excavations yielded addi- that would facilitate Italian penetration of the country. Simulta- tional information on Plataiai’s Bronze Age levels, especially neously it was intended that the research objectives would pro- the substantial fortification enclosure identified in 2000 that vide data to support the fascist myths being developed as part of dates to the LH III period. This was superimposed over earlier Mussolini’s revolution. habitation in the EH and MH periods, suggesting the relative The young Italian archaeologist who was head of the mission, importance of the community throughout the Bronze Age. Luigi Maria Ugolini, was specifically directed to focus his research Although Protogeometric, Geometric, Archaic, early to late Clas- in areas that would further the underlying political agenda. Fur- sical, Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, and metabyzantine ce- thermore, he was encouraged to develop the publications and ramics are in abundance on the acropolis, excavations in 2001 publicity arising from the mission in tune with the changing concentrated on the prehistoric habitation of the site. This requirements of Rome. yielded material that postdated the Classical period by millennia This paper will examine the mission from the point of view of with the earliest occupational deposits of Late Neolithic date. its public persona, its publicity, and published research. Firstly, it Preliminary analysis has confirmed a substantial habitation pe- will focus on the way in which the Italians adopted a preexisting riod for Plataiai covering five millennia of near continuous occu- notion of Albanian identity and then manipulated it via the pation at the site proper—far beyond the meager remains and archaeological research to their own ends. Relevant here will be history suggested by current scholarship. the conflict between the nationalist-political objectives and Ugolini’s own personnel research agenda. Secondly, the pub- lished output of the mission and its associated publicity ephemera will be examined with a view to determining exactly how success- SESSION 4E: COLLOQUIUM: DECONSTRUC- ful the archaeologists and their political masters were in molding TING AND RECONSTRUCTING ALBANIAN public opinion. Finally, consideration will be given to the results of the Italian Archaeological Mission and the ways in which they ARCHAEOLOGY predetermined future research directions in Albania.

An Overview of Albanian Archaeological Thought and Its Social Context: Lorenc Bejko, The Construction of Identities in Post- Albanian Rescue Archaeology Unit, Tirana Roman Albania: William Bowden, University of East Anglia, U.K. This paper identifies the most important components in Albanian archaeological thought, presents a brief outline of During the communist period Albania’s archaeologists de- Albanian archaeology as it exists today, and discusses possible voted considerable time to the study of the seventh to ninth 280 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 centuries A.D. This was envisaged as the period when the popu- Are there characteristics specific to certain societies that might lation of the area now covered by Albania reclaimed their Illyrian mark them as being “tribal”? If so, can a redefined model of heritage as part of an Illyrian-Albanian identity. This was crucial tribalism be employed in Albania to explain the genesis of an in the communist model of Albanian history, which envisaged a Illyrian ethos? More specifically, can a tribal model be applied direct cultural and ethnic continuity between the ancient Illyrian in southern Albania to help us to better understand the inter- and modern Albanian populations. action of Greek colonists and indigenous Illyrians, such as in Many archaeologists, both in Albania and elsewhere, have the vicinity of Apollonia (as N.G.L. Hammond has implied)? subsequently rejected this model for its nationalistic and ethno- In order to construct a tribal model of Illyrian-Greek interac- centric connotations. However, the wealth of evidence relat- tions it is necessary to collect archaeological data that will ing to this period indicates significant changes in the ways in validate the model. Such data are beginning to appear. Fur- which the inhabitants of the region constructed new social thermore, if possible it would be useful to identify suitable identities in the changing political and economic climate of the analogues for tribal behavior as it might have evolved in a Balkans following the loss of Roman control in the early sev- Greco-Albanian world. I will suggest two such possible ana- enth century. The archaeological material includes large quan- logues. First, a tribal sociopolitical system has functioned in tities of grave finds as well as finds from hilltop settlement sites. northern Albania into the present day. This system, though This paper will examine some of the ways in which this mate- poorly studied by modern anthropologists, was described in rial can be approached, particularly in regard to the questions of some detail by early 20th-century travelers to the region (e.g., ethnic identity that have previously dominated archaeology in Edith Durham, Rose Wilder Lane, Margaret Hasluck). Their Albania. Recent work on ethnicity in archaeology has adopted descriptions can, I will argue, serve to enlighten and inform the perspective of anthropologists such as Frederic Barth who our study of the Illyrian tribes. Second, ethnohistoric accounts view ethnicity in terms of the choices of identity made in order of the colonization by the English of what is now Virginia may to establish and maintain boundaries between different social serve as an example of tribal responses to an intruding culture, units. This paper will attempt to determine the extent to which analogous to the Greek colonization of Illyria. these choices can be identified in the archaeological record of post-Roman Albania. Archaeological Practice: Evolution of Its The Origins of the Albanians and the Early Role in Albanian Society: Maria Grazia Amore, Albanian Rescue Archaeology Unit, Tirana Medieval Koman Civilization: Etleva Nallbani, Institute of Archaeology, Tirana This paper will focus on the changes in archaeological prac- tice in Albania as they are reflected by its role in society, by the All European nations, including the Albanian, have an iden- institutions that administrate it, and most of all by the laws tity. Already by the end of the 19th century the great antiquity that define it. The recent and rapid development of the infra- of the Albanians was stressed by both historians and politicians. structure of the country on the one hand, and the very well- This ideological viewpoint was succeeded before WWII by a organized looting and illegal traffic of art objects on the other, more evolved perspective that emphasized the multiethnic have encouraged the Albanian archaeological community to nature of the Albanians. But the dictatorial regime of Hoxha draw up a new Cultural Heritage Law, only six years after a new again chose to emphasize the unique, autochthonous, and an- law was enacted in 1994. Because of the inadequacy of the cient origins of the Albanians and their static national con- governmental institutions to control strictly all of Albania and sciousness. It looked to archaeology more than any other his- because of a lack of both human and economic resources, a toric discipline to prove the legitimacy of such ideas, and ar- new archaeological institution has been born of necessity: a chaeology developed empirical methods and models that proved Rescue Unit that is funded by foreign agencies. One of the invaluable in supporting this national “project.” Such demagogi- principal goals of the new law now under discussion is to give cal archaeology had the power to deform methodology and to archaeology a leading role and economic independence as contort facts. It eliminated scientific objectivity in interpreta- the country develops: archaeologists must be consulted every tion and peopled the Albanian past with nationally unified soci- time that a public work is to be undertaken, and the company eties that were ready to fight for their territories, establishing involved has to cover the expenses of the resulting archaeo- groundwork for possible humanitarian disasters in the future. A logical excavation, providing archaeologists with an alterna- dispassionate look at the archaeological evidence suggests, how- tive to foreign funding. It is hoped that a “public archaeology” ever, that it may be interpreted in ways very different from will be established, one that can create an equilibrium be- those emphasized under communism. In particular I discuss tween the need to develop the country and the necessity to archaeological evidence relating to the so-called Arbër civiliza- safeguard its archaeological heritage. This archaeology should tion of Late Antiquity and the early Medieval period. I will argue bypass both the politically oriented archaeology of the Com- that elements of dress, weapons, and jewelry found in cemeter- munist period, and the disoriented archaeology of the last ies of the so-called Koman culture of the sixth to eighth centu- decade. ries A.D. point not only to the continuation of regional tradi- tions, but to cultural mixing and openness. A New Albanian Archaeological Institution: Modeling the Formation and Evolution of Iris Pojani, International Center of Albanian Ar- an Illyrian Tribal System: Ethnographic chaeology, Tirana and Archaeological Analogues: Michael L. An important aspect of the reorganization of Albanian ar- Galaty, Millsaps College chaeology has been the establishment, by the Packard Hu- manities Institute, of a new International Center for Albanian Anthropologists are currently redefining what is meant by Archaeology. The object of this institution is to help coordi- the term “tribe,” as first articulated by Elman Service in 1962. nate, develop, and promote Albania’s archaeological heritage. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 281

Goals of the Packard Center include the creation of an inter- Rome began to recognize her Trojan origins during the national research center and library in central Tirana, the third century B.C., and coins struck during the war with Pyrrhus support of a constellation of major research excavations that accordingly show Roma wearing a Phrygian cap. It was probably will raise the international visibility of Albanian archaeology, because of Rome’s association with Troy that the cult of Cybele and the training of Albanian students. Major research projects was brought to Rome from Asia Minor in 204 B.C., and images currently include excavations and survey at Durrës; interna- of Attis in eastern dress rapidly became a prominent part of tional collaborations at Byllis (French) and Phoenice (Ital- religious life in Rome. Throughout most of the late Republic, ian); the creation of a national park at Apollonia, similar to Phrygian caps and trousers were therefore associated primarily that already established at Butrint; and the conservation of with positive concepts. the city of Gjirokastra. Second-year students at the University A major change occurred at the end of the Republic, when of Tirana gain field experience at Apollonia and Butrint. Third- Parthia developed into the greatest foe of the Romans, and year students complete a course of study in the U.K. This victory monuments featuring subjugated Parthians began to training will produce a well-trained younger generation of be erected in the Forum. At this point eastern costumes ac- students to manage Albania’s cultural resources. quired a kind of bilingual significance: either positive or nega- tive depending on the context. During the Augustan period representations of Aeneas also changed. Ascanius was added to Aeneas groups and shown SESSION 4F: AIA/APA JOINT COLLOQUIUM: wearing trousers and a Phrygian cap, although Aeneas was HISTORY AND REPRESENTATION IN ROME never represented in eastern costume in imperial monuments. The inclusion of eastern costume was judged necessary to establish Rome’s Trojan origins, but because Parthians wore Vergilian Ecphrasis and the Politics of View- the same costumes, Phrygian caps and trousers were used only ing in Augustan Rome: Andrew Feldherr, for children. Monuments representing Parthians were gener- ally separated from those in which Trojans were featured, and Princeton University in some monuments, such as the Ara Pacis, all of the Trojans The decade that produced the complex memorials of the were dressed as contemporary Romans. Temple of Apollo on the Palatine and the Prima Porta Augustus also yielded the most extended and suggestive account of how The Recreation of Time in the Augustan viewing historical monuments can shape a collective Roman identity: the scenes where Aeneas confronts the temple of Secular Games: Holt N. Parker, University of Juno at Carthage and the shield wrought by Vulcan. There Cincinnati have been several contrasting recent efforts to link the ambi- Attempts to reduce the Secular Games of 17 B.C. to “propa- guities of Vergilian ecphrases to the “power of images” in Au- ganda” are anachronistic and sterile. I prefer to examine the gustan Rome: Galinsky suggests the very prominence of art in festival, from the initial votes to the striking of the stages, as a the poem compliments the humanity of the Augustan present, site-specific Gesamtkunstwerk, using the insights of cultural poetics while Putnam and Barchiesi present a more agonistic relation- that have been so fruitful for Renaissance spectacle. Here, I can ship between literary text and artistic monument. My paper only touch on the theme of permanent impermanence and will relate the particular position from which Aeneas views three of the ways in which the Games represented and recreated these monuments—in one case as an outsider ignorant of the history. history described (8.730), in another as a member of the very First, the temporary stages, which recalled the conspicuous people whose defeat is celebrated (1.450–94)—to important expenditures of the Republic, but freed from strife. They also methodological questions about how actual Augustan monu- served ritually to recreate primitive Rome in an act of symbolic ments should be read. Recent attempts to find a specific politi- magic. Yet the extended Games ended in the permanent The- cal message in imperial iconography have risked delegitimizing aters of Pompey and Marcellus, binding old to new. the interpretations of viewers from outside the triumphant Second, I recreate the fragmentary monumental inscription national group. By showing how Vergil’s poem highlights not as document but as monument. The vote to remember was multiple perspectives on public works of art, perspectives which made before the acts themselves. Four meters high, prominently cannot comfortably be labeled misreadings, I argue that the displayed at the bend of the Tiber, the Pillar preceded the deeds Aeneid provides a more complicated model for viewers’ en- it recorded. The ritual was performed in order to become a text; counters with such representations of history and that this the text inscribed in order to become a monument. model, far from being an anomalous product of the poem as Third, Horace’s Carmen Saeculare, which recreated Roman lit- text, conforms to other accounts of the social effects of dis- erary history. It reached back to the primal rites of Roman poetry, playing the past. especially Andronicus’s expiatory carmen (Fraenkel was wrong here). Unlike the mercifully mangled hexameters on the monu- ment of the Severan Games, Horace’s carmen was deliberately Rome and Troy: The Problem of the East in the not inscribed. Augustus chose Horace because he knew his po- West: C. Brian Rose, University of Cincinnati ems would last (mansura). Exegi monumentum, but the voice is that of Augustus. Troy’s location at the shortest crossing point between Eu- rope and Asia meant that the city and its mythical inhabitants were at different times associated with the East or the West. In Talking for the Heads: Cicero’s Re-Presen- Archaic art Trojan dress is indistinguishable from that of the tation of Statuary: Eleanor Winsor Leach, In- Greeks, but in Greek art produced after the Persian wars, Tro- diana University jans appear essentially as Persians, with Phrygian caps and trou- sers, and this iconography remained unchanged throughout In many of Cicero’s oratorical topographies, statues occupy the remainder of classical antiquity. places no less significant than in the Roman cityscape. Mate- 282 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 rial statues purportedly communicate with their viewers through monuments on which they appear. The varied ways in which shared codes of meaning. The viewer sees not only a person, they are portrayed are closely linked to their evolving role in a deity, or a Polycleitan masterwork, but also its relationship the politics of the empire, as well as to the urban context of with institutions of the state. Recent scholarship has cast new each relief. Their images in state reliefs can also be associated light on these communications. Sehlmoyer (Stuttgart 1999) with their appearance on coins, which reflect an emperor’s shows the late Republic as a critical time in the politicization of desire to appease to control them. Their dress and equipment statuary. Tanner (JRS [2000] 18–50) has further explored the is sometimes that of soldiers on campaign, as on the arch of semiotics of verism within this political context. Claudius, or on the column of Trajan. Yet, within the city of As representations of representation, Cicero’s statues carry Rome, they actually only wore full armor when accompanying the politics of signification into rhetorically reorganized con- a captured enemy leader. By contrast, on the Puteoli reliefs, or texts. Oratorical manipulation of the viewer’s perspective high- on the Arco di Portogallo relief, they attend the emperor in lights a basic instability of meaning in the image as when simple traveling clothes. The Anaglypha Traiani/Hadriani and Cicero reveals the origin of Clodius’s goddess Libertas as the the Chatsworth relief show them burning debt records, prob- memorial to a Tanagrian whore and contrasts her with the ably in the forum of Trajan. However, they are never por- chaste Concordia whom the Censor C. Cassius had dedicated in trayed in the togas they wore every day when they were guard- the senate house. In Verrines 2.4, Cicero’s most populous sculp- ing the emperor’s palace. Their final defeat at the battle of ture gallery, we see the gilded pretentious statues Verres had the Milvian bridge is vividly depicted on the arch of extorted from the Syracusan clients against the venerable Constantine, who also finally disbanded their units. masterworks that the unscrupulous praetor has stolen. Philippics 9 foregrounds a statue of the consular Servius Sulpicius Rufus not yet erected in contrast with Antony’s decadent living body. Statues, as Cicero observes in the Pro Archia, are images merely SESSION 4G: COLLOQUIUM: COLLOQUIUM of bodies, not minds, and the orator shows them subject to ON CULTURAL PROPERTY verbal resculpturing.

Can There Be a Common Ground? Differing On the Auction Block: Slaves and Their His- Views of Kennewick Man as Cultural Her- tories: Barbara Kellum, Smith College itage: Francis P. McManamon, National Park According to Roman law, slaves were things. For this rea- Service son, it has often been said that slaves have no histories. This paper will challenge such a view by focusing on the inscrip- The chance discovery of a nearly complete 9,000 year-old tional and visual evidence of former slaves who chose to repre- human skeleton on federal land in Kennewick, Washington sent themselves on their funerary monuments with scenes of set archaeological professionals and interested members of slaves being sold on the auction block. In two instances, the the public abuzz with speculations about the ancient history of freedmen may have gone on to become slave dealers them- the Pacific Northwest and migrations of the earliest settlers of selves, which makes these images doubly nuanced, but all the America. The discovery also ignited traditionalists among Ameri- examples share an unabashed directness in depicting the can Indians in a crusade to ensure that the remains were not economy of enslavement in the most explicit terms. The mo- defiled, but instead were quickly and reverently reburied. In ment of what we might assume to be the ultimate degradation attempting to determine the best course of action, the De- seems to have functioned for freedmen as their point of his- partment of the Interior and National Park Service conducted torical origin—the first step toward their manumission. These a variety of scientific investigations and consulted extensively monuments suggest a new reading of what has usually been with representatives of the involved Indian tribes. Although interpreted as one of the fictional freedman Trimalchio’s more to this point, much has been accomplished, common ground colossal errors in taste: the fresco depicting his career from among the variety of interested parties has not been reached. the slavemarket to his elevation to sevir Augustalis (Sat. 29). It may be that a completely mutually agreeable solution is not Moreover, I will argue that an interpretation of the auction possible in this situation. block scenes as inaugural moments of selfhood highlights the profound differences between the Roman slave system, where manumission included limited citizenship rights, and that of In the Aftermath of the Steinhardt Phiale any other culture. A more multivalent model of history and Decision: Patty Gerstenblith, DePaul University representation reveals that, rather than trying to “pass” as College of Law freeborn, Roman freedpeople celebrated their own founda- tion stories, much as in the rags to riches tales of contempo- In 1998, the Archaeological Institute of America entered as rary mime (The Runaway Slave Strikes It Rich). an amicus curiae a case on appeal before the Second Circuit Court of Appeals. The case involved the theft and smuggling of an ancient gold phiale which was taken from Sicily and The Praetorian Guard in Roman Art: Harriet I. purchased by a New York collector. The court’s decision a year Flower, Franklin and Marshall College later sent the phiale back to Italy but left questions concern- ing the recognition of Italy’s national ownership law unan- My paper discusses the particular iconography of praetorian swered. During the past three years several other issues con- guardsmen in Roman state art and its relationship to the chang- cerning the Cultural Property Implementation Act, the bilat- ing political role of the emperor’s own bodyguard. Praetorians eral agreement between Italy and the United States to re- are often not specifically identified by art historians, yet they strict import of undocumented antiquities, and the draft do appear with some frequency, especially in Roman historical UNESCO Underwater Cultural Heritage Convention have reliefs. I establish criteria for recognizing praetorians in Ro- developed. This paper wil1 evaluate these recent develop- man art, and then go on to enumerate the principal, extant ments in the field of cultural property law and the role that 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 283 the AIA has played and can play in shaping these develop- been collected for more than 250 years, the evidence indi- ments. This paper will also examine the increasingly active cates a virtual flooding of the international market with role that the museum community has taken in these same unprovenienced Apulian pots in the last three decades. The issues. Finally, the paper will consider the status of cultural enrichment of hundreds of American and European museums property as the common heritage of the world and the obliga- and private collections with Apulian pottery during this period tions that this status imposes on both individual nations and coincides with a plague of looting in Puglia that is well-docu- the international community. mented by archaeologists on the ground and through the efforts of Italian law enforcement agencies. This study contra- dicts the claims of collectors and other advocates of the antiq- Law, Politics, and Archaeology: A Brief Leg- uities trade that most of the material on the market derives islative History of the Convention on Cul- from old collections rather than contemporary pillage. tural Property Implementation Act: Ma- rina Papa Sokal, City College, City University of Recontextualizing Stolen Antiquities: New York Malcom Bell, III, University of Virginia

This paper is a study of the U.S. ratification of the UNESCO Like many other Mediterranean sites, Morgantina has suf- Convention of 1970 and of the legislative history of the Con- fered extensive archaeological looting. Unti1 the 1970s ille- vention on Cultural Property Implementation Act (CCPIA) of gal digging was concentrated in the cemeteries, but more 1983. By examining the relevant Congressional documents recent use of the metal detector has made the habitation an (Senate and House hearings and debates), I trace the origin easy target. The city was captured by the Romans in 211 B.C., of the reservation and understandings that the Senate added when much precious metal was evidently buried for safekeep- when it ratified the UNESCO treaty in 1972 as well as the ing, as both legitimate and clandestine finds have indicated. particular interests and politics that played a role in shaping The latter include several important coin hoards, now dis- the implementation law in its present (and, I will argue, flawed) persed, as well as a treasure of Hellenistic silver today in the form. I will also briefly examine the pending bill, recently Metropolitan Museum of Art. introduced by Senator Moynihan and others, to amend the The U.S. excavators of Morgantina have attempted to CCPIA, particularly with reference to the proposed changes in recontextualize some of these finds through excavation, in the role and composition of the Cultural Property Advisory the interest of both shedding light on works of great historical Committee (CPAC). importance and assisting in the Italian efforts to recover them. Working closely with the authorities, we were able to excavate Provenance: What It Is and Why It Matters the specific findspot of the silver treasure in New York, which proved to be a house of the Greek period abandoned at the So Much: Christopher Chippindale, Cambridge end of the third century B.C. Evidence was found indicating University Museum of Archaeology and Anthro- that the treasure was hidden after 214 B.C.; graffito inscrip- pology, and David W.J. Gill, University of Wales, tions on the silver identify the last owner, whose name is otherwise known at Morgantina in a contemporary document. Swansea A similar attempt will be made to recontextualize two acrolithic marble sculptures of late Archaic date, looted at The “provenance” of an object is what we know about what Morgantina in 1979 and now in a private collection in New it is and where it comes from, beyond what we can deduce York. It is hoped that such efforts at recovering the actual from the thing itself. That knowledge divides into two parts, circumstances of clandestine excavation will contribute to dis- one ancient and one modern: what we can know about the couraging purchase by collectors and museums of object’s ancient story from its findspot and context is the unprovenanced antiquities. object’s archaeology; what happened to it after it left the ground is the object’s history. There always have been, and surely always will be, some unprovenanced antiquities, fine ancient things which just “surface” without archaeology or even history. Our studies, published by the AJA, have begun to SESSION 4H: AIA/APA JOINT COLLOQUIUM: give a quantitative account: just how many things of certain NONVERBAL BEHAVIORS IN ANCIENT types “surface” and with what material consequences. In this LIFE, LITERATURE, AND ART paper we report new work that explores the intellectual con- sequences of that habitual loss of provenance, a sad and grave impoverishment of what we can know about ancient worlds as Leaving Words Behind: Nonverbal Elements they actually were, and a permanent loss we impose on future in the Archaic Departure Scene: Elizabeth S. generations. That there is a loss has long been recognized; Greene, Princeton University how large, deep, and tragic it is has not. Since the seminal work of W. Arend, analysis of typical motifs has become commonplace in Homeric scholarship. Stud- Counting the Costs of Collecting Apulian ies have focused on traditional elements, verbal and nonver- Red-Figure Pottery: Ricardo J. Elia, Boston bal, that occur in scenes of shared subject. Using the motif of University departure as a test case, I compare the structure of the leave- taking scenes in Homeric epic with that of similar scenes painted A quantitative study of more than 13,000 Apulian red-fig- on Archaic vases. As E.A. Mackay (Oral Tradition 10 [1995] ure pots offers a startling indictment of the role of collectors 301) has argued, the strategic usage of traditional elements to and the antiquities market in stimulating the looting of ar- form a typical scene is not unique to epic poetry, but reflects a chaeological sites in south Italy. Although Apulian pottery has mode of construction used by Archaic poets and artists alike. 284 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106

A complete Homeric departure scene performed for a trav- conventions that make narrative effective. Among the most eler or warrior includes the following elements: farewell speech important are gestures. How gestures function to further the to the departing figure, farewell speech by the departing narrative, and what they add to an image’s ability to tell a figure, libation or prayer to the gods, preparations for the story, is the object of this study. departure, and the reactions of the figures who remain be- Through the sixth and fifth centuries, Athenian pottery hind. Of these elements, half use oral communication, half painters developed a vocabulary of gestures to help them tell are performed by the characters in the scene. In Archaic vase a story visually. With increasing subtlety and variety, this rep- painting, the gestures, actions, and accoutrements of the ertoire of arm, hand, and finger positions allowed painters to participants eliminate the need for speeches. No words indicate concisely the reactions and emotions of the charac- emerge from the painted figures, but the departures are as ters in the scene. recognizable as the Homeric passages. The vases present a The broad range of conscious signals and unconscious re- compact chronological snapshot of the epic leave-takings. actions seen on Kleitias’s François Vase (ca. 570) can be Within a single panel, the painter captures the content, traced down to the vases of Beazley’s Leagros Group 50 years context, and emotion of the departures. In the performance later. In the first decades of the fifth century, red-figure of formal behavior, such as the etiquette surrounding type artists portrayed an increasingly broad range of interior emo- scenes of departure, nonverbal elements convey meaning as tional states through pose and gesture, at a time when early effectively as speeches. theater must have been exploring similar devices. Monu- mental painting and fully developed tragedy led to the intro- duction of gestures with a new level of psychological insight. A Temple of Her Own: Gendered Proxemics This trend continued, and, by the late fifth century, painters in the Homeric HYMN TO DEMETER: Dianna Rhyan used gestures to express interior states more than exterior Kardulias, College of Wooster ones. In Greek art there are few methods other than gesture to Attending to nonverbal behavior in the Homeric Hymn to indicate character traits, one of the most important aspects Demeter reveals abrupt alterations in location, position, and cos- of narration. The success of Athenian narrative art can there- tume. Males initiate, but females live out such changes: wander- fore be closely linked to the development of a flexible and ing, wearing disguises, disfiguring themselves; exhibiting ter- subtle vocabulary of conventional gestures. ror, rage, or “doglike” silence; rending garments, screaming, slapping thighs, leaping, embracing. Persephone’s initial dislo- cation at Hades’ hands and the goddesses’ final seats beside Zeus frame significant gender distinctions in nonverbal behav- The Bare Feet Speak: Nonverbal Messages of ior, specifically gendered uses of space (proxemics; Lateiner Barefootedness: Daniel Levine, University of 1992; Poyatos 1983, 1992). Involuntarily mobile females par- Arkansas take in and further ancient Greek cultural definitions of gen- der (Neuberger-Donath 1996; cf. Konstan 1994; Just 1989; This paper investigates the literary and artistic messages Zeitlin 1985; Keuls 1985; Halperin et al. 1990; Winkler 1990; projected by the nonverbal dichotomy of shod/unshod. Blok and Mason 1987). Demeter, a strategically immobile fe- Contrasts between barefootedness and being shod appear male who status-consciously manipulates space, challenges gen- meaningfully in Greek art, from Mycenaean “funerary der expectations and seeks to remediate real and perceived boots” through Classical sculpture (architectural and stele gender-based deficiencies. During Persephone’s abduction reliefs). Numerous Greek vase paintings seem to contrast (seemingly irrevocable dislocation; Lateiner 2000; Laiou 1993; barefoot and shod characters to express a particular mood Evans-Grubbs 1989; Herzfeld 1985), Demeter tears her veil or meaning. (41), signifying grief, physical vulnerability, loss of standing, Positive images of barefootedness appear in references and rejection of sexuality (Nagler 1974; Segal 1971; Levine to military training without sandals. Apologiae for 1995; Goffman 1963). She vocally mourns (Holst-Warbaft l992) barefootedness also include defense of unshod philosophers, then dislocates herself as withered crone, on the ground, on a ancient heroes and goddesses, stressing beauty and practi- low stool, and at the hearth under cover of night, “greeting up” cality. When exercise became a fashionable medical therapy, (like beggar Odysseus, Lateiner 1995; Goody 1972) and telling Asclepius prescribed walking and running barefoot, even pirate tales of wandering enslavement. Yet late in this battle when logic deemed such behavior inappropriate. Silent feet between the sexes (Arthur 1977; Foley 1994; DeBloois 1997), tell tales. Greeks were acutely aware of the appearance of Demeter employs new proxemics. In her Eleusinian temple feet, and often recognized others by this part of their body, (archaeologically imaginary or not, Clinton 1986, 1992, 1993), or the prints they made. surrounded by worshippers who fearfully quake (293; cf. 281– Religious awe precluded wearing shoes on “holy ground.” 2), dark (as Hades, cf. 40–42, 182–3, 360; Johnston 1994; Felson- Bare feet show humility and respect, while footwear can Rubin and Deal 1980), and elevated, her adjusted body adap- pollute. Haste and enthusiasm prevent people from stop- tors, manipulation of speech protocols and refusal to “mingle” ping to dress or put on shoes. If a character is barefoot, she/ µσγεται ( 355) declare strategy revisions. he is likely in a hurry. Bare feet are sexual; POUS is slang in old comedy for Gesture, Character, and Narrative: Nonver- “penis,” and several late Greek letters fetishize the feet and share the strongly erotic character of foot-worshipping bal Portrayal and the Success of Athe- passages in the ancient literature of India. This eroticism of nian Imagery: Timothy J. McNiven, Ohio State bare feet contrasts with the Aristotelian admonition that University bare feet are not advantageous for sexual intercourse. Further iconographic studies will help us to appreciate Despite all the discussion of Greek visual narrative (e.g., more fully how going without shoes makes a nonverbal Stansbury-O’Donnell 1999), few scholars have examined the statement. 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 285 Nonverbal Behavior on the Roman Comic SESSION 5A: THE BLACK SEA Stage: Costas Panayotakis, University of Glasgow, Scotland Sinop Province (Turkey) Archaeological Project: 2001 Field Report: Owen P. Doonan, This paper is a reminder of the pitfalls associated with tracing signs of nonverbal behavior in Roman comic drama, and sug- IV, University of Pennsylvania Museum gests fruitful lines of inquiry in this fascinating field. This field report presents the results of the 2001 field in- The absence of ancient handbooks on acting and of explicit vestigations in the hinterland of Sinop, Turkey. The 2001 stage directions in theatrical texts, and the improvisational na- field season builds on four seasons of survey and one season of ture of comedy and mime have caused much speculation on the sondage excavations at the site of Sinop kale, carried out from movements actors and actresses performed on stage. Scholars 1996–2000. In four seasons of survey over 170 sites have been seek the evidence for gestures in visual material illustrating documented, ranging from Upper Paleolithic to Ottoman in theatrical scenes, in Cicero’s and Quintilian’s educational in- date. During the 2001 season we plan to conduct geophysical structions, and in nondramatic texts heavily influenced by drama. and geochemical investigations and small-scale sondage exca- This approach is methodologically hazardous, for it ultimately vations at several prehistoric sites that have been documented produces only a list of vague allusions to nonverbal behavior by the survey. Our primary goals are to recover ceramics from defined by nondramatists as “theatrical,” it draws artificial bound- intact contexts that can be dated by associated 14C remains aries between behavioral patterns such as “normal” and “histri- and to recover floral data that can be used to reconstruct onic,” “acceptable” and “obscene,” and it fails to prove that the ancient climate and ecology. We also plan to continue our same gestures of, say, fear were systematically exploited when- program of geomorphological reconstruction of coastal evolu- ever an actor needed to express fear. tion in Sarikum on the western side of Sinop promontory. I suggest that the transmitted text is our best guide in visual- izing the stage action of a comedy. Playwrights may provide the necessary stage directions in the following ways: comments on the characters’ actions, demonstrative pronouns or comparative Dynamics of Change: The Rural Landscape clauses, a character’s description of the posture of another char- of the Bosporan Kingdom: Jane E. Rempel, acter, figures of speech that emphasize the intensity of ges- University of Michigan tures, use of music and metre, or by inviting the audience to imagine tears or facial expressions, and by creating scenes with During the fourth through second centuries B.C., there lively subject matter. Nonverbal behavior, however, is aimed at was a marked increase in rural settlement in the territory of reinforcing the dramatic context to which it belonged, not at the Bosporan kingdom, on the north coast of the Black Sea. replacing or “upstaging” the playwright’s script. This change in the rural landscape reflects a larger change in the social landscape of the region. Prior to this period of expansion, there was a clear delinea- Gesture and Identity: Depictions of Roman tion between the urban territory of the cities (founded as Freedwomen in Funerary Context: Jasmin W. Greek colonies) and the rural land used by groups of people native to the region. Thus, these new rural settlements physi- Cyril, University of Minnesota cally claimed territory that had not been previously occupied by the Bosporan kingdom. Because the new rural settlements In terms of nonverbal communication, the coded informa- were constructed in a Greek style, it has been assumed that tion recognizable in representations of Roman freedwomen is they represent an expansion into the hinterland by the urban indicative of a conscious determination to identify the subject Greek population. of the portrait in the context of the transitional status achieved This visual appropriation of the landscape by the cultural through manumission. This paper seeks to address the issues symbols of the Bosporan urban elite, however, did not exclude and nonverbal behaviors apparent in Roman funerary relief the native inhabitants. In fact, the evidence suggests that the sculpted portraits commissioned by freedwomen in the early local population was often incorporated into the new settle- Empire. This aspect of these works has not been formally ments. At the same time, social and civic life in the cities was considered or addressed in previous studies of this genre of altered by increasing non-Greek participation. material in terms of the recognition of status from the identi- This paper argues that these new rural settlements cannot fiable reference point of the Roman freedwomen’s own view be understood as merely Greek, or even Hellenized, but in- of herself and her modified status. stead reflected, and perhaps contributed to, a more inclusive As the monuments existed apart from textual explanation conception of membership in Bosporan society. As such, the beyond the inscriptions identifying the patron, here specifi- symbols of Greek culture that had been the sole preserve of cally chosen works commissioned by freedwomen, they have the urban elite were accessible to, and reinterpreted by, a explicit and implicit nonverbal markers of acquired and per- larger and more heterogeneous group of people. ceived status sanctioned by the women depicted. An example of primary information indicating perceived modification or achievement of status is represented by dextrarum iunctio. The aim of this study is to underscore the significant body of non- A Misinterpreted and Forgotten Early Ro- verbal communicative behaviors which Roman freedwomen man Auxiliary Camp in Moesia Inferior: utilized in their monuments to transmit complex ideas about Steven A. Krebs, Indiana University themselves and their relationship to immediate associates and Roman society at large. This study will demonstrate that apart In 1913 Vasile Pârvan, the father of Romanian archaeology, from the legal and societal issues addressed by specific nonver- excavated an Early Roman auxiliary camp 4 km to the east of bal markers, the relief portraits encode heretofore unrevealed Pantelimonul de Sus in central Dobrogea, the region of Roma- issues of self-recognition and appreciation. nia between the Black Sea and the Danube River (V. Pârvan, 286 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106

“Descoperiri noua în Scythia Minor,” Analele Academiei Române In another part of the yard was a cellar containing fish 35 [1913] 526–31). Pârvan misidentified the site as a tempo- remains, among other things. The major building to the rary, summer marching camp, i.e., Castra Aestiva, because of a immediate west of the church and yard, had, at least, five lack of building stone. He also neglected to examine the rooms. It may date as early as the 10th or 11th centuries ancient ceramics on the site. Thus was the only extant Early though was destroyed around the 13th century. A Byzantine Roman castra unburdened by later construction forgotten until iron processional cross found in one of the rooms suggests this author’s intensive survey of the Castra Aestiva in 1993 (S. that the building may have housed a priest. Some wealth Krebs, “Settlement in Classical Dobrogea,” Ph.D. diss. [Indiana seems indicated by abundant Zeuxippus ware and turquoise- University 2000]). glazed Islamic pottery. I examine the role of this forgotten auxiliary camp in the It is too early to decide whether or not the complex, as larger context of a frontier province which was protected in other parts of the city, had been destroyed during a Tatar sack the second half of the first century A.C. by the Danube fleet in the latter half of the 13th century. Nonetheless, later pot- at Noviodunum, a legion posted to a camp near Tomis, the tery shows that occupation probably continued down to Otto- capital of Moesia, a vexillatio of the Fifth Macedonian Legion man times, in the late 15th century. at Troesmis, and a number of auxiliary units defended the lower Danube frontier. A strong Roman presence along the lower Danube frontier permitted colonization by Romanized A New Scythian Coin Type from the Western settlers from the western provinces, who encroached quickly Pontic Region: Elena Stolyarik, The American upon the lands of the Greek cities, particularly Histria. Barbar- ian incursions from beyond the Danube were no more a threat Numismatic Society to the development of Moesia Inferior than they were to the Several years ago bronze coins bearing the types of Dionysus other Danube provinces (contra A.G. Poulter, “The Lower head/Galloping Horseman but without indication of either Moesian Limes and the Dacian Wars of Trajan,” Studien zu den ruler’s name or mint were found near Dionysopolis. The same Militärgrenzen Roms III. 13. Internationaler Limeskongreß type is present in the collection of the American Numismatic [Stuttgart 1986] 519–28). Society. The depiction of the Horseman is analogous to Scythian images of Greek-Scythian toreutics and was origi- nally dated to the period of the Scythian rulers of “Scythia The Chora of Chersonesos in Crimea in the Minor” in Dobrudja (third through early second century B.C.). Early Hellenistic Period: Jessica Trelogan, This paper revises the date of this issue based on stylistic analy- Institute of Classical Archaeology, University of sis and written sources. Texas at Austin, and Galina Nikolaenko, National The coins of “Scythia Minor” normally bear the names of the kings responsible for their issue and borrow types from the Preserve of Tauric Chersonesos, Ukraine autonomous emissions of Western Pontic cities, which are sty- listically different from the Dionysus/Horseman types. The The Chora of Chersonesos is perhaps the best known ex- image of the horseman seems more closely related to the ample of a well-preserved ancient territory from the Greek reverse types used by the Scythian king Ateas, killed by Philip period. Until very recently, however, there were no accurate II in 339 B.C. At the same time, the combination of an obverse plans of it. The author, working with the Center for Space depicting a deity and a reverse depicting a horseman has close Research and on a grant from NASA, has created a detailed analogy with bronzes of Philip II, Lysimachus, and Thracian and accurate representation of the Chora’s topography (DEM) dynasts. The Dionysus/Horseman coinage was influenced by and of the system of stone-paved country roads that divided it Macedonian typology and should be seen as a transitional type into over 400 more or less uniform 26 ha (60 acre) farm plots. between the classical fine style of Philip II’s coinage, and the She will work with her colleague, Galina Nikolaenko, this sum- descriptive traditions of the dawning Hellenistic age. The ab- mer to document and locate on the plan, as well as document sence of the king’s name and mint mark suggests that the in a multilayered GIS, all of the 140 excavated and unexcavated purpose of the issue was not mainly economic, but rather to rural estates. This work will be carried on in June and July in advertise Scythian power, perhaps during their alliance with the Archives, the Preserve, and in the field. the Western Pontic cities against Lysimachus in 312 B.C.

Excavations at Chersonesos (Sevastopol, Ukraine) 2001: Paul Arthur, Universitá de Lecci, SESSION 5B: NORTH AFRICA AND THE NEAR Italy, and Larissa Sedikova, National Preserve of EAST Tauric Chersonesos, Ukraine

The site excavated in 2001 lies on a high point of Ego Libyphoenix: Culture and Community in Chersonesos, immediately within the Roman walls, against the Carthaginian Sahel: Douglas Welle, SUNY which had been built a public water reservoir. The reservoir, at Buffalo abandoned during the ninth century, was later used as a rub- bish dump, perhaps signaling the end of piped water to the The study of Phoenician North Africa has often focused on city. the metropolis of Carthage, often ignoring the presence of New excavations revealed an impressive main street, over 5 indigenous African groups. Pliny and Livy each mention m wide, and part of an insula on the other side of the street to Libyphoenicians, a culturally hybridized group that inhabited the reservoir. To the north, it was fronted by a major building the eastern coast, or Sahel, of modern Tunisia. Despite and by a yard bordered by a church. Perhaps dating from the Carthage’s economic and military empire in the Mediterra- 11th–12th century, the church may have served the popula- nean west, the funerary archaeology of the Tunisian Sahel is tion of the insula. distinct from the material evidence in the major Carthaginian 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 287 cemeteries. This underscores the varying cultural traditions an enormous sanctuary of the crocodile god Souchos; this was and local identities which persisted within 50 miles from archaeologically important because all the priests’ houses and Carthage. workshops were still intact. Bagnani excavated the monks’ Examining the coastal cemeteries from Hadrumetum to houses and frescoed churches of a Coptic monastery in 1933 Gigthis, this paper argues that the Sahelian funerary record and, in 1934, a rectangular insula incorporating a series of reflects local cultural traditions, as expressed though locally Roman period houses. Although excavations continued until manufactured pottery and grave goods. The use of wooden 1936, only a few early preliminary reports ever appeared. The paneling and coffins in tomb chambers is characteristic of sev- exported artifacts today are in Milan and Turin. In 1988, the eral Sahelian sites, as is the ritual application of vermilion to the French Institute in Cairo resumed excavations at the site. corpse. Distinctive tomb architecture and evidence for graveside Bagnani left his papers, including the missing notebooks, ritual suggest hybridized precolonial African and Phoenician photos, and other material from the Italian excavations, to the traditions which continued into the Roman period. Archives at Trent University, Peterborough, Canada. By com- The second part of this paper examines the political and bining these with archival evidence in Berkeley, Padua, Milan, economic significance of Libyphoenician communities in the and Turin and autopsy at the site, it is possible to reexamine Roman period. The enduring Phoenician municipal office of material from the old excavations for their eventual publica- suffete serves as a political expression among Libyphoenician tion. This illustrated paper is a preliminary report to present communities and their elites. In addition to exploitation of the evidence as so far assembled for Graeco-Roman and priestly marine resources, coastal Libyphoenician communities con- houses at Tebtunis. nected the sea-borne economy of the Roman empire to the “agricultural revolution” in grain and olive oil production that characterized Africa Proconsularis. Fieldwork at Tel Kedesh, Israel, 2000–2001: Sharon Herbert, University of Michigan, and An- Purple, Marble, and Barbarians: Meninx and drea M. Berlin, University of Minnesota the Impact of Luxury: Thomas J. Morton, Uni- Tel Kedesh lies on the border between ancient Palestine versity of Pennsylvania and Phoenicia. It was occupied from the Early Bronze Age to modern times. Kedesh is mentioned in several Hellenistic Writing in the first century A.D., Pliny the Elder states that sources. These led us to expect a small rural village and garri- the purple dye created from the murex shellfish at Meninx son in the Hellenistic and early Roman periods, control of was the best in Africa (NH 9.60). By providing this exclusive which passed back and forth between Hellenized Phoenicians item for the Roman elite, Meninx acquired another sort of of Tyre and Jews. Our excavation was planned to explore in- luxury item: expensive building materials, at a scale unrivaled teractions between Greek, Jewish, and Phoenician elements in neighboring cities. The resulting richness of architecture over time. at Meninx was unparalleled in the region. From the early 19th Our previous work at Kedesh included remote sensing and century, visitors to Meninx have commented upon the city’s exploratory probes, on the basis of which we focused our exca- architectural wealth, especially in the forum, where one of its vation at the south end of the tel. There we are uncovering a most notable structures is also one of the most elusive. Surviv- large public building (ca. 2,000 m2) of Hellenistic date. The ing in scattered architectural and sculptural fragments as well administrative function of the building is documented by its as in limited in situ remains is the city’s civil basilica. For the size, storage capability, and an archive room containing 2,300 first time, systematic and careful archaeological study of the bullae dating from 220 to 150 B.C.E. The images on the bullae extant ruins permits a secure reconstruction and identifica- are drawn predominantly from Geek myth and portrait types, tion of the structure as an early second-century A.D. civil ba- but a few bear Phoenician symbols and two carry bilingual silica. Like the Basilicas Aemelia and Ulpia in Rome, the ba- Greek and Phoenician texts. The building appears to have silica at Meninx was adorned with sculptures of barbarians been built over a Persian antecedent, abandoned in the mid carved from rare, decorated stones. The striated purplish-red second century B.C.E., and reoccupied later in that century. stone used for the sculptures at Meninx was not chosen by No Roman remains have been found in the area. accident. Prominently displayed on one of the city’s most im- Our 2001 excavations will concentrate on this building. portant structures, the figures clad in purple garments not Since no close parallels exist, we think it necessary to at- only responded to what was in Rome, but alluded to the famed tempt large-scale horizontal exposure. We are also seeking purple dye production of Meninx. This paper addresses my to better understand the later Hellenistic occupation and reconstruction of the basilica and my interpretation of the the construction date and antecedents of the Hellenistic sculptures of barbarians. structure.

Excavating Graeco-Roman Houses at Recent Work at Pisidian Antioch: Mehmet Tebtunis: A Preliminary Report: D.J. Ian Tas¸lialan, Yalvaç Museum, Turkey, and John W. Begg, Trent University Humphrey, University of Calgary

Tebtunis is one of the most extensively preserved and ex- Following the systematic survey of Pisidian Antioch by cavated Graeco-Roman sites in Egypt. The first papyrological Mitchell and Waelkens in 1982–1983, Dr. Mehmet Tas¸lialan, explorations in 1899 by Grenfell and Hunt provided artifacts director of the local museum at Yalvaç, has been conducting a now at Berkeley. After a brief probing of houses by Rubensohn program of cleaning and excavation aimed at clarifying some in 1902, a series of Italian excavations began in 1929. Breccia of the problems raised by that nonintrusive survey, as well as dug a few houses before turning the concession over to Carlo bringing to light more of the city’s defensive fortifications Anti of Padua, who cleared several houses and streets. In 1931 and new elements of several buildings, including the baths, Gilbert Bagnani joined the excavations and they discovered basilica, and parts of the Augustan sanctuary. 288 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106

In May and June of 2001, a small team of volunteers, work- papyrus fragments from this period and the ancient shrines at ing on behalf of the museum, first conducted a new architec- the site support the identification of Isis, the protectress of tural survey of the site, to produce an updated version of the Petra, as the patron deity of this monument. 1983 plan that now includes all structures revealed over the Studying the Treasury with a type of comparative analysis not past two decades. Second, the clearing and study of areas pre- limited to its immediate surroundings, adding evidence from viously excavated at the ends of the cardo helped clarify its literary sources, and studying ancient religious practice at Petra junction with the decumanus, and its relationship to the provides a more thorough methodology for a study of this sort, nymphaeum at its north end. Finally, a limited magnetic sur- thus leading to a new identification of the monument. vey in four areas of the site showed that much could be recov- ered by this noninvasive technique; most significantly, the area previously thought to contain a palaestra shows instead The Four Tribes and Four Temples of Palmyra, the plan of a Christian basilica, while survey of other areas Syria: Cynthia Finlayson, Brigham Young Uni- revealed houses, streets, important elements in the water sys- versity tem, and industrial establishments. It is our hope that these modest efforts will mark the begin- At least three ancient Greek and Aramaic inscriptions from ning of a new program of scientific excavation and consolida- Palmyra specifically mention that by A.D. 171 this important tion appropriate to the significance of this Hellenistic city and Syrian oasis was divided for governmental and religious pur- Roman colony. poses into four major tribes, each associated with its own par- ticular temple. Previous scholars including Schlumberger, Dunant, and Gawlikowski have attempted to pinpoint these The Petra Great Temple Elephant-Headed tribal associations in an effort to locate the major cult centers Capitals as a Cultural Artifact: Martha of Palmyra, once the architectural gem of the Roman frontier. Sharp Joukowsky, Brown University Significantly, previous scholarship and excavation have only revealed two of these structures, the Temple of Allat and that Petra has the reputation as being the nexus for the caravan of Baalshamin. trade. Nabataean commercial history, however, is not well- At AIA 2000, I presented my initial analysis of female referenced in the texts. My study of the Asian elephant-headed Palmyrene sculptural headdress styles. That study established a capitals of the triple colonnade of the Great Temple’s Lower categorization of headdresses by style and burial location, an Temenos has carried on since their discovery and identifica- interpretation of headdress motifs, and pointed to the poten- tion some six years ago. The 320 fragments and four complete tial of utilizing such information to locate the lost tribal re- capitals recovered after nine years of the Brown University gions of the city. This paper fulfills that potential by specifi- Petra Great Temple Excavations are intriguing. The study of cally addressing the tribal composition of Roman-era Palmyra, these capitals forces us to go beyond the traditional confines pinpointing the probable locations of the two lost temples, of the Nabataean world. Data on like sculptures offer an index and outlining the political and economic alliances of the Tadmor of Petra’s role in commerce with the Indian Ocean and estab- region through a careful analysis of excavation data, epigraphic lishes eastern contacts with these regions where it is assumed material, and headdress analysis. This has been accomplished these sculptures originated. after five years of research scholarship and on-site analysis at By integrating these ideas with a focus on the results of our Palmyra. Such a study not only points to the potential excava- 2001 field campaign, we will hope to clarify, critically review, tion locations of the two lost temples, but aids scholars in and define the Petra Great Temple architecture and its unique understanding the unique role Palmyra played in the political, cultural traditions. religious, and military milieu of the eastern Roman frontier.

Honoring Hadrian’s Visit to Petra: A Re- The Middle Hadramawt Archaeological Sur- evaluation of the Treasury: Susan Gelb, Uni- vey: Shifting Settlement Patterns in Pre- versity of Texas at Austin Islamic and Early Islamic South Arabia: Paul C. Zimmerman, University of Pennsylvania In A.D. 131 the emperor Hadrian visited Petra, Jordan, as part of his trip to the Decapolis cities of the Near East. Despite The Middle Hadramawt Archaeological Survey is the field- the fact that the city was renamed in his honor, archaeologists work component of the author’s dissertation research. Through have yet to reveal a monument constructed to honor the vehicular and walking survey, considerable detail has been emperor’s visit, a deviation from the standard procedure along added to the archaeological map of the Wadi Hadramawt, this journey. Based on architectural analysis of other “Hadrianic” Yemen. In the course of three short seasons, dozens of sites monuments, literary evidence, and a study of the deities wor- were found—filling in previously blank areas of the map and shipped at Petra, the monument known as the “Treasury” is in recording sites of otherwise underrepresented time periods. fact a temple to Isis, constructed for Hadrian’s visit. This monu- Whereas general trends (related, undoubtedly, to broad cli- ment would thus represent the southernmost extent of his matic changes and increasing societal complexity) span the journey. prehistory and history of this valley system, specific socioeco- The Treasury at Petra, Jordan has previously been identi- nomic factors can be proposed for the settlement patterns of fied as a tomb for the Nabataean king Aretas IV and dated to the pre-Islamic and early Islamic periods. Namely, control of the first century B.C. based on an architectural comparison the incense trade route manifested itself in the aggregation with other monuments at Petra. By comparing the Treasury to of settlements at strategic locations along the route. This ag- other monuments in the Near East, it is possible to identify gregation was also accompanied by an increase in the size of and date this monument within a broader context rather than the largest settlements and the installation of caravansaries at relying on evidence from Petra alone. Moreover, studies of the confluence of major valleys. By the terminal pre-Islamic 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 289 period, this pattern dissolved as the trade route passed south- Following the dedication of Constantinople in 330, medal- ward to the sea, largely bypassing the interior Hadramawt. lions with a turreted and winged Constantinople were pro- Thus, though causality has not been determined, available duced there, and from 335–337 also at Rome until ceasing evidence points to a strong relationship between the fortunes after Constans’s annexation of Gaul in 340. Issues with Rome of Hadramawt and its trade (of luxury goods, in particular) with and Constantinople resumed, becoming a prominent feature its closest neighbors in South Arabia. of the vota coinage of Constantius II. It is proposed therefore that this emperor is represented on the Kenchreai bone panel, probably dating it to the 350s, prior to the destruction and abandonment of the furniture it decorated either before or SESSION 5C: LATE ANTIQUITY during an earthquake of A.D. 365.

Repositioning the Grand Camée de France: The Body of the Athlete in Late Roman Art: Elizabeth Marlowe, Columbia University Julie Van Voorhis, Indiana University

For centuries, the historiography of the Grand Camée has The image of the athlete is ubiquitous in ancient Greece focused narrowly on the possible configurations of the Julio- and Rome, and throughout much of its long history, this im- Claudian dynastic arrangements the monument is presumed age was remarkably consistent. By the Hellenistic period, two to represent. Occasionally, scholars have also noted that the models for the representation of athletes had emerged: heavy cameo bears certain iconographic features, such as the stubble athletes, such as wrestlers, boxers, and pancratiasts, were gen- beard and closely cropped hair of the central, seated figure, erally represented with muscular bodies based upon images of that are ill-suited to a Julio-Claudian milieu—only to dismiss Herakles, while light athletes, such as runners, were repre- these anomalies summarily as the result of later recarving. This sented with lithe physiques that may ultimately derive from paper attempts to consider the “anomalies” on their own terms, images of Hermes. While there is some flexibility within this and offers two ways of thinking about them. If they are indeed framework, these two models continued to be used in the evidence of late antique recarving (as proposed by H. Jucker), Roman visual repertoire, where they dominated well into the the cameo can be understood as an example of imperial “spo- high Imperial period. A dramatic shift in the image of the liation,” thereby providing a new and important parallel to athlete, however, occurred around the beginning of the third better known examples of this enigmatic phenomenon. I also century C.E. At this time, the idealized body types of the past consider the possibility that the cameo itself dates to the late were abandoned in favor of a distinctly anticlassical athletic antique period, with the reign of Constantine providing the image that was characterized by squat proportions, thick, muscle- most plausible context. In addition to the military coiffure of bound torsos, and small heads. the central figure (perhaps Constantine’s father), his rather The change in the Roman conception of the athletic ideal diadem-like “laurel wreath,” and the wide, staring, incised eyes cannot be explained simply as a decline in the ability of artists of all the figures, the mishmash of ethnographic details among to represent the human body or as the result of a general the captive figures recalls the generic barbarians on Tetrarchic aesthetic trend toward abstraction. Rather, this change was “VICTOR OMNIUM GENTIUM” coin reverses. Furthermore, clearly intentional, and it reflected changes in Roman percep- the comparatively planar and blunt style of the carving has tions of professional athletes. This paper explores representa- little in common with the cameo’s ostensible sibling, the highly tions of athletes in the visual arts within the broader context classicizing “Gemma Augustea.” Regardless of whether or not of contemporary athletic culture and commemorative prac- one can ultimately prove a particular date, a rethinking of the tices, in order to understand better the cultural circumstances cameo outside the Julio-Claudian “box” highlights many previ- behind the dramatic transformation of the athletic body dur- ously underexamined aspects. ing the late Imperial period.

Constantius II (?) on an Incised Bone Panel Animal Spectacles of the Late Roman Empire: from Kenchreai: Wilma Stern, Pennsylvania Chris Epplett, University of Lethbridge State University In general, Roman beast-hunts and animal spectacles (both Forty-one fragments of thin bone veneer were recovered, commonly referred to as venationes by the ancient sources) mainly in 1965, from an inundated apsidal room at Kenchreai, have not received nearly as much scholarly attention as gladi- the Saronic Gulf port of ancient Corinth. They constitute part atorial spectacles. My paper addresses two particular aspects of of apparently the largest and among the finest examples of the venationes that have been largely overlooked by scholars, late Roman bone reliefs, unique in containing internal evi- the change in their nature over time and the factors leading dence for a date in the 350s A.D. Surviving edge fragments to their eventual disappearance in Rome and Constantinople. support the reconstruction of a curved panel, about 60 cm The focal point of the debate concerning the demise of across a straight base. The composition may depict an en- such events is a decree banning the venationes credited by a throned emperor (now headless) flanked by personifications variety of sources to the emperor Anastasius. Unfortunately of Rome and Constantinople and by pairs of attendants, with none of these sources contains many specifics about this de- palm branches and a hydria at their feet. The hands of the cree, leading to debate among historians. Some scholars have attendants are draped, a practice thought to have occurred in argued that Anastasius, perhaps out of a concern for animal the second century, but a documented part of court ceremo- welfare, only banned venationes in which they were killed, nial in the reign of Julian (A.D. 361–363). The representa- leading to the emergence of nonviolent animal events featur- tion is incised, with areas of drapery worked in intaglio for ing acrobatic displays by the human performers involved. Late colored wax or resin inlays. imperial ivory diptychs, as well as contemporary literary refer- 290 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 ences, attest to the popularity of such spectacles. I argue, arms and open palms flanked by two apostles who greet her with however, that whatever the exact nature of Anastasius’s ban, outstretched arms. Her signature gesture and stance were re- animals continued to be slaughtered in Roman spectacles even tained while the two apostles were eliminated, resulting in the after his death. There does not therefore appear to have been abbreviated Evangelium representation. a revulsion against the killing of animals, as there was against An iconographic stability was achieved through the repeti- the killing of gladiators in the later empire. Rather, I suggest, tion of these abbreviated representations, which in turn helped more mundane reasons were behind the ultimate disappear- solidify a symbol specific recognition of text on the part of the ance of the venationes, namely increasing problems procur- Christian observer. ing the supply of animals necessary for such events.

Diatretum or Kaniskion?: E. Marianne Stern, In- SESSION 5D: FUNERARY MONUMENTS IN dependent Scholar, Toledo THE ETRUSCAN AND ROMAN WORLDS The Greek word kaniskion, “little basket,” appears in a re- cently published fifth-century list of lamps. Montserrat identi- In the Mouth of the Wolf: Wayne L. Rupp, Jr., fies the type as an openwork lamp, but was unable to find any Florida State University examples as early as the fifth century (Orientalia 64.3 [1995] 430–44). Eighth-century Latin sources mention a lighting A group of Hellenistic Etruscan cinerary urns depicts a scene device called canistrum. Both names evoke the interstices that long identified as the Etruscan king Porsenna exorcising the characterize baskets woven of cane or reed. monster Olta. This scene shows a man-wolf hybrid rising out of Roman openwork silver vessels, some preserving glass liners a well surrounded by a group of men, who have chained him by blown directly into them, still survive, but nothing is known of the neck in an attempt to restrain him as he attacks. A kingly their use. The earliest openwork vessel identified as a lamp is figure empties a patera over the man-wolf. The original inter- in the Traprain Treasure; small flat-topped silver studs project pretation is based on a passage in Pliny the Elder’s Natural inward from the openwork (fourth–early fifth century). This History 2.140 in which the Etruscan king Porsenna exorcises curious feature connects it with earlier, double-walled glass the monster Olta. This has been accepted by numerous schol- cage cups, the most sophisticated products of the late Roman ars, such as J. Elliott, E.H. Richardson, and J.G. Szialgyi. This glass industry. Many of these served as lamps (Whitehouse, interpretation needs reevaluation because of a major flaw; JGS 30 [1988] 28–33). They are usually called diatreta, because Pliny makes no mention of the physical description of Olta as the openwork is thought to have been made by cutting and having lupine features. grinding. If Lierke’s hypothesis is correct, that cage cups were I argue that the scene on these urns may be interpreted as made by pressing hot glass through a perforated mold (AntW Faunus, a figure associated with prophecy, being subdued by a 26.4 [1995] 251–69), the name diatretum is no longer appro- kingly figure, possibly Numa, and his men. This conclusion is priate. Mold pressing would have obviated much of the labori- based on literary and archaeological testimony that Faunus, in ous cold work. The idea to use a perforated mold was antici- his earliest Italic incarnations, was originally a man-wolf hybrid pated by Roman glassblowers who blew glass liners directly into and an episode in Ovid’s Fasti 3.295–324, in which Numa at- openwork metal vessels. The interstices of the cage cup evoke tempts to coerce Faunus into teaching him how to expiate a kaniskion. I suggest the earliest openwork lamps called kaniskia thunderbolts. In this passage, Numa gets Faunus drunk at a were made of glass. spring and chains him. Faunus fights to escape, Numa offers a sacrifice, and learns how to call on Jupiter. First, the evidence of Faunus as a wolf-man will be provided, and then the urns will Image Process: EVANGELIUM, The Identification be discussed in relation to Ovid’s narrative. of a Paleo-Christian Figure: Linda Sue Galate, Drew University VIVA FECIT: Women’s Patronage and Funerary The continuous construction of the early Christian cata- Monuments: Kathryn J. McDonnell, University combs of Rome during a period of three centuries created of North Carolina at Chapel Hill spatial fields for decorative purposes that were physically re- stricted and geometrically nonconforming. As a result, a pro- Our best evidence for women’s personal patronage of the cess seemed to develop within these burial grounds that pro- arts during the Roman empire comes from dedicatory inscrip- duced the abbreviated representation. tions. These inscriptions pertain primarily to two types of monu- The data evidence that an illustrated Biblical narrative (i.e., ments: tombs and religious dedications. Examination of viva Jonah cycle, Lazarus narrative) rendered in several phases or fecit funerary monuments, tombs commissioned by living as a complex representation was reduced to a singular compo- women, demonstrates that female patronage does not trans- sition that contained its most essential elements. It may have late into gendered iconography in the manner in which we included a figure, scene, or attribute alone or in combination. might expect. Instead, funerary monuments dedicated by This imagery, depicted upon a flat plane, devoid of background, women to themselves alone and to themselves and family could be positioned for pedagogical objectives due to its linear members typically emphasize socioeconomic status rather than brevity most adaptable to the field shape irregularities of sub- gender. terranean construction. Examples drawn from the necropoli of Pompeii, Aquileia, Through this process, the most popular yet enigmatic image and Ostia illustrate the consistency of these monuments with depicted in paleo-Christian art, the orant, can be identified as those dedicated by men and the variety of tactics used to the First Witness, an illustration of the Resurrection narrative emphasize the social position of the commissioner, including through the episode of the Good News (Evangelium). The com- size, ornamentation, and location within the necropolis. The plete composition, to date misidentified, destroyed, or lost, de- connection between status and viva fecit dedications is also picts a standing, frontal female, generally veiled with outstretched indicated by the high percentage of these tombs that were 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 291 built after the death of a prestigious spouse, a juncture at cations. Ambitious conservation programs for important an- which women were concerned with maintaining as well as cient monuments, such as the Ara Pacis and the Parthenon, displaying their elite status. not only drew attention to new restoration methods and tech- A few tombs in Pompeii, such as that of Eumachia and the niques, but also increased our awareness of the importance of two tombs of Naevoleia Tyche, underscore the relationship careful documentation. The removal of Thorvaldsen’s restora- between status and funerary monuments by the unusual na- tions on the pedimental figures from the Temple of Aphaia in ture of the individual woman’s social position and the corre- Aegina and the recent work on the Telephos Frieze from spondingly exceptional nature of her tomb. While viva fecit Pergamon also influenced our decisions. Our thinking was tombs from the necropoli of Ostia and Aquileia do differ from further informed by relatively more well-developed method- those from Pompeii, showing regional variations in their form ologies in architecture (as set forth in the 1964 Charter of and decoration, the overall pattern of dedications is similar. Venice), ancient Greek ceramics, and Italian Renaissance panel painting. Roman Funerary Monuments in Louisville, Kentucky: Linda Maria Gigante, University of Louisville SESSION 5E: INFERRING SOCIAL DYNAMICS IN AEGEAN PREHISTORY In 1911 R.C. Ballard-Thruston, a prominent Louisvillian, traveled to Italy to purchase antiquities for the community’s cultural enrichment. While in Rome, he was taken to the Wine, Religion, and Social Differentiation newly completed Carmelite Church of Santa Teresa near the at Fournou Korifi (Myrtos): Carol Hershenson, ancient Via Salaria. A few years earlier, when the site was being University of Cincinnati prepared for construction, subterranean tombs (columbaria) were discovered. Numerous grave goods, including marble cin- This paper reexamines the interpretation that the Prepalatial eraria, terracotta lamps, and offering vessels, as well as epi- settlement at Fournou Korifi (Myrtos) was egalitarian. It is taphs, were extracted from the modest tombs and became the clear that the status of residents at this site was not as sharply property of the Carmelites. With the assistance of an Italian defined as in some other contemporary settlements; never- agent, Ballard-Thruston purchased all the monuments, and in theless the careful excavation and publication allow us to dis- 1912 they were shipped in 28 crates to New York. In 1929 he cern subtle differences among the contents of the repeated donated the collection to the new Speed Museum in Louis- architectural units that indicate social differentiation which ville, along with photographs and documents pertaining to may have been acutely clear to the inhabitants of Fournou the purchase and transport. While select monuments were Korifi (Myrtos). exhibited in the museum over the years, most of the objects The unevenly distributed resources include the durability remained in their shipping crates for more than four decades. of the architecture itself and therefore its preservation, looms Several pieces from the collection are now on display at the and other large-scale facilities for working wool, cooking appa- Speed and are the centerpiece of its Antiquities Gallery. ratuses, certain types of vessels for the storage and manipula- This paper is the formal introduction to the scholarly com- tion of liquids that were apparently used for wine and possibly munity of the Roman funerary monuments in the Speed other fermented drinks, and recognizable religious objects. Museum. I discuss the history of the acquisition, the site in Moreover, the two architectural clusters with the largest total Rome from which the objects came, and the various types of quantities of possessions seem to have been engaged in the artifacts. Preliminary research indicates that the monuments serving and consumption of wine on a scale which must have from this necropolis, which appears to have been in use from included individuals outside a single family, and one of these the first century B.C. to the late second century A.D., consti- two clusters was in firm possession of the only evidence for tute the largest collection in the United States. religion within the settlement. The same two clusters did not, however, hold any visible monopoly on the means of produc- tion at Fournou Korifi (Myrtos) in the Prepalatial period; in- Compensation and a Pamphylian Sarcopha- deed religion seems to have been the only unique activity in gus: Georgina E. Borromeo, The RISD Museum, either of the two architectural clusters with the most material and Kent Severson, Conservator goods. The conservation of a Pamphylian sarcophagus in The RISD Museum (acc. no. 21.074) provided a case study of the deci- New Windows on the Minoan Port Settle- sion-making process required by such a project. The sarcopha- gus, complete with lid, is one of only three known sarcophagi ment of Petras in Eastern Crete: David W. with Trojan War imagery. The front is carved with a scene of Rupp, Brock University, and Metaxia Tsipopoulou, the battle between Hector and Achilles, followed by a repre- Greek Archaeological Service sentation of Achilles dragging Hector’s body around the crenellated walls of Troy while Priam and Andromache look On a plateau on Hill I at Petras, to the east of Siteia in on. The back is decorated with a scene of Erotes hunting. eastern Crete, there was a small Minoan palace in the Proto- Representations of male seasons emerging from acanthus and the Neopalatial periods with an extensive port settlement leaves punctuate the corners. The deterioration of multiple below. The archaeological finds and architectural remains from campaigns of restoration compelled us to remove nearly all sector III of the port settlement demonstrate the complexity compensation (fills or restorations) and to reevaluate what of the settlement’s history from the Prepalatial through the compensation was necessary. Postpalatial periods. In EM III the settlement was spread over A well-defined methodology for determining appropriate the rocky hillside. There are indications of some degree of compensation does not currently exist for ancient sculptures, communal planning in the layout and orientation of the EM although recent work aided us through comprehensive publi- III structures. The debris from the destruction and leveling of 292 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 the structures on the plateau above in MM IA was dumped and manufacture embodied exclusive knowledge, both tech- over the stumps of the earlier walls. At least one substantial nical and experiential. house was constructed at the closest point to the palace in While locating the practice in contemporary sociopolitical MM III. Early in LM IA a number of houses fronting on an dynamics, this interpretation does not explain why the body open space were built over the dump. Unlike sector I of the became such an important medium at this juncture; this paper settlement there is no indication of subsequent building or addresses this problem. use from later LM IA until LM IIIA2 when a large square Arguably, one can suggest that the aforementioned habits structure was constructed over the ruins. By the late 14th were merely a late EB I fluorescence of a practice that origi- century B.C. the hill lacked habitation. nates in the late fourth millennium. As such, one can reap- The artifact assemblages from sector III testify to the rich- praise the issue in terms of a far more fundamental narrative, ness and diversity of the inhabitants’ material culture. These that of the emergence of the individual (cf. P. Treherne, JEA new windows on the Petras port settlement point to the com- 3 [1995] 105–44). The distinction lies between the Late plexity of the sociopolitical interactions that led to the forma- Neolithic ideology of communality (villages and collective cer- tion and development of the palace here and to the radical emonial/burial centers) and the transformation to an empha- changes which took place in Postpalatial society. sis on self-identity in Final Neolithic/EBA society (farmsteads and single inhumation cemeteries). The body was central to this new process, through the rise of individualized social rela- The Production and Consumption of Pres- tions and as an arena for the accumulation and display of tige Artifacts in Mycenaean Thebes, histories and goods. Greece: Anastasia Dakouri-Hild, Christ’s Col- lege, Cambridge, U.K. The Cemetery of Sphoungaras: New Evidence Antonios Keramopoullos had referred to the Theban wealth for Social Hierarchy in Minoan Crete: economy in the context of gift-exchange as early as 1930, based Jeanette M. Cooper, SUNY at Buffalo on his discovery of the so-called House of Kadmos or old palace of Thebes. Since then, the excavations conducted by the ar- In 1912, Edith H. Hall published the findings from the chaeological service on the palatial citadel have brought to light excavations of Sphoungaras in eastern Crete, directed by R.B. numerous important sites, which testify to the interest of the Seager. The excavations of 1910 revealed a cemetery that Theban elites in ivory, lapis lazuli, gold, alabaster, and other Harriet Boyd Hawes had connected with the settlement of imported commodities. Moreover, it has become evident in Gournia in 1904. more recent years that the palace invested in the production of This paper reevaluates the cemetery based on new evi- elaborate artifacts, employing these exotic materials in combi- dence from recent archaeological survey, Boyd’s newly discov- nation. ered notebooks, and a reexamination of the published mate- In this paper, I explore the social dynamics of the production rial. The 1992–1994 Gournia survey collected large amounts and consumption of prestige artifacts in Thebes. Such goods of pottery from Sphoungaras and found that the cemetery represented highly specific powers of acquisition in terms of raw extends several hundred meters further south than originally material. I argue that they presupposed a degree of technical recorded. The artifacts published by Hall can now be dated and ideological knowledge for their manufacture and assembly. much more precisely. They were produced within the palatial complex in a patron- The site of Sphoungaras is important partly because it en- craftsman working environment. Their circulation was controlled hances our understanding of Gournia and partly because it throughout the manufacture process, though not necessarily at features in ongoing discussions about the nature of social com- the administrative level. Their production and consumption did plexity in Early and Middle Bronze Age Crete. not pertain to the economic realm only, but were cultural and The first part of the paper presents the 1992–1994 pottery; cognitive processes as well. My main conclusions: (1) the pro- describes the burial practices at Sphoungaras, including the duction of these luxurious artifacts was monopolized by the use of previously unrecognized house tombs; and clarifies the Theban elites; (2) they constituted tokens of social value, as cemetery’s relationship with Gournia and other nearby sites. well as aesthetic and exchange value; and (3) their local and The second half of the paper compares the tombs at regional consumption was regulated, with a view to sumptuary Sphoungaras to burials at Gournia, Mochlos, and Malia. On exclusivity, commercial advantage, and the display of rank. the basis of these comparisons, it is argued that the extent of social ranking in Early Minoan Crete has been exaggerated and that distinct signs of social hierarchy in the funerary mate- The Emergence of the Individual: The Body rial only begin in MM IA, after ca. 2000 B.C.E. and Society in Earlier Cycladic Prehis- tory: Tristan Carter, Stanford University Architecture of Distinction: The Built En- The late EB I period witnessed a number of major innova- vironment and Sociopolitical Power in tions in Cycladic society, including the rise of long-distance Late Bronze Age Cyprus: Kevin D. Fisher, Uni- voyaging and radical changes in the consumption of metals versity of Toronto and obsidian. A simultaneous phenomenon that draws these themes together is the heightened significance accorded the The Late Cypriot period (ca. 1650–1050 B.C.) witnessed body, with the burial record containing a range of materials for the emergence of urban centers such as Enkomi, Kition, and adornment, depilation, painting, and tattooing. While jew- Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios that were characterized by the pres- elry, hairstyle, and body decoration would have expressed a ence of monumental religious, administrative, and/or domes- person’s position in society, these forms of modification were tic structures. These buildings are often viewed as indicators of not passive, for they employed material culture that signaled highly developed sociopolitical and economic complexity and access to restricted and exotic resources, whose procurement as reflections of the ability of elites to mobilize labor and 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 293 material resources. While the events that take place within 45 pieces of sculpture from the Sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis these structures, whether religious rituals or administrative on the shores of Lake Nemi in the Alban Hills. The site was activities, can be seen as central to the maintenance of elite explored from 1885 to 1895 by collaborators of the property power, the role of the architecture itself in the development owner, including the British ambassador in Rome, Lord Savile of sociopolitical complexity has largely been ignored. Instead, Lumley, and a series of Roman art dealers. While Lord Savile considerations of Late Cypriot architecture have typically been deposited his portion of the finds in the Castle Museum in preoccupied with stylistic, chronological, functional, and/or Nottingham, the other sculptures from Nemi were put up for technological considerations. sale and purchased by the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen I examine the built environment of the Late Cypriot pe- and the UPM. The portion in Copenhagen consists mostly of riod from a different perspective—one which views buildings the large-scale imperial portraits, while that in Philadelphia com- not as the static containers in which the social, economic, prises mostly Late Republican votive statuettes, though also political, and religious activities of its occupants take place, but includes some Republican cult statue fragments and a set of as active participants that play an integral and dynamic role in inscribed marble vessels of early Imperial date. the production and reproduction of sociopolitical messages of Danish scholars Mette Moltesen (Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek) power. “Public”/elite architecture from several Late Cypriot and Pia Guldager Bilde (Aarhus University) began some years sites is analyzed using techniques derived from environment– ago to publish the entire corpus of sculptures from the Sanctu- behavior and space syntax studies. I demonstrate that through ary of Diana Nemorensis, resulting in many excellent publica- the manipulation of building layout and the strategic place- tions. A project to reinstall the Roman Gallery at the UPM was ment of architectural features such as ashlar masonry, built the recent impetus for a scholarly reexamination of the Nemi environments created by elites served to shape and maintain material at our museum, for conservation of the material, and sociopolitical relationships and group identity during this im- for a collaboration with the Danish scholars to carry out some portant period in the Cypriot past. further studies, including stable isotopic analysis to identify marble sources, and examination of painted surfaces. This pa- per will present the results of some of this recent research on the sculptures from the Sanctuary of Diana at Lake Nemi. SESSION 5F: COLLOQUIUM: RESEARCH, RE- PATRIATION, AND LOANS: MUSEUMS IN Dionysos Patron of Drama on a Late Antique 2002 Coptic Textile: Susan H. Auth, The Newark Museum Hera, Paestum, and the Cleveland Painter: Jenifer Neils, Case Western Reserve University This paper deals with a depiction of the god Dionysos unique in Coptic art (Newark Museum 72.137; From the private col- In 1930 the Cleveland Museum of Art acquired a large Attic lection of Dikran G. Kelekian, who “bought it from the exca- red-figure column-krater from a dealer (Harold Parsons) who vators in Egypt before 1912”) defined here as the art of Egypt, reported its findspot as Paestum. The following year J.D. Beazley from the 4th–10th centuries A.D. After 600 years of Greek dubbed it the name-vase of his newly created “Cleveland and Roman rule in Egypt, a notable feature of Coptic art of all Painter.” The vase has never received the attention it de- media is its use of classical myths and motifs. Among many serves as a vase whose iconography can be related directly to its other themes, Dionysos and his retinue are the most com- findspot. The komos, or revel, of four nude males on the re- mon, especially in the decoration of clothing. This red, green, verse is deliberately contrasted with the stately chariot proces- and beige textile square, which ornamented a linen tunic, is sion of four draped gods on the obverse. The gods, misidentified unusual in showing Dionysos as the patron god of the theater. in previous scholarship, can be properly identified on the basis Despite its small size, only five inches square, it is remarkably of a passage in the Iliad (720–32) which describes Hera, Hebe, specific in detailing the god’s appearance and attributes. The and a chariot with an eight-spoked wheel. Since four-spoked seated, thyrsus-holding Dionysos rests his left arm on back-to- wheels are the norm in Attic vase painting and this is the only back masks of tragedy and comedy supported on a panther’s eight-spoked wheel mentioned in all of Greek literature, the head. Stylistic details, particularly the large square eyes, point artist clearly heard and was influenced by the passage when he to a fifth-century date. painted his multispoked chariot wheel. As a site with two large How did such an image of Dionysos survive into the late Doric temples and numerous other shrines as well as votive antique period in Egypt? Theatrical performances unified the offerings dedicated to Hera Argiva, the goddess of fertility, Greek community in Egypt through the centuries. Many pa- Paestum in the Archaic and Classical periods was a thriving cult pyrus fragments and even complete texts of Greek plays sur- center of this goddess. It is therefore likely that a vase uniquely vive, some from the third century A.C., annotated for perfor- celebrating her relationship with her daughter might have mance. Greek poetry was being written in the fifth and sixth been a special commission by some Poseidonian who was a centuries in Egypt. Since clothing was often ordered from the devotee of the city’s most important cult. weaver by the purchaser, it is tempting to surmise that this square was woven into a tunic made for a resident of late antique Egypt familiar with ancient Greek cultural traditions. The Sculpture Collection from the Sanctu- ary of Diana Nemorensis at Lake Nemi in the University of Pennsylvania Museum of A Second Debut: The Alkmene Painter’s Archaeology and Anthropology: Irene Bald Hydria in Reading: Ann Steiner, Franklin and Romano, University of Pennsylvania Museum Marshall College

Among the first acquisitions (in 1896) of the newly founded An important and recently rediscovered Attic black-figure University of Pennsylvania Museum (UPM) was a collection of hydria is an example of the tantalizing fruit yielded by collabo- 294 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 ration between museums and archaeologists (Reading Public facts range in date from approximately the ninth century B.C. Museum 30-301-1; ABV 282, 1). This paper presents the in- to the fourth century A.D. Categories include stone, metal, triguing history of the hydria’s modern ownership and its and ceramic sculpture; decorated vessels in metal and ceramic; unique iconography. metal jewelry; weapons and armor, and inscribed metal sheets; The hydria was on the Roman art market in the mid 19th glass mosaic and sculpture; and wall painting. Objects listed in century and published in a drawing by Gerhard in 1840 (E. the Federal Register notice may enter the U.S. if they have an Gerhard, Auserlesene Vasenbilder [1840] pl. 94). Its location was export permit issued by Italy or verifiable documentation that unknown until 1993 when the author and a colleague began they left Italy prior to the effective date of the restriction: 23 to study the antiquities at the Reading (Pa.) Public Museum. January 2001. We have reconstructed its whereabouts from the 1850s–1930 Although the primary purpose of the agreement is to pro- when it was donated to the museum. tect archaeological materials in situ from further pillage by Aware of Gerhard’s drawing, Beazley attributed it to the reducing the incentive for looting, it also offers opportunities Alkmene Painter (circle of the Antimenes Painter) to whom is to engage in partnerships to help protect the cultural heritage attributed only one other vase, a hydria now in London (Lon- of Italy and to enrich American cultural life. These opportuni- don B 301; ABV 282, 2). The two hydrias have so much in ties include long-term loans of objects for research or educa- common they appear to be a matched pair. A striking feature tion programs, excavation projects jointly proposed by Ameri- of the Reading hydria is the composition of the main scene, can museums, and academic exchanges and specific study pro- where Herakles beats the supine lion with his club while step- grams agreed upon between Italian and American institutions. ping on the lion’s shoulder and holding it at the neck. A scheme similar to this unconventional formula appears only one other time on published vases, on a hydria by the Antimenes Painter (Wurzburg 306; ABV 267, 14). The Read- SESSION 5G: COLLOQUIUM: RECENT WORK ing hydria also proves the Alkmene Painter to be a subtle user ON THE ATHENIAN ACROPOLIS of repetition to create temporal sequence of mythical events: Athena appears in distinct activities on shoulder and belly. The hydria is just one example of many “old” vases waiting Rock-Cut Niches and Votive Sculpture from for rediscovery by archaeologists at Reading and elsewhere. the Sanctuary of Eros and Aphrodite on the North Slope of the Acropolis: Kevin The Francavilla Marittima Project: Publica- Glowacki, Indiana University tion and Repatriation: Marion True, The J. Early travelers to Athens in the 18th and 19th centuries Paul Getty Museum called attention to the numerous rock-cut niches marking cult locations on the North Slope of the Acropolis. Apart from the In 1993, The J. Paul Getty Museum and the Institute for Caves of Apollo and Pan, however, the divinities to whom any Classical Archaeology in Bern, Switzerland were contacted by of these “rustic” shrines were sacred remained unknown until a Dutch archaeologist, Prof. Marianne Maaskant of Groningen, 1931, when Oscar Broneer discovered two inscriptions nam- with information that both institutions included in their col- ing Eros and Aphrodite. Broneer’s excavations in the vicinity lections materials illicitly excavated at the site of Francavilla of the newly identified sanctuary highlighted the “popular” Marittima in Calabria. This paper will discuss the collaboration nature of the open-air shrine as a place for simple votive offer- with the Italian Ministero per I Beni Culturali to form an ings and “bloodless sacrifices” to divinities of fertility, sexual- international consortium of scholars to study the objects and ity, and sexual healing. Based on a new examination of rock- to create a plan for repatriation. This group has now com- cuttings on the North Slope and the unpublished sculpture pleted a thorough documentation and analysis of these mate- from Broneer’s excavations, this paper focuses on the niches rials. This work is to be published by the Ministry as a special within the sanctuary of Eros and Aphrodite in order to shed supplement of the Bolletino d’Arte. The Institute in Bern has more light on the range of votive offerings dedicated there. mounted a small educational exhibition on the initiative (De- Special attention is given to evidence securing an object within cember 2000 to April 2001). At the end of the exhibition, the a niche (e.g., figurines, statuettes). While precise dates for objects return to Italy, to the care of the archaeological mu- such rock-cut features are difficult to determine, the physical seum in Sibari. A more comprehensive exhibition on the his- evidence from the sanctuary suggests that cultic activity began tory of the site, which will originate in Sibari and travel to Bern in the mid fifth century B.C. and continued into the Roman and Los Angeles, is planned for a later date. The Francavilla period. This range of dates is also consistent with the types of Marittima project may serve as an illustration of how a poten- votive sculpture recovered by Broneer. New sculptural evidence tially awkward situation can become a constructive research includes several representations of Aphrodite and fragmen- opportunity in which all partners have shared and benefited. tary votive reliefs.

U.S.–Italy Cultural Property Agreement: The Date of the Nike Temple Parapet: Peter Bonnie Magness-Gardiner, U.S. State Department, Schultz, University of Athens, Greece Consulting Archaeologist A recently published photograph from the Balanos archives On 19 January 2001, the government of the United States (D. Giraud, Μελτη π καταστ σεως τ  να  τς ’Αθηνς Νκης, of America and the government of the Republic of Italy signed [Athens 1994] pl. 97) illustrates the long-forgotten fact that an agreement, under the 1983 Convention on Cultural Prop- the Pentellic marble cornice that crowned the sheathing of erty Implementation Act, to protect pre-Classical, Classical, the Nike temple bastion served as part of the little temple’s and Imperial Roman archaeological material. Restricted arti- euthynteria. This cornice was also designed to support the 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 295

Nike temple’s parapet wall. Since the cornice was installed they were replaced by marble ones, traces of which still sur- before the temple’s crepidoma, it is clear that a marble parapet vive. The cutting and the traces surviving on the wall provide was integral to the Nike temple’s design from the beginning sufficient information for the restoration of structural details of the construction process. The parapet is also mentioned as of the sheathing of the door frames and their function. “τ]ν δρφακτ[ν” in a decree for a project on the Nike temple The careful observation of the wall blocks shows beyond bastion, IG 13.64a. The reference to τ]ν δρφακτ[ν in IG any doubt that some of them were not perfectly adjusted when 13.64a, however, has been consistently read as the “grille” for they were built in the wall, because the surfaces of the wall the Nike temple cella even though the word is never used to that were not to be covered by the door frames were to be designate grilles in the epigraphic corpus. The only consistent smoothed later. Careful examination reveals also that the dam- use of the term is on Delos, where “Le terme de τρφακτς ages on the jambs and on the lintel of the central door have [the regular Delian derivative of the Attic δρφακτς] désigne not been produced by fire, as has been argued, but by the une barrière, clôture ou balustrade, le plus souvent à claire- movement of the wall blocks caused by a cannonball that hit voie” (F. Salviat, “Dedicace d’un ΤΡΥΦΑΚΤ"Σ par les the northern half of the wall. Hermaïstes Déliens,” BCH 87 [1963] 262). The parapet, with its crowning claire-voie metalwork, is the only object on the bastion that corresponds with the many marble balustrades The CSA Propylaea Project: Harrison Eiteljorg, collected by Salviat. IG 13.64a is dated by Lewis to ca. 430–420 II, Bryn Mawr College and by Dinsmoor to ca. 427–424. The placement of the Pentellic cornice shows the parapet was anticipated (and possi- The complexity of the Propylaea makes the study of the bly decreed) before the construction of the temple proper, and building very problematic. Relationships between parts—par- Dinsmoor long ago proved that the parapet was not carved in ticularly the difficult and important relationships between fin- situ. A starting date for the parapet before 421 B.C. seems ished parts and unfinished ones—are difficult to determine. probable and even likely given the massive influx of imperial Those relationships as well as other aspects of such a complex tribute following the great reassessment of 425 B.C. structure must be understood if the building as a whole is ever to be. The CSA Propylaea Project is an attempt to bring to students The Ancient Temple on the Acropolis at Ath- of this building the information necessary for such full under- ens: Gloria Ferrari Pinney, Harvard University standing. Drawings made by Tasos Tanoulas and his colleagues form the core. From them a fully three-dimensional, full-scale This paper concerns the Archaic temple of Athena that was computer model of the Propylaea is being constructed. The set on fire in the Persian sack of Athens, and its function in drawings themselves are also being scanned to make them avail- the monumental reconstruction of the Acropolis under able electronically. The model, the drawings, and scanned ver- Pericles. Most scholars believe that the temple was dismantled sions of photographs will form a unified digital resource provid- when the Erechtheum took over its function, although its ing a complete factual base for any student of the building. western half may have survived until the fourth century. A The CAD model, being fully three-dimensional, makes it new analysis of archaeological, epigraphical, and historical possible to consider the structure in all its complexity and to sources shows instead that, as Dörpfeld first argued, the temple examine it from any angle, with or without any particular por- remained standing into the Roman period (W. Dörpfeld, “Der tion of the structure. The facts relating to a particular problem Alte Athenatempel auf der Akropolis,” AthMitt 12 [1887] 25– with the building can become clear with the aid of the model. 51). At the core of the argument is a reinterpretation of the The roof of the never constructed northeast wing probably Chandler stele (IG 13.474), which gives an account of con- terminated at its eaves in the wall of the northwest wing struction work, including references to the Erechtheum. In (Pinakotheka). If so, rain water from a portion of the roof had the heading of this inscription, the board of overseers has the no escape. The model will provide the crucial evidence to title “epistatai of the temple on the Acropolis in which (is) the approach this and other questions. ancient statue.” The analogy with the Thespieus amendment (IG 13.32) and the second decree of Callias (IG 13.52B) sug- gests that the temple in question is the Archaic temple. The reconstruction of the Erechtheum should be understood as SESSION 5H: WORKSHOP: ARCHAEOLOGI- part of the restoration of the arkhaios naos and of the Acropo- CAL FIELDWORK IN ROME: PAST, PRES- lis as a whole. Further, it is argued that the old temple was the ENT, AND FUTURE centerpiece of an extensive choreography of ruins, other parts of which have been recognized for some time, and which is The purpose of the workshop will be to take stock of the the background against which the Periclean buildings acquire current situation in Rome and to consider where the work at their meaning. archaeological sites in and around the city is now headed and the new steps that may be required in order to further its development. This will involve both looking back on what The Door Wall of the Propylaea Central happened during the course of the last century (that is, the Building: Tasos Tanoulas, Ministry of Culture, history of the gains that were made in terms of field methods, Greece documentation, research design, and organization) and look- ing forward to new methods and research strategies that will The transverse wall in the main building of the Propylaea become common in this century. The workshop will be di- on the Athenian Acropolis is pierced by five doors. Cuttings vided into two parts, each lasting about 90 minutes. In the first surviving on the doorjambs, on the doorsills, and on the lintels half, each of the invited participants will give a short presenta- show very clearly that the openings of the doors were origi- tion (10 minutes at most) which examines a topic related to nally framed by wooden elements and that, some time later, the speaker’s own experience in Rome. The topics that will be 296 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 covered include: (1) the contribution of coring, (2) the his- A Badly Restored Sculptor’s Name in the tory of excavation in Rome, (3) publication trends, (4) big Erechtheion Accounts: John D. Morgan, Uni- digs in the Imperial fora, (5) new fieldwork at the Theater of Pompey, (6) working in the city versus the countryside, (7) versity of Delaware theory and practice in the 1990s, and (8) the take-off in the early 1980s. Stephen D. Lambert (ZPE 132 [2000] 157–60) has recently The second half of the workshop will be given over to the observed that the names of some of the sculptors who were open discussion of different points of view. Those in the audi- paid for a group of figures in the frieze of the Erechtheion, as ence will be encouraged to take part in the discussion. The recorded in the inscribed accounts of 408/7 B.C. (IG 13.476), themes we wish to discuss will fall under three main headings: recur as the names of several recipients of payments recorded (1) new field methods and strategies and how to incorporate on IG 22.1654, and hence that IG 22.1654 should be dated not them effectively in field projects, (2) the contrast between in the early fourth century, but around 405 B.C., as Dinsmoor what is done at sites in the city and what occurs at those in the had contended (HSCPh Suppl. [1940] 157–82). In lines 1–8 of countryside (their respective advantages and challenges and IG 22.1654 each sculptor is named in the accusative case, fol- the dialogue between the two contexts), and (3) the ques- lowed by his demotic if he was an Athenian citizen, or the tion of publication. The workshop will provide an opportunity deme in which he resided if he was a metic. Hence in line 2 the Α∆Μ"ΝΑΝΑ to define turning points in the history of fieldwork in Rome, letters . should be from the end of a sculptor’s to look critically at contemporary issues, to identify emerging name and the beginning of his demotic or deme of residence. [Φ]|[ρ]δµνα Να[----] trends, and to reflect upon competing priorities. The aim is to Koehler’s tentative restoration of . has generate a wide-ranging discussion that will throw new light been accepted without question ever since his initial publica- Φρδµων on where we stand today and on what needs to be done in tion of this fragment (IG 21 [1883] no. 845), but coming years. was an extremely rare name, and no Athenian deme or demotic Να- [Ε)]|[κ]αδµν ’Ανα[και*α] Panel: Albert J. Ammerman, Colgate University; Stephen Dyson began with . My restoration of . and Ted Peña, SUNY at Buffalo; John Humphrey, Editor, Journal permits the identification of this sculptor with the paternal Ε)καδµς ’Ανακαιες +ναγραφες of Roman Archaeology; Eugenio La Rocca, Superintendent, grandfather of , the in City of Rome; Jim Packard, Northwestern University; Nicola 319/8 B.C. (Agora 16 [1997] no. 101). Moreover, the great Ε)καδµς Terrenato, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; David rareness of the name in Attica and elsewhere makes Ε)καδµς Whitehouse, Director, Corning Museum of Glass virtually certain my identification of this sculptor ’Ανακαιες, who worked on the Erechtheion ca. 405 B.C., with the sculptor Ε)καδµς, whose µαθητ,ς, the Athenian sculp- tor ’Ανδρσθ*νης, completed the figures in the pediments of the fourth-century temple of Apollo at Delphi (Paus. 10.19.4), SESSION 6A: THE CITY OF ATHENS IN THE apparently in 327 B.C. (J. Bousquet, BCH 108 [1984] 695–8). CLASSICAL AND HELLENISTIC PERIODS

An Obsession with Symmetry: Placing Exclusivism and Religious Identity: The Harriet Boyd Hawes’s Unpublished Trea- Athenian Acropolis in Early Hellenistic tise on the Riddle of the Erechtheion: Times: Ralf von den Hoff, Ludwig-Maximilians- Alexandra L. Lesk, University of Cincinnati Universität, Munich, Germany

For the first 50 years of the last century, several prominent Greek sanctuaries were focal points of collective identities, archaeologists tried to discern an “original” plan for one of the changing due to historical and cultural circumstances. In this most controversial buildings of the High Classical period, the sense, the Athenian acropolis during the first decades of po- Erechtheion. Dörpfeld and Dinsmoor are just two of those litical dependence under Macedonian occupation after 323 experts who published symmetrical solutions for what they B.C.E. should be of more interest than recent studies suggest. believed must have been the original plan of the building. Leaving aside Demetrios Poliorketes’ and Lachares’ singular Harriet Boyd Hawes, though more famous for pioneering acts of impiety, the epigraphical, sculptural, and literary sources American excavations on Crete, also wrote a treatise on the concerning the acropolis of this period reveal more common riddle of the Erechtheion. Her daughter, Mary Allsebrock, patterns of behavior and interests concerning the religious has kindly given me permission to bring her mother’s unpub- center of the polis. For kings, donations supporting the lished manuscript to light. This paper discusses Hawes’s inno- Panathenaia and dedications of weapons were key occasions vative approach and independent solution to what she calls to present themselves as “liberators.” But evidence for honor- the Erechtheion’s “preposterous plan” and places it in its his- ary royal portraits on the acropolis is lacking after 323. Indeed, toriographic context. Hawes researched the problem for over no statues of foreigners at all appear until 229, in contrast to three decades, incorporating the seminal work on the what we find in the Athenian agora. Instead, honorary statues Erechtheion by Paton, Caskey et al., and corresponded with of native Athenians holding high positions after 323 become Dörpfeld and Dinsmoor, whose comments on her research are common on the acropolis. Votive statues tend to represent preserved in the margins of the manuscript and in letters. This even cult officials, who have not heretofore been depicted. paper also examines the reception of the Erechtheion in the They demonstrate the tradition and outstanding religious role light of contemporary intellectual and architectural theory, of influential families, like the Eteobutadai. Meanwhile, ex- exposing these archaeologists’ obsession with symmetry and cept from attaching votive-shields to the Parthenon, the their conviction that the ancient Athenians were too rational sanctuary’s architecture remained untouched as monument a civilization to have produced a building as complex and radi- of Athens’s past. The acropolis is witness that Athens’s politi- cal as the Erechtheion. Hawes’s contribution to the contro- cal dependence produced a growing necessity to define a dis- versy promises to be a valuable addition to the legacy of this tinct, exclusive polis identity with Athena’s sanctuary as its puzzling building’s impact on archaeology and architecture. center. Continuing a fourth-century development, the loss of 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 297 political independence made tradition and religion a focus of Peloponnesian War. Once its feasibility was proven, the prac- Athenian interests. tice continued.

Where Was the Shrine of Herakles Alexi- The Archaeology of Empire: Athens and kakos?: Gerald V. Lalonde, Grinnell College Crete in the Fifth Century B.C.: Brice Erickson, University of Texas at Austin Few ancient Athenian shrines have so intrigued and eluded topographers as that of Herakles Alexikakos. Scholiasts called it A decline of imports in the Cretan archaeological record ca. a very conspicuous shrine in the deme Melite, and scholars 460–400 B.C. has a direct bearing upon the question of fifth- have variously identified it: the “Theseion,”—Hephaisteion— century Cretan isolation. A clear pattern emerges from my study (Wachsmuth); southwest of the Areopagos (Frickenhaus); Pnyx of the unpublished record of overseas ceramic imports on Crete. (Judeich). Pittakis was the first to put it on the east spur of the A uniform import gap interrupts the sequence ca. 460–400 B.C. Hill of the Nymphs, certainly in Melite, but chiefly because he at every investigated Cretan polis and sanctuary. thought that the healing cult of Haghia Marina on this rock Current evidence is sufficiently weighty and demonstrates descended from that of Herakles. Much later, the Agora Exca- enough internal consistency to warrant tentative historical vations yielded key evidence in an inscription (I 1749) record- conclusions. While any explanation is likely to involve a com- ing the confiscation of “two workshops in [Melite . . . bounded] plex of factors, evidence suggests that the Athenians took on the south [by the] road leading from the shrine of Herakles action to isolate the Peloponnesians from North African grain Alexikakos to the Agora.” Wycherley identified this road as one sources by the time of the First Peloponnesian War. According leading from the Agora westward up along the east spur of the to this interpretation, Crete, as a key stopping point along this Hill of the Nymphs and concluded that the shrine was on the major Peloponnesian trade artery, suffered. It can be inferred eastern slope of the Nymphs’ Hill, later modifying the location from Thucydides (4.53–54) that the Athenians attacked and as “between the Hill of the Nymphs and the Pnyx.” Most re- fortified Kythera in order to disrupt this enemy trade route by cently Binder and Jameson have opted for the east spur of the the middle of the fifth century. An Athenian expedition Nymphs Hill, adding the evidence of Herakles reliefs found in launched against the Kydonians in 429 B.C. (Thuc. 2.85.5) the area. The present paper reinforces this siting of the might be understood in the same terms. Forcibly keeping Herakleion by demonstrating that the rupestral markers on the Crete on the margins would have served Athenian strategic same hillside, IG 13.1055A (Horos Dios <-) and B (Horos) by no interests by disrupting the North African-Peloponnesian grain means make a boustrophedon text. 1055B is a deme horos refer- route. Accordingly, Athens’s defeat at the end of the ring to the adjacent road as the boundary between Melite to Peloponnesian War conceivably permitted a reestablishment the north and Kollytos to the south. Thus, the shrine of of trade connections with the outside world. Further investi- Herakles Alexikakos is to be sought on the north side of this gation of the import record from areas both within and out- road, and here the upper tier of the shrine of Zeus on the east side Athenian control hold promise for a better understand- spur of the Nymph’s Hill offers a most conspicuous site with ing of the role of economic considerations in the operation of rock-cut foundations suitable for the Herakleion. the Athenian arche.

Urban Bees: Susan I. Rotroff, Washington Univer- SESSION 6B: REMOVED sity in St. Louis SESSION 6C: MATERIAL STUDIES IN AEGEAN Several nearly complete terracotta beehives have been PREHISTORY unearthed in the Agora Excavations (Athens), ranging in date from the fifth century B.C.E. to the first century C.E. Recent reexamination of context pottery from Hellenistic deposits Regional Diversity in Early Bronze Age has revealed that the beehive was a more common household Aegean Diadems: Jane Hickman, University of item than had formerly been imagined. Pennsylvania This reexamination retrieved a fragment of a hitherto un- documented hive type. Most hives have a solid floor and walls, Gold and silver diadems first appear in the Aegean during with a flight hole in a separate cover, while the flight hole of the Early Bronze Age. Over 50 diadems can be identified from this new vessel is located in its floor. This would have enabled Crete, the Cyclades, mainland Greece, and the Troad. Although the beekeeper to tend the hive from behind (opposite end most diadems are from burial contexts, some are assigned to from that through which the bees entered) and thus to cause hoards recovered from settlement sites. less disturbance to the bees. This conforms with ancient in- A wide variety of decorative motifs, sizes, and shapes are structions for beekeeping (Pliny NH 11.10.24; Columella de re employed in diadem manufacture, as evidenced by a stylistic rustica 9.15.5–6). analysis of Aegean diadems completed by the author. In some The large number of hives at Athens suggests that apicul- cases, similarities in design exist between diadems and deco- ture was commonly practiced within the city. Honey was the rated ceramics from the same time period and location. Inspi- most powerful sweetener available, and it was expensive. A ration for some Aegean diadems may also be found in jewelry single hive could provide a supply of this valuable food at from Mesopotamia and the Near East. minimal cost. Hives could have been placed in courtyards, built Scholars note the regional diversity of EBA Aegean jewelry. into house walls, or hung beneath eaves, as they are in other This study of diadems supports that conclusion, with distinct parts of the world today. differences in length and decoration apparent in Crete, the The earliest hives at the Agora date to the end of the fifth Cyclades, and the Troad. Variation can also be identified in the century. Possibly beekeeping entered the city when the rural choice of raw material, quality of workmanship, find context, population withdrew within the city walls during the and complexity of form (such as in the use of attachments). 298 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 Evidence from Crete may indicate the ritual “killing” of diadems Pottery of the Late Minoan III Period at before placement in the grave. Although diadems appear in all Mochlos, Crete: A Preliminary Report: Rob- regions of the Aegean during the EBA, local preferences lead- ing to regional diversity are suggested by differences in the ert Angus K. Smith, Bryn Mawr College design, manufacturing, and deposition of these objects. In 1986, rescue excavations conducted by the Greek Ar- chaeological Service exposed part of a substantial Late Minoan New Evidence for the Throne Room Fresco at III cemetery near the ancient settlement of Mochlos. From 1989 to 1994, a joint Greek-American project continued exca- Knossos: Elizabeth Shank, Temple University vations of the settlement as well as the cemetery. In 1998, excavation of the cemetery continued, once again under the The Throne Room at Knossos, excavated in 1900 by Sir direction of the Greek Archaeological Service. These excava- Arthur Evans, has been viewed as a symbol not only of a ruler, tions uncovered Late Minoan III structures built atop and but also of central authority in Palatial Crete. This conclusion against earlier architecture, tripled the number of excavated is based on the architecture of the room and the elaborate tombs in the cemetery, and exposed a nearby farmhouse that fresco which adorned its walls. Fragments of this fresco were survived into Late Minoan III. found adhering to the north wall, beside the throne, and Ceramic remains from the excavations show that the Mochlos collapsed onto the floor. region did not remain unoccupied for very long after the The first complete reconstruction of the wall painting was destructions in Late Minoan IB. Although much of the Late executed by Emile Gilliéron in the early 1900s. His recon- Minoan III settlement appears to have been disturbed by struction is characterized by heraldic, wingless griffins in a Hellenistic occupation as well as Richard Seager’s excavations Nilotic landscape with reeds and papyrus. Stylistically, this re- of 1908, it has been possible to isolate at least nine separate construction presents a rather static, symmetrical composition, structures and two distinct occupational periods at Mochlos similar to other compositions known from Crete in the LM II and the isolated farmhouse at Chalinomouri. In the nearby and LM III periods. Other reconstructions have been pro- cemetery, 30 tombs contained over 250 whole or nearly com- posed by Mark Cameron, Wolf-Dietrich Niemeier, Maria Shaw, plete vessels. The evidence shows that beginning as early as and John Younger, in attempts to more clearly depict the Late Minoan IIIA1, and lasting until Late Minoan IIIB, Mochlos north wall, or the area of the throne. not only continued a tradition of local pottery production, but The development of a camera that uses infrared and ultra- also interacted with Palaikastro, central Crete and Knossos, violet light to view painted materials has revealed new details Khania, and even the Greek mainland. of the Throne Room fresco. Previously unpublished and hith- erto unknown elements in the fresco include diagonal, over- lapping reeds and the crest or wing of a griffin. These results Beyond Mycenaean Decorated: The Late allow a new reconstruction of the fresco which alters our per- ception of the Throne Room itself. Helladic I Pottery of the Argolid and Korinthia: Jeffrey L. Kramer, University of Cin- cinnati Minoan Anthropomorphic Vessels: Evidence for Dress or Pottery Decoration?: Bernice Previous studies of pottery labeled “Late Helladic I” have focused almost exclusively on the Mycenaean decorated ex- R. Jones, Queens College amples despite the widespread recognition that numerous Anthropomorphic terracotta vessels with female attributes, other fine wares—and, indeed, other wares in general—ex- dated from Early Minoan I to III, are decorated with designs isted concurrently. In fact, during the earliest phase of the that scholars including Warren (Antichità Cretesi 1973) and Gesell Late Bronze Age on the Greek mainland, Mycenaean deco- (Minoan Society 1983) believe represent clothes and garment rated pottery comprised a tiny fraction of the total pottery patterns. Although such interpretations are tempting, espe- assemblage as studies at Korakou and Tsoungiza have demon- cially given the lack of evidence for dress in this period, there is strated. In this paper, I add to these reports my analysis of the little evidence to support them. Late Helladic I material from the recently excavated Lower Since it is identical in shape and decoration to Pyrgos ware, Terraces of Midea. In addition and in contrast to previous there is little to sustain Warren’s identification of an EM I clay studies, I integrate this material with the aforementioned stud- kernos from Pyrgos as a dressed figure of the “Great Goddess of ies of Korakou and Tsoungiza as well as the pottery from settle- Nature.” Even the banded decoration on the EM III vessel from ment contexts at Asine and Lerna. From this, I sketch a rough Mallia, identified by Warren as a woven jacket like modern picture of the nature of Late Helladic I pottery—both Greek ones and by Branigan (Foundations of Palatial Crete 1970) Mycenaean decorated and the other wares—from the Argolid as a cloak worn over shoulders and body, finds identical parallels and Korinthia. on Vasilike ware, and is thus unrelated to dress. My research (conducted for my doctoral dissertation) further reveals that all of the designs thought to represent garments that decorate East of Mount Pelion: Mycenaean Centaurs the anthropomorphic vessels from Koumasa and Myrtos of EM at Ugarit: Ione Mylonas Shear, AIA, Princeton II, and Mochlos and Archanes of EM III are standard motifs on Society contemporary pottery. As on pottery, so on the anthropomor- phic vessels, the arrangement of the motifs emphasizes the M.L. West in his book The East Face of Helicon demonstrated shape of the vessel rather than the portrayal of clothing. Fi- that Greek literature preserved traditions originating in the nally, the blocky shapes of the anthropomorphic vessels also prehistoric Near East. Although this book has been widely relate more closely to those of pottery than to dress. accepted, the corollary that this same Greek literature pre- 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 299 served traditions of the Mycenaean period has been treated occupied pattern of the city of 79 C.E. New research presents with disbelief by most scholars. In support of this latter view I a rigorous archaeological perspective on social change at present this Mycenaean figurine of a Centaur, a mythological Pompeii. creature known in later Greek literature but one which was Finely detailed evidence shows the development of occu- absent in the ancient Near East. pation from the fourth century B.C.E., including new light on Amid the Mycenaean objects found in Late Bronze Ugarit, the growth of the city’s street system. Following ephemeral there was this fragmentary terracotta figurine of a Centaur. traces of earth and timber structures aligned on the Via The preserved legs and body have the shape of a Mycenaean Consolare, masonry buildings were erected from the third cen- quadruped, but in place of the circular neck of the bull or the tury B.C.E. Gradual intensification of use took place through thick, triangular neck of a horse, something quite different the second century. The area was filled with closely packed was portrayed. There rises from the body a thin, rectangular properties, on a pattern that survived to the end of Pompeii. section which was meant to represent the torso of a male, Alongside residential properties, commercial and industrial human body. The sides of the rectangle were bent slightly activities lined the Via Consolare. forward to represent the arms on either side of the torso. The Sulla’s attack on the city in 89 B.C.E. interrupted develop- arms were further differentiated by a change in decoration. ment. Afterwards, sharper inequalities appeared. The area pre- The upper part is broken and unfortunately the head is miss- viously occupied by three modest residences was taken over by ing. Centaurs of the Mycenaean period have not been found the much-extended House of the Vestals. In the mid-first on the Greek mainland, but the shape of the legs, the color, century this was an axially planned atrium-peristyle house, and the decoration of this figurine from Ugarit reveal its extended to abut the city’s defenses. Meanwhile commercial Mycenaean origin. The Mycenaean vases found in Ugarit sug- activities resumed alongside. gest the figurine should be dated to LH IIIA or LH IIIB. Increasing social inequalities became more visibly pro- nounced when the House of the Vestals was comprehen- sively remodeled early in the first century C.E. Family and service areas were more sharply separated within a house of SESSION 6D: SOCIAL STATUS AND DAILY LIFE even more lavish decoration. Conspicuous display marked AT POMPEII the House of the Vestals. While the elite enjoyed their en- hanced extravagance, their neighbors had to squeeze in- The Problem with Trimalchio from an Art creasingly tightly into the commercial properties alongside. Historian’s Perspective: The Case of the House of L. Caecilius Iucundus in Pompeii Roman Domestic Facades and the Architec- (5.1.26): Lauren Hackworth Petersen, University ture of Interface: Jeremy Hartnett, University of Delaware of Michigan Mention the word “freedman” to anyone with more than a passing interest in Roman social history, and the fictional char- The facades of Roman houses separated two vastly differ- acter Trimalchio, an ex-slave in Petronius’s Satyricon, will likely ent spaces. Inside this interface, Roman domestic space was come to mind. This paper exposes the ways in which scholars hierarchically ordered; through architecture and social ritual, have invoked Trimalchio as a way to understand the lives of it spotlighted the house’s owner and showed visitors their historical freedmen and challenges scholars’ portrayal of his- relative status. Outside, by contrast, the street was more in- torical freedmen as being Trimalchio-like, that is to say, pre- clusive and less predictable. The entire social spectrum came tending to a status they could not have, and lacking in self- into spontaneous face-to-face contact in this neutral turf, awareness about their limited standing in society. Using a case threatening social boundaries and making the outward ex- study approach, this paper specifically looks at the Pompeian pression of status critical. This paper, drawing on literary and house that belonged to L. Caecilius Iucundus, a freedman in archaeological evidence from Roman Italy, discusses how fa- most scholarly accounts and thus subject to comparison with cade architecture mediated between the owner-centric inte- Trimalchio. However, rather than using the literary stereo- rior and the socially-contested exterior. type of the freedman to come to an understanding of the The intimate connection between a house and its owner’s house, my method examines the ways that the house and its dignitas lent facade architecture a key role in the claims and painted and sculptural decoration appealed to ancient viewers counter-claims of status in the street, since it presented a in representing the Caecilius family. What emerges from this physical statement about the owner. Pompeii’s Casa del Fauno, analysis is that the house, decorated over more than one gen- for example, through a system of pilasters and lateral ledges, eration, inscribes the family’s servile history in no uncertain illustrates two common goals of self-presentation through terms while also presenting the owners as belonging to a Ro- house facades: presenting a unified architectural entity, and man familia and as full Roman citizens. Although the Caecilii demarcating the house’s extents (in this case, a whole in- were limited by their social standing, and could not present sula). Facade elements also hinted at interior features: regu- themselves as the elite did, they did respond in creative ways lar efforts to highlight a house’s main door served, I argue, as to the limitations that elite society imposed on them. a kind of architectural shorthand for the presence of an atrium complex. A final example—where one viewer parodied a Pompeian Urbanization and Inequality at Pompeii: Rick facade with a graffito inside its entranceway—further ques- Jones, University of Bradford, U.K. tions the division our scholarship has drawn between “the in” and “the out” in the Roman city, and invites us to reconsider Ever-intensifying social inequality characterized Insula VI.1 how architectural messages affected people moving through at Pompeii as the urban space was transformed into the densely Roman urban space. 300 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 Residences for the Rich? A Study of the So- SESSION 6E: THE POST-CLASSICAL WORLD: cial Geography of Regio VI of Ancient CHANGE AND CONTINUITY Pompeii: Astrid V. Schoonhoven, University of Troy after Antiquity: The Late Byzantine Oc- Leiden, The Netherlands cupation: Kathleen M. Quinn, University of Cin- From the second century B.C.E. a period of continuous cinnati growth of private wealth in Pompeii resulted in the creation of many large and luxurious residences. Regio VI, in the north- Recent excavations in the Greek and Roman levels of an- west part of the city, is traditionally characterized as the part of cient Troy have yielded evidence concerning the sanctuary Pompeii that houses most of these “residences for the rich.” on the southwest side of the mound. Believed to have been Recent studies drop this characterization of Regio VI as a par- dedicated to the Samothracian Gods, it has produced material ticularly elitist, residential area in favor of a pattern of mixed dating from the eighth century B.C. through the third cen- land use throughout the city. This conclusion follows from the tury A.D. A hiatus of approximately 900 years follows, and then application of certain statistical techniques that quantify the an unexpected wealth of Byzantine material which points to distribution of different unit types in 79 C.E., the year of the extensive use of the area—no longer a sanctuary—after classi- destruction of the city. The attested distribution patterns have cal antiquity. been silently assumed to have continued through the many In this paper, I examine the evidence for this Late Byzan- centuries of Pompeii’s existence. This study of the urban ar- tine (ca. A.D. 1200–1400) use of the sanctuary area and in- rangement of Regio VI seeks to reconstruct the original plot- clude a discussion of the stratigraphy, architecture, ceramics, division of the houseblocks of the area, in order to examine and small finds. Three buildings survive which point to the the distribution of the plot types when the region was first secular role the area played in the Byzantine period. The first arranged. is a rectangular, three-room building containing evidence for What becomes clear is that originally the area was mainly the presence of horses. The second building, apsidal in shape, intended for residential use, with commerce and industry only is associated with the use or production of glass objects. A third marginally represented. Different types of houseplots that structure now mostly robbed out, overlaid Temple A, a monu- were clearly meant for different social groups were mixed in mental structure belonging to the Greco-Roman sanctuary. an apparently deliberate way. The pattern of original distribu- Analysis of the ceramics found in these contexts indicates a tion shows a distinctive social geography. Houseplots of differ- strongly regional focus at this time, although some imports ent scales and status were purposefully situated in specific from Constantinople are suggestive of trade contacts. areas, most likely through the agency of the city officials of From the evidence gathered above, I argue that the Byzan- the time. tine occupation of Troy was relatively short-lived, encompass- ing perhaps a period of only 100 years. The result is the first synthetic study of the Byzantine levels at Troy, addressing Food and Drink in Ancient Pompeii: Robert I. issues of Christian use of pagan religious spaces after antiquity. Curtis, University of Georgia, Betty Jo Mayeske, University College, University of Maryland, and The Development of the Ancient Church in Robert L. Vann, University of Maryland Jordan: W. Harold Mare, Covenant Seminary Three principal investigators, three support staff, and two This paper will present evidence for the developing ancient groups of 16 Earthwatch volunteers spent one month in Christian Jordan and for the churches of the Decapolis, particu- Pompeii investigating patterns of daily life associated with food larly of the churches of Pella, Gadara, Abila, Gerasa, and Phila- and drink. This year’s work was the first of an estimated four delphia. The evidence given will center on the extensive physi- summers to be devoted to the study of the utilization of urban cal remains of these Jordanian churches. In Abila, Pella, and space to accommodate public facilities devoted to food stor- Gerasa, in particular, there are remains of a number of churches, age, processing, distribution, sale, and consumption and to indicating that in the Byzantine period the spread of Christian- relate them to private houses. The first goal is to determine ity here was extensive. The architectural design and artistic what spatial relationships existed among themselves and be- embellishment of the churches vary from place to place. Some tween them and the gates and street network, and, from this, church structures had single apses, and some were triapsidal, but deduce any evidence for urban planning. The second goal is all invariably positioned on the east segment of the churches. to discover what these spatial relationships tell us about On occasion the church basilicas were cruciform in structure, as Pompeian social and economic life. in the case of the Abila cruciform cathedral. A number of the This summer we concentrated efforts in Region VI, where basilicas were revetted with marble. The floors of the churches we sought to locate any storehouses, shops, taverns, inns, and were covered with mosaics or with opus sectile pavers. The roofs public and private houses with facilities to process food, such as were covered with ceramic tiles, and the structures frequently bakeries, kitchens, and grape and olive presses. Among the had glass windows. In the Byzantine period the Christian Church houses investigated were the Houses of the Faun, of the Vettii, in Jordan expanded and flourished. of the Golden Amorini, of the Labyrinth, of the Prince of Naples, of Meleager, of Pansa, of Sallust, and the Insula Arriana Polliana. Public facilities included the caupona at Reg. VI.x.1/ A Sixth-Century Italian Monastery: San 19 and six bakeries. We plotted distances among these enti- Sebastiano at Alatri: Elizabeth Fentress, Uni- ties to discover their spatial relationship, and investigated food versity College London, U.K. and drink within private houses to discover relationships among rooms of the house devoted to different aspects of food and Built on the shoulder of a hill overlooking the wide valley drink and other parts of the house. of Alatri in Southern Latium, the abbey of S. Sebastiano has 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 301 changed very little in the last 500 years. For the past two years throughout the Peloponnesos and likely for a varied clientele a small team has been investigating the standing structures of of both indigenous Orthodox and Latin settlers. This then the abbey, reconstructing the stratigraphy of the standing suggests that the previously strictly divided categories of “West- walls and tracing the various phases through the building. This ern” and “Byzantine” should be dissolved in favor of a hybrid paper addresses the sixth-century phase. category of mutually appealing construction and design styles The abbey was founded by the praetorian prefect of Gaul, in Medieval Greece. Liberius, in the beginning of the sixth century, under the guidance of a deacon, Servandus. The valley lies on the route between Subiaco and Montecassino, and it was probably here Settlement and Land Use in Venetian that Saint Benedict, passing through the valley several years Messenia: The Use of Documentary Sources later, made the acquaintance of Servandus, who became a visitor at Montecassino and witnessed one of Benedict’s in the Pylos Regional Archaeological miracles. A surprising amount of the sixth-century abbey re- Project: Siriol Davies, University of Cincinnati mains encased with later buildings. A triconch martyrium, or, perhaps, the hypogeum of the first abbot, remains to testify to In recent years archaeological surveys in Greece have be- this first period of the abbey’s life. We have evidence for a gun to integrate archival evidence with the results of surface church, probably with a square-ended presbytery to the east, survey. In support of its primary goal to investigate the history of the same dimensions as the later 12th-century church. In of prehistoric and historic settlement and land use in western front of it rose a high, porticoed narthex, with three great Messenia, PRAP has commissioned research in both Venetian arched doors on both its eastern and western sides, two win- and Ottoman archives, partly with the aim of comparing docu- dows opening to the south, and, probably, an entrance to the mentary evidence on settlement and land use with material north. An east–west corridor linked the narthex to a second remains from the 15th to 19th centuries. Sources dating from structure, identical to it in plan and volume. the Venetian occupation of the Morea 1687–1715, which I The abbey presents the only known complete example of have investigated on behalf of PRAP, include census and ca- early sixth-century monastic architecture in Europe. The gram- dastral material, tax-registers, records of property grants, and mar of the buildings—church, narthex, hall, courtyard, and letters or reports of Venetian administrators, many of which tomb—is of course a familiar one. It is the way in which the are unpublished. The importance of these sources is evident separate elements are put together which makes it recogniz- on a number of levels: in terms of topography, they can help able as a monastic complex rather than as a villa among whose to identify and locate sites, while in a broader sense they can dependencies was found a church. contribute to our understanding of how changes in political regime can affect settlement patterns and systems of agricul- tural exploitation. Evidence from Venetian documentary Construction Workshops and Artistic Ate- sources has directly contributed to the identification of sites liers of the Frankish-Period (13th Cen- found through surface survey in the Pylos area and provided specific answers to questions about changes in the settlement tury C.E.) Architecture of Greece: Heather pattern. Its value is enhanced when used in conjunction with E. Grossman, University of Pennsylvania data collected from Ottoman archives. The documentary evi- dence thus collected is particularly valuable, given that tech- This paper examines the architecture built and adapted in niques for dating early modern ceramics and buildings are not 13th-century C.E. Greece as a means of discovering atelier yet highly developed. practices and the transmission of architectural knowledge in a post-conquest society. Following the Fourth Crusade, knights from France and northern Italy settled in the Peloponnesos, beginning a period of interaction with Byzantine Greeks. New and extant ecclesiastical structures built or adapted during the SESSION 6F: COLLOQUIUM: ARCHAEOAS- so-called Frankish domination of Greece have been classified TRONOMY IN THE ANCIENT MEDITERRA- by past scholars, including Antoine Bon (La Morée Franque: NEAN recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d’Achaïe (1205–1430), [Paris 1969]) and Beata Panagopoulou (Cistercian and Mendicant Monasteries in Medi- Applying Archaeoastronomical Methodol- eval Greece, [Chicago 1979]), into the categories of “Gothic/ ogy to the Mediterranean: Anthony Aveni, Western” and “Byzantine,” based primarily upon the struc- Colgate University tures’ plan typologies and ornamentation. This taxonomy im- plies that the architecture of the medieval West was imported Understanding nature and culture to be closely wedded in wholesale into Greece by the Latin conquerors. These catego- the world views of the civilization of antiquity, we examine the ries also suggest singular, ethnically-based points of origin for system of astronomy implicit in remarks that appear scattered architectural elements. throughout the earliest oral literature. Thus, we recognize I first present new comparanda from France and Italy for and delineate celestial observations that help us to gain a plan types and architectural features, including architectural clearer understanding of the methods of observation employed sculpture. In some cases the Greek elements and their usage in the practical everyday (oft-called “primitive”) astronomy remain close parallels, though in others the features have that served as the precursor of the idealized and specialized been adapted for their new context. Next I demonstrate scientific astronomy that would develop in the later Aegean likely ateliers of craftsmen in the Peloponnesos, by mapping world. Following a tradition established in New World studies, specific design, constructional, or ornamental elements. By we offer ceremonial building orientations as possible physical examining the distribution of these elements, I conclude correlates to the largely text-bound approach that dominates that architectural and artisanal workshops operated broadly the study of Old World astronomy. Examples of such 302 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 archaeologically based studies from the latter period include Perceptions of the Sun in Minoan Ritual: Lucy work on the orientations of temples in Magna Graecia and Goodison, Independent Scholar Etruria. These are offered, as in the case of Hoskin’s paper, as a means of delineating and establishing a methodology for This paper presents results from a long-term project of field- applying archaeoastronomy. Lastly, and of special concern, is work based on dawn visits at the Mesara-type tombs. This project the forging of possible evolutionary links between these forms was to ascertain whether or not there were recurring patterns of calendars and astronomy and earlier practices from the that might indicate intentionality on the part of the tomb- Aegean Bronze Age. builders in relation to the positions of the sunrise on the visible horizon. The general description of “east-facing tombs” covers a range of easterly orientations. Each tomb faces the The Application of Orientations in Pre- and sunrise directly only on certain days. Looking at the variations Protohistory: Michael Hoskin, Fellow of in alignment suggested that these tholos tomb doorways were Churchill College, Cambridge aligned to sunrise at specific preferred times of the year, sug- gesting possible dates for seasonal activities at the sites. Addi- Christian churches traditionally face easterly so that priest tionally, we looked at the alignment of the four doorways of and people will face the symbol of Christ in the rising sun. the antechamber of the Knossos Throne Room and the spe- Mosques face Mecca because of the central importance to cific effects of the first light at different times of the year on Islam of what took place there. An archaeologist of the distant internal architectural features of the Throne Room itself. future will be able to recover something of these insights if, Set against modern conceptions, the visual evidence seems but only if, he measures and collates the orientations of their to raise a number of new questions about how the sun was ruins. There is no reason to doubt that we can similarly benefit perceived by the prehistoric users of these buildings and how if we do the same when studying the pre- and protohistoric that may have changed over the course of the Bronze Age and monuments of the Mediterranean. from site to site. I give three examples of the application of this method. First, at the Late Minoan cemetery at Armenoi in Crete, some 300 tombs were excavated out of the bedrock, each with a The Minoan Peak Sanctuary on Pyrgos dromos whose parallel sides accurately define the orientation (Maleviziou): Mary Blomberg and Göran of the tomb. Second, on the Spanish island of Menorca are Bronze Age sanctuaries that face southerly, from locations Henriksson, Uppsala University, Sweden chosen to give them an unobstructed view of the southern We report the results of our archaeoastronomical study of horizon. It seems likely that they were to face the Southern the small Middle Minoan building on Pyrgos (684 m), near Cross and other stars of the ancient constellation of Centau- Tylissos. The orientation of the best-preserved long wall of rus. Third, in the Alentejo district of Portugal, I have measured the building indicates that the long axis was aligned to sunrise 177 distinctive tombs, each with a chamber bounded by seven at the summer solstice. This is the second example of such an lofty stones. Every single one faces within the range of the orientation for a peak sanctuary in Crete, the other being that sunrise. We can explain the pattern most easily if we assume of the major axis of the structure on Petsophas. The short axis that the tombs were laid out to face sunrise on the day con- of the building on Pyrgos is oriented to the heliacal setting of struction began, exactly as Christian churches were oriented. Arcturus, one of the four brightest stars and an important calendar star in the Aegean from very early times. This is the third example from a Minoan peak sanctuary of the orienta- The Archaeoastronomy of Early Bronze Age tion to Arcturus, the other two being on Petsophas and Tholos Tombs on Crete: Marie Goodwin, Bryn Traostalos. At the beginning of the Middle Minoan period Mawr College the heliacal setting of the star as seen from Pyrgos would have occurred directly above the prominent peak of Kako Kefali, It has been known since the beginning of the 20th cen- which thus served as a foresight in the same way that Modi did tury that the entrances of Early Minoan tholos tombs on Crete for the heliacal setting of the same star as seen from the peak usually face east. The eastward facing entrances are consid- sanctuary on Traostalos. ered to be an interesting feature of tholos tomb construction, Conclusions based on the accumulating evidence from ori- although few have paid serious attention to this phenom- entations of the Minoan peak sanctuaries and the palaces will enon. This paper reports research conducted on the orienta- be presented and compared with the differences in focus of tions of 35 Early/Middle Minoan tholos tombs (those remain- grave orientations. ing with extant entrances). These measurements provide a data set from which we can analyze the focus of these eastward entrances. The east-facing entrances are oriented toward two Megaliths, Neolithic Astronomy, and Emerg- distinct regions along the eastern horizon (within a ±5° range): ing Cultural Complexity in Southern one group faces approximately due east, and the other is ori- ented approximately 20º north of due east. There are few Egypt: J. McKim Malville, University of Colo- variations from this pattern. In addition to reporting the tomb rado, Boulder, and Fred Wendorf, Southern Meth- orientations, this paper will integrate the east and northeast odist University focus of these tombs into Early and Middle Minoan society by providing an analysis of chronological and geographical change. The Sahara west of the Nile in southern Egypt was hyperarid The author will also make suggestions about the techniques and unoccupied during most of the Late Pleistocene. About that were used to construct the tombs with these specific 11,000 years ago the summer monsoons of central Africa moved orientations. These techniques may offer basic insights into into Egypt, and temporary lakes or playas began. The Nabta the conception and use of geometry in the Early Minoan Playa depression is a kidney-shaped basin, some 10 km by 7 km. period on Crete. Discovery of megalithic alignments and stone circles adjacent 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 303 to Middle and Late Neolithic communities at Nabta indicates is used to describe Bronze Age Canaanites, Iron Age the early development of a complex society. The southward Phoenicians, Punic Carthaginians, or “Kanaani”(as they called shift of monsoons in the Late Neolithic rendered the area themselves). Also, like the Greeks (and later the Romans), again hyperarid and uninhabitable some 5,300 radiocarbon years Phoenicians had a broad range, spanning the entire Mediter- before the present. This date establishes the complex, which ranean. However useful the term “Greek” may be, it fails to has alignments to cardinal and sostitial directions, as a very early express the chronological, geographical, and ethnic diversity megalithic statement of ideology and astronomy. A “calendar of the Hellenes. Similarly, “Phoenician” encompasses consid- circle” contains sight lines to the north celestial pole and to the erable diversity. position of sunrise on summer solstice near 5000 B.C. Six mega- In an attempt to document this diversity, this workshop lithic alignments radiate outward from megalithic structures, concentrates on the western Mediterranean and examines which appear to contain cenotaphs. One of the megalithic archaeological evidence in light of an evolving understanding alignments is oriented toward the rising position of Sirius, the of ethnicity. It addresses two questions: (1) how were brightest star in the night sky, at 4800 B.C. The other align- Phoenicians perceived when they came into contact and con- ments appear to be associated with the belt of Orion and with flict with “Others” (Greeks, Romans, and indigenous peoples)? Dubhe, the brightest star in Ursa Major. The symbolism of this and (2) how do we interpret the textual and archaeological ceremonial center suggests early development of a symbolic evidence that attests to those ancient perceptions? geometry that integrated death, water, and the sun. An exodus The Phoenicians, who like the Greeks and Romans were from the Nubian Desert in the period around 5300 b.p. may part of an ancient pan-Mediterranean civilization, lie at the have precipitated the development of social differentiation and intersection of classical archaeology and ancient Near Eastern complex culture in predynastic Upper Egypt. studies; but neither discipline incorporates them adequately. As a result, the archaeology of Phoenicians in the West is a neglected topic in Anglo-American scholarship, in sharp con- trast to the lively state of Phoenician studies in Europe and SESSION 6G: WORKSHOP: THE ETHNICITY North Africa. This workshop presents recent scholarship and AND ARCHAEOLOGY OF PHOENICIANS IN debates in Phoenician studies, much of it already current abroad, in anticipation of the organization of a formal colloquium on THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN Phoenician archaeology at the next AIA meeting in January 2003. “Phoenician” is a misleading ethnic label. As the broad term Panel: Brien Garnand and Carolina Lopez-Ruiz, University of “Greeks” (coined by the Romans) is applied to Mycenaean, Chicago; Caroline Aznar and J.A. Greene, Harvard University; Classical, and Hellenistic era “Hellenes” (as they called them- Marissa Fama, Department of Antiquities, Palermo, Italy; Roald selves), so, too, the term “Phoenicians” (coined by the Greeks) Docter, Allard Pierson Museum 304 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA [AJA 106 INDEX OF AUTHORS

Each author’s name is followed by the page number(s) in this issue on which his or her abstract is printed.

Ajootian, A., 267 Cosmopoulos, M.B., 252 Alcock, S.E., 264–5 Cotton, H.M., 248–9 Ammerman, A.J., 295–6 Counts, D.B., 263 Amore, M.G., 280 Curtis, R.I., 300 Anderson, J.C., Jr., 270 Cyril, J.W., 285 Anglos, D., 251 Dabney, M.K., 272 Antonaccio, C., 247–8 Dakouri-Hild, A., 292 Arthur, P., 286 Davies, S., 301 Aslan, C., 262 Davis, J.L., 241, 252–3, 272 Athanassopoulos, E.F., 252 Davison, M., 246 Auth, S.H., 293 Day, J., 247–8 Aveni, A., 301–2 Dayhoff, B.S., 250–1 Aylward, W., 256 de Boer, J., 261–2 Aznar, C.,303 de Grummond, N., 273–4 Bailey, D.W., 242 De Puma, R., 273–4 Barclay, A.E., 260 De Staebler, P., 269 Bedal, L.-A., 256 Desrochers, P., 253 Begg, D.J.I., 287 DeVries, K., 275 Bejko, L., 252–3, 279 Dill, A., 278–9 Bell, M., III, 283 Dillon, S., 271–2 Bendall, L.M., 272 Dixon, M.D., 240 Berlin, A.M., 243–4, 287 Dobbins, J., 247–8 Bernal, J., 254 Docter, R., 303 Beyer, L.,254 Donahue, J.F., 264 Bilgen, A.N., 274 Doonan, O.P., IV, 285 Bliss, J., 254 Dowling, M.B., 271 Blomberg, M., 302 Dunbabin, K.M.D., 264 Boatwright, M.T., 258 Dyson, S., 295–6 Bonfante, L., 273–4 Edlund-Berry, I.E.M., 240–1, 273–4 Borgna, E., 273 Edwards, D.R., 244 Borromeo, G.E., 291 Eiteljorg, H., II, 295 Borza, E.N., 242 Elia, R.J., 283 Bowden, W., 279–80 Epplett, C., 289–90 Bravo, III, J.J., 262 Erickson, B., 297 Broucke, P.B.F.J., 269 Fagan, G.G., 273 Brown, D.E., 262 Fama, M., 303 Brown, D., 274 Fears, J. R., 249 Brown, K.M., 240 Feder, K., 273 Brownlee, A.B., 273–4 Feldherr, A., 281 Buboltz, L., 260 Fentress, E., 300–1 Budin, S.L., 263 Ferrence, S., 251 Bundrick, S.D., 261 Finlayson, C., 288 Burn, L., 239 Finn, C., 274 Burns, B.E., 259 Fisher, K.D., 292–3 Cain, D., 247 Fleming, A.K., 255–6 Çalik-Ross, A., 263 Flemming, N., 273 Caraher, W.R., 277–8 Flower, H.I., 282 Carpino, A.A., 257 Francis, D.L., 254–5 Carr, K.E., 251 Freeman, P., 249 Carter, J.C., 239 Fuleki, A., 255 Carter, T., 292 Fullerton, M., 270 Castor, A.Q., 268–9 Galate, L.S., 290 Champion, C.B., 248 Galaty, M.L., 252–3, 280 Chanton, J., 261–2 Galinsky, K., 271 Chapin, A.P., 247 Gallagher, J., 253–4 Chippindale, C., 283 Garnand, B., 303 Coleman, J.E., 278 Garrison, M.B., 253–4 Conolly, J., 265 Garvie-Lok, S., 254 Cooper, J.M., 292 Gelb, S., 288 2002] THE 103RD ANNUAL MEETING 305

George, M., 257 Lesk, A.L., 296 Georgieva, N., 253 Levine, D., 284 Gerstenblith, P., 282–3 Liston, M.A., 239 Gigante, L.M., 291 Lloyd, J.F., 259 Gilkes, O.J., 279 Lopez-Ruiz, C., 303 Gill, D.W.J., 283 Lupu, E., 248 Glowacki, K., 247–8, 294 Magness-Gardiner, B., 294 Goldman, A.L., 275 Malville, J.McK., 302–3 Goodison, L., 302 Marchand, J., 241–2 Goodwin, M., 302 Marchese, R.T., 279 Goulet, C.C., 277 Mare, W.H., 300 Gray, C., 258 Marlowe, E., 289 Greene, E.S., 283–4 Mateo, M.P., 251 Greene, J.A., 303 Mayeske, B.J., 300 Greenewalt, C.H., Jr., 266 McConnell, B.E., 249 Gregory, T.E., 277–8 McDonnell, K.J., 290–1 Grossman, H.E., 301 McEnroe, J.C., 246 Grunow, M.D., 271 McManamon, F.P., 282 Hale, C., 273 McNally, S., 242–3 Hale, J.R., 261–2 McNiven, T.J., 284 Halstead, P., 272 Melesanaki, K., 251 Hartnett, J., 299 Menadier, B., 267 Haskell, H., 253–4 Meyers, E.M., 244 Haskell, P., 253–4 Morgan, J.D., 296 Häuber, C., 250 Morton, T.J., 287 Heath, S., 265 Moscatelli, U., 244–5 Henneberg, M., 239 Muçaj, S., 252–3 Henneberg, R., 239 Nakassis, D., 278–9 Henriksson, G., 302 Nallbani, E., 280 Herbert, S., 287 Neils, J., 293 Hershenson, C., 291 Nelson, M.C., 247 Hertzig, M., 269–70 Nikolaenko, G., 286 Heyn, Maura K., 257 Nissen, H.J., 265 Hickman, J., 297–8 Nixon, L., 246–7 Hollinshead, M.B., 277 Norman, N., 247–8 Hoskin, M., 302 Özgen, I., 253–4 Hoti, A., 241 Packard, J., 295–6 Humphrey, J.W., 287–8 Palaima, T.G., 275–6 Humphrey, J., 295–6 Palmer, R., 276 Jansen, G.C.M., 257 Panagiotopoulos, D., 276 Jones, B.R., 298 Panayotakis, C., 285 Jones, R.,299 Papadopoulos, J.K., 239 Joukowsky, M.S., 288 Parker, H.N., 281 Kaptan, D., 267 Peña, T., 295–6 Kardulias, D.R., 284 Percival, E.M., 276–7 Kardulias, P. N., 255, 263 Petersen, L.H., 299 Kellum, B., 282 Petruso, K.M., 251–2 Kepecs, S., 274 Pettegrew, D.K., 240 Kilmer, M.F., 253 Pinney, G.F., 295 Klein, N., 247–8 Pojani, I., 241, 280–1 Koh, A.J., 245 Pournelle, J.R., 266 Konecny, A.L., 279 Powers, J.D., 241 Korkuti, M., 252–3 Price, J.J., 248–9 Kosmetatou, E., 277 Pullen, D.J., 278–9 Kourelis, K., 245 Quenemoen, C.K., 250 Kousser, R., 268 Quinn, K.M., 300 Kramer, J.L., 298 Raymond, A.E., 247 Kramer-Hajós, M., 278 Redford, D., 273 Krebs, S.A., 285–6 Rempel, J.E., 285 La Rocca, E., 295–6 Renberg, G., 270 Lalonde, G.V., 297 Roller, L.E., 275 Lawson, J., 273–4 Roller, M.B., 263–4 Leach, E.W., 281–2 Romano, D.G., 245–6 Learning Sites, Inc., 249 Romano, I.B., 293 Leigh, S., 256 Roosevelt, C.H., 266 306 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA

Rose, C.B., 281 Tanoulas, T., 295 Rossiter, J., 264 Tartaron, T.F., 278–9 Rothaus, R.M., 278–9 Ta s¸lialan, M., 287–8 Rotroff, S.I., 297 Taylor, R., 269 Rupp, D.W., 291–2 Terrenato, N., 295–6 Rupp, W.L., Jr., 290 Thomas, P., 272 Ruscillo, D., 252 Thompson, S.M., 249 Rutherford, I., 248 Toumazou, M.K., 263 Salapata, G., 261 Trelogan, J., 286 Schertz, P.J.M., 270–1 True, M., 294 Schoonhoven, A.V., 300 Tsipopoulou, M., 258, 291–2 Schultz, P., 294–5 Turfa, J.MacI., 273–4 Schütz, F.X., 250 Tykot, R.H., 254 Scotton, P.D., 278 Udell, J., 261 Seaman, K., 260 Ugurlu, E., 239 Sedikova, L., 286 vanderLeest, H., 256 Setzer, T., 254 Vann, R.L., 300 Severson, K., 291 Vargo, B., 254 Shank, E., 298 Vellucci, K., 273–4 Sharpe, H.F., 268 Voigt, M., 247–8 Shaw, J.W., 258–9 von den Hoff, R., 296–7 Shaya, J., 262 Voorhis, J.V., 289 Shear, I.M., 298–9 Voyatzis, M.E., 259–60 Shelton, K.S., 259 Wachsmann, S., 243 Sivas, T.T., 274 Walbank, M.E.H., 239–40 Smith, J.S., 276 Walker, A., 250 Smith, R.A.K., 298 Walker, C.J., 255 Snively, C.S., 253 Wallrodt, J., 265 Sokal, M.P., 283 Warden, P.G., 273–4 Sorabella, J., 267–8 Watson, P.J., 265 Soykal, F., 274–5 Welle, D., 286–7 Spiller, H., 261–2 Wells, P.S., 242 Stanley, F.H., Jr., 241 Wendorf, F., 302–3 Stansbury-O’Donnell, M.D., 260–1 Wertime, R., 274 Stapp, N.L., 245 Whitehouse, D., 295–6 Steel, L., 273 Wilford, J.N., 274 Steiner, A., 293–4 Wilkinson, T.J., 265 Stern, E.M., 290 Winkler, J.J., 254 Stern, W., 289 Winter, N., 273–4 Stevens, S.T., 250–1 Wolpert, A.D., 241, 276–7 Stocker, S.R., 241, 252–3, 272 Wright, H.T., 265 Stolyarik, E., 286 Wright, J.C., 272 Stone, E.C., 247–8, 266 Young, P., 274 Strange, J.F., 244 Yegül, F.K., 266–7 Strasser, T.F., 251 Zimmerman, P.C., 288–9 Stubbs, J.H., 243 Zitrides, C., 250 Taback, N., 268 REVIEW ARTICLES Etruscan Mirrors Now

NANCY T. DE GRUMMOND

Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum. Italia. Vol. 4, ample to be imitated, differing greatly from the antiquat- Orvieto. Museo Claudio Faina, by Maria Stella ed cabinets of Etruscan mirrors to be seen in some other Italian museums. It was not possible to carry out scientific Pacetti. Pp. 164, figs. 5, pls. 34. L’ERMA di analyses of the metallic composition of the mirrors, al- Bretschneider, Rome 1998. Lit 300,000, $171, though such is recommended by the CSE international €155. ISBN 88-8265-028-6 (cloth). protocol. The Viterbo volume, containing a total of 42 speci- Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum. Italia. Vol. 5, mens, was also published without scientific analysis. The Viterbo. Museo Nazionale Archeologico, by author, Gabriella Barbieri, reports in the introduction on Gabriella Barbieri. Pp. 205, pls. 42. L’ERMA di the various problems connected with studying the mir- Bretschneider, Rome, 1999. Lit 300,000, $171, rors for this fascicle. All have recently been transferred € to the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Viterbo in the 155. ISBN 88-8265-050-2 (cloth). Rocca Albornoz, but have been placed in storage. Thus Twenty-five fascicles of the Corpus Speculorum Etrus- her documentation of this collection, most of which was corum (CSE) have appeared since the series was launched up until then unpublished, is of great interest and use- in 1981. Among these, the two new volumes from Italy fulness to specialists in Etruscan mirrors. She justifiably (Orvieto and Viterbo) make significant contributions to laments the fact that some 17 of the specimens either the study of Etruscan mirrors, though their individual have no recorded archaeological context or were secured mirrors do not stand out for their importance. by police sequestration of material plundered by clandes- Maria Stella Pacetti discusses 34 specimens (two prob- tini. Then comes a group of 25 mirrors for which specific ably false) from the Museo Faina, Orvieto, most of them findspots are known, but which for the most part do not belonging to a Middle Hellenistic standardized produc- yet have published excavation data available, although tion that many scholars prefer to see as tardo-ellenistico or for some of the mirrors excavation reports are in prepara- Late Hellenistic; in fact, the final dates of Etruscan mir- tion. Most of these are routine pieces of the Middle rors probably do not go any lower than 200 B.C. (see a Hellenistic period. further discussion of chronology below). The images on But even allowing for the gloomy circumstances sur- these mirrors are also conventional (Dioskouroi, “Lasa” rounding these mirrors, one cannot help being excited spirits, and four-figure “conversation groups”); the mir- over the many recorded provenances. Such information rors are thus unremarkable for both their fabric and en- is precious. Here in abundance is evidence for the find- graved decorations. The provenances are vague, only spots of at least one area of ancient Etruria—Viterbo and generally pertaining to Orvieto and Chiusi. Inscriptions nearby Blera, Ferento, and Norchia. Two examples will are few, but three mirrors have the word śuθina, “for the show what kind of thoughts this evidence may elicit. tomb,” incised across them; it has long been known that Looking at a mirror such as Viterbo no. 25, with an image the practice of inscribing this word on objects especially of what one may call the “Incredibly Ugly Lasa” type, for the tomb was characteristic of the Orvieto area. known in only a few examples,1 specialists may suspect Since drawings for many of the mirrors have never that such mirrors with blobby bodies and geometric wings been published, this fascicle is to be valued not only for may have been made especially for burial at Norchia; it is its thorough descriptions and documentation, but also hard to believe that such bizarre pieces were made for for the drawings made by Pacetti herself, often with the trade or even for a bride to carry with her to another city aid of x-ray photographs. Entry no. 21, showing twin nude (many scholars believe that Etruscan mirrors were used goddesses holding spears, provides a spectacular example mostly by women and that they were in some cases mar- of an engraving recovered by x-ray, for almost nothing of riage gifts2). Another idea is suggested by the mirrors it is visible to the naked eye. Many of the mirrors have with triple palmette handles (bronze, cast separately from been restored in recent years; only eight have been placed the disc) found in two burials at Norchia. Such handles on view in the Faina, but these constitute one of the have now been localized as originating in a Faliscan- best displays of Etruscan mirrors this reviewer has seen. Praenestine orbit. While they may reflect trade connec- The objects are set on tilted plexiglass stands so that tions between two areas, they may also have social over- both sides are visible, and placed in a lighted case that tones, tempting us to think of intermarriage between helps to bring out the incisions. The display sets an ex- Etruscan men and women of Italic origin.

1 van der Meer 1983, no. 19; Sassatelli 1981, no. 7. 2 Ridgway 2000, 416.

307 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 307–11 308 NANC Y T. DE GRUMMOND [AJA 106

From such fascicles of the CSE we have today a massive tion, Gerhard’s 1840–1897 volumes publish an additional amount of new data on Etruscan and Praenestine mirrors 715 images (911 mirrors total, of which 196 are now re- from which to make new deductions. Now, 20 years after published in the CSE). the initiation of the CSE, is a good moment in which to Some interesting statistics emerge from a review of take stock of how far we have come in this fascinating the authentic mirrors in these publications. Provenance specialty field of Etruscology. The fascicles of the CSE is reported for 252 (39 of these are said to be from (embracing collections in Belgium, the Czech Republic, Praeneste; an additional 100 have strong Praenestine sty- France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, the Neth- listic elements); this provides good data for work on erlands, the United States, and the Vatican) are listed schools and masters of Etruscan mirrors. Thus far, work- online with updates in an excellent electronic article by shops have been convincingly identified at Vulci, Orvie- Roger Lambrechts,3 the Belgian scholar who first called to, and Praeneste. But the data can also show how per- for the founding of the Corpus (see his n. 38 for listing plexing the search for workshops can be. Alba Frascarelli of all fascicles). At the same Web site, one may consult authoritatively reviews the standardized four-figure con- his immensely useful online database of mirrors published versation scenes (studied as the “Perugia 1032 Group”) in the CSE. and demonstrates that the mirrors in this group have Lambrechts set a model for the CSE with his own pio- been found in three zones in northern Etruria and six neering work on Etruscan and Praenestine mirrors,4 a others in southern Etruria.10 J.G. Szilágyi grappled with catalog of 71 specimens in the Musées Royaux d’Art et some of the same material, including the “Lasa” and Di- d’Histoire à Bruxelles. Though the latter belong to the oskouroi mirrors.11 He has stressed the importance of non-Etruscan culture of Praeneste, they are sufficiently identifying individual masters,12 as G.A. Mansuelli did in similar to Etruscan mirrors to warrant inclusion in the his groundbreaking studies during the 1940s.13 Szilágyi CSE.5 Even before that, Denise Rebuffat-Emmanuel had has revived Morellian stylistic analysis with his recogni- published her two weighty tomes on 70 examples in the tion of new masters such as Engraver TM and the Engrav- Cabinet des Médailles of the Bibliothèque Nationale, er of the Flexible Columns and with his attention to Paris.6 This seminal work, tedious to read, alerted all to previously recognized artists such as the Baltimore En- the importance of studying the mirrors in every detail as graver.14 archaeological data and not just for their absorbing en- As regards findspots, with the help of the CSE I have gravings of scenes from myth and daily life. Until the been able to expand the list of finds made outside of late 20th century, scholars relied on the old German “cor- Etruria published earlier,15 and now know of some 18 mir- pus” by E. Gerhard and colleagues,7 heavily iconographi- rors that have provenances reported outside Italy (from cal in its approach. Rebuffat-Emmanuel’s opus included a Spain, France, the Netherlands, Germany, Switzerland, detailed synthesis of information about fabric, inscrip- Hungary, Greece, Egypt, and the Black Sea); they date tions, subject matter, production, and the dating of the largely from the later fourth and third centuries B.C. mirrors in relation to tomb groups. A general guide to The chronology for all of these later groups remains the study of Etruscan mirrors, mostly written before any one of the most disputed matters in the study of Etrus- fascicles of the CSE appeared, synthesized the state of can mirrors. Just how late did they continue to appear? affairs in 1982 with chapters by American scholars Larissa Did engraved mirrors cease around 200 B.C., as many Bonfante, Richard De Puma, Ingrid Edlund, Jean Turfa, believe, or did they go on through the second century and Emeline Richardson, among others.8 The observa- B.C.? The problem has been reviewed brilliantly by tions that follow will help to show some of the new devel- Francesca Serra Ridgway.16 Helle Salskov-Roberts first ar- opments in these and other aspects of the study of the gued for a date in the second century B.C. (ca. 190– Etruscan mirror since that time. 160), on the basis of tomb groups, and Ursula Höckmann This reviewer counted 866 specimens in 25 published believed that the handles of the later mirrors revealed a fascicles, and to these may be added the 141 examples sequence (her Types A, B, and C) that implied develop- published by Lambrechts and Rebuffat-Emmanuel.9 Of ment during the second century B.C. Ridgway brings out these 1,007, some 34 are of doubtful usefulness because clearly the fundamental flaws in their methodologies. In they have forged engravings on an ancient mirror or else brief, there are no certain indicators from tomb groups are completely false. Since the number of extant speci- to support the claims of Salskov-Roberts and Höckmann, mens has been estimated at around 3,000 (and new ones either for absolute dates or for a sequence of mirrors. are being excavated annually), the 973 useful examples The numismatic evidence used by Salskov-Roberts is high- represent approximately one-third of those extant for ly controversial; some scholars date the coins that she which we have a modern scientific publication; in addi- uses for evidence to the last decades of the third century

3 Lambrechts 2000. 9 Lambrechts 1978; Rebuffat-Emmanuel 1973. 4 Lambrechts 1978. 10 Frascarelli 1995. 5 For a modern bibliography on Praeneste, including 11 Szilágyi 1992. sections on mirrors and the closely related Praenestine cistae, 12 Szilágyi 1995; also see Nagy 1995. see Pinci 1996. 13 E.g., Mansuelli 1946–1947, 1948–1949. 6 Rebuffat-Emmanuel 1973. 14 Szilágyi and Bouzek 1992, nos. 1, 21, and 12. 7 Gerhard 1840–1897. 15 de Grummond 1982, 173; forthcoming. 8 de Grummond 1982; with updates, 1985. 16 Ridgway 2000, 412–6. 2002] ETRUSCAN MIRRORS NOW 309 rather than the second century B.C. Further, the an- sample: single Lasa (108), Dioskouroi (101), and four- cient practice of retaining mirrors as heirlooms implies figure conversation groups (76). A side note of interest: that some may have been made considerably earlier than among the single Lasas, I found 7 that were clearly indi- the coins deposited with them at the time of burial. Fi- cated as male figures. nally, a close examination of tomb groups suggests that There are 36 mirrors in the CSE that show traces of Höckmann’s Type A and Type C are actually contempo- mending, only a small percentage (4.1%), but sufficient rary (and C may even be earlier), and thus her posited to confirm the conclusion reached some time ago that chronological development leading down into the sec- the mirrors were not grave goods exclusively; they were ond century breaks down. used enough in life to occasion repair. At least 20 have Some 540 mirrors, more than half the total published, some form of “cancellation”; they were folded, gouged, have been analyzed in the laboratory. From these analy- hammered, or inscribed with the word śuθina. Sometimes ses it becomes clear that earlier studies have not been the word is written right across the reflecting side, mak- negated. The main formula for the mirrors is binary, with ing it clear that no one is to look in the mirror again. a rather larger proportion of tin to copper than is normal There are 10 examples of śuθina published in CSE (one in ancient bronzes, aiding in reflecting properties (10– mirror has the inscription twice) and to these one may 12%; although there is a wide range of percentages in append six more published by H. Rix.20 Perhaps to be reliable reports, with the smallest around 4% and the added to these as well is a mirror in the Metropolitan greatest around 16%). Ingela Wiman pointed out that Museum of Art published by Larissa Bonfante that has the composition of the disc might be different from that the word cracna (meaning uncertain, perhaps a name) of the handle and suggested increased scientific preci- written across the lower part of the reflecting side.21 sion in the reporting of the samples;17 her influence may Many new and exciting publications on Etruscan mir- be seen in the recent CSE fascicles that indicate the rors are coming out. Most important, and deserving a precise point where the sample was taken. Occasionally separate review, are the proceedings of an incontro inter- substantial lead content may be discerned in the mirrors, nazionale on Etruscan mirrors, organized by Antonia Ral- and the anomaly may be explained in several ways: (1) lo at the University of Rome “Tor Vergata.”22 Among the the mirror is specially produced (e.g., as found from the many separate short studies, Laura Ambrosini presents Praenestine orbit, the metal handle was made separately fascinating new evidence on mirrors from the Faliscan or the disc was not intended to be engraved); (2) the area,23 and M. Bonamici describes a stunning new tomb mirror is late, and shows the increased usage of lead com- group from the Cannicella cemetery at Orvieto, includ- mon in Hellenistic and Roman bronzes; or (3) the mirror ing a tomb where the mirror was found propped upright is not authentic. Occasionally there are silver mirrors re- in front of the turned head of the deceased, so that she ported in Etruscan tombs. Richard De Puma publishes (skeletal analysis confirms the sex) could gaze for eter- four from Chiusi and mentions three others that seem to nity at the Lasa engraved on the reverse of the mirror.24 me to be authentic.18 A.E. Feruglio has published another new mirror found For the purposes of addressing additional questions, I near Orvieto that resembles the famous mirror in Ber- now exclude those CSE entries in which handles only lin25 with Fufluns and Semla attended by Apulu and a were preserved (61; 48 of bronze, 13 of bone); my final young satyr, but this time the principals are labeled Atunis sample totals 912 mirrors. I count 106 with inscriptions and Turan, and they are attended by Apulu and a winged (3 are in Praenestine Latin, the rest in Etruscan; 11.6%), boy named Turnu. If this had not come up in an excava- a number that seems small, but is in line with estimates tion context, it might well have joined the numerous made in the past. The percentage of mirrors lacking en- examples of mirrors resembling the Berlin masterpiece gravings is interesting: 161 (17.6%), less than some schol- that have been assigned doubtful authenticity.26 As it is, ars have imagined. There are 34 Klappspiegel (box mir- we can accept the exciting evidence of an inscription rors; 3.8%) reported and only 5 handle mirrors with re- that now tells us the Etruscan name of Eros (Turnu, the lief. The latter are rare indeed, as confirmed by Alexan- son of Turan). dra Carpino.19 She counted 16 (but only 10 are free of A few words are in order concerning the gender of the doubts about authenticity). Mirrors dating to the Archaic users of mirrors, about which there exists some confu- period are also few, only 60 total in the CSE (6.5%). The sion in recent publications. Given that mirrors were used Hellenistic examples are far and away the most numer- by and buried with both men and women in various other ous, but it is not easy to count these, since the distinc- ancient cultures (Egyptian, Bronze Age Greece, Hellen- tion between “classical” in Etruria and Hellenistic is vague. ic Greece, Rome, etc.), is it not likely that Etruscan men Suffice it to say that the three major Hellenistic catego- also utilized mirrors? Some time ago I assembled evidence ries of iconography account for nearly 300 mirrors of the in an attempt to answer this question,27 and now some

17 Wiman 1990, 245. 23 Ambrosini 1995, 1996; but cf. reservations in Ridgway 18 De Puma 1993, nos. 15–18. 2000, 415–6. 19 Carpino (forthcoming). 24 Bonamici 1993. 20 Rix 1992, 2:Vs 4.18, 4.20, 4.47, 4.73, 4.74, 4.89, 4.90, 25 Feruglio 1997; for the mirror in Berlin, see Heres 1986– 4.111–4.115, 4.11. 1987, no. 5. 21 Bonfante 1997, no. 4. 26 Discussed usefully in De Puma 1987, s.n. 23. 22 Gentili 2000. 27 de Grummond 1982, 166–77. 310 NANC Y T. DE GRUMMOND [AJA 106 new observations may be incorporated. The answer is tricately detailed, and the mirror disc were part of a sin- perhaps surprising; the evidence is almost totally in sup- gle act of pouring and casting. This British team, working port of the idea that the Etruscan mirror was a “female” with mirrors analyzed by Craddock, argues that most of artifact. If one looks at representations of mirrors in use, the detail of Etruscan mirrors was produced by hammer- there is none that shows males using them. Out of more ing rather than casting. Their arguments are not com- than 50 scenes showing mirrors in Etruscan and Praenes- pletely clear, but they evidently do not reject totally the tine art—on the mirrors themselves, on cistae, sarcopha- use of casting: “The metal from which the mirrors were gi, ash urns, scarabs, vases, tomb paintings, statuettes— formed would most likely have been cast in a simple sin- in all cases except one, the holder of the mirror is fe- gle or two-piece mould and anything such as the lost wax male. The exception occurs on an Archaic mirror in the technique would be unnecessary and most unlikely” British Museum, on which a boy holds a mirror and a (124). But they insist that the elaborate sculptured forms fruit, evidently both for the lady or goddess who stands found on the handles formed in one piece with the disc, in front of him (perhaps Eros with Aphrodite28). I also and presumably such elements as the beaded rims of the analyzed burials in which the grave goods (or rarely, the mirrors, were created as cold work, rather than cast in a skeletal remains) indicated the deceased was female, and mold. “The terminology of mirror manufacture must now assembled some 40 tomb groups, from north, central, be revised so that these mirrors are no longer referred to and southern Etruria and bordering territories, that com- as having cast handles . . . or to the handles as being cast bined the mirrors with other standard “female” artifacts in one with the disc” (138). This pronouncement will such as jewelry and cosmetic implements (combs, per- probably lead to considerable uproar, since literally hun- fume bottles, hair pins, etc.). There were two possible dreds of mirrors have been described in the CSE as hav- exceptions, in which a mirror was found in an ash urn ing the disc and handle cast together in one piece. Fur- with a spear lance, and a mirror was found associated with ther, Swaddling et al. make new observations about the an ash urn with a male reclining figure on the lid. I now nature of chasing and engraving that challenge the im- think it likely that these ash urns represent the attested portant recent studies of Gerhard Zimmer on the tech- practice of double burial of husband and wife, and proba- niques of making and decorating mirrors.35 Zimmer will bly the same is true for a third example recently noted;29 surely want to reply to their arguments about “not-cast- all three of these possible exceptions come from the ing” and to their observations on tooling the mirrors. area of Chiusi/Siena in the Hellenistic period. With this intriguing article, there are other but minor Finally, there is the question of the inscriptional evi- problems. Page references to the works of others are of- dence for ownership of mirrors. In 1982 I argued that ten missing or erroneous; for example, they cite this re- there were some eight inscriptions on mirrors that indi- viewer as having stated that Etruscan mirrors were “fre- cated female owners (and none for males). Swaddling quently disfigured to prevent use by anyone else (de Grum- adds a new specimen with a female name (Ramtha Pupe- mond 1982, 184)” (117), but I made no such statement on nas).30 But recently van der Meer has reviewed the mat- that page, nor can I find that I ever made it, but if I did, I ter and has stated that there are 3 mirrors that were hasten here to correct it, since, in the light of the current owned by men, and 3 more that have a male family name statistics quoted above, only a small percentage of Etrus- on them.31 Unfortunately his evidence is equivocal and can mirrors were disfigured (21 out of 912, 2.3%). None- includes inscriptions erroneously reported.32 But his fresh theless, this is a refreshing article and sensational for sev- assembling of the relevant inscriptions deserves a thor- eral reasons. The authors had the ingenuity to polish a ough, philological review, and his observations on the real Praenestine mirror and achieve a reflection in it, giv- possibility that males were the donors of mirrors are in ing us an idea of what the ancient ladies may have really line with previous and recent suggestions (see especially seen. They also publish for the first time a unique mirror Pandolfini’s idea that the word malena, long thought to in the collection of Ellen Macnamara; it features an intri- mean simply “mirror,” may mean “marriage gift”;33 it is cately carved handle of bone, with a separate ram’s head combined with names that she identifies as male). Much terminal of bronze, attached by rivets to the bronze disc. is at stake in this discussion. If we can reach general New evidence and data are pouring forth, hot debates agreement on this problem pertaining to gender and are going on, many excellent scholars are at work, and society, certainly our understanding of the iconography many new studies are being published. In short, it is a of myths represented on the mirrors will be increased. wonderful time to be working on Etruscan mirrors. A stimulating article by Judith Swaddling, Paul Crad- dock, et al. challenges some of the established ideas about department of classics the manufacture of Etruscan mirrors.34 Above all, they florida state university reject the traditional view that Etruscan mirrors featured tallahassee, florida 32306-1510 a casting technique in which the handle, sometimes in- [email protected]

28 See Swaddling 2001, no. 18. see the reviews by Schwarz 1997 and March 1998. 29 Sannibale 1994, 127–9. 33 Pandolfini 2000, 215, 224; de Grummond 2000, 77. 30 Swaddling 2001, no. 13. 34 Swaddling, Craddock, et al. 2000. 31 van der Meer 1995, ch. 3, “Owners, Givers and Recipients.” 35 Zimmer 1995, 1996. 32 There are many problems with the reliability of this book; 2002] ETRUSCAN MIRRORS NOW 311 Works Cited Moretti, M., and A.M. Sgubini Moretti. 1983. I Curunas di Tuscania. Rome: De Luca. Ambrosini, L. 1995. “Sethlans con la ruota di Isisone su uno Nagy, H. 1995. Review of CSE, Hongrie, Tchécoslovaquie, by specchio inciso da Corchiano.” StEtr 61:181–203. J.G. Szilágyi and J. Bouzek. EtrStud 2:7–12. ———. 1996. “Una coppia di specchi del gruppo ‘delle Lase’.” Nicholls, R.V., J. Swaddling, and T. Rasmussen. 1993. CSE, StEtr 62:63–94. Great Britain. Vol. 2, Cambridge: Corpus Christi College, the Bonamici, M., S. Stopponi, and P. Tamburini. 1993. Orvieto. Fitzwilliam Museum, the Museum of Archaeology and Anthro- La necropoli di Cannicella. Rome: L’ERMA di Bretschneider. pology, the Museum of Classical Archaeology. Cambridge and Bonfante, L. 1997. CSE, USA. Vol. 3, New York, The Metropol- New York: Cambridge University Press. itan Museum of Art. Rome: L’ERMA di Bretschneider. Pandolfini, M. 2000. “Iscrizioni e didascalie degli specchi Carpino, A. Forthcoming. Discs of Splendor: A Study of Etrus- etruschi: alcune riflessioni.” In Aspetti e problemi della can Relief Mirrors. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. produzione degli specchi etruschi figurati, edited by M.D. de Grummond, N.T., ed. 1982. A Guide to Etruscan Mirrors. Gentili, 209–24. Rome: Aracne. Tallahassee: Archaeological News. Pinci, A. 1996. “Bibliografia archeologica di Palestrina.” Mis- ———. 1985. “The Etruscan Mirror.” Source 4:26–35. cellanea Greca e Romana 20:207–45. ———. 2000. “An Etruscan Mirror in Tokyo.” In Aspetti e Rebuffat-Emmanuel, D. 1973. Le miroir étrusque d’après la problemi della produzione degli specchi etruschi figurati, edit- collection du Cabinet des Médailles. Rome: École Française ed by M.D. Gentili, 69–77. Rome: Aracne. de Rome. ———. Forthcoming. “Etruscan Mirrors Abroad, from the Ridgway, F.S. 2000. “Etruscan Mirrors and Archaeological Black Sea to Spain.” In Proceedings of the Second Interna- Context.” JRA 13:407–18. tional Congress on Black Sea Antiquities, edited by G. Rix, H. 1992. Etruskische Texte: Editio minor. 2 Vols. Tübingen: Tsetskhladze. London: British Archaeological Reports. G. Narr. De Puma, R. 1987. CSE, U.S.A. Vol. 1, Midwestern Collections. Sannibale, M. 1994. Le urne cinerarie di età ellenistica. Monu- Ames: Iowa State University Press. menti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Museo Gregoriano ———. 1993. CSE, U.S.A. Vol. 2, Boston and Cambridge. Ames: Etrusco Cataloghi 3. Rome: L’ERMA di Bretschneider. Iowa State University Press. Sassatelli, G. 1981. CSE, Italia. Vol. 1, Bologna, Museo Civico. Feruglio, A.E. 1997. “Uno specchio della necropolis di Castel Rome: L’ERMA di Bretschneider. Viscardo, presso Orvieto, con Apollo, Turan e Atunis.” In Schwarz, S.J. 1997. “Greek Myths on Etruscan Mirrors.” JRA Etrusca et italica. Scritti in ricordo di Massimo Pallottino, 299– 10:326–9. 314. Pisa: Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali. Swaddling, J. 2001. CSE. Great Britain. Vol. 1, British Museum Frascarelli, A. 1995. CSE Italia. Vol. 2, Perugia, Museo Nazio- I, Archaic and Early Classical Tanged Mirrors. London: Brit- nale Archeologico. Rome: L’ERMA di Bretschneider. ish Museum Press. Gentili, M.D., ed. 2000. Aspetti e problemi della produzione Swaddling, J., P. Craddock, et al. 2000. “Breaking the Mould: degli specchi etruschi figurati. Rome: Aracne. The Overwrought Mirrors of Etruria.” In Ancient Italy in Gerhard, E. (vol. 5 by A. Klügmann and G. Körte). 1840– Its Mediterranean Setting: Studies in Honor of Ellen Mac- 1897. Etruskische Spiegel, 5 vols. Berlin: G. Reimer. namara, edited by D. Ridgway, F.R.S. Ridgway, M. Pearce, Heres, G. 1986–1987. CSE, Deutsche Demokratische Republik. E. Herring, R.D. Whitehouse, and J.B. Wilkins, 4:117– Vol. 1. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. 40. London: Accordia Research Centre. Höckmann, U. 1987. CSE, Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Vol. Szilágyi, J.G. 1995. “Discourse on Method: A Contribution 1. Munich: Hirmer. to the Problem of Classifying Late Etruscan Mirrors.” Etr- Lambrechts, R. 1978. Les miroirs étrusques et prénestins des Stud 2:35–52. Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire à Bruxelles. Brussels: Szilágyi, J.G., and J. Bouzek. 1992. CSE, Hongrie, Tchécoslova- Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire. quie. Rome: L’ERMA di Bretschneider. ———. 2000, 23 October. “Les miroirs étrusques et van der Meer, L.B. 1983. CSE, Netherlands. Leiden: E.J. Brill. prénestins.” http://pot-pourri.fltr.ucl.ac.be/miroir/ (25 ———. 1995. Interpretatio etrusca: Greek Myths on Etruscan November 2001). Mirrors. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben. Mansuelli, G.A. 1946–1947. “Gli specchi etruschi figurati.” Wiman, I. 1990. Malstria-Malena, Metals and Motifs in Etrus- StEtr 19:9–137. can Mirror Craft. SIMA 91. Göteborg: P. Åströms. ———. 1948–1949. “Studi sugli specchi etruschi.” StEtr Zimmer, G. 1995. Etruskische Spiegel. Berlin: Walter de 20:59–98. Gruyter. March, J.R. 1998. Review of Interpretatio etrusca: Greek Myths ———. 1996. “Specchi etruschi, Considerazioni su tecnica on Etruscan Mirrors, by L.B. van der Meer. CJ 48:144–5. e stile delle figure.” StEtr 62:337–41.

Straight from the Bottle: Rural Life in Roman Africa

JENNIFER P. MOORE

Africa Proconsularis: Regional Studies in the naissance study took place in 1984, but the main data Segermes Valley of Northern Tunisia, vols. collection took place between 1987 and 1989, primarily through field survey (Sørensen, Carlsen, and Lund 1:113– 1–2, by Søren Dietz, Laïla Ladjimi Sebaï, and Habib 75) and the study of architectural remains (Hansen 1:177– Ben Hassen. Pp. 799, figs. 276, pls. 82. Aarhus Uni- 379; 3:58–72). These findings were supplemented by versity Press, Aarhus 1995. $80. ISBN 87-7288- small-scale excavations (sondages), mapping, and special- 740-0 (cloth). ist studies, including those of the pottery, coins, epi- graphic remains, and environmental inquiries. Each of Africa Proconsularis: Regional Studies in the these investigations was then written up as an individual Segermes Valley. Vol. 3, Historical Conclu- chapter or appendix, with explanations of methodology sions, by Peter Ørsted, Jesper Carlsen, Laïla Ladjimi and terminology clearly laid out for nonspecialist read- ers. Since many areas of the study complement others, I Sebaï, and Habib Ben Hassen. Pp. 339, figs. 168. will begin by assembling the chronological indicators. Aarhus University Press, Aarhus 2000. $59.95. Human occupation of the Segermes region stretches ISBN 87-7288-828-8 (cloth). back to the Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic periods when settlement was sparse but of long duration (Zoughlami Some two dozen international authors have contribut- 1:413–9). More substantial settlement, Punic in nature, ed to the Africa Proconsularis publications, under the aus- was in place by the late fourth or early third century pices of the University of Copenhagen and the Institut B.C.E. and was concentrated in the northern, more moun- National du Patrimoine (Tunisia). The contributions, writ- tainous, part of the valley (Briese and Lund 3:217–24). ten in either English or French, are divided into three The architectural decoration from this period, studied by volumes: Archaeological Field Work (vol. 1) and Pottery, N. Ferchiou (2:651–711), distinguishes itself from other Numismatics and the Antiquarian Data (vol. 2), which ap- regions of Tunisia, in that neither Aeolic nor Ionic col- peared in 1995 and were reviewed by P. Leveau;1 the umn capitals were favored here; as a whole, Punic archi- recent publication of Historical Conclusions (vol. 3) de- tectural decoration in this valley was characteristically mands a reassessment since these titles actually under- “rustique mais vigoureux” (2:697). value the contents of each volume. For instance, almost In the Neopunic era, the northern sector became a half of Historical Conclusions is devoted to the results of tangible economic center, most likely based on olive cul- “additional archaeological fieldwork” and discussions of tivation and possibly including the export of olive oil in exploration in the 1800s. The latter includes the work of Cintas 312 (Maña C) amphorae; though no finds indi- C.T. Falbe, the Danish consul-general to Tunis who sur- cate a definite “Libyan” presence, the valley may also veyed Carthage and parts of northern Tunisia in the 1830s, have been used by nomadic or pastoral peoples, much as and in whose honor this series is titled Africa Proconsu- continues today (Briese and Lund, 3:221–2). In addi- laris, albeit misleadingly so. That is, instead of tackling tion, rock-cut tombs (haouanet) from the Late or Neopu- the entire Roman province of Africa Proconsularis (rough- nic period may indicate a mixture of Punic and “Libyan” ly equivalent to present-day Tunisia), the present study populations or influences. According to Ben Younes examines a much smaller area, the Segermes Valley be- (3:191–216), haouanet associated with Phoenician foun- tween Mt. Zaghouan and Bou Ficha, just inland of the dations (Carthage, Hadrumetum, and Utica) do not gen- east coast of north Tunisia. erally employ sculpted decoration, while those of Punic The objective of the Segermes project was to study settlements, exposed to “Libyan” tastes, are much more the political, social, and especially economic relations expressive. The range of sculpted and engraved images between a Roman city and its countryside (1:11). The on these tombs has parallels in the repertoires of both Roman town of Segermes provided an ideal starting point, the Etruscans and the Mediterranean at large. as epigraphy had already pinpointed it as an economic From the very start of the Roman empire, the dynam- center for its region during Roman times (Slim 1:9). Some ics of the valley changed. The Segermes region was ap- knowledge of the ancient area already existed, as Roman parently not part of either a centuriation or colonization ruins had already been recorded in the 1920s.2 The Seg- process from Rome (Ørsted 3:85), but instead saw a more ermes survey investigators aimed to clarify these sites gradual settlement pattern. As indicated by finewares and and identify others in the process of filling out the ar- thin-walled wares, some sites were settled during the chaeological picture (1:116). Augustan and Julio-Claudian periods; Briese and Lund In order to achieve the project objectives, the investi- suggest an influx of Latin-speaking immigrants who es- gators undertook a manifold approach. A general recon- chewed the already-settled sector in the north and pre-

1 Leveau 1997. 2 Cagnat and Merlin 1922, 36.

313 American Journal of Archaeology 106 (2002) 313–5 314 JENNIFER P. MOORE [AJA 106 ferred to settle in the central and southern parts of the that both imperial and private estates operated in the valley, particularly in the alluvial plain of Oued R’mel valley (3:130–1); he sees the agricultural situation as one (3:222–4). In both ancient and modern times, this allu- in which the lex Manciana applied, with conductores and vial plain has marked the southern boundary of the east- coloni occupying the differing farm sizes that had been ern Tunisian grain belt, and it is likely that the new in- identified by Hansen’s architectural study (1:371–3; 3:62) habitants prioritized grain cultivation. Overall, the use and with seasonal wage laborers supplementing the work- of the valley in Roman times differed little from today: force (3:121–2). Ørsted attempts to quantify this situa- primarily agricultural, with an emphasis on cereals in the tion using data from the late 19th and 20th centuries on alluvial plain, supplemented by olives (especially in the colonization, agricultural productivity, and population north) and some livestock-rearing. Notably, though the (3:135–7). agricultural basis and climate of the region has not The distinction between the northern and southern changed much since antiquity, ancient farms achieved parts of the valley continued throughout the Roman sizes up to three times those of present day establish- period, almost formalized by the layout of aqueducts ments (Hansen 2:349). Other resources of the region and roads (Ørsted 3:92, figs. 41, 81, 36). The size and included naturally occurring food sources such as wild layout of farms differed: in the south, farms were large plants, honey, wild animals for hunting, and fish; fuel but modest, while in the north, the average farm was sources; local stone quarries; and thermal baths (Ørsted small, but its success could be measured in terms of pri- 3:159–61). Carlsen suggests that the northern inhabit- vate baths, mosaics, and other luxuries (Hansen 3:72). ants in particular took advantage of this range of resourc- Despite such signs of wealth, Ferchiou points out that, es, striving for financial security by reducing the risk of a as in the Punic period, architectural decoration never poor harvest season (3:129–30). attained the levels of other Tunisian regions (2:698), Animal husbandry has always been problematic for the with uncommon ornamental features such as marbles Segermes region, for indiscriminate grazing of goats occurring mainly in the form of revetment. Given the and sheep has led to the degradation of some zones, as low number of coins collected, Grinder-Hansen (2:636) poignantly illustrated in E. Zangger’s report on “Geolo- posits that barter, instead of money, probably accounted gy and the Development of the Cultural Landscape” for most economic exchanges throughout the Roman (1:figs. 16–17; Ørsted 2:786). Whatever the Roman con- period. Since the region had no important military or tribution to such depletion in soil quality, it is clear that administrative institutions, coins had little reason to Roman-period farmers were in firm control of their en- enter the valley, save for purposes of taxation or the vironment in other respects. For instance, there is little export of agricultural products. evidence that they required irrigation to support their Agriculture became even more important in the fourth agricultural activities; the aqueducts, wells, and cisterns and fifth centuries C.E. According to Ferchiou (3:708), give the impression of having been designed more com- previously wealthy or public areas, including the forum of monly for domestic and bath use (Ørsted 3:96) than for Segermes, were transformed into housing and farms; this agricultural purposes. Furthermore, by using check-dams change is interpreted as signifying population increase and other soil stabilizers (Mørch 1:50–5), locals from by Carlsen (3:131) and seems to defy ancient authors the Roman through Byzantine times were able to elim- who write about a farming decline or crisis at this time. inate problems of alluviation, soil erosion, and the ef- Instead, numismatic evidence from the fourth through fects of flash floods, which have wreaked havoc on the sixth centuries C.E. reveal that the Segermes region was landscape from the seventh century to the present now at its height (Grinder-Hansen 2:636), although in a (Zangger 1:57–83). Ørsted (2:786) estimates that to- different material expression than one might encounter day 20% of the land has been lost to such depredations; in the major cities of the province. Overall, the quiet furthermore, some ancient sites have probably been lost industriousness of the Segermes farmers remains largely in the process. unchanged until the Arab conquest in the seventh cen- Despite the new attention on the lower part of the tury C.E. (Carlsen 3:130), the chronological point at which valley during the Roman period, it was apparently not the interests of the Segermes project leave off. until the second century C.E. that Segermes, a new eco- One important result of the Segermes investigations nomic center, emerged. Elevated to the Municipium Au- has been the preservation, in record form at least, of relium Augustum Segermes in the latter part of the second sites threatened not only by alluviation and flooding, but century, the town would continue to be the focal point also by the predilection of locals to mine ruins for build- of the valley until the Arab conquest. In the initial re- ing materials; in the last century, more ruins have been port on the archaeological remains of the town itself, lost to such pillaging than in the previous millennium. A L.L. Sebaï and H. Ben Hansen promise a fourth volume small number of sites recorded on the 1893 AAT no long- that will concentrate on Segermes (3:28). er exist; nevertheless, the field and architectural survey- As a whole, despite the status of Segermes, very little ors were able to document more than double the number written material illuminates the Roman-period activities of sites previously known from the AAT (193 sites versus of the Segermes valley. Inscriptions, numbering under 80), of which Carlsen (3:108) identifies an absolute min- 35, mostly date to between the late second and mid fourth imum of 96 as habitation sites. centuries C.E. (Sebaï 2:713–57). Literary evidence, even The main evidence for chronology comes from the rarer, is mostly concerned with later church activities fineware pottery (mainly African Red Slip and excluding (Bejaoui 2:759–67). Thus, the Segermes Valley seems to the Islamic wares) (Lund 2:447–629). One significant have operated almost unnoticed, primarily as a modest finding resulted from Lund’s comparison of the finewares farming region. Based on the epigraphy, Carlsen suggests from the architectural, field, and excavation activities. 2002] RURAL LIFE IN ROMAN AFRICA 315

He found that, on a fairly consistent basis, architectural instance, hydraulics installations, which are recorded in and field surveys did not reveal the early occupation of detail in the field survey and architectural sections, mer- sites; that is, they emphasized the artifacts from the lat- it not only their own appendix (1:427–31), but also spe- est periods, those closest to the surface. In the Segermes cial attention in the broader chapters of Hansen (1:357– Valley, then, surface collections do not give an accurate 64), Dietz (2:797–8), and Ørsted (3:87–95). The latter picture of the chronological occupation of a site. This discussions would not be apparent to someone who was discovery is important, but is not emphasized enough in not reading the volumes cover-to-cover. Ørsted’s subsequent presentation of sites and structural Some of the chapters are not as up-to-date as one might types by period (2:777–98). Though Ørsted incorporat- expect for 1995 and 2000 publication dates; some au- ed statistical probability into these chronological charts, thors apparently wrote up their contributions immedi- readers who have glossed over the pottery report will ately following the field seasons and did not update them likely misunderstand their black-and-white format as be- prior to final publication. Better consultation among au- ing more certain than the results may indicate. thors would have eliminated some conflicting data and Other attention to the pottery in these volumes is interpretations. For instance, the structures identified minimal: the amphoras were studied by Nielsen, but in as mausolea in the field survey, architectural, and burial the format of a thesis (Aarhus 1994) and, to date, remain structures sections (all in vol. 1) do not match complete- unpublished. The coarsewares have not been addressed, ly, and none of the authors indicates an awareness of with one exception. E. Poulsen provides the only analy- such discrepancies. In addition, there is potential for sis of comprehensive pottery assemblage, that from the confusion in that the field survey and architectural teams house site K15-1 (3:225–91). K15-1 was ideal for such a employed different numbering systems for sites that they study because it was occupied the longest of the excavat- both explored; a concordance would be useful. ed sites, from the Augustan period through to the late The photography in all three volumes is of excellent sixth or seventh century. The site’s pottery and even the quality, though indications of scale are sometimes lack- ceramic building material, vaulting tubes, come from sev- ing; volumes 1 and 2 feature black and white photogra- eral regions of Tunisia. Poulsen noticed that, after the phy, while volume 3 uses striking color photos. Maps first century, ceramic drinking cups essentially disap- abound, minimizing the need to flip back and forth be- peared and neither glass nor metal cups seem to have tween volumes or chapters. The folio inserts that accom- replaced them (3:243); although not often noted in print, pany volume 2 lack labels and legends to explain the this phenomenon is common at Roman African sites. contents or provide cross-references to the relevant sec- Lacking evidence for cups made of perishable materials, tions in the text (particularly charts “Type A” through Poulsen suggests that locals turned to drinking straight “Type C”). Because of time restrictions in the field, con- from jugs, which are amply represented throughout the tour lines and, in particular, elevation measurements do Roman period; I would add that small bowls may have not always appear on site plans (Hansen 2:180). served the same purpose. Though there are several areas where these volumes One drawback to Poulsen’s study is that, for comparan- could have been more reader-friendly, the Segermes sur- da, Poulsen relies mainly on reports from Carthage and vey is overall a valuable resource. When combined with ignores other and newer works, even when he concludes, other Tunisian projects, it adds a new dimension to the “it might seem that the factories in the northeast of the picture being formed of Africa Proconsularis. Its individ- province, which supplied the market of the metropolis, ual components should become essential sources of data did not have much to do with other markets” (3:247). for a wide-ranging variety of studies. For instance, in his Those who address the pottery analyses admit that the numismatic study, Grinder-Hansen concludes that the results are less than satisfactory and blame financial con- “municipium (of Segermes) must be regarded as an eco- straints that prohibited full evaluation of the pottery (e.g., nomically marginal region inside the territory of Roman 1:13; 2:449). Given the project’s mandate to explore the North Africa” (2:636). As unimpressive as this descrip- economic activities of the Segermes region, it is disap- tion may seem, it is investigations like those of the Seg- pointing that better planning did not go into providing ermes project that allow us to access the more common for the analysis of the pottery, one of the most important standards of living that existed in the Roman world. measures of economic activity. Given the number of authors who have contributed to department of ancient history and classics these volumes, there are bound to be some inconsisten- trent university cies in presentation; still, a stronger editorial hand was peterborough, ontario k9j 7b8 needed. Formatting is not uniform, and awkward spell- canada ings and turns of phrase are characteristic of “translate- [email protected] se.” Site names are also inconsistently spelled; for in- stance, for Djebel Zid, there are also “Jebel” and “Jbel,” or the abbreviation “D.” or “Dj.,” and “Zit.” Technical Works Cited terms also vary (e.g., “tomb à cassone” and “plinth tomb”). Cross-references to other chapters within the volumes Leveau, P. 1997. Review of Africa Proconsularis: Regional Stud- are inconsistent and do not provide page numbers ex- ies in the Segermes Valley of Northern Tunisia, 2 vols., by cept where volume 3 refers back to volumes 1 and 2. This Søren Dietz, Laïla Ladjimi Sebaï, and Habib Ben Hassan. situation is particularly unwieldy as no index is supplied AJA 101:616–7. for any of the volumes. Given the overlap between sever- Cagnat, R., and A. Merlin. 1922. Atlas Archéologique de la al of the contributions, an index is much needed; for Tunisie. Paris: Service Géographique de l’Armée. BOOK REVIEWS

Cretan Quests: British Explorers, Excavators by modern standards. It still needs to be studied sec- and Historians, edited by Davina Huxley. Pp. xxi tion by section in depth as in the recent study by Marina Panayiotakis, The Central Palace Sanctuary Area + 227, figs. 141. British School at Athens, London (BSA Suppl. 31, London 1999). The importance of 2000. £27. ISBN 0-904887-37-5 (cloth). conservation of both sites and excavated buildings is This is a book of essays celebrating the centennial stressed. There will easily be work enough for the of Sir Arthur Evans’s excavation at Knossos. Its stated next 100 years. purpose, “to review British scholarly achievements in Although all of these essays are necessarily short and Crete in the last century,” is carried out superbly in 22 tell much that Cretan scholars already know, there is essays by mostly British scholars, many well-known with much that will be new to most readers. The authors years of experience in their fields, but also a few who have leavened their work with personal anecdotes from are mid-career scholars, interested in pursuing new their own experiences, memories of friends and col- possibilities, giving us a hint of a changing of the guard. leagues, and from the archives of the British School at All were given free rein to treat each subject as they Athens and the Ashmolean Museum. Among these are liked and, although this causes some unevenness and Hood’s memory of Popham trying out a new artist by repetition, it brings a certain freshness to the presen- placing a Mycenaean kylix in front of her and saying tations. Knossos is emphasized, but all British sites are “draw that,” adding darkly, “the proof of the pudding is included. in the eating.” Happily he was pleasantly surprised and The essays are divided into two groups. The first, “Brit- Sue Bird was hired. Merrillies relates A.E. Burns’s story ish Research in Crete,” is a chronological history of Brit- about Dunbabin leading a group of Cretans to reoccupy ish activities in Crete from the early travelers starting in the Villa Ariadne after the Germans left Herakleion on A.D. 1323 to the present in seven essays. The second, 11 October 1944. “As Dunbabin walked up the drive, “A Century of Achievement,” includes a series of chro- Manolis, Sir Arthur’s Cretan butler, opened the door to nological essays on the various periods of Cretan history him!” In another war story, the epigrapher T.B. Mitford, starting with the Neolithic period, continuing through who was with the Cretan resistance forces, carried “pis- the Minoan Bronze Age periods, early Greek, and Clas- tol in one pocket and squeeze paper in another” lest he sical Crete, Hellenistic and Roman Crete, the Byzan- should miss the opportunity of recording unknown in- tine and Arab periods, and the Cretan Renaissance scriptions. Cadogan includes one of the best from the (1580–1669), the last defined as a time in which Cretan archives about Hogarth in 1901. Nearly killed himself poets, artists, and intellectuals drew on the Italian Re- in the flash flood at Zakro, which destroyed houses, naissance culture for inspiration. The second group also fields, olive trees, and the mill, Hogarth pondered what contains several essays on special topics in which the he could do to help. “If I could not recover their trees British have been particularly interested: topographical or put back their soil, I could still do what the Briton and environmental studies, Linear B and Linear A, Mi- always does in such emergencies—write a cheque.” Many noan religion, and epigraphy. Two final essays cover the new pictures from the Ashmolean or personal archives history of the British School at Knossos. The first de- are printed here. For those who wish to delve more scribes its activities and excavations in the Knossos area deeply into a subject, there is a short bibliography at and the Stratigraphical Museum; the other, entitled the end of each chapter. This is a book that will be read “Artists and Craftsmen,” describes the careers of the with interest and enjoyment by those who work in Crete, most famous architects, foremen, vase-menders, and art- as well as those who are simply interested in Crete, ar- ists who have worked at Knossos. chaeology, and the lives of the early archaeologists. As one reads through these chapters, one notes The book falls into the category of centennial books the changing role of archaeology and its aims, the published by other foreign schools or institutes. Among greater use of field survey, the rising interest in de- these are Roger Matthews, ed., Ancient Anatolia: Fifty termining the social, economic, and political culture Years’ Work by the British Institute of Archaeology at Anka- of the island and the use of scientific tests to open up ra (London 1989); James D. Muhly and Evangelia Sik- new information about daily life. No longer does one la, eds., Crete 2000: A Centennial Celebration of American pick out one’s site, excavate it, and then make one’s Archaeological Work on Crete (Athens 2000); Creta Anti- theories on what one has found. Today one begins qua: Cento anni di archeologia italiana (Rome 1984; also with questions to be solved and then picks out one’s in English, Rome 1985); L’espace grec: 150 ans de fouil- site to answer them. les de l’École Française d’Athènes (Paris 1996); and One of the most interesting chapters is that of Archäologische Entdeckungen: die Forschungen des Deut- “Knossos Present and Future,” which reveals what re- schen Archäologischen Instituts im 20. Jahrhundert (Mainz mains to be done, namely the extensive survey of the 2000). All give us a sense of the excitement and diffi- whole Knossos valley to answer questions about the culties of the early excavations. They add unpublished city of Knossos and its extent period by period. Even information from archives when it is available and from the palace itself has never been properly published new excavations on the sites. Cretan Quests, more broad-

316 BOOK REVIEWS 317 ly based than the others, is a great addition to this Chapter 4 summarily describes museum benefactions literature. but does not provide a history of the acquisition of prints and postcards by the McClung Museum. Although the Geraldine C. Gesell primary donor was a photographer, it is not clear which, if department of classics any, of the photos in the collection he took himself, as 1101 mcclung tower most were purchased during the donor’s trip to Egypt in the university of tennessee 1913. knoxville, tennessee 37996 Chapter 5 hints at the potential for research on the [email protected] use of photography by early Egyptologists and is illustrat- ed with some interesting photos, borrowed for the exhi- bition, of Egyptologists at work. In addition to the 11,000 Scholars, Scoundrels, and the Sphinx: A Pho- negatives from Reisner’s excavations now in the Hearst Museum at Berkeley (69), the 100,000 in the Boston tographic and Archaeological Adventure Museum of Fine Arts should also be mentioned, as these Up the Nile, by Elaine Altman Evans. Pp. xii + will be accessible online. 122, b&w figs. 208, map 1. Frank H. McClung Particularly interesting for Egyptologists is chapter 6 Museum, University of Tennessee, Knoxville on the history of the Cairo Museums, illustrated with 2000. $18.50. ISBN 1-880174-04-9 (paper). photos of artifacts once housed in the predecessors to the current Egyptian Museum, but the seventh chapter, There have been previous monographs on individual on “Dealers, Scoundrels, and Fakers,” does not directly studios and photographic recreations of Victorian ex- relate to the McClung collection’s photographs. cursions up the Nile, but photography is an area where Each chapter has a short selected bibliography, and a museum lacking the artifactual and financial resources there is some overlap among these. There are few edito- of the larger established museums can nonetheless make rial lapses, mostly in chapter 5, like Woolley’s “MA from a significant contribution both to Egyptology and its Oxon.” Not all the figure illustrations are credited. De- dissemination. From January to July 2000, the Frank H. spite a few shortcomings, however, the book can serve as McClung Museum at the University of Tennessee dis- a useful introduction to the subject, and its publication played its collections of photographs of Egypt taken of old photos will be of use to Egyptologists. from 1850 to 1930 at an exhibition from which the D.J.I. Begg curator, Elaine Evans, compiled the monograph under review. The strength of the McClung collection, at least 39793 fingal line as exhibited and published, lies in its diversity and scope. st. thomas, ontario n5p 3s5 Chapter 2, on commercial photographers, would ben- canada efit from the inclusion of material found in appendix [email protected] A, to provide the reader with explanations of the tech- nical terminology referred to and a sense of its evolu- tion. “Only those photographers whose work is in the Social Theory in Archaeology, edited by Michael exhibition will be mentioned below. It should be not- ed that these represent only a sampling of the hun- Brian Schiffer. (Foundations of Archaeological dred or more photographers that were active in the Inquiry.) Pp. viii + 237, figs. 5, tables 3. University Middle East in the nineteenth century.” It remains of Utah Press, Salt Lake City 2000. $55 (cloth); unclear whether the McClung collections include more $25 (paper). ISBN 0-87480-641-0 (cloth); 0- photographers than are exhibited and, if so, how these were chosen. A brief historical survey of 14 photographic 87480-642-9 (paper). studios (alphabetic rather than chronological, i.e., ev- This is a very important book. Each of its chapters idently intended to be consulted rather than read) is contributes to the building of a clear-sighted overview of noteworthy not only for the number of European coun- the contribution archaeology is now making to our un- tries they came from, but also for the absence of any derstanding of the nature and history of human society. North Americans. Any archaeologist for whom the term “social theory” is Chapter 3, forming nearly one third of the book, rep- currently associated with obscurity of expression and with licates the illustrated travelogue that early travelers polemic would be well advised to read this book from might have brought back to show their friends. Thirty- beginning to end if only to see how far archaeology has four sites, arranged geographically from Alexandria in come in the last 20 years. the north to Kerma in the south, are illustrated through The 10 papers collected here are the revised versions 58 old photos; these latter are conveniently distin- of presentations given at a roundtable on social theory in guished in sepia from modern black and white photos of archaeology organized in 1997. Michael Schiffer explains artifacts exhibited from the sites. While not all the arti- the motivation behind the meeting in his introduction, facts on display are illustrated in the book, all their de- expressing his initial concern that the growing weight of scriptions are reprinted. A few old photos were produced the divergent literature and the conflicting programs by studios not mentioned in the previous chapter. and camps into which archaeological theory appears to 318 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 have divided were contributing to the disintegration of structural way—but it is archaeologically problematic for the archaeological discipline. There is perhaps a contra- two obvious reasons: first, we have no mechanism for diction in welcoming a diversity of approaches in archae- gaining direct access to the self-consciousness of others, ological analysis but then expressing a fear that such and, second, others’ subjective awareness is created by diversity will fragment a discipline that might otherwise conditions that include a perspective on the world that is remain united. If this apparent contradiction is to be peculiar to each individual and each society. I would ven- overcome it would seem to demand that we are clear as to ture that each contributor has a view to offer on these what unites us at the end of the day and are able to issues, and the value of the work lies in the clearer focus demonstrate that this unity is enriched and extended, and sharper perspectives that each study provides. rather than threatened, by alternative views and ap- In a review of this size any attempt to select individ- proaches. Schiffer sees “bridge building” as one tactic ual studies for comment would be difficult, perhaps mis- that will unite, a process of establishing the conceptual guided. Indeed, such a move might run counter to my connections between disparate theoretical positions. And recommendation that the book should be read as a sin- a number of the contributors to this volume do indeed gle work. It is then that the interplay between under- make reference to such a process. But another approach standing the making of individual and communal iden- is to recognize that what unites us, from our different tities, the development of a theory of mind allowing perceptions and intellectual traditions, is the desire to others to be recognized (and deceived), the establish- confront and thus to learn from the diversity of human ment and transformation of relations of obligation and history itself. It is in their eloquent and sometimes heart- trust, the mapping of experience and identity upon the felt expression of this common desire that the main weight material landscape, the power and violence that may of these contributions establishes a foundation for a uni- accompany the claim to speak for others, the perhaps fied archaeological program. indeterminate complexity operating between intention, We may identify three approaches to social theory in perceived goals and material constraints, and the very archaeology. In one, theories are regarded as a series of diversity of humanity itself will be explored. The range abstract propositions designed to describe the nature of of issues is vast, but each chapter carries the reader the social world and where diversity should ultimately forward not with a feeling of frustration and despair lead to a richer and more accurate synthesis. In the sec- toward some impossible challenge for archaeology to ond, a similar diversity is accepted but treated as irresolv- meet, but rather with the feeling that archaeology has able because of the paradigmatic and ideological rifts that now established itself as a mature and coherent voice in cleave the different approaches. I sense that Schiffer the very center of the debate concerning the nature of fears the second and seeks out the first as the more pro- humanity. ductive position to adopt. A third definition, however, John C. Barrett would take theory as providing the intellectual equip- ment necessary to facilitate the open and ongoing inves- department of archaeology and prehistory tigation of the human condition, an investigation that university of sheffield claims no final resolution, but one that explores what sheffield s1 4et different perspectives can offer in our understandings of united kingdom human diversity and out of which we come to understand [email protected] not only others but also ourselves afresh. In their com- bined efforts the contributors seem to move us more toward this third position, and it is this move that makes Cognition and Material Culture: The Archae- the book important. In place of strident assertions of ology of Symbolic Storage, edited by Colin how we should work, we find a series of explorations of Renfrew and Chris Scarre. (McDonald Institute what might be possible. How then are we to judge this diversity and assess its Monographs.) Pp. xii + 187, figs. 57, tables 8. value? Initially we may be guided by two common expec- McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, tations. One is that human social behavior is understand- Cambridge 1998. $72. ISBN 0-9519420-6-9 able because it is the product of factors that we should be (cloth). able to specify and thus investigate, and in archaeology that investigation is through the material conditions of Because archaeology studies the material remains of social behavior. A number of terms are used in the at- the past, any contribution that archaeologists make to tempt to capture these clusters of explanatory conditions; understanding past beliefs must be grounded on a disci- we may, for example, refer to them as “structures.” Our plined understanding of the relation between material temptation to use these structures as the causal explana- culture and human cognition. The papers in the volume tions for the history of social behavior must, however, be are the proceedings of a conference titled “The Ar- tempered by a second expectation. Humans are subjec- chaeology of External Symbolic Storage: The Dialectic tively aware of themselves, of others, and the conditions between Artefact and Cognition” held at Cambridge among which they operate. Humans also have explana- University, England, in September 1996. The confer- tions for their behavior and for their own world, and ence’s goal was to examine human cognitive expression these must have some part to play in the histories they and its development since the start of the Upper Pale- create for themselves. This subjective awareness is there- olithic, especially as this relates to material culture. The fore a social fact—we may regard it as operating in a papers are written by archaeologists, anthropologists, 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 319 psychologists, a philosopher, a sociologist, and an ani- in the human mind because such ideas are not anchored mal behaviorist. in any one of the older domains of intuitive knowledge The prescribed point of departure for this conference but arose at a relatively recent stage in human develop- was the psychologist Merlin Donald’s Origins of the Mod- ment when older, independent cognitive domains were ern Mind (Cambridge, Mass. 1991). One of Donald’s key becoming interconnected. Mithen and Rawson agree that concepts is the conscious and unconscious development ESS is not simply a device to cope with information over- of “external symbolic storage” (ESS): extrasomatic devic- load but also may be a way to store and transmit special es that hold and convey information. Donald associates kinds of information. Donald acknowledges that the quan- massive external memory storage with his final stage in tity of information alone may not determine the need the development of hominid culture. He argues that an for storage, although he disagrees with Mithen’s reading “episodic stage” of complex primate event perceptions of the domain-specificity literature. Donald suggests that was followed during early hominid times by a “mimetic culture is primarily mimetic in origin and perhaps more stage” of nonverbal action modeling and next by an early deeply rooted in nonverbal cognition and communica- sapiens “mythic stage” characterized by linguistic model- tion, as represented by unquestioned customs, than it is ing and narrative thought. The fourth and most recent in language. This principle extends to the uses of mate- “theoretic stage” is distinguished by increasing verbal and rial culture, including some of its earliest forms. nonverbal extrasomatic symbolization and paradigmatic Renfrew proposes that Donald’s theoretic stage of cog- thinking. Although only the last two of these cumulative nitive development be divided into an earlier stage of ESS development stages are historically relevant to this vol- that relied on nonliterate forms of material culture, and a ume, Donald argues that mimetic behavior remains im- later stage that added sophisticated information retrieval portant. He also argues that, while enculturation has systems, often in the form of writing. Despite this propos- become increasingly important (in contrast to genetic al, Renfrew expresses concern about the legitimacy of a change), the development of external storage contin- cultural evolutionary approach. Donald responds that he ues to alter modular brain organization as a result of the introduced his theoretic stage to indicate to neuroscien- cultural reprogramming of axonal and synaptic growth tists and psychologists that culture has become a major during some key periods of neural epigenesis. Renfrew player in shaping the cognitive architecture of the human argues that, by focusing on writing as a major form of brain. While he accepts the utility of Renfrew’s subdivi- ESS, Donald has downplayed the role of material culture sion, Donald stresses that theoretic forms of thinking be- in general. The goal of the conference was to discuss this gan to develop prior to the Neolithic revolution, while blind spot in dialogue with Donald. more formal modes of thinking developed long after the Donald conceived ESS not as an extension of the hu- invention of writing. My own research indicates that in man mind but as an aid to cognition. It exists only in early civilizations writing systems did little more than record relation to interpretative codes stored in the biological data and spoken messages. Only after the beginning of memories of human beings. Yet Donald argues that the what Karl Jaspers has called the Axial Age did writing di- external storage of symbols changes the nature of shared rect human thought along new lines. cognition. M. Strathern and other authors stress that There is considerable discussion of general theory. Ren- ESS occurs not only in material culture but also in human frew suggests that it is unclear that the concept of “mind” actions, other human beings, and the material world, all refers to anything more than “specific modes of behaviour of which are endowed with cognitive significance. In a (including thought)” (1), a strongly positivist position. M. study of popular culture in modern day New York, D. Halle Lake explores the limits of the neo-Darwinist view that argues that the full range of meanings of material cul- culture evolves as the result of the differential replication ture is often not apparent to its makers and users. He of elementary cultural units called “memes.” Donald right- further maintains that art does not simply reflect society, ly objects that scientists must understand what memes are but also idealizes, inverts, or compensates for it: a point in terms of cognitive processes before using them to ex- already familiar to archaeologists who have read Ian Hod- plain cultural change. As things stand, the concept of der’s Symbols in Action (Cambridge 1982). Hence inter- memes confuses processes and things. Much of Lake’s dis- pretations of art must take account of the natives’ sense cussion of Darwinian and Lamarckian reproduction of of its meaning or symbolism, while not necessarily ac- memes could have been simplified by invoking Alfred Kroe- cepting the latter at face value. ber’s concept of stimulus diffusion. In a brilliant study of the use of early Chinese bronze Both E.J. Lowe and J. Thomas object on philosophical vessels and other artifacts in ritual, J. Rawson demon- grounds to an evolutionary approach; maintaining as epis- strates that such objects not only signaled, but helped to temological idealists that our capacity for conceptual think- create, social and ritual relations. She suggests that they ing, or being, is an all-or-nothing matter. Their arguments may have been employed in ways that engaged their us- are redolent of antiquated 19th-century debates about the ers and viewers in distinctive modes of interpretation, origin of vision. R. Hinde counters Thomas’s extreme cul- and hence of thinking, that may not have been accessi- tural determinism by reaffirming methodological individ- ble to words and hence were never written down. Rawson ualism and the many aspects of experience that all human concludes that these ritual objects are most usefully con- beings share. While these varied positions have implica- sidered, not as loci of information storage, but as “inte- tions for the cognitive meaning of material culture, their gral components of the beliefs, hopes and fears of their reiteration does little to advance an understanding of ar- makers and users” (131). S. Mithen argues that material chaeological data. Generalizations at the pan-human level symbols are especially needed to anchor religious ideas inform us about features that are common to all humans; 320 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 they do not explain the cultural idiosyncracies that are a ologists to address more systematically the relation be- conspicuous feature of human cognition. tween material culture and human understanding. Mithen interprets Paleolithic cave art as encoding eco- Bruce G. Trigger logical data for functional purposes, while T. Dowson sees it as mapping the spiritual experiences and social identi- department of anthropology ty quests of individual shamans. Lewis Binford has re- mcgill university cently pointed out that shamanism does not exist in all 855 sherbrooke street west hunter-gatherer cultures and has described attempts to montreal, quebec h3a 2t7 interpret “the whole world of the past on the basis of bad canada analogies with the southern Kalahari” as simply naive (D. [email protected] Van Reybrouck, “Howling Wolf,” Archaeological Dialogues 8 [2001] 81). Rawson interprets early Chinese burial cus- toms as suggesting that beliefs about multiple souls, re- Towards Reflexive Method in Archaeology: corded in later times, did not exist in the Shang period; The Example at Çatalhöyük, edited by Ian this interpretation is at odds with her own argument that verbal and nonverbal practice do not always correspond. Hodder. (British Institute of Archaeology at An- More comprehensive Egyptian data demonstrate that in kara 28.) Pp. xvi + 238, figs. 68, tables 10. that culture a set of beliefs about multiple souls persisted McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, largely unchanged despite a switch from burying every- Cambridge 2000. $56. ISSN 1363-1349; ISBN 1- day goods with the dead to burying mainly ritual items and finally only texts (L. Meskell, Archaeologies of Social 902937-02-3 (cloth). Life [Oxford 1999]). Research at the Neolithic mound of Çatalhöyük (Tur- In his careful study of marks on a small number of key) recommenced in 1993, and this volume is the European Paleolithic artifacts, F. d’Errico states bluntly project’s second book. Hodder has organized a well-fund- that he regards it as impossible to recover what informa- ed multinational team from many disciplines to meticu- tion was recorded but seeks to discover if various sets of lously survey and excavate the site. This volume address- marks constituted codes and, if so, how these codes es the project’s methodology, termed reflexive, and is not worked. He seeks, by carefully studying how and in what a presentation of preliminary findings. order these marks were made, to determine whether they The method attempts to democratize the construc- were functional, ornamental, or informational in charac- tion of knowledge by questioning assumptions at every ter and, if the latter, how they were organized. E. Zubrow level, as well as responding to the interests of nonaca- and P. Daly carry out a cross-cultural study of maps in demic groups. Its goals are “reflexivity,” “relationality modern hunter-gatherer cultures. While they produce a or contextuality,” “interactivity,” and “multivocality.” number of interesting generalizations that seem paral- The introductory chapter explains the 12-step program leled by their observations of a large sample of apparent to reflexivity that can be summarized into three broad maps from hunter-gatherer archaeological sites, they do groups. The first is intensive interaction and coopera- not go on to demonstrate how their generalizations might tion between the excavators and the laboratory (e.g., provide insights into the meaning of specific prehistoric staff visits to site and integration of intensive sam- “maps.” Nevertheless, their article indicates the utility of pling procedures) to facilitate interpretation in the studying cultures at approximately the same level of com- field. The second group of reflexive procedures is a plexity in the hope of discovering at least some general redefinition of traditional artifact categories to create regularities in their beliefs. Once such generalizations complex databases that provide a number of contexts have been formulated, archaeologists could test for the for the finds, and make data accessible to nonspecial- presence of such beliefs in specific prehistoric cultures ists. The databases integrate field notes and on-site by postulating material correlates of these beliefs that videos to create, among other things, Web sites and might be looked for in the archaeological record. This virtual-reality reconstructions. The third group of pro- approach would constitute a methodologically rigorous cedures consists of a close analysis of the excavators employment of what Ian Hodder calls the contextual themselves. The members’ interpersonal relationships approach. are scrutinized to test the efficacy of various teams and In his conclusion, Donald warns that archaeologists their field techniques. should not aspire to more precision than the data justi- Three parts comprise the remainder of the book: fy. Material culture tends to be polysemous, and there is “The Integration of Methods,” “The Dispersions of no evidence that it always means the same thing, even ‘Site’ and the Problem of Representation,” and “Pre- to different members of the same group. Hence specif- senting the Sites.” These sections combine various lines ic meanings may remain elusive in archaeological con- of inquiry to advance reflexivity as a paradigm for an texts. Comparative studies may be able to associate par- archaeological project. The articles in part A vary from ticular general concepts or ways of thinking with societ- a general discussion of excavation methods to special- ies at different levels of complexity and thus provide ists’ studies. The opening chapter addresses reflexivi- hypotheses that can be tested for specific prehistoric ty’s practicalities as applied to Çatalhöyük, and would societies. Cognition and Material Culture, by reinforcing have been best organized with the introduction. The an appreciation of the complex relations between ma- excavators are to be commended for being extremely terial culture and human cognition, challenges archae- careful, but some long-used field techniques are pre- 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 321 sented as novel, and betray an inexperience mentioned Despite claims of multivocality, contextuality, and in chapter 10. The articles that follow discuss how the post-colonialism, there is a troubling paucity of cita- lithics and rubbish can be analyzed, as well as how sci- tions of Turkish language site reports. Only one article entific techniques are integrated. In this section’s con- discusses another Anatolian Neolithic mound. This prob- cluding article the conservator outlines the goals of lem is magnified by the somewhat anachronistic and cultural heritage and addresses the considerable diffi- isolating practice of building the dig house on site rath- culties of preserving Neolithic murals. This scientific er than within the local community. Also, many of the report avoids jargon to describe the practical obstacles articles are mired in jargon that makes for repetitive in conserving the wall paintings for which Çatalhöyük and unpleasant reading. Many open with a homage is so famous. that reiterates arguments and citations. There are fre- Part B, “The Dispersion of ‘Site’ and the Problem of quent grammatical and syntactical problems that tor- Representation,” has little thematic coherence, and ture the English. A further hindrance is the occasional the quality of the nine articles varies dramatically. use of cartoonish illustrations. Finally, not enough of There are two salient articles: Hawkes and Molleson’s the book addresses practical field methods or hard data. analysis of skeletal postures to reconstruct burial prac- Reflexivity’s emphasis on interpersonal relationships tices; and Shankland’s ethnographic study of the vil- makes it as much an ethnography of an excavation as lage nearest to Çatalhöyük, Küçükköy. The latter dis- an archaeological method or methodology. cusses how the folklore concerning the mound may Thomas F. Strasser have led to its preservation, and the excavation’s ef- fect on the village. Another ethnography (ch. 8), how- department of humanities ever, rejects established procedures for empowering and religious studies people in order to effect culture change, which seems california state university a departure from the stated post-colonial goal. Tring- sacramento, california 95819 ham and Stevanovic compare the excavation styles of [email protected] the Berkeley team and the Cambridge Unit, that re- veal the practical methods developed by the former, which has more experience in the period and region. The Archaeology of Value: Essays on Prestige The following chapter complements their analysis with and the Process of Valuation, edited by an examination of the “faultlines” within the teams. Douglass Bailey (with assistance of Steve Mills). (BAR- Some are significant, such as the lack of experience in Anatolian archaeology for the majority of the mem- IS 730.) Pp. v + 146, figs. 54, table 1. Tempus bers; others are extremely trite, such as animosity be- Reparatum, Archaeopress, Oxford 1998. £35. tween the lab and field teams. In three chapters the ISBN 0-86054-963-1 (paper). artists present interpretive reconstructions as alterna- tives to standardized archaeological illustrations. Such This book is the outcome of a series of papers pre- interpretive reconstructions have a long and rich his- sented at the first meeting of the European Associa- tory in the east Mediterranean, and a more thorough tion of Archaeologists, held at Santiago de Composte- review would have been useful. Most apparent here is la, Spain, in 1995. Of the 11 contributors to the vol- the theme of victimization that runs through much of ume, two (Russel, Skeates) did not attend the confer- the book. The idea that the artists are tyrannized by ence and, as editor Douglass Bailey curiously notes (3), written words and standardized illustrations is surely “several of the Santiago participants chose not to ex- hyperbole. amine the key issues and themes” outlined in the in- Part C, “Presenting the Site,” is the most thematic. troduction. Indeed, that is an understatement, and does There are five articles that explain how the databases not bode well for the editor’s expressed hope (v) that are conceptualized, organized, and presented in vari- this “is a coherent volume which brings together a di- ous media. The project is to be commended for taking versity of perspectives on the archaeology of value, advantage of technological advances to disseminate the prestige and wealth.” Diversity there is in abundance, data in a variety of media that can be accessed by inter- but coherence is not one of the volume’s virtues. ested persons, ranging from the local community to Bailey establishes a framework that revolves more specialists and school children. around the concept of “fame” than value, prestige, or Many old ideas and field techniques are presented wealth. One issue never discussed, much less resolved, as unique. For example, the desire for transparency in is why all these terms are used interchangeably: cer- the construction of knowledge is surely identical to tainly they are related, but just as certainly they have Binford’s well-known call for explicitness in reasoning very different meanings in different archaeologies and three decades ago. There is also an Orwellian air to archaeological parlance around the world. In any case, some of the methods, such as keeping diaries for pub- Bailey’s introduction to value in archaeology relies ex- lic consumption, or filming the excavators as much, it clusively—indeed it is the sole reference in his intro- seems, as the artifacts. There is a sense of support- ductory chapter’s bibliography—on a book by Nancy group psychology mixed with reality television. This Munn, The Fame of the Gawa: A Symbolic Study of Value large amount of “navel-gazing” (the editor’s phrase) is Transformation in a Massim (Papua New Guinea) Society at best a sociology experiment, but some will find it (London 1986). The Gawa are a Melanesian island so- self-indulgent. ciety intimately entangled in the kula, a highly ritual- 322 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 ized exchange of shell necklaces and bracelets among any single interpretive framework that might treat valu- the island-dwelling Massim. Bailey provides a detailed ation and prestige in archaeology. That may be a valid and not uninteresting overview of Munn’s analysis of position to take, with hindsight and especially in light the Gawa and concludes that several important con- of the contributors’ “choice” not to follow the theme(s) cepts established by Munn have relevance to the ar- that Bailey presented. Fortunately for Bailey and the chaeological study of prestige-fame: the potential of contributors, BAR often is willing to publish conference human activities that extend, contract, synchronize, papers that revolve around a certain issue or approach, and “schismogenerate” space-time (all Munn’s terms). even if they do not cohere obviously or adhere willingly Equally important for Munn (and presumably for ar- to editorial dictates. Bailey’s introduction, at least, goes chaeologists) is the fact that different qualities and some way toward explaining how he thinks these stud- properties of things—in particular durables and con- ies do address the main theme. sumables—exhibit different potentials for transform- Certainly the contributors to the volume have multi- ing or transcending interactive time and space. Ac- ple agendas in considering value, prestige, fame, and cording to Bailey (2), the advantages of adopting such wealth. The objects, materials, commodities, and meth- an approach are that (a) archaeological investigation odologies chosen to amplify the arguments are not just is directed away from traditional assumptions about val- diverse, but sometimes unexpected and oftentimes quite ue and prestige goods (e.g., that value is inherent in engaging. Readers of AJA certainly will find some value an artifact because it is made of nonlocal materials or in the studies by Quesada, Pydyn, and Skeates, if not because it required specialized production), and (b) others. What emerges clearly from considering all these archaeological interpretation can be directed toward studies together is that value is historically contingent multiple, contemporary levels of expression. Thus one and contextually unpredictable. Objects and materials, can begin to see how value is created, manipulated, even places, are seen to be “valued” primarily because of and maintained, and the archaeological investigation the specific historical circumstances that often condi- of prestige becomes associated with a contextual study tioned their transhistorical nature. Value seems almost of people and objects, “the interactive space-time of inescapable and the processes of envaluation arguably prestige-fame” (2–3). do characterize almost all complex societies. The mate- So far so good (I suppose), but the problem, as Bailey riality of envaluation, the embodiment of (material) has warned us, is that none of the contributors takes up culture, and the objectification of value in people and Munn’s approach or Bailey’s interpretation of it. In fact, things all provide thematic resolution to a volume that with the exception of a passing reference by J. Chapman resonates with difference and refuses to be classified. in his chapter, Munn is never again mentioned in this A. Bernard Knapp volume. One can conjure up any number of approaches or ideas that might have served to unify, or relate, or department of archaeology somehow make the overall volume more thematic in ori- university of glasgow entation—for example, the meanings of things, cultural glasgow g12 8qq value, commodification—but the virtues of individuality scotland apparently were seen to be more advantageous (or con- [email protected] venient) than an attempt at coherence. Be that as it may, the nine contributions that follow seek to investi- gate prestige, or fame, or value in a series of case studies Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean in ranging from late Upper Palaeolithic Cantabria to post- Antiquity: Proceedings of a Conference Medieval Sweden. Some papers seek to establish a new perspective on the usual suspects in analyses of value or Held at the Humanities Research Centre in prestige: for example, princely tombs in the Iron Age Canberra, 10–12 NOVEMBER, 1997, edited by Balkans (Palavestra); burial assemblages in Iron Age Ibe- Graeme Clarke. (Mediterranean Archaeology 11.) Pp. ria (Quesada) or Bronze Age Britain (Parker Pearson); 294, figs. 36, pls. 15, tables 4. 1998. AUS $62. ISSN exchange systems in later prehistoric central Europe (Py- dyn); and the dynamics of cattle wealth, especially as 1030-8482 (paper). bridewealth in Neolithic Europe (Russell). Other papers Identity and ethnicity are becoming more and more focus their interpretive lens on subjects that are not typ- recognized as a crucial—perhaps the most important— ically treated in studies of prestige or value: stone tools factor in any definition of culture or civilization. This is (Sinclair); bulk goods and refuse (Andersson and Hål- by no means a new issue. Herodotos (1.146–147) point- lans). In one of the volume’s most interesting papers, ed out the problems of dealing with ethnicity, but in both conceptually and topically, J. Chapman considers recent years questions of ethnic and cultural identity the value of place and landscape by adopting a theoreti- have entered the mainstream of scholarship. These are cal framework erected around Bourdieu’s concepts of habi- powerful elements in all societies, but particularly in tus and field, and around recent research into embodi- the multicultural world of Mediterranean antiquity, es- ment and objectification. R. Skeates’s chapter on the pecially the eastern Roman provinces. social life of Italian Neolithic painted pottery, of interest A conference held in 1997 in Canberra had as its on its own terms, eschews any treatment of value and topic cultural identities in the eastern Mediterranean. defies any rationale for inclusion in this volume. It was in honor of Fergus Millar, who was instrumental Bailey suggests (8) that the volume’s diversity—both in bringing this issue to the forefront. The scope was theoretical and empirical—justifies the failure to offer from the fourth millennium B.C. to the coming of Is- 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 323 lam, although 10 of the 13 papers presented in the new religious emphasis is part of S.N.C. Lieu’s paper on volume here under review concern the Roman period the emergence of the Manichaeans (205–27) and that and later. They are all designed to explore the acute by A. Shboul and A. Walmsley (255–87) on the transition issues of understanding the identity and self-concep- from the Byzantine to the Islamic identity in the sev- tion of ancient populations. The problems represented enth century. are complex and difficult, and the authors have repeat- Although the movement toward Islam lies behind these edly stressed this, while making impressive attempts to papers, others focus on Christian identity. J.M. Lieu has untangle questions of language, material remains, cul- examined this question (71–82) as it came to be defined ture, and ethnicity. In fact, a crucial matter is just what in the second century, and how the Jewish heritage was are these indicators of society and how may they be both embraced and rejected, especially in the Christian validly studied. As Graeme Clarke noted in the intro- assertion that the new faith had no ethnic or geograph- duction to the volume, the papers are samples that dem- ical limitations. P. Rousseau’s study of Christian asceti- onstrate various methodologies that interpret the ma- cism in the latter fourth and early fifth centuries (229– terial data of antiquity. Too often those studying the 44) makes the point that the self-identification of the various parts of ancient societies are at unnecessary con- ascetics was as teachers, which allowed them to place tention with one another, with archaeologists asserting themselves firmly within what they had inherited from that only archaeological data are valid, or philologists the past, thus competing against the clergy. P. Allen has insisting the same about texts, both lacking the panop- examined Christian preachers of the sixth century (245– tic gaze that is essential for intelligent understanding. 53) and has emphasized that one must consider audi- Two of the papers concerned archaeological material ence as well as preacher. from the Roman period. D. Kennedy has examined the Identity in the Near East was an issue long before the identity of Roman Gerasa (39–69), noting that under- Romans arrived, and this is demonstrated by three papers standing the individuality of the city must not emphasize that indicate the continuity of theme and process be- the obvious and monumental but the more subtle ele- tween all the articles in the volume. D. Frankel and J.M. ments such as popular art and diet, as well as the geo- Webb have explored the issue of identity in the Cypriot graphical setting. And a paper by Graeme Clarke and Bronze Age (1–12), determining that the concept chang- numerous others (83–158) looks at a Roman-period tomb es significantly as one moves through the different phas- at Shash Hamdan on the upper Euphrates, famous for its es of the era. A. Sagona has focused on religious ritual in over 70 figured reliefs that are enigmatic, ambiguous, the Kura-Araxes cultural complex (13–25), and D.T. Potts and even bizarre, but nevertheless significant in reveal- on the problems in understanding ethnic and linguistic ing how hypothetical North Syrians of the late Roman groups in eastern Arabia (27–38). period might have viewed their environment in a world Whether one is considering the Trans-Caucasus of the of Greek, Roman, Parthian, and other influences. fourth millennium or the emergence of Islam in the Le- Inscriptions have long been held to represent a partic- vant, the issues can be remarkably similar. Reconstruction ularly high level of truth. Literary texts have passed of an ancient society, especially in regard to ethnicity, through numerous copies, but inscriptions are documents linguistics, or religion, is a frustratingly difficult and com- that are usually contemporary with the events that they plex problem in which there are numerous pitfalls. Appar- describe. Yet M.C.A. MacDonald has skillfully illustrated ent contradictions between different types of data must that inscriptions must be examined carefully within their be reconciled, but all data are capable of misinterpreta- environment and context (177–90). This may seem a tion, and the simplest and most sensible way of recon- totally obvious point, but failure to do so has resulted in structing may not produce a pattern that was coherent to unfortunate interpretations and terminology: a fine ex- those who created the data. The papers in this volume are ample is the use of the term “Safaitic,” essentially a geo- an important step in understanding the methodologies graphical one, to define a culture. Especially in the Ro- that must be used in comprehending ancient cultures. man Near East, improper use of inscriptions has led to a Duane W. Roller distorted concept of identity. This connects with P.M. Brennan’s discussion of Roman identity in the context department of greek and latin of the Roman army in late antiquity (191–203). The ques- the ohio state university tions have long been asked: What constitutes a Roman? 4240 campus drive What do a British farmer and a Nabataean trader have in lima, ohio 45805 common? One source of connection and hence identity [email protected] was the army, and as long as it lasted, so did Rome itself. Several papers explore the new religious identity that began to develop in the years of the later empire. A The Identification of the North European starting point is F. Millar’s own article (158–76) on lan- guage, religion, and culture as determinators of ethnic Woods: A Guide for Archaeologists and identity in the fourth and early fifth centuries. He has Conservators, by Jon G. Hather. Pp. ix + 187, figs. stressed that the history of the eastern provinces after 11, pls. 53, maps 131, tables 74. Archetype Publi- Constantine is largely untrodden ground and almost over- cations Ltd., London 2000. £29.50, $45.00. ISBN whelmingly complex, as a Greek culture under Roman aegis became more dominated by Christianity, marking 1-873132-47-6 (cloth). the beginning of a process that would eventually lead to Hather’s volume is designed to provide a methodology Islam. This combination of cultural forces in a world of for identifying northern European woods. Specifically, 324 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 he aims to train the reader in the identification of the While not suitable as a stand-alone reference, Hather’s woods used to manufacture artifacts. He provides short volume, used in combination with a good reference taxonomic keys to five subgroups of species: (1) Gymno- collection and the standard works mentioned above, sperms, (2) ring-porous woods, (3) woods with included will find its niche as a practical introduction to the phloem, (4) diffuse porous woods with mostly solitary methods and techniques of wood identification for the pores, and (5) diffuse porous woods with solitary pores, graduate student and the archaeological conservator pores in short radial files, and/or clusters. in training. Hather emphasizes throughout that this text is in- Kimberly B. Flint-Hamilton tended only as an introduction to wood identification, explaining that his goal is to acquaint the reader with department of sociology and anthropology the manner in which northern European wood taxa are stetson university identified. This volume does exactly what it purports to deland, florida 32720-3771 do, and is an effective introduction to the methodolo- [email protected] gies and techniques of wood identification. Part atlas and part diagnostic key, it is divided into three sections: a summary of methods; anatomical descriptions and tax- Arte prehistórico en la península Ibérica, by onomical keys of taxa used in artifact manufacture, as A. Beltrán Martínez. Pp. 103, figs. 50, pls. 32, maps fuel, and as structural elements in northern Europe; 7. Diputació de Castelló, Castelló 1998. ISBN 84- and 21 character tables for the taxa that this volume describes. 89944-36-9 (paper). Part 1 introduces diagnostic anatomical characters. Information about prehistoric rock art in the Iberian This introduction presupposes considerable knowledge Peninsula has grown considerably in the last few years: of plant anatomy, and is clearly not intended for the the discovery of Paleolithic open-air art both in Spain novice. Here, Hather presents the anatomies of the and Portugal (R. de Balbín and J. Alcolea, “L’art rupes- Gymnosperms and the Dicotyledons, and continues with tre paléolithique,” in D. Sacchi, ed., L’Art Paléolithique á a brief section discussing the manner in which charac- l’air libre [forthcoming]; A.M. Baptista, No tempo sem ters can be altered by seasonal variations in climate, tempo [Vila Nova de Foz Côa 1999]), the detection of a especially rainfall. Hather cautions the reader to be aware new style (Macroschematic) dated to the early Neolith- that a variety of climatic and environmental factors can ic (B. Martí and M.S. Hernández, El Neolític Valencià affect the appearance of wood to the extent that diag- [Valencia 1988]), novel perspectives on the Galician nostic characters can be altered or masked, but he does petroglyphs (R. Bradley, Rock Art and the Prehistory of not elaborate on the nature of the damage, nor does he Atlantic Europe [London 1997]; R. Bradley and R. Fábre- present diagrams or photographs to illustrate it. Instead, gas, “Crossing the Border,” OJA 17 [1998] 287–308), consistent with the introductory nature of this volume, and the documentation of an increasing number of Le- he refers the reader desiring a more in-depth study to vantine and schematic rock art sites as well as decorated consult the well-known works of F.W. Jane, The Structure megaliths and stelae. Synopses of all these new excit- of Wood (London 1956), K. Wilson and D. White, The ing developments are therefore timely, both the work Anatomy of Wood (London 1986), E.A. Wheeler et al., under review here and Moure Romanillo’s study (Ar- “IAWA List of Microscopic Features for Hardwood Iden- queología del arte prehistórico en la península ibérica [Madrid tification,” IAWA Bulletin 10 (1989) 219–332, and E.W.J. 1999]). For non-Spanish speakers most of the informa- Phillips, “Identification of Softwoods by their Microscop- tion provided by Beltrán Martínez and Moure Romanil- ic Structure,” Forest Products Research Bulletin 22 (Lon- lo is given in other publications in English and French don 1948) 1–56. (R. Bradley, C. Chippindale, and K. Helskog, “Post-Palae- In part 2, Hather provides an index to the taxa cov- olithic Europe,” in D.S. Whitley, ed., Handbook of Rock ered in the text and to the more than 130 distribution Art Research [Walnut Creek, Calif. 2000] 482–529; P. maps, descriptions of the general anatomy, and distin- Bueno, “Les plaques décorées alentéjanes,” L’Anthropologie guishing characters for each taxon presented. Also in 96 [1990] 573–604; idem, “Statues-menhir et stèles an- part 2 are the taxonomic keys. Finally, in part 3 he pre- thropomorphes de la Péninsule Ibérique,” L’Anthropologie sents a character table to facilitate the identification of 94 [1990] 85–110; P. Bueno and R. d. Balbín, “L’art mé- wood when all characters are not clearly visible or are galithique dans la Péninsule Ibérique,” L’Anthropologie damaged. 96 [1992] 499–572; idem, “Southern Europe: Post-Palae- Especially useful is the section on microscopy and olithic Art in Spain,” in P.G. Bahn and A. Fossati, eds., Hather’s discussion of techniques for manipulating and Rock Art Studies [Oxford 1996] 1:35–40; and S. Ripoll, sectioning wood. He provides a list of the standard equip- M. Mas, and F. Muñoz, “Dix années de recherches sur ment and materials needed, and provides separate in- l’art rupestre paléolithique dans la péninsule ibérique,” structions for handling waterlogged and frozen wood, in D. Sacchi, ed., L’Art Paléolithique á l’air libre [forth- desiccated wood, and charcoal. Hather’s diagrams are clear, coming]). and his photomicrographs of sectioned wood are excel- Beltrán Martínez is internationally known for his stud- lent, capturing such elusive elements as crystals in ray ies of rock art. The number of his publications, as the cells of silver fir. bibliography provided in his book makes clear, is breath- Hather’s text is well suited for use as a supplemental taking. He is probably the most prolific author in Span- textbook for a graduate course on wood identification. ish archaeology ever, writing not only on rock art but in 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 325 a stunning number of different fields within and be- Das prähistorische Nineve: Zur relativen yond archaeology. The reader, however, normally also Chronologie der frühen Perioden Nord- wants to know about other authors, and his practice of mesopotamiens, in 2 vols., by Renate Vera Gut. (DAI referring almost exclusively to his own work appears extraordinary and perhaps even obsessive. This is one Abteilung Baghdad. Baghdader Forschungen of the major differences with Moure Romanillo’s book. 19.) Vol. 1, Text: pp. xxi + 357, figs. 37, tables 30. In addition, a phenomenal output usually affects the Vol. 2, Tafeln: pp. ix + 357, b&w pls. 129, color clarity of one’s writing, and parts of the book would pls. 11, maps 2. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz 1995. have been improved by careful editing. The book deals with all the manifestations of prehis- DM 280. ISBN 3-8053-1751-4 (cloth). toric art in Spain and Portugal. It starts with the Pale- In addition to being a capital of the Assyrian empire, olithic art of the classical Cantabrian area, with notes Nineveh was almost certainly one of the largest settle- on the history of the discoveries. The description of art ments of prehistoric and early historic periods in north- sites in the rest of the Iberian Peninsula is then fol- ern Mesopotamia. Although the site had been exten- lowed by a discussion of the hypothesis concerning their sively excavated in the 19th century, the earlier periods origin proposed by authors such as Lartet, Breuil, Leroi- of occupation had been known mostly from out-of-place Gourhan, and Marshack. finds in Neo-Assyrian levels. Then in two and a half There then ensues an interesting chapter on pre-Le- months in the fall of 1931, Max Mallowan excavated on vantine art, dated by Beltrán in the Epipaleolithic or the large Kuyunjik mound of Nineveh (50 ha) a remark- Mesolithic. Pre-Levantine art (dated to the transition able deep sounding (27 m) in the courtyard of the Neo- between the classic Upper Paleolithic style and Levan- Assyrian Ishtar Temple. The sounding, approximately 20 tine art) has varying manifestations: engraved plaques × 15 m at the top and 4 m wide at the bottom, revealed from the cave of Cocina in Valencia, decorated stones of levels of the seventh to third millennia B.C., and ended the cave of Los Azules (similar to those found in Mas 1 m into virgin soil. Mallowan divided the stratigraphic d’Azil), large paintings previously dated in the Upper sequence into five levels, which he named Ninevite 1 Paleolithic and large engravings such as those found in (the earliest) to 5 (the latest); in recent years, only the Portuguese Tajo basin, and the Lineal-Geometric and “Ninevite 5” has survived as a chronological term. As an Macroschematic painted rock art found in the Mediterra- excavation, the sounding clearly lacks something in pre- nean area. cision: strata were defined strictly by elevation, ranging Levantine art is the focus of the next chapter. Bel- in depth from 3 to 7 m, ignoring the potential mixing trán discusses its appearance during the Mesolithic or effects of pits and terracing operations. Not a single plan Neolithic and its survival in later periods. The area where of a building was published. In spite of these difficulties, this style is found, the scenes and techniques, are the however, Mallowan’s sounding provided the first strati- main topics developed. After a weak section on the petro- fied sequence of prehistoric periods in northern Meso- glyphs of Galicia and Portugal and the art found in the potamia. megaliths, another chapter deals with schematic art. Here In the book under review, Renate Gut faces a common old theories are reutilized. Beltrán argues that the sche- archaeological problem—how far can data from earlier matic style was imported into the Iberian Peninsula from generations of archaeological research be used to ad- the Near East. Rock art sites found in Italy, North Afri- dress new problems? Gut reanalyzes prehistoric ceramics ca, and elsewhere form the pathway connecting both from Nineveh and reassesses regional chronology in the areas. light of excavation since the 1930s. Mallowan noted that Despite their geographical location far from the Ibe- the sounding recovered “more than a hundred thousand rian Peninsula, the Canary Islands are not forgotten in sherds” (67), possibly a low estimate given the density of Beltrán’s account. The diversity of the artistic styles ceramics on Mesopotamian tells, and he published illus- found on the different islands, possible influences, and trations of 467 sherds or vessels in his 1933 report, each chronology are the main topics analyzed. A final chap- designated by the absolute height of its findspot. Gut ter deals with the last period of prehistoric art at the was able to locate 1,362 sherds or vessels from the deep time of the oriental colonizations in the first millenni- sounding, and another 3,281 from other excavations at um B.C. Last but not least, an appendix on the chro- Nineveh, the greatest number of them decorated body nology of Foz Côa in Portugal is included, probably sherds (78). As the author notes, the sample is not one indicating when Beltrán wrote his book: at the time that can support detailed statistical analysis. It does allow when he was part of the international commission to her, however, to present new drawings of this pottery, assess the antiquity of the currently accepted Paleolithic along with more detailed descriptions of wares, forms, engravings in 1995. and decoration than had heretofore been published, as well as a revised typology. The volume also contains a Margarita Díaz-Andreu review of prehistoric finds from four Nineveh excavation department of archaeology seasons directed by R. Campbell Thompson in 1927–1932 university of durham and a 1942 sounding conducted by M. Rowton. A second south road volume contains illustrations of all the ceramics. One can durham dh1 3le only congratulate Gut on the thoroughness of this work. united kingdom As indicated by the subtitle of the book, Gut also dis- [email protected] cusses contemporary sites in northern Mesopotamia from 326 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

Proto-Hassuna to Ninevite 5, most excavated after Mal- isolated foreign element, but was taken over by all set- lowan’s original publication, and she proposes revisions tlements” (285, reviewer’s translation). One cannot help in the relative chronology of these sites. Gut’s relative but wonder what model of social and political dynamics chronology addresses in particular two problems: the geo- Gut had in mind that would allow her to assert this posi- graphical and chronological relationships among Hassu- tion without clearer justification. na, Samarra, and Halaf pottery; and the Uruk sequence The stratigraphic review is completed by a discussion of the fourth millennium B.C., during which Nineveh of the Ninevite 5 pottery, including identification of was probably one of the largest northern centers. This is sherds belonging to a transitional phase between south- where the use of Mallowan’s ceramic data, in my view, ern Late Uruk and the Ninevite 5 proper (as previously becomes seriously problematic—the sample is skewed in identified at Mohammed Arab and Tell Brak). unknown ways, and the level attributions by elevation All scholars working on prehistoric and early historic only are unreliable as a basis for refining chronologies as periods of Mesopotamia will want to refer to Gut’s book known from other sites. for the republished ceramics and for the detailed discus- More than half the ceramics discussed by Gut are from sion of issues related to relative chronology. It remains to the earliest levels of the sounding, called Ninevite 1 and be seen, however, whether the scholarly community will 2 by Mallowan, but now termed Proto-Hassuna, Hassuna, agree with Gut’s many chronological conclusions, of which Samarra, and Halaf. These levels consist, as Mallowan only one has been highlighted here. tells us, of 5 m worth of the “mixed rubbish of hut settle- Geoff Emberling ments” (53). Gut concludes (216) that Halaf is strictly later than Samarra. department of near eastern studies The major break in the sequence comes between and museum of anthropology Ninevite 2 and 3, there being no later Halaf or earlier university of michigan Ubaid pottery in Mallowan’s deep sounding. Lower Ninev- ann arbor, michigan 48109-1390 ite 3 (Late Ubaid) accounts for some 5 m of deposit. [email protected] For levels of the fourth millennium B.C., Gut retains the term “Gawra period” for post-Ubaid, pre-Uruk levels (distinguished by Gawra impressed ware, double-spouted The Palaikastro Kouros: A Minoan Chrysele- pots, and channel-rim jars), and uses “Uruk A, B, and C” phantine Statuette and Its Aegean Bronze to refer to what have elsewhere been called Early, Mid- dle, and Late Uruk. For Uruk A, the most characteristic Age Context, edited by J.A. MacGillivray, J.M. ceramics are gray wares and hole-mouth jars, while Uruk Driessen, and L.H. Sackett, with contributions by B and C refer to exclusively southern types. The Uruk C.V. Crowther, P. Harrison, S.A. Hemingway, R.B. levels at Nineveh contained a full range of material cul- Koehl, M.S. Moak, A. Moraïtou, J. Musgrave, A. ture known from the large cities of southern Mesopota- mia, including an entire ceramic industry dominated by Nikakis, S.E. Thorne, and J. Weingarten. (British Beveled-Rim Bowls as well as administrative technology School at Athens Studies 6.) Pp. x + 195, figs. 39, represented by seal impressions and bullae. A vaulted b&w pls. 31, color pls. 13, table 1. The British brick structure excavated by Campbell Thompson may School at Athens, London 2000. £43, $73. ISBN also belong to this Uruk occupation, as argued by Algaze. Gut’s discussion of the chronology of these levels 0-904887-35-9 (cloth). epitomizes her method and reveals its shortcomings. A Excavators at Palaikastro in eastern Crete encountered major problem that prevents us from fully understand- the finest piece of Aegean Bronze Age statuary that has ing the effects of the “Uruk expansion” on areas out- yet come to light in 1987, when they unearthed the side urbanized southern Mesopotamia is that we do not ivory arms and torso of a composite image of a young yet know which ceramics of the northern cultural tradi- male along with other scraps of ivory, gold foil, and “Egyp- tion (often imprecisely referred to as Late Chalcolith- tian blue” in LM IB levels. Discovery of the exquisitely ic) are contemporary with the southern Uruk material. carved chryselephantine figure instantly made headlines, Did merchants from southern cities establish trading and even before its head and additional fragments were enclaves in some cities and have little to do with the recovered in subsequent seasons, speculative claims were majority of people living in the area? Or was the occupa- made about the identification and significance of the tion more forceful, leading to abandonment of occu- statuette (e.g., M. Modiano, “British Dig Uncovers Earli- pied areas? We cannot assess even these two extreme est Gilt-Ivory Sculpture of the Cretan Zeus,” The Times cases without good chronological control. Unfortunate- [of London] 9 June 1987: 18). Preliminary reports were ly, the relative dating of sites with and without southern promptly published in the BSA as well as Archaeology (“Boy- material is made difficult by the rarity of good contexts hood of a God,” 42 (5) [1989] 26–31), and the excava- containing both types of pottery. Gut’s approach to the tors generously provided others (including the present Nineveh sequence is to establish a rigid sequence of author) with information and photographs, some of which phases that does not allow the possibility of overlap in have already appeared in specialist books and articles as occupation, even given the uncertainty in the dating of well as more general art and archaeology surveys. the relevant sherds from the deep sounding, and this The virtuoso carving of the figure, which includes such approach leads her to assert that “south Mesopotamian minute anatomical details as subcutaneous veins, tendons, culture in northern Iraq and northern Syria was not an and bones, surpasses that of the famous chryselephan- 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 327 tine leapers excavated by Arthur Evans at Knossos in 1902 in detail the circumstances and architectural contexts of and the equally fine, but less well known, ivory compo- the find: the well-preserved upper body and one fore- nents recovered by Sinclair Hood along the Royal Road foot were found in the open “Plateia,” north of Building north of the Palace of Minos in the late 1950s (ILN 22 5, while the severely damaged legs and other fragments Feb. 1958: 299–301). The Palaikastro statuette is larger came to light two rooms away. Associated material, too, is (original H. ca. 0.5 m) and more complex than Evans’s discussed at length, and a full list of finds, with site coor- acrobats, and unlike all of the Knossian figures, is com- dinates and elevations, is provided in appendix I. Unfor- prised of dense, white hippopotamus (rather than ele- tunately, amid this mass of information, the asterisks which phant) ivory. It also had rock crystal eyes, an elaborate were meant to mark findspots of the statue fragments on spiraling “Mohawk” coiffure of serpentine, and inlaid the plan presented in figure 1.3 have been omitted, leav- wooden nipples (identified by carbonized remains), as ing the reader to search for them in the state plan, fig- well as golden garments and other accoutrements. ure 1.7, which is heavily laden with data at a scale so small This multi-authored volume, advertised as “the final as to be scarcely legible. In fact, many of the numbers publication of the discovery, recovery, conservation, and there are so diminutive that they cannot be read (for a interpretation . . . [of a] unique masterpiece,” presents a considerably less detailed plotting of the findspots of wealth of information in double-columned text. Misprints the “idol” in rooms 1, 2, and 13 of Building 5 and the are relatively few, and erroneous figure references to the Plateia, see BSA 86 [1991] 125, fig. 3). abundant illustrations that enhance the book only occa- The cause of the building’s destruction, and the statu- sionally mislead the reader. But, while the drawings— ette’s, remains unclear, as do the significance of a pit and plans, elevations, and architectural reconstructions as well a large piece of green serpentine set into the floor of as multiple views of the statuette itself—are, for the most room 2. Yet the last, like the statuette itself, is consid- part, crisp and easy to read, many of the photographs— ered “a possible cult object” (27), and J. Driessen argues color and black & white alike—are fuzzy or washed-out. that Building 5 was remodeled into a town shrine in LM Still, the editors and publishers are to be commended for I, although he admits that “the evidence for LM I town the quantity of visual, as well as verbal, documentation. shrines in Crete is not plentiful” (89). Driessen meticu- The book opens with six lines of the Hymn to Dikta- lously traces the structural changes to the building and ian Zeus inscribed on stone at Palaikastro in the third suggests that alterations were designed to “provide a prop- century A.D. (its late date is not mentioned). While the er background for the situation of the chryselephantine appeal of this passage addressed to the megistos kouros is statue” (46), although its original placement, too, re- understandable, its use here is unfortunate, as is the con- mains uncertain. In fact, three different reconstructions tinued designation of the statuette as a “kouros,” often of how the statuette might have been displayed under- capitalized. In their preface, excavators MacGillivray and line how little we know about its context and function Sackett acknowledge that this term (meaning “male (compare fig. 6.1, pl. N b, and p. 166 n. 6 with fig. 1.9). youth” in Greek, but traditionally used in archaeological At the center of the book, literally and figuratively, is and art historical circles to describe an Archaic nude M. Moak’s detailed description and wide-ranging account standing figure with arms at his sides) is “weighted” and of the statuette’s construction, which addresses materi- “far from objective” as it “implies a link to later Greek als, techniques, tools, and workshop practices. The ivory art.” They claim that their intention is to use the term components were carved from two curved lower hippo- “for the sake of clarity as much as brevity . . . more as a potamus canines and two long straight lower incisors short-hand title than a presupposition” (17). Words, how- (probably the dentition of a single animal) and attached ever, do have meanings, and their appropriation colors to one another by wooden dowels inserted into triangu- perceptions and risks prejudicing conclusions. Not only lar and circular mortises. Numerous drawings provide a does “kouros” here carry “the burden of ‘preHellenism’,” better understanding of the complex joining systems as but, given its association with later religious practices at well as precise measurements. Still puzzling, however, is Palaikastro, it implies continuity of cult and other prob- the method by which the torso, which terminates above lematic notions, such as the identification of the statu- the navel, was connected to the legs, for the lower abdo- ette as a divine image, indeed, a “cult statue.” Such ideas, men, which was originally concealed by a golden “Mi- along with assertions of Egyptian influence on the Mi- noan kilt” and was presumably made of less durable wood, noans in general and on art and architecture at Palaikas- does not survive. Moak created a boxwood replica of the tro in particular, permeate much of this volume’s initial, figurine and fashioned a hypothetical intermediate “waist ostensibly factual, sections (parts I: “The Context of Dis- joining mechanism” that takes into account the two ten- covery”; II: “Conservation and Description”; and III: “Stud- ons (one largely broken) protruding from the bottom of ies of the Kouros in its Wider Context”) long before the the torso, as well as the natural features and drill holes at brief, final part IV: “Interpretation.” the tops of the legs. His conjectural watercolor recon- On the other hand, the editors recognize that theirs struction illustrates the disposition of the golden kilt, are not the only readings of the statuette and its con- sandals, bracelets, belt, and even a miniature ivory-pom- text, and it is a virtue (of sorts) that the contributors do meled dagger. As to the destruction of the figure, Moak not always agree with one another. Nowhere is this clear- follows MacGillivray, speculating that it may have been er than in the conflicting reports of the two teams of the result of “deliberate vandalism or even iconoclasm.” conservators who painstakingly treated and reassembled Other Minoan bone and ivory statuary is surveyed by the hundreds of badly burnt and broken fragments (chs. S. Hemingway, whose account seems to be based more on 3, 4a, 4b). Prior to these essays, the excavators describe publications than autopsy. Much space—and even a color 328 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 plate—is devoted to some of the many Cretan ivory forg- Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Pal- eries that surfaced in the early 20th century, which Hem- ace States. Proceedings of a Conference ingway diplomatically calls “unprovenanced.” Other con- held on 1–3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Clas- tributors, meanwhile, reprise their earlier work: J. Mus- grave on anatomy, J. Weingarten on proportion, and R. sics, Cambridge, edited by Sofia Voutsaki and John Koehl on hairstyles and rites of passage. (I could not but Killen. (Cambridge Philological Society Suppl. be struck by the affinity between Koehl’s tripartite sche- 27.) Pp. viii + 254, figs. 34, tables 21. Cambridge matization of life stages [childhood, youth, and adult- Philological Society, Cambridge 2001. £32.50, hood], each marked by three subsidiary hairstyles, and Arthur Evans’s classification of Aegean Bronze Age chro- $78. ISBN 0-906014-26-3 (paper). nology, also divided neatly into nine principal phases.) This volume is dedicated to the publication of papers The linguistic evidence for Dikte and Diktaian Zeus in read at a conference held on the occasion of John Killen’s the Bronze Age and later periods are explored by Charles retirement. The individual contributions are substantial Crowther and Stuart Thorne, respectively, the last at con- pieces of scholarship, ranging from 10 to 30 pages in siderable length. length. It is difficult to characterize the papers as be- All of the contributors, to a greater or lesser degree, longing to any particular perspective: about half the con- seek to shed light on the significance of the Palaikastro tributors (P. de Fidio, J. Bennet, J. Driessen, C. Shelmer- statuette, whose tense pose, with both arms bent sharply dine, F. Rougemont, J.-P. Olivier, J. Killen) are known and fists clenched before the chest, has parallels else- primarily as Linear B specialists, with the remainder (P. where in Cretan art, notably in the terracottas excavated Halstead, T. Whitelaw, C. Knappett, S. Voutsaki, S. Sher- on nearby Mt. Petsophas by John Myres in 1902. These ratt) from other specialties in Greek Bronze Age studies; figures (also called “kouroi” here), share the chrysele- J.N. Postgate, a Near Eastern specialist, provides a com- phantine statuette’s distinctive Mohawk coiffure, but al- parative prospective. though the terracottas have long been considered to In many respects, the papers in this volume can be represent votaries, the gold and ivory figure is taken to seen as a continuing exploration of some of the themes be a god, as if materials determine identity. The chry- treated in Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces, edited by M.L. selephantine leapers from Knossos, in contrast, are usu- Galaty and W.A. Parkinson (Los Angeles 1999), a collec- ally thought to depict mortals (though elsewhere [Ar- tion to which some of the authors in this volume contrib- chaeology 53 (6) [2000] 53–5] MacGillivray has suggest- uted. Discussions of the economic and political systems ed that Minoan bull-leaping scenes represent elements present in Mycenaean Greece often seem to fall into two of an astral calendar: Perseus somersaulting over Taurus). categories, one based on interpretations of the Linear B Koehl, reviving the late Victorian ideas of Sir James Fraz- tablets and the other based on artifacts, architecture, er and others, writes: “if the Palaikastro kouros repre- and other sorts of archaeological evidence. The praise- sents the Minoan equivalent of the megistos kouros, then worthy goal of both sets of papers is to integrate both he must surely be identified as the youthful, annually perspectives, while also discussing relevant methodolog- dying divine consort of the ‘great goddess’ in the Mi- ical and theoretical issues. Another concern is to move noan sacred marriage.” MacGillivray looks more specifi- the discussion of palatial control from mechanistic redis- cally to Egypt and celestial symbolism, proposing that tributive models to ones in which issues of power, author- this statuette of Diktaian Zeus embodies a Minoan adap- ity, and legitimation play key roles in both the establish- tation of Osiris represented as the constellation Orion, ment and maintenance of the ruling elites. and suggests that the figure stood on a blue base, span- P. de Fidio opens with a consideration of centraliza- gled with gold, emblematic of the starry sky. tion within the Mycenaean palace states. The Mycenae- Intriguing as these suggestions are, they do not alto- an palaces have often been imagined to control every gether convince. Neither does Edgar Bowden’s theory aspect of all production within their boundaries, yet clos- that the statuette represents Poseidon Hippios and is er reflection makes this implausible: varying degrees of related to both Celtic and Skythian head cults and the control over different areas of the economy are likely. glyphs on the Phaistos disc (see Mankind Quarterly 35 (4) Although the textual evidence for villages as entities in [1995] 313–26, omitted from this volume’s 10-page bib- their own right is limited, de Fidio urges that we think liography). Perhaps it is only fitting that the Palaikastro about relations between palace and dependent villages statuette, like all great works of art, will continue to en- as a set of mutual exchanges, not one in which the pal- gender diverse interpretations. Far from the final word, ace simply issues directives and the local communities this information-packed volume will serve as a resource obey. In his paper, J. Driessen in fact expresses skepti- for those seeking to understand the construction of an cism that the Mycenaean state centered at Knossos was extraordinary work of sculpture and ponder its meaning. ever a real territorial and bureaucratic state and that con- Those desiring to experience its magnificence, however, trol was more decentralized than that observed at Pylos. must make the pilgrimage to the Siteia Museum. C. Shelmerdine, using survey data from the recent Pylos Regional Archaeological Project, demonstrates a link be- Kenneth D.S. Lapatin tween the growth/non-growth of sites and increasingly department of art history centralized control directed from Pylos: for example, boston university growth at sites close to the palace at Pylos stagnated dur- boston, massachusetts 02215 ing LH IIIA–B, while sites further away were permitted [email protected] to increase in size. J. Bennett advances the daring hy- 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 329 pothesis that the scribes responsible for writing the Lin- tion of each paper are generally not summarized, but in ear B tablets were not merely bookkeepers acting on one that is, J.N. Postgate, the “outsider” of this group, orders from their superiors, but that they were effective- having been assured by the Linear B specialists of the ly members of the ruling elite and are perhaps even named close paleographic and documentary similarities among as landholders on the tablets. One would be more com- the tablets from Knossos, Pylos, and other sites, makes fortable with this suggestion if some parallels could be the perfectly reasonable suggestion that simple scribal adduced elsewhere in the history of the Mediterranean conservatism over a span of nearly 200 years was not like- or Near East: it frequently seems that one of the defin- ly to explain such a close resemblance of the tablets; ing features of ruling elites is precisely their tendency to more likely, it would reflect a common administration at delegate the responsibility of record-keeping and writ- all of the sites. It is not at all apparent that anyone sug- ing in general to a class of scribes or secretaries. In her gested to Postgate that the “nearly two hundred year article, S. Voutsaki explores the function of prestige items span” between the Knossos tablets and those from Pylos in establishing elite personae; she argues that the palace has been the subject of vigorous dispute for the last gen- administrations imposed greater restrictions on access to eration. All of the participants seem to subscribe to the luxury goods over time, culminating in rigid control dur- position that the bulk of the Knossos archives dates to ing LH IIIB. LM IIIA:1, with the Pylos tablets dating to the very be- A number of contributions primarily relating to inter- ginning of LH IIIC, ca. 1200 B.C. Both dates have been pretations of the Linear B tablets are best seen as obser- challenged on grounds that are at least plausible, if not vations concerning the “state of the debate.” F. Rouge- entirely convincing. If the dates of the tablets could be mont and J.-P. Olivier discuss the enigmatic “collectors” brought closer together, an interesting model to consid- mentioned in tablets from Pylos, Knossos, and Thebes, er would be the existence of a short-lived Mycenaean with the difficulty of this issue clearly shown by their “empire” with common administrative practices analogous nearly opposite conclusions regarding the “internation- to the large but ephemeral kingdom created by Shamshi- al” status of these individuals. J. Killen provides an inter- Adad the Amorite in northern Mesopotamia centuries esting discussion of the so-called ta-ra-si-ja mode of pro- earlier. duction, which was controlled closely by the palace ad- In general, however, readers with an interest in the ministrators, and why certain products, such as unguents, Aegean Bronze Age will want to read the papers in this were not apparently subject to this manner of control. collection. The somewhat high price of this volume, which Several contributors assess Mycenaean administration cannot be explained by a large number of illustrations, is from the viewpoint of particular products. P. Halstead unfortunate. provides persuasive arguments for the administration of Patrick Thomas flocks of sheep and flax, using information from the Linear B texts, archaeological data, and ethnographic department of archaeology and art history studies of recent Greek agriculture. T. Whitelaw offers a university of evansville wide-ranging and thought-provoking study of the ce- 1800 lincoln avenue ramic ecology of the Pylian state: this is a paper that all evansville, indiana 47722 Aegean ceramicists should read. C. Knappett discusses [email protected] the issue of whether pottery production was controlled by the palaces; although not arriving at a firm conclu- sion, he makes the sensible suggestion that models based Territoires des cités grecques. Actes de la on a sharp dichotomy between producers attached di- table ronde internationale organisée par rectly to the palace versus independent potters may not be appropriate. l’École Française d’Athènes, 31 Octobre–3 Mycenaean palatial administration is frequently com- Novembre 1991, edited by M. Brunet. (BCH Suppl. pared to that observed in the ancient Near East. In his 34.) Pp. 432, b&w ills. 148, color pls. 6, tables 7, contribution, Postgate makes the valuable point that Near maps 34. L’École Française d’Athènes, Athens Eastern bureaucracies were more variable than is some- times imagined by the Aegeanist in search of parallels: 1999. FF 780. ISBN 2-86958-160-2 (paper). different management strategies, with varying degrees No one would seriously deny that Anglo-American of centralization and indirect control through nonpala- scholarship has taken in recent decades a lead role in the tial agents, can be demonstrated. S. Sherratt argues that study of ancient Greek territories, especially through the the comparison of Mycenaean palaces to Near Eastern or use of intensive surface survey. One of the outcomes of even Minoan palaces is misleading: she regards the Myce- this predominance has been the development of strong naean structures as “Potemkin Palaces” masking social views regarding method and theory, accompanied by the and political institutions more along the lines of chief- occasional memory lapse that other scholarly traditions doms than true states. exist in continental Europe (for a recent example of this One of the limitations of these papers as a group is problem, see J. McInerney and G. Traina, BMCR that many of the contributors are long-time colleagues 2000.06.18 and 2000.06.26). Any feuding over which and collaborators, sharing much the same scholarly “world- scholarly tradition is supposedly superior will prove to be view.” This is clear, for example, with issues connected fruitless: every tradition has something to contribute and with the chronology of the destruction of the Mycenae- learn. The volume under review, together with the pub- an palaces. The discussions that followed the presenta- lication of the EU-sponsored “Populus Project” volumes 330 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

(under the general editorship of G. Barker and D. Mat- images to throw light on certain enigmatic features men- tingly), will serve as helpful reminders that the conti- tioned in IG 9.2.521. F. Cantarelli (125–33) dedicates nental European traditions are thriving and cognizant of her article to aspects of continuity and discontinuity in developments elsewhere in the field. Roman southern Thessaly. There are two articles on the Some of these points are raised in this volume. Its Cyclades. The first is by R. Charre and M.-T. Couilloud-Le contents were originally delivered in the autumn of 1991 Dinahet (135–57) on the farmsteads of Rheneia. Seven at a roundtable meeting organized by l’École Française farmsteads were located by their water storage facilities d’Athènes. The result is a substantial volume, consisting (a scarce resource in this barren landscape), a task aided of a short preface by the editor, introductory remarks by by aerial photography and some minor excavation. The two other participants, and 20 articles (divided into four authors draw attention to the difficulties of identifying thematic parts) by the remaining 22 participants. The domains mentioned in fragmentary inventories dated to contributions are preceded and followed by a list of par- the third century B.C. In the second Cycladic contribu- ticipants and bibliographic abbreviations, thorough and tion, C. Papageorgiadou-Bani (159–66) provides a help- detailed indices, and abstracts in French, Greek, and ful review of Poiessa’s territory on Keos in Hellenistic English. Most of the contributions show signs of having times. S. Alcock (167–73) wraps up the first part with a been revised, and in a few cases some of the material and synopsis of her work on the landscapes of Roman Greece. interpretations found here have since appeared in other Part II (175–242) contains three papers on the terri- places (as the various authors themselves mention in their tories of Agde and Ampurias in the western Mediterra- contributions). Apart from two articles in English and nean. For Agde, M. Clavel-Lévêque (177–97) argues that one in Italian, the language of scholarship is French, the metrological system was based on a foot of 0.296 m, comprising both native French speakers and others (par- and that plot sizes, varying between 3.2 and 5.33 ha, ticularly from the former East Bloc). This mix has two extended over a territory in the range of 72–108 km2. R. particular advantages. For one thing, it supplies precious Plana-Mallart’s (199–215) contribution focuses on Am- updates of numerous Black Sea projects, whose material purias, revealing the standard unit of measurement to and publications are often inaccessible to scholars work- have been based on a foot of 0.35 m. Traces of land ing outside this area. For another, it provides a represen- division can be followed over an area of 250 km2. In the tative sample of some other approaches in landscape ar- third article, A. Vignot (217–41) explores, with a battery chaeology presently in use, approaches which, as O. Pi- of tools (including LANDSAT satellite images), the geo- card rightly emphasizes in the introduction (4), can pro- morphological changes that have occurred since the duce valuable new information, and which deserve a right- Greek period in the territories of Agde and Ampurias. ful place alongside surface survey. This plea for an inte- Part III (243–354) is made up of six articles on Greek grated approach is developed further by G. Rougemont territories in the Black Sea. A. Wasowicz (245–58) distin- in the second introductory article (7–11). Rougemont guishes between Megarian and Milesian systems of land follows the lead of the famous French epigraphist Louis division and relates them to societal differences. The next Robert, who argued that different types of evidence need two articles provide up-to-date overviews of the territory to be combined to study ancient territories. As the edi- of Pontic Olbia (S.D. Kryjickij, 259–71; S.D. Kryjickij and tor, M. Brunet, observes (1), studies on ancient Greek S.B. Bujskih, 273–88). Part of the territory of Chersonesos rural space have rapidly expanded in the eight years be- Taurike, that of Kerkinitis, is studied in a joint effort by tween the roundtable and its publication. Even so, Bru- A.B. Kolesnikov and I.V. Jacenko (289–321), who discuss net maintains, in my view rightly, that the volume still the evidence, among other things, for viticulture, includ- has a certain originality—there is nothing quite like it ing possible irrigation systems. E.M. Alekseeva (323–40) on the market, and a review of this size can only hope to supplies a similar treatment for the territory of Gorgippia, highlight some of the main conclusions. wherein viticulture is also revealed to have been a major Part I (13–174) contains eight articles on the cities of export trade industry. In part III’s final contribution, V.D. Aegean Greece. J. Bintliff (15–33) initiates the proceed- Kuznecov (341–53) examines the territory of Asiatic Bos- ings with a review of Boeotian settlement history, from phorus, noting the appearance of about 80 new rural sites Geometric to Late Roman times, where one of the note- in the fourth century B.C., many of them fortified owing worthy features is the attempt to relate medium- and to the region’s political instability. long-term trends to the actions of individuals. In the Part IV (355–403) contains three articles dedicated to next article, D. Rousset (35–77) tackles the numerous the resources of ancient Greek territories. M.-C. Amouret- issues encountered in studying the political geography ti (357–69) investigates some generally overlooked plants of Phokis, particularly the challenges of combining writ- used by the ancient Greeks for textiles and dyeing, ap- ten and archaeological sources. He argues, among other pealing to archaeologists desiring to supplement the things, that not every urban center was a fortified place. patchy written sources with more material. Y. Garlan (371– The theoretical and practical uses of geographic models, 85) explores the working of raw material in rural areas, especially nearest neighbor analysis, are addressed by J.- especially in connection with amphora production, not- C. Decourt and L. Darmezin (79–97) in their work on ing not only the location of production areas, but also Thessaly. While pointing out their limitations, the au- the value of amphorae for dating rural sites and for ques- thors demonstrate how models can be put to good use as tions of internal exchange. The last contribution by P.N. heuristic tools in discovering new sites. In another con- Doukellis (387–403) investigates the territory of Anti- tribution on Thessaly, B. Helly (99–124) makes remark- och in the fourth and fifth centuries A.D., linking devel- able use of ethnographic parallels and SPOT satellite opments in the city with those in the countryside. 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 331

In conclusion, this volume underlines, at its most basic and Classical periods, she argues, the effectiveness of a level, how there is another world of ancient Greek his- statue depended not so much on its aesthetic or mimetic torical geography that we in the Anglo-American world qualities as on its power as an εκν, that is, an image sometimes ignore, doing so at our own risk. We have here that contained the essence of the being that it repre- an up-to-date and strong overview of ancient Greek terri- sented and therefore stood in that being’s place in a real tory studies, particularly those in the French tradition, sense. This eiconic power was instilled into a statue from within the Aegean and beyond examined in broad through a “metonymic” process that enabled it, by con- chronological perspective. The contributions amply sup- taining one or more essential features of its “original,” to port P. Leveau’s prediction (REA 86 [1984] 85–115) made replace the original and act on its behalf. To document 15 years before the publication of this volume that the this view Steiner provides a fascinating survey of how French tradition of historical geography was about to ancient Greek statues routinely played roles that we would embark on a period of renewal. For all this we must be normally term “magical”—replacing the dead, interced- grateful. ing with the gods, performing the social obligations of victors in war and athletics, serving as apotropaic “dou- Franco De Angelis bles” to drive away evil spirits, casting spells, and, in more department of greek and roman studies contentious circumstances, becoming the objects of flog- university of calgary ging, fettering, blindfolding, and even mutilation. calgary, alberta There was, however, an inevitable contradiction in the canada t2n 1n4 viewer’s mind resulting from the fact that the inner na- [email protected] ture, or φσις, of a statue was on the one hand “real” and on the other hand a product of τ νη (skill, art), and this contradiction compelled viewers to grapple with the Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classi- troubling problem of the relationship between outer ap- cal Greek Literature and Thought, by Deborah pearance and inner reality. Furthermore, as Greek sculp- Tarn Steiner. Pp. xviii + 360, figs. 28. Princeton Uni- ture grew increasingly realistic during the course of the versity Press, Princeton and Oxford 2001. $39.50. Classical period, there was naturally a temptation to think of statues as “eidolic” rather than eiconic, that is, as rep- ISBN 0-691-04431-7 (cloth). licas rather than metonymic replacements of their proto- The primary aim of this wide-ranging and unusual book types. Steiner argues, however, that the eiconic role of is to explore how ancient writers used statues as “cogni- sculpture persisted in spite of the advent of realism, be- tive and hermeneutic devices” in order to examine a vari- cause naturalistic appearance had the virtue of enabling ety of conceptual problems: the relationship between statues to externalize “the physical, ethical, and moral external appearance and inner substance; the nature of processes that go on within.” Realism did, however, in- the connection between representations and the beings vite “novel and modified ways” of construing the rela- they represent; the properties that distinguish and de- tionship between “an image and its original.” fine immortal gods, living beings, and the dead; the “pa- The major part of Steiner’s text is devoted to analyz- thology” of erotic desire; and the range of ways in which ing how and why ancient writers made use of the para- honorific poems and speeches, like statues, could be un- digm that these inner tensions within the art of statuary derstood as artifacts. Steiner’s ultimate goal—to deter- provided. Among her more extended readings, for exam- mine how the art of statuary “affects the literary and ple, she explains how Plato invokes the idea of an εκν philosophical imagination” of Archaic and Classical in the Sophist and the Cratylus to explore the relation- Greece—is, then, philological. She recognizes the im- ship between representation and reality and also between possibility of achieving this goal, however, without also reality and names; how Herodotos, in his story about the looking into the evidence relating to how actual statues footbath of Amasis (2.172), probes the potential contra- were perceived to function in Greek society, and as a dictions between appearance and inner reality; and how consequence substantial sections of the book are devot- Pindar and Simonides turned to images to help them ed to readings, often quite innovative, of extant Greek define how the craftsmanship that went into epinician sculptures, while other parts of it take up topics that one poetry enabled their poems both to meet their social might expect to find in a book on cultural anthropology. responsibilities and at the same time avoid their social Each of her five chapters has, with varying degrees of pitfalls. Although Steiner also has novel and interesting emphasis, three essential components: a summary of what things to say about extant sculptures and about the reli- literary information there is about the particular type of gious history of statuary, it is ultimately exegeses like statuary under discussion (e.g., cult, funereal, votive), a these that give the book its originality and depth. In the review of what extant sculptures and their inscriptions course of the book she analyzes the cognitive function tell us about the topic, and detailed readings of ancient of images in literally hundreds of texts, and her read- texts that explain how various aspects of statuary were ings, which are often lengthy and which even include, invoked to elucidate philosophical, moral, and artistic in a few instances, variant or alternative interpretations problems. of the same text, are complex and subtle in ways that The keystone of the intellectual framework of Stein- defy brief summary. Her detailed readings, I should add, er’s study is her concept of the “eiconic” function of call for careful and patient attention on the part of her Greek statues, and each chapter expands, in one way or own readers. The book is clearly written, but it is far from another, on this basic idea. To the Greeks of the Archaic being a “quick read.” 332 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

Because of the unusual perspective that she brings to The fact that some of its conclusions are debatable, the topic, Steiner’s observations on what she calls “real- however, does not diminish the value of Images in Mind. world viewing” of actual Greek sculptures tend to be un- Steiner makes a variety of important and original contri- conventional. For example, she speculates that both ar- butions to literary criticism, art history, philosophy, and chaism and the vogue for colossal chryselephantine stat- the history of religion—more than the limited scope of a ues originated in the fifth century as responses to the review can do full justice to. The book has, as I have challenge that the development of realistic anthropo- indicated, a number of broad themes, but its essence is in morphic sculpture posed to the eiconic function of stat- the details. uary. Both innovations, she suggests, would have rein- J.J. Pollitt forced the ancient and awesome nature of the gods in the mind of the viewer and helped to distance their im- departments of classics and history of art ages from forms that were familiar and merely human. yale university Again, in her discussion of images of the dead, Steiner new haven, connecticut 06520 endorses Brunilde Ridgway’s view that the stance of kouroi [email protected] was intended to depict them as if they were walking. Her reasons for coming to this conclusion are, however, char- acteristically her own: As eiconic replacements for the Le Raffigurazioni mitologiche sulla ceramica dead, one of the functions of kouroi, she proposes, was greco-orientale arcaica, by Alessandra Tempesta. to “negate the fact of loss” and to “reendow the deceased (RdA Suppl. 19.) Pp. 200, figs. 42. Giorgio with the several powers he no longer possesses,” and one Bretschneider, Rome 1998. Lit 480,000. ISBN 88- of the ways of doing this was to depict the dead as “en- gaged in the vigorous activities that he performed while 7689-152-8 (paper). alive.” Contrary to the traditional assumption that East Greek Observations like the above often appear as “asides” vase painters were little interested in depicting myth, within discussions of broader questions, but in her chap- Alessandra Tempesta argues that a significant body of East ter on the erotic appeal of sculpture Steiner shifts her Greek representations of myth exists with some depic- archaeological interpretations to center stage. The basic tions showing considerable originality in the treatment of idea developed here is that many types of Greek statues epic themes. Her conclusions are based on the analysis of invited the viewer to think of the statue as a “living ob- imagery on 97 vases, mostly quite fragmentary, which are ject of erotic longing” and to “reckon the consequences included in a well-documented catalogue. In addition, Tem- of the amorous sensations that statues could evoke.” The pesta uses the iconographic analysis in an attempt to clar- statue, in Greek terms, became the ρµενς (belovéd) ify the development of and interactions between various and the viewer the ραστς (lover). In Steiner’s view, East Greek ceramic productions (Chiot, Clazomenian, North kouroi and statues of victorious athletes, for example, Ionian, Fikellura, and other less well defined groups) and were archetypal images of pederastic desire, while korai, the reciprocal influences between some of them and Corin- because of their finery, and figures of Nike, because of thian, Laconian, and Attic productions. their sensuous dishabille, were designed to arouse het- Three quarters of the vases in the catalogue are illus- erosexual longing. She argues, however, that because stat- trated in 42 plates of generally good quality at the end of ues were irretrievably tied to the realm of the gods or to the book. A catalogue of 12 Clazomenian sarcophagi with the world of the dead, or embodied a higher democratic scenes from myth on them is included as an appendix. political morality that discouraged “desirous looking,” or The first four of the five chapters of the book deal represented divine powers that were fickle and fleeting, with types of myth depicted on East Greek pottery: the the viewer, as in most Greek myths of amorous longing, Trojan epic cycle, myths of other heroes, myths of the was fated to be eternally frustrated. The viewer might gods, and ethnological myths. The final chapter includes pine for Harmodios as the ideal ρµενς, but Aris- a discussion of individual East Greek productions in light togeiton (symbolically) and the democratic state (literal- of the iconographic analysis. ly) were there to strike him down if he betrayed any Scenes with silens or centaurs account for half of all unwholesome thoughts. the subjects depicted, though they are not evenly dis- Lively as this chapter is, some readers may feel that its tributed across all the productions. For example, silens rather rigid application of theory to practice brings a ten- are notably absent from Chiot vases, but they appear on dency to exaggeration in its wake. Erotic readings of nearly half the Clazomenian pieces. Scenes from the epic works of art have become almost obligatory in modern cycle account for nearly a fifth of the vases, the majority criticism, and to question their universal validity is prob- on Chiot or Clazomenian productions. Of narrative ably futile. Nevertheless, while acknowledging the indis- scenes, Achilles in the Troilos episode and Dionysos in putably powerful role of Eros in ancient Greek culture, I the return of Hephaistos both occur several times on will hazard the reactionary suggestion that it probably vases from different workshops. was possible for a victorious soldier to admire a statue of As a result of her iconographic analysis, Tempesta sin- Nike without feeling the urge to impregnate it, for a gles out two main characteristics that distinguish depic- mature man to look at a kouros without being overcome tions of myth on East Greek vases: an absence of tradi- with pederastic yearning, and for virtually anyone to ad- tional, identifying attributes, and a strong connection mire the furrows of the drapery of a kore without associ- with the literary tradition. Both these characteristics prove ating them with erotic ploughing. to be problematic. 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 333

The absence of attributes leaves the basis for identi- In the first Achilles stands alone in the chariot while fication of scenes to context and to associations with the feet and part of the legs of Hektor are attached to literary works. In some cases this is uncontroversial. So, the bottom of it in such a way that he must be shown in the tondo of a Samian cup (cat. 67) a man with a being dragged face down. Tempesta notes that in Attic sword attacking a centaur is obviously a scene from myth, depictions of this scene Achilles has a charioteer and the and close parallels in Attic scenes suggest that the fig- body is dragged face up. She argues that since in book 24 ures are probably Herakles and Nessos. Likewise, a war- lines 15–18 Achilles drives his own chariot and Hektor rior with the lower part of his body buried in the ground seems to have been dragged face down, the Clazome- while centaurs attack him is surely the Lapith Kaineus nian depiction is more faithful to the text. However, as multiple depictions of the subject on vases and else- without the comparison with the Attic depictions, one where show. would barely notice the pose (Hektor had to be either More often, however, context alone does not allow a face up or face down), and while the painter obviously distinction to be made between scenes from myth and had to know the story, he need not have known the generic scenes. On a North Ionian amphora in Munich specific Homeric version. (cat. 6) the seated man approached by a youth with a cup A scene on the Ricci hydria in the Villa Giulia (cat. 11) and an oinochoe could be Zeus with Ganymede, but he where two warriors fight as two women petition a seated could as easily be a generic figure or even a figure from man who holds scales is usually identified as Zeus weighing an unknown myth. So, three similarly armed warriors (hel- the lives of Achilles and Memnon in the presence of Thetis mets, greaves, corslets, and hoplite shields) fighting on and Eos, an episode that does not appear in the Iliad. Tem- another North Ionian amphora, in Würzburg, (cat. 8), pesta rightly notes that in Attic depictions of this scene are as likely to be generic warriors as they are to be Her- Hermes, not Zeus, holds the scales, while all references to akles, Kyknos, and Ares, which is the identification sug- the weighing of warriors’ fates in the Iliad are linked to gested by Tempesta. Since there are no defining at- Zeus. The Zeus on the hydria may appear more Homeric, tributes, the basis of her identification here is the occur- but, in fact, here too we only need a traditional take. The rence of a similar disposition of characters on some con- more interesting question for both of these pieces is why temporary Attic vases. the Athenians chose the versions they did. More worrisome is the insistence that a knowledge of In short, there is no clear evidence that any of these specific texts can be recognized in the use of specific three pieces rely on the Homeric versions rather than, details in some scenes. This, which is a central theme in say, on stories the painters knew from childhood as part the book, deserves careful scrutiny, particularly given the of their cultural heritage. The reason I dwell on this small sample and the absence of defining attributes in problem here is that the attempt to link surviving images some instances. with surviving texts is not a useful direction to pursue in Tempesta highlights three depictions that refer spe- iconographic studies. It does little for either the images cifically to the text of the Iliad and one that refers to the or the texts, as R.M. Cook pointed out in an important text of the Odyssey. As she points out, other scenes on but little-read article in 1983 (BABesch 58, 1–10) and as East Greek vases refer to events in the epic cycle, but Snodgrass (Homer and the Artists, Cambridge 1998) has according to her these four specifically reflect the Hom- recently reiterated. The question that needs to be asked eric versions as we have them in the surviving texts. In by the iconographer is whether there is enough evidence addition, she notes that a fifth image may reflect lines of any sort to make an interpretation of a scene probable. from a poem by Sappho. If there is not, interpretation can all too easily become a In a scene already mentioned (cat. 6) where a youth kind of parlor game where the author’s cleverness rather with a cup and pitcher approaches a man seated on a than the image becomes the subject. stool, the youth looks back at another youth who waters Though the book suffers from Tempesta’s determina- two horses at a large basin. Tempesta argues that the tion to show links between texts and images, it is none- seated man and youth approaching him are Zeus and theless a worthwhile contribution to the study of Greek Ganymede and that the horses at which the youth looks pottery and its images. Tempesta is surely right in dem- are an allusion to those given by Zeus to the Trojan Tros onstrating that myth plays a larger part in the decoration in recompense for the loss of his son. Thus, according to of East Greek pottery than has often been acknowledged. Tempesta the scene refers to lines 265–67 in book 5 of Her comprehensive catalogue of depictions from dispar- the Iliad, where Diomedes notes the pedigree of Aene- ate productions is useful as is her refinement of our un- as’s horses. The suggestion is plausible, but since there derstanding of the various East Greek workshops. One of are no identifying attributes, no other representations the book’s great strengths is in the admirably precise and of Tros on Greek vases, and no convincing parallel in disciplined descriptions of the images discussed in the archaic painting for such a use of allusion, there is no way text. Tempesta knows the pieces well and does not allow to evaluate it. One could come up with innumerable equal- preconceptions about possible meaning to influence her ly unprovable interpretations. descriptions of what is actually on them. In support of this interpretation Tempesta turns to T.H. Carpenter two other depictions said to reflect knowledge of the Iliad: Achilles dragging the body of Hektor on a frag- classics department ment of a Clazomenian hydria (cat. 20) and a psychosta- ohio university sia with Achilles and Memnon on the well known Ricci athens, ohio 45701 hydria in the Villa Giulia (cat. 11) [email protected] 334 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 Greek Vases: The Athenians and Their Images, of much importance either. The vicissitudes of Athenian by François Lissarrague (translated by Kim Allen). history do not impinge upon discussion; the Peisistratids, for example, are never mentioned. What dominates anal- Pp. 241, figs. 33, color ills. 147. Riverside Book ysis is myth, which means events without time. So Mara- Company, New York 2001. $75. ISBN 1-878351- thon figures as the place where Theseus wrangled with a 57-5 (cloth). bull, not the site of an historic (albeit quasi-mytholo- gized) victory in 490 B.C. Huge and handsome, and impeccably dressed—a well This, as I take it, satisfies the Geertz imperative of turned-out book. The smart jacket is not just a front. The finding an iconographic analysis that does not simply illustrations within are richly distributed, often folio size, replace “one cipher with another less intelligible.” Lis- and of matchless quality. Whether through sympathetic sarrague’s approach could be understood by beginners; it photography, adroit cropping or sharp reproduction, ev- is not sophisticated, in the worst sense of that word. His ery image pulls its weight on the page. Even fragments overture consists of no more, and no less, than a descrip- are redeemed. Not since Furtwängler and Reichhold’s tive tour around the François Vase. Attempts have been hand-illustrated Griechische Vasenmalerei series (Munich made in the past to fix the ample decoration of this mon- 1924) has the figured decoration of ancient Greek vases umental krater to a single text or special occasion; but, as been so tenderly translated onto the printed page. it is unfolded here, there is no need to search for a “A bouquet of images . . . an anthology, composed to revelatory key to the secrets of some “strictly construct- please the eye”; the author sounds almost guilty about ed program.” The images are assembled according to a the appearance of this book (8–9). If it were, indeed, process of suggestive overlappings and coherence, and intended only to rest sexily upon a connoisseur’s glass- not only of theme. Heroic exploits—from Peleus, Achil- topped table, apology might be in order. But the text is les and Theseus, and others—variously reflect each oth- not merely a series of captions to a miscellany of fine er. But elements of form do so too: thus the architecture pictures. It is an enthusiastic commentary on their social of the home of Thetis finds correspondence with the and mythic context. That we might also find the page- walls of Troy. “Each motif gains in substance by contact turning experience aesthetically pleasant is a bonus—all with the others.” too precious in modern publishing. In terms of content, the only arcane knowledge that François Lissarrague’s academic pedigree is rooted in anyone requires to follow this method is a memory of Parisian schools of anthropology, but I do not think he Homer and Hesiod. In terms of structure, as Lissarrague would dissent from the following doctrinal manifesto from indicates, the way in which Greek vases were “filled” on Princeton: “To be of effective use in the study of art, the outside is often akin to the modes of lyric, and espe- semiotics must move beyond the consideration of signs cially epinician, verse. Like the vase painters, Pindar and as means of communication, code to be deciphered, to a Bacchylides were commissioned to fashion their pieces consideration of them as modes of thought, idiom to be in a mood of celebration. But any delight in the present interpreted. It is not a new cryptography that we need, was sparse, without the timeless blessings of myth. When but a new diagnostics, a science that can determine the Bacchylides exalts, in his Ninth Ode, the gleaming meanings of things for the life that surrounds them.” (phaine) presence of his immediate subject, the pentath- (Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge [New York 1983] 120). lete Automedes, it is done with the same sensuous relish This was essentially the same approach that underpinned as we find in the gymnastic figures painted by Euphro- the La cité des images project edited by Claude Bèrard nios and Euthymides. Yet Bacchylides does not hesitate (Paris-Lausanne 1984). And the sub-headings of Lissar- to invoke Herakles, Adrastus, and more in his glorifying rague’s organization here will not astonish those familiar of Automedes; and neither would the silent poets down with that work, or with his own previous solo output: “At in the Kerameikos. the Banquet,” “Under the Gaze of Eros,” “Athletes, Most vases are circular objects. It is fitting, then, that Games, Competitions,” “Warriors and Heroes,” “Passag- so many of them as embellished by the Greeks observe es,” “Men and Gods,” “A Hero for all Dangers” (Herak- the principles of ring-composition, the literary device les), “Mythic Identity of the Athenians,” “Dionysos and made peculiarly effective by Greek poets creating myth- his Followers.” ical paradeigmata. As summarized by Malcolm Willcock, Throughout the City of Images ensemble, no image was its moral logic runs: “You should behave in this way. A attributed to an artist. Lissarrague is more indulgent of famous mythological figure was once in the following Morellian-Beazleyan “positivism” now, acknowledging its situation (surprisingly parallel to yours); he behaved in general accuracy, and making a point of privileging works this way. Therefore you also should behave in this way” by the Kleophrades Painter, one of the first artists to be (CQ n.s. 14 [1964] 147). No one is proposing that every experimentally identified by Beazley. As promised by the Athenian vase painter was an epic bard manqué. But it subtitle, the choice of vases for discussion is primarily does look as if very many Athenian citizens consciously Athenian, although odd pieces of Lakonian, Caeretan maintained “parallel lives.” The invasion of myth into and so-called Chalcidian black-figure have slipped in. By their daily existence can hardly be emphasized enough. accepting the science of attribution, of course, it is there- This book delivers that emphasis. Possibly to a fault: by possible to give dates for each vase, usually to the innocent readers would never know that the crockery of nearest decade. However, it is not a concern of this book an Athenian household was ordinarily plain, black-glazed to extol the stylistic merits of the Kleophrades Painter or ware. There is a slight rictus in the translation: while any other particular artist; and precise chronology is not French allows frequent use of the impersonal pronoun 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 335

(‘one sees,’ ‘one is aware of,’ etc.), its repetition in En- structed as [Apellou] gnosis epoiesen, which requires one glish does tend to make the text sound as if dictated by to assume that the missing name of Apelles has been Her Majesty the Queen. But otherwise I can only com- disguised by modern restoration (102–4); the attribu- mend a book whose scale of production is equal to its tion of a somewhat banal Artemis in a Roman tomb paint- author’s intellectual generosity. ing depends on a convoluted line of reasoning that ends with Pliny the Elder or his hypothetical Greek source Nigel Spivey mistranslating Homer (98; the figure actually recalls a faculty of classics well-known sculptural type of Artemis the Huntress). The sidgwick avenue same approach is evident in the discussion of the later cambridge university influence of the painting: every horseman aiming a spear cambridge cb3 9da is Alexander, and even the Rape of Persephone in Tomb united kingdom I at Vergina—dated by Andronikos to ca. 350, two de- [email protected] cades before Gaugamela—is seen as an echo (87–8). Throughout the book seemingly every composition, how- ever formulaic, and every pose, however commonplace, is Apelle: La battaglia di Alessandro, by Paolo attributed to a known painter or linked to an original Moreno. (Grandi Libri Skira.) Pp. 135, b&w figs. mentioned in the literary sources; there is no reference 70, color pls. 22. Skira editore, Milan 2000. Lit to the extensive debate on copying and the circulation of models in the ancient world. 80,000. ISBN 88-8118-811-2 (cloth). Moreno’s reading of the scene itself is also highly lit- The fascination exerted by the rich iconography of eral, showing little engagement with the complex and the Alexander Mosaic is manifested in the volume of subtle interpretations proposed by Cohen. He treats the academic publications devoted to it, most recently Ada painting as a documentary record of a specific moment, Cohen’s The Alexander Mosaic: Stories of Victory and Defeat to the extent of calculating the time of day from the (Cambridge 1997) and a series of articles by Fausto Zevi. angle of the shadows (16–17); each detail is tallied with Paolo Moreno’s book begins with an account of the mo- the literary descriptions of the battle, and the major fig- saic and its history, but for the most part he is concerned ures are all identified with known historical individuals, not with the mosaic itself, but with the painting from although most of their faces are unknown to us. More which it is generally thought to be copied. Moreno iden- attractive, but ultimately unconvincing, is the sugges- tifies the scene as the battle of Gaugamela (331 B.C.), tion that the face reflected in the shield in the fore- rather than the usual Issos, and attributes the “original” ground is a self-portrait of Apelles (35–8); the only evi- to Apelles on the basis of its limited palette of four colors dence is the bald statement in an epigram that “Apelles and certain tricks of modeling and aerial perspective. In painted himself in a picture.” the following chapters he sets the painting in the con- Conversely, on matters where the evidence does per- text of both Greek and Near Eastern art, traces echoes of mit greater confidence, some of Moreno’s conclusions the composition in later art, and attempts to reconstruct are equally unconvincing: for instance, the larger tesser- the career and works of Apelles. ae in the dentil border of the Alexander Mosaic are used The book forms part of a series of studies focusing on to support the argument that the figured scene has been individual works of art, aimed at both the general reader moved and relaid in a new setting, although the use of and the scholar. The amount of speculation here pre- various grades of tesserae is standard practice in surviving sented as fact is likely to mislead the former and irritate mosaics of the period (14); and Alexander’s strikingly the latter. The “original” painting is confidently attribut- huge eye, which can be paralleled in his coin portraits ed to Apelles with no acknowledgement of the difficul- and those of his successors, is dismissed as an inept re- ties arising from the fact that not a single example of the placement for an original precious stone, a feature which painter’s work has survived. The argument would have has no parallels in tessellated mosaic (13–14). benefited from a critical discussion of the problems in- Despite its methodological shortcomings, however, the volved in studying lost paintings from a combination of book will serve as a useful reference for the study of the brief and ambiguous literary descriptions and later copies Alexander Mosaic and related works of art (especially of variable quality and in different media: there are lim- since it is also available in English and in French). The its to the reliability of mosaics or rapidly executed fresco minutely-observed description of the mosaic in the open- paintings as evidence for the style and technique of lost ing chapter helps to clarify many of the damaged, con- panel paintings. fused, and wrongly repaired areas, and almost one-third Moreno goes on to reconstruct the “original” from a of the pages are taken up by a series of impressive color series of red-figure vases by the Darius Painter, suggest- plates, showing the mosaic section by section, with close- ing that there may have been an upper register of gods ups of faces and important details. Since Bernard Andre- above the battle scene; the different constraints imposed ae’s Das Alexandermosaik aus Pompeji (Recklinghausen by a three-dimensional surface are barely considered. In 1977) is now out of print, this is a valuable resource, the same way, a whole series of works by Apelles is con- allowing the reader to examine the mosaic more closely jured up on the scantiest of evidence, and often with than is possible in the Naples Museum without a steplad- considerable ingenuity: the “original” of the Pella Stag der (although a comparison of pls. 7 and 8 reveals that Hunt mosaic, for instance, is linked to Apelles by propos- the color reproduction is not consistent). The text is ing that the signature Gnosis epoiesen should be recon- also richly illustrated with comparative material, and there 336 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 is a comprehensive bibliography covering Apelles and his sections and understand the drains and channels in the contemporaries, the Alexander Mosaic, and the portrai- quadrangle, the foundation courses, and the rock-cut ture of Alexander. beddings at their different levels—information always desperately missing in the preliminary reports. Ruth Westgate The first half of the monograph is dedicated to the school of history and archaeology traces of drains, foundations, and pillar constructions. cardiff university First, a general introduction to the quadrangle is given, p.o. box 909 including the photo-survey mentioned above, a distribu- cardiff, wales cf10 3xu tion of levels and the position and dimensions of the united kingdom foundation courses. Then follows an analysis of the so- [email protected] called Lower Gallery that drained the Maussolleion plot. Included here is a relabeling of the shafts providing ac- cess to the gallery during its construction—“L” (Lower The Maussolleion at Halikarnassos. Reports Gallery) in earlier publications is now changed to “S” of the Danish Archaeological Expedition to (shaft), along with a more logical renumbering of the Bodrum. Vol. 4, The Quadrangle: The Foun- individual shafts. Yet, most of the previous description of dations of the Maussolleion and Its Sepul- the gallery is quoted here along with concordances. The western staircase is treated next, a disposition that chral Compartments, by Kristian Jeppesen. I find hard to follow, since the stairs lead to the chamber (Jutland Archaeological Society Publications and in this respect they form part of the tomb itself XV:4.) Pp. 182, figs. 71, pls. 237, foldout maps 4. rather than of the foundation. Yet the construction of Jutland Archaeological Society, Höjbjerg 2000. the staircase interfered with the foundation and the drains, and particular features such as pillars or enlarged $23. ISSN 0107-2854; ISBN 87-88415-03-1 (cloth). walls in the inner corners of the staircase are obviously The present volume is the fourth in the series of re- connected with its function as part of the foundation ports of the Danish excavations at the Maussolleion in and not with its function as an access to the tomb cham- Halikarnassos, modern Bodrum, which took place between ber. Overall, the chapter is first understandable when 1966 and 1977. Earlier volumes have dealt with the sacri- the entire system of pillars and foundation courses is fice on the landing in front of the tomb chamber (1, The clarified later in the text (chs. 4–6). Kristian Jeppesen Sacrificial Deposit, 1981), The Written Sources (2, 1986), suggests that the staircase is not an element of the tomb, and The Maussolleion Terrace (3, in 2 vols., 1991). The but rather a practical element providing access to the object of this volume is the so-called quadrangle, the tomb and structurally more a part of the substructures of cutting in the bedrock wherein the foundations of the the Maussolleion than, say, the dromos of a chamber massive upper building of the Maussolleion was construct- tomb. ed and the tomb chamber built. Peculiar pillars were constructed along the sides of the Divided into 24 smaller chapters and four appendices, quadrangle, along the north and south side at regular the publication is distinct and manageable and it produces intervals, while on the west and east sides they were an excellent overview of the architectonic analyses. First irregularly placed or less well preserved. Jeppesen sug- and foremost, this is achieved by the many well-selected gests that the pillars should have functioned as guide- illustrations of good quality. The thorough survey of exca- lines for the layout of the entire superstructure and in vation photos presented in chapter 1 (figs. 1.1–52) is high- particular should have marked the double interaxials. It ly informative, especially when summarized in the bril- remains puzzling that these rather rude though precise- liant figure 1.53, where the position of each photo is ly built large elements were constructed simultaneously marked with red arrows indicating the direction in which with the foundations, which were neither carefully com- it looks. The drawings are clear and detailed, and reflect posed nor completely orthogonal, solely to mark the ex- Jeppesen’s meticulous study over the years in order to act position of the columns in the upper half of the su- present a well-argued reconstruction of the monument. A perstructure. However, three important ingredients are good example of this work is the presentation of the small present in the proposition: the argument is easily per- fragments of the marble double doors, and the documen- ceived, the measurements fit, and alternative interpreta- tation of their reconstruction in figure 15.2–3 and the tions are hard to find. Thus, the hypothesis must hold following catalogue (78–87). good (until another is found)—it rests by itself as an The fold-out drawings of the 15 archaeological sec- illustration of the beautiful logic of both Greek architec- tions that cross the quadrangle north–south and east– ture and the study of it. west are clear and detailed, and the captions are instruc- Before turning to the tomb chamber Jeppesen discuss- tive but complicated to use (their position, vis à vis the es the surroundings of the Maussolleion, the terrace and plan, occurs in fig. 1.54–55, inserted in the text). The the possible framing of the monument. Newton and lat- captions of the section drawings E4 to E15 are printed er Biliotti found some sporadic remains of pavement south on the backside of the previous fold-out drawings, requir- of the monument, but nothing suggests that the area ing at least 1.2 m of desk space to open them up properly. surrounding the Maussolleion was paved. Jeppesen inter- Thus, cross-references between text and sections require prets the stoa-like building F at the north peribolos wall acrobatic skills. However, these practical difficulties only as belonging to the earlier tombs in the Maussolleion whet the appetite: it is a thrill to be able to pour over the plot, but he dismisses the notion that the position of the 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 337

Maussolleion depended on the area’s earlier function as ern excavations of one of the Seven Wonders of the a cemetery (ch. 24). Instead, Jeppesen accepts Poul Ped- Ancient World, this is a must for every scholarly library— ersen’s suggestion (vol. 3:1, 83) that the andesite walls not only as part of the publication of the excavations as east and south of the quadrangle found by Newton were such, but also because of its instructive explanations of constructed in connection with the Maussolleion. The technical details including the pry-holes and dowels, the terrace apparently was neither paved nor did it hold oth- calculation of interaxials, and the messing of our various er architectonic structures of any considerable size. In- sources, such as de la Tourrette’s description of what he stead, Jeppesen suggests that the area was laid out as a actually saw and the archaeological facts as they have Persian-style paradeisos intended for (or referring to) royal survived. hunts. Anne Marie Carstens The tomb is described from west to east. First, the platform where the plug-block was placed in position, department of archaeology and ethnology the plug-block itself, lead collars and dowels, pry-holes, school of classical archaeology and incised positioning lines are minutely investigated. university of copenhagen A full analysis of the position and the delicate workman- vandkunsten 5 ship of the “automatic” dowels, which were intended to dk-1467 copenhagen k fall out of their lead collars when the plug-block reached denmark its final position, is presented. [email protected] The reconstruction of the anteroom, the opening between this and the main chamber and their disposi- tion and dimensions is described in detail with constant From the Parts to the Whole. Vol. 1, Acta of references to the report (given in appendix 3) of de la the 13th International Bronze Congress, Tourrette on the entering the tomb in 1522. On the Held at Cambridge, Massachusetts, May 28– basis of de la Tourrette’s eyewitness account, Jeppesen suggests a reconstruction of the interior decoration of June 1, 1996, edited by Carol C. Mattusch, Amy the tomb chamber: originally decorated in stucco with Brauer, and Sandra E. Knudsen. (JRA Suppl. 39.) architectonic details such as those seen in first style paint- Pp. 287, figs. 242, color pls. 2, tables 11, charts 4. ings of Macedonian chamber tombs. Although stucco was Portsmouth, RI 2000. $129. ISSN 1063-4304; never found during the British or the Danish excava- tions, the walls of the chamber were probably dismantled ISBN 1-887829-39-3 (cloth). soon after de la Tourrette’s visit in 1522, and the blocks This is the first volume of two containing all the pa- (with remains of stucco coating?) were probably used in pers presented at the 13th International Bronze Confer- the repairs of the crusader castle while any remaining ence (1996); the second volume will be reviewed sepa- lumps were exposed to rain and groundwater and eventu- rately. With 43 papers (5 as abstracts), volume 1 alone is ally dissolved. De la Tourrette’s report fits Jeppesen’s re- dense with information and insight. Brief introductions construction in many respects, and there is no reason to by David Mitten and Carol Mattusch, hosts of the Con- dismiss this part of his description. However, I find it gress, provide a summary of bronze studies coupled with astonishing that apparently the staircase and the land- technical analysis, and a short account of the exhibit ing were left undecorated (not a single fragment of stuc- organized to complement the conference, “The Fire of co was found on the walls of the staircase or on the walls Hephaistos: Large Classical Bronzes from North Ameri- framing the landing), while the chamber, and probably can Collections,” already published in a handsome cata- the anteroom, was lavishly embellished. Other tombs, logue. This congress focused on large-scale bronzes, of- approached by a monumental dromos with a landing or fering a counterpart to the 1989 Getty symposium on whose inner part of the dromos was used for large and small bronzes, Small Bronze Sculpture from the Ancient World abundant sacrifices, as was the Maussolleion tomb land- (Malibu 1990). A special note indicates that all papers ing, are normally decorated at least as beautifully as the presented at the international bronze congresses are chamber itself. This is the case of the so-called royal tombs customarily published in the Acta, and so the volume at Tamassos in Cyprus, which have stepped dromoi as well encompasses a considerable diversity of subject and ap- (a non-Karian feature) and of course the tombs at Salam- proach, including coins, inscriptions, and conservation is where in fact the inner part of the dromos is the better studies as well as bronze statuary and objects. part of the tomb. These discrepancies seem not to both- The organization of the Acta is described as “general- er Jeppesen. ly chronological.” The range is broad, from the Middle This publication of the foundations and the tomb of Elamite statue of Queen Napir-Asu (P. Meyers) to Ro- the Maussolleion not only presents its individual ele- man alloys (J. Riederer). When the common theme for ments clearly and minutely, it also offers a considerable contributions is the medium of bronze in antiquity, per- amount of well-argued reconstruction and hypothesis, haps chronology is desirable as the least interpretive more than one expects from an excavation report. How- principle of organization; however, some subdivision of ever, these simply make the reader, like an ungrateful the long list of papers would have been helpful. With child, wish for more. Here we begin to see the grand such a variety of subjects, adding a brief bibliography at story of the Maussolleion related by the man who has the end of each article would be preferable to this vol- devoted his academic life to this giant jigsaw puzzle. ume’s more general list of abbreviations for commonly As the fourth volume of the publication of the mod- cited sources. 338 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106

Meyers’s article on Napir-Asu, the only contribution E.I. Paunov and N.T. Tornov’s paper describes a set of not focused on Greek or Roman bronzes, offers detailed five Greek vessels that were excavated from a tomb in technological information and a fascinating example of Vratsa, northwest Bulgaria in 1965, but unpublished until theft prevention by adding weight to a desirable object. now. W.-D. Heilmeyer combines technical and art histor- Six papers on Geometric and Orientalizing bronzes give ical analyses in discussing a little-known statuette, the early works good account, especially S. Langdon’s pro- Ptolemaios III Murray, now in Berlin. posal that female figurines were paired with male warrior Two fine papers address sources of metals. T.K. An- figures on tripods. More of the subsequent papers treat drews suggests that central Italy, northern Greece, and individual objects or their conservation; D. Harris-Cline’s the southern Balkans supplied copper, lead, and tin to study of an inscription (fourth century B.C.E.) from the eighth century B.C.E. bronzecasters at Olympia. J. Ried- Athenian Acropolis, however, gives intriguing evidence erer’s is the sole paper on a Roman subject. He uses trace for melting old bronze statues. The volume’s emphasis element analysis to arrive at the startling and important on sculpture is so pronounced that papers on topics such conclusion that throughout the Roman world bronze al- as coinage (K. Liampi), inscriptions (P.A. Butz, A. van loys were made up of copper ores from a single source, as den Hoek and S. Takács, G. Manganaro), and the Found- yet undetermined. This final paper in the volume is a ry cup (J. Neils, K.R. Cavalier) seem isolated. tantalizing reminder that a second volume is forthcom- The editors are to be commended for integrating tech- ing to complete the Acta. A rich and varied mélange of nical papers with archaeological and art historical reports. articles, this first volume leads us to anticipate the next This comprehensive approach parallels current practice with enthusiasm. in the field of marble studies. At least a dozen papers in Mary B. Hollinshead this volume are centered on technical aspects of bronze production or give substantial attention to analytical pro- art department cesses. Four papers treat the Riace bronzes; three (A.M. fine arts center McCann, C. deGrazia Vanderpool, F. Giudice) emphasize university of rhode island style and historical context, and one (A. Melucco Vacca- kingston, rhode island 02881-0820 ro) reports on recent technological advances in studying [email protected] those famous warriors. Similarly, the Praying Boy in Ber- lin is the subject of three consecutive papers, covering Chronologie der Didrachmenprägung von its production and restoration (G. Zimmer), as well as both numerical simulation (M. Ratka and P.R. Sahm) and Tarent, by Wolfgang Fischer-Bossert. (DAI, Antiken actual re-creation, casting a new statue (N. Hackländer). Münzen und Geschnittene Steine 14.) Pp. xvii + Large hollow-cast bronzes can offer exceptional oppor- 495, pls. 85, map 1. Walter De Gruyter, Berlin tunities for retrieving data, by excavating residual core ma- 1999. DM 398, ÖS 2905, SF 354, $270. ISBN 3-11- terial from the interior and by applying techniques of ex- ploration derived from medicine. Multiple papers document 016318-7 (cloth). the use of X rays, CAT scans, and endoscopy, in which probes The standard account of Tarentine coinage is the fa- with tiny cameras inserted into a statue’s interior can record mous article by Sir Arthur Evans, “The ‘Horsemen’ of Taren- evidence of the processes of casting, assembly, and support. tum,” Numismatic Chronicle ser. 3, 9 (1889) 1–228. He ob- These techniques yield heretofore inaccessible informa- served that “the general order of the early Tarentine coin- tion and provide new research strategies for conservators, ages is fairly ascertained” (1), and with Evans’s study it curators, and art historians. In several objects discussed here, appeared that the same was now true of its chronology. In researchers have identified physical evidence that a piece the last century there have been a number of minor alter- was cast by the indirect method; since this method permit- ations (notably by M. Vlastos) but only Kenneth Jenkins ted the production of more than one piece, the demonstra- has signaled the need for significant revision in certain tion of its use raises art historical issues of serial production areas (“A Tarantine Footnote,” in Greek Numismatics and and originality (as Mattusch has already shown in Classical Archaeology: Essays in Honor of Margaret Thompson, edited Bronzes [Ithaca and London 1996] 64, 149–51, 217–31). by O. Mørkholm and N.M. Waggoner [Wetteren 1979] Besides the Riace warriors and the Praying Boy, well known 109–14). Now we have Fischer-Bossert’s massive study of statues subjected to internal and other scrutiny include the the Tarentine silver didrachms or “nomoi” struck between god from Cape Artemision (O. Tzachou-Alexandri), the 510 and 280 B.C. The basis of this work is a die study of Getty youth (J. Podany and D. Scott), and the Agon from over 8,000 coins, a remarkable quantity that reflects the the Mahdia shipwreck, here reinterpreted convincingly as size of the mint’s output and their presence in a series of Eros by F. Willer. large hoards found in the 20th century. Fischer-Bossert Several papers treat gilded bronzes, from the approach took on a Herculean task in sorting out this material, and of conservation (A. Boccia Paterakis, A. Snodgrass) and it must be said at the outset that his long catalogues are archaeology (H.F. Sharpe, E. Guralnick). Sharpe’s study models of clarity (the text is less user-friendly), and that of a foil-gilded statuette adds a dramatic note as she re- his publishers have produced a fine book with exceptional ports that the Indiana University Art Museum is moving illustrations (and this is reflected in the price). to return the object to the Bergama Museum after learn- In the fourth century B.C. Taras was the most important ing that it had been excavated at Pergamon. mint in south Italy, and its coins circulated widely in the New discoveries enliven the Acta. C.G. Intzesiloglou region. The output was prodigious. By 400, after numer- reports on the sixth century B.C.E. striding Apollo found ous changes, the types had settled down into the familiar in situ in a new temple at Metropolis, Thessaly, in 1994. horseman on the obverse and the dolphin rider on the 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 339 reverse, but the “bewildering variety” within this series Evans’s period III, are to commence ca. 390, a decade led Kraay to comment that “no clear line of development earlier than Evans had put them. Fischer-Bossert agrees can be identified; themes are invented, modified, aban- with Evans in starting period IV (= from Fischer-Bossert doned and resumed again later on no apparent system” Group 49) ca. 345/4. The real challenge comes with Fis- (Archaic and Classical Greek Coins [London 1976] 190). cher-Bossert’s continuation of the coins of Evans IV down Fischer-Bossert now plots a course through Evans’s peri- to ca. 325 (Evans ended this period ca. 334). The author ods I–V; his 82 didrachm groups contain 1,141 die combi- then dates the coins of Evans’s period V (= Fischer-Bos- nations of 424 obverse and 883 reverse dies (note: one set sert Groups 63–82) to 325–281, in contrast to Evans who of die numbers, V3/R3, was deleted). Furthermore, there suggested 334–302. Fischer-Bossert then squeezes the is a die study of the mint’s gold coinage in the same peri- coins of Evans’s period VI into the years ca. 280–275 od. One might have expected more die links (there are (Evans proposed ca. 302–281). few links between any of Fischer-Bossert’s 82 nomos The author has marshalled the numismatic evidence groups), given the large number of coins included in the of hoards and typology with skill but this has not led to study. The author had to rely on the evidence of style, an abandonment of the traditional game of sorting out epigraphy, and hoards in establishing a typology and chro- the dates of key issues (including the appearance of the nology; his treatment of this evidence is usually thorough first gold coins) by linking coin types and symbols to the but the results are not always conclusive. appearance on Tarentine soil of a succession of imported Fischer-Bossert organizes his 82 coin groups into 10 (and ill-fated) military commanders: Archidamos III, Al- sections; these are not named as periods or as style-groups exander the Molossian, Kleonymos, and most famously, but exist as convenient divisions on a variety of grounds, Pyrrhus. Fischer-Bossert places Groups 57–61 in the time mostly typological and stylistic. The groups themselves of Alexander the Molossian (in Italy 333–331) in con- usually contain closely defined typological clusters of dies trast to Evans who had suggested that coins from his (e.g., Group 2, which brings together the larger flan coins period V (= Fischer-Bossert Group 78) be associated with with the hippocamp on the reverse), but many later groups this king because of the “Molossian” appearance of an consist of coins from just one or two obverse dies with eagle, which now occurs in the reverse field. Fischer- distinct symbols. The commentary does not always explain Bossert, in contrast, places Group 78 (the “eagle coins”) the order of the groups within each section, nor does it in the years around ca. 290 and the arrival of Pyrrhus. appear that this order is always certain. There is little ref- It is to be regretted that Fischer-Bossert concludes his erence to the earlier typology of Evans (see the Konkor- study with the coins of Evans’s period V and does not danzen, 478), though Fischer-Bossert follows Evans’s or- attempt to sort out the issues from VI, the last period der of periods, and often his order of “types.” The organi- before the weight standard of the staters was changed; zation of Groups 1–7 owes a good deal to Cahn (“Early VI is a natural and obvious development from V (as Fis- Tarentine Chronology,” in Essays in Greek Coinage Presented cher-Bossert admits) and many of the magistrate signa- to Stanley Robinson, edited by C.M. Kraay and G.K. Jenkins tures are repeated and expanded. The problem is com- [Oxford 1968] 59–74). Note that Fischer-Bossert rejects pounded by the fact that having pushed the coins of Cahn’s claim that the two varieties of Hyakinthos coin in Evans’s V down to 281, those of period VI must now be the “First issue” were die-linked on two occasions, and he tightly compressed into a period of only five years. There cites one of the coins (F12) as a modern forgery. One seems to be a lot of coins here and without a proper might then have expected Fischer-Bossert to make three typology and coverage of their place in hoards Fischer- different groups, given the existence of three different Bossert’s arguments for the dating of the preceding is- types, but his Group 1 still matches Cahn’s “First issue.” sues are weakened. This is unfortunate for, besides causing confusion con- This is a book for students of south Italian numismat- cerning the criteria for the creation of his groups, it masks ics. It is focused on the typology and dating of the the evidently sporadic nature of early minting. didrachm staters. It is not a study of mint activity, for it Does the hoard evidence confirm Evans’s chronology of lacks consideration of the many and complex issues of Tarentine coinage? For Fischer-Bossert this is “Das Problem” fractions. It has little to say about the mint within the which he announces at the beginning of the book. But Jen- context of the region, and historians of the city will need kins in 1979 has already pointed out that it does not; the to draw their own conclusions about the relationship of famous “Molossian” hoard, for example, demands a redating minting activity to the economy of this polis. Within its of Evans’s period IV and V. Fischer-Bossert now provides a own terms it is a major work, and an impressive achieve- painstaking analysis of the hoard evidence. Some 90 hoards ment. It will be the basis for future study of the Taras are gazetted (7–38); the author, however, does not give dates mint, and a key reference in judging the activity of other for the deposit of these finds in this list (neither the dating mints in Magna Graecia. of other scholars nor his own) and the reader must work Kenneth Sheedy through the text to find this information (and even then not all finds are dated). This is frustrating. It is difficult to get australian centre for ancient an overall picture of how Fischer-Bossert is repositioning these numismatic studies hoards in relation to their places in more traditional chronol- division of the humanities ogies. The list for the “Münzchronologie von Tarent” (424– w6a 517 4), which places nine hoards within the sequence of groups, macquarie university could have been more informative. sydney nsw 2109 A summary of Fischer-Bossert’s results can be gained australia from a chart (342). The coins of Group 31, which begin [email protected] 340 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 Hellenistische und kaiserzeitliche Keramik The second major import-export center for the east- des östlichen Mittelmeergebietes: Kollo- ern Mediterranean market was Knidos. During the Hel- lenistic period several pottery groups were produced: quium Frankfurt 24.25. April 1995, edited by plates and bowls, drinking cups, domed-mouth unguen- Marlene Herfort-Koch, Ursula Mandel, and Ulrich taria, and gray lamps. Imported wares include white Schädler. (Schriften des Arbeitskreises Frankfurt ground lagynoi and ESA. In the Roman period figured und die Antike.) Pp. 151, b&w pls. 30, color pl. 1, lamps, discus lamps, and oinophorae were manufactured figs. 5, plan 1, map 1, tables 2. Archäologisches and exported. Two important contributions can be gained from these Institut des Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität, studies: an increase of typological, chronological, and sta- Frankfurt 1996. ISBN 3-9803946-3-8 (paper). tistical information, and a new approach to the role Asia Minor played in the marketing of certain ceramic prod- Ceramicists involved in the preparation of excavation ucts. The latter question is raised in two survey articles by reports will welcome the publication of this collection of J. Pobleme and J. Lund. They present material that should papers delivered at the first colloquium on Hellenistic allow an analysis of the impact of exports from Asia Minor and Roman imperial pottery in the eastern Mediterra- on other regions of the Levant. In Hellenistic and Ro- nean. The volume comprises studies on individual sites man Palestine, with a mixed population of different eth- (Patras, Athens, Corinth, Assos, Ephesos, Knidos, Kaun- nic, religious, and economic backgrounds, the trading os, and Petra), on specific wares (Sagalassos Red Slip, patterns are only partially understood. “Ionian” relief bowls sigillata, Nabatean fine and coarse pottery, molds for re- from Ephesos, Knidian lamps, unguentaria and drinking lief bowls) as well as regional and economic studies. Lamps, cups, lamps and gray ware platters from Ephesos, wine the chronological basis for dating stratigraphical contexts, amphorae and braziers from the Aegean reached north- play only a minor role; the fact should be taken as a ern and coastal sites in greater amount than the central reflection of the shifting emphasis in ceramic research. hill sites with the exception of settlements open to Hel- Importance is laid both on local and regional aspects and lenistic Greek influence such as Samaria and Marissa. on broader issues of manufacture and trade. The differ- Two articles are dedicated to Nabatean pottery, one entiation between local and imported pottery is a central on the painted and fine ware by S. Schmid, the other point of interest. Summaries provide basic information, on the common ware by Y. Gerber. Both wares occur while further details will have to be drawn from final within a well-defined chronological and geographical publications. framework, though they were not exported in large Nineteen papers are published, a few of which are con- quantities—sporadic finds occur in the coastal areas and sidered here. Finds from Ephesos and Knidos figure prom- in port cities where Nabatean merchants operated from inently because of a local tradition of quality pottery and the eastern Nile delta to Antioch-on-the-Orontes. The a geographically favorable position as production and study of the fine ware is particularly important, showing trade centers. In her survey of Ephesian pottery Ulrike its development from ca. 150 B.C.E. into the third cen- Outschar presents a pattern of ceramic distribution valid tury C.E. In his analysis of the origins of Nabatean paint- not only for Ephesos but also for other harbor sites. The ed pottery Schmid presents a cautious picture: the rep- city’s prosperity resulted from her chief role in east–west ertoire of shapes taken from pan-Hellenistic prototypes, commerce. Ephesos did not only import clay vessels and decorative elements influenced by clay ware from south- serve as their distributor, but with the production of mold- ern Mesopotamia, Iran and the Persian-Arab gulf and made relief pottery and lamps in the late Hellenistic pe- late Hellenistic metal vessels from the Near East, Italo- riod Ephesos gained a central position as exporter within Roman thin-walled ware and Hellenistic and Roman the eastern Mediterranean region. Toward the end of millefiori and reticelli glass vessels. For chronological the Hellenistic period tableware from local and regional reasons, the influence of Hellenistic painted pottery workshops was supplemented by some 20% of Eastern such as Hadra vases, white-painted lagynoi, and vessels Sigilata A (ESA) from a Syrian source and—in smaller in West Slope technique are excluded. A voice of cau- numbers—by sigillata and applied relief pottery from Per- tion should be raised. The basis for relating the cre- gamon. The late first century B.C.E. and early first cen- ation of a Nabatean style of painted pottery to a number tury C.E. saw imports from Italy: Arretine sigillata, lamps, of geographically widespread prototypes in different ma- and wine amphorae. From Augustan times onward and terial is accepting the presumption that Nabatean during the first–second centuries C.E., western entre- merchants actually acquired a certain amount of such preneurs established a production center for Eastern Sig- vessels to be copied by local potters. Yet, so far the num- illata B at Tralles on the Meander with possible subsidiary ber unearthed at Petra and other sites is small. Further- factories around Ephesos, which proved a serious compe- more, the aspect of individual creativity and inspiration tition to Western sigillata. Imports from North Africa, is not sufficiently taken into account, for which Nabate- African Red Slip Ware, are dominant throughout the an domestic and funerary architecture provides a far third–fourth centuries C.E., while no local and regional more impressive example. Also, eating and drinking habits product of equal quality is known. In the late fourth and must have played a role in the development of certain particularly in the fifth–sixth centuries a regional prod- shapes. On one hand, the import of ESA vessels and of uct, the Late Roman C Ware, occurs on the market to- Italian sigillata did not lead to imitating their shapes gether with declining numbers of African Red Slip Ware without the red glaze; on the other hand, the Knidian until the early seventh century. At the same time Gaza carinated cup with recurved handles was copied except amphorae and “spatheia” are imported into Ephesos. for the handles. 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 341

This review could consider only a few articles, a re- that both Sarno limestone and Nocera tufa were used in flection only of this reviewer’s research interests. Every combination from the beginning and the columns had article is accompanied by an extensive bibliography. A tufa shafts and limestone capitals, while the cella was of minor criticism: it would have been more convenient to tufa ashlar. To account for these anomalies he appeals to have incorporated the illustrations in the text or at the fancied similarities to temples at Satricum and Pyrgi and end of each article. Nonetheless, both the organizers believes the architecture was essentially Etrusco-Campa- of the colloquium and the authors are to be thanked for nian with only “Greek influence.” Architectural histori- a thorough and stimulating publication on a wide range ans and Pompeianists will find all this hard to accept, and of subjects. the architectural terracottas do not support the theory. The terracottas of the archaic period are treated by Renate Rosenthal-Heginbottom D’Agostino. The earliest are comparatively few fragments am strohberg 7 of a low geison with painted decoration without relief; d-24991 grossolt these he would date to the middle of the sixth century, germany but because the tiles to which they are attached are slight- ly larger than those of the next phase, he believes they must belong to a temple of the same size. Large tiles are, Il tempio dorico del Foro Triangolare di however, characteristic of even small buildings of the Pompei, by J.A.K.E. de Waele, B. D’Agostino, P.S. archaic period, as those of the “Sacello Sotterraneo” of Poseidonia (Paestum), among others, show, and in view Lulof, L.A. Scatozza Höricht, and R. Cantilena. of a few fragments for revetting wooden columns, it seems (Studi della Soprintendenza Archeologica di best to reserve judgment on this. The next phase, dated Pompei 2.) Pp. xiv + 400, figs. 434, pls. 42. L’ERMA toward the end of the sixth century, includes a full range di Bretschneider, Rome 2001. Lit 400,000, $210. of types: simas both lateral and raking, the former the well-known set with lion head spouts and large plastic ISBN 88-8265-149-5 (paper). rosettes, a low cresting for the facade, and revetment This impressive volume can claim to be the definitive plaques decorated with a double guilloche. It is rather publication of the evidence for a key monument in striking that there are no fragments of antefixes for this Pompeian archaeology. The work of a constellation of phase. Perhaps it was to take their place that the lower scholars, each contributing in the area of a special inter- torus of the sima takes the form of a gigantic serpent est, it also includes a detailed and extensively illustrated that at points broke free of the ground and lifted one of history of work here beginning with the initial excava- the several heads in the round that have been recov- tion in the 18th century, transcription with notes and ered. D’Agostino suggests that at some point an acroteri- corrections of all the pertinent daybooks and lists of finds, on of Herakles fighting the Hydra of Lerna might have and a complete catalogue of the fragments of architec- been intended, but there are fragments of at least two tural terracottas, the more important ones shown in both disc acroteria, so that seems excluded. There are also photograph and drawing. There is even an attempt to fragments of sculpture in the round that include at least identify the lost coins reported by von Duhn to have two nude, or partly nude, male figures and a draped fe- been found under the floor of the cella of the temple. male figure at life size or slightly larger, together with The end product of this massive assault is proof that we fragments of a deer. Lulof, who is responsible for this shall never know the archaeological truth about this tem- chapter, believes that these crowned the ridgepole, but ple. Its ruins and the surrounding area have been so thor- she does not hazard a guess as to what their program oughly ransacked in the course of centuries without the might have been. reservation of control points, and so much of the evi- As one tries to envisage the temple roof in this period, dence has been lost as a result of damage to Pompeii one is struck by its oddity. D’Agostino sees a clear influ- during World War II and confusion of the material stored ence from Poseidonia, but any similarity is more generic in the magazines of the excavations that new stratigraphic than specific. The lion heads from the two sites are quite excavation is now pointless and any assertion about a different, those from Poseidonia lean and snarling, those context is questionable. The investigation has had to from Pompeii plump and decorative. There is nothing at proceed along broad lines, and there is no attempt to Pompeii in the least like the maenad antefixes with mo- present the evidence of potsherds and small finds. bile heads from Poseidonia, and there are many closer The least satisfactory section of this report is that on parallels in the design of motifs with revetments from the architecture by de Waele. He concludes that the Sicily and south Italy than with those of Poseidonia. temple was from the beginning Doric and peripteral on a Moreover, there is also a striking contrast here with the platform of more or less the size and proportions that can architectural terracottas from the temple of Apollo at be seen today, six columns by 11, and with so deep a Pompeii, where the emphasis is on chains of palmettes, passage between peripteros and cella that it would have and the palmette antefixes have close connections with been pseudodipteral. The steps of the stylobate were others from Cumae and Capua. completely rebuilt at a late date (probably after the earth- A yawning gap occurs between the late archaic deco- quake of A.D. 62), which might account for their varying ration and that of the Samnite period, here treated by number, but their backing of limestone blocks he be- Scatozza Höricht and dated late fourth or early third lieves is original, although it is a flimsy construction com- century, sometime after the Second Samnite War. To pared with other temple stylobates, has no inner face, this belong the highly plastic antefixes with heads of and is lacking on the west side. Moreover, he believes Minerva and Hercules, a sima with female masks, and 342 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 revetment plaques with heraldically confronted sphinx- tant issues in arena and related scholarship will dismay es. These have close connections with others scattered specialists. from Lacco Ameno on Ischia to Pontecagnano near Paes- The author’s use of a small number of amphitheaters tum, and the discovery of identical types and matrices at as “case studies” is appealing. This could be fertile ground Lacco Ameno strongly suggests that it was the center of for examining the architectural variety within this build- manufacture. ing type, as well as a starting point for understanding the The body of the report concludes with brief consider- larger workings of the Roman empire, politically, cultur- ation of the temple precinct and adjacent buildings in ally, and socially. which de Waele concludes that in the Samnite and re- His success, however, is inconsistent, for his emphasis publican periods it had served as an adjunct to the “Sam- on detailed reconstructions of spectator movement in nite Palestra” and been part of a gymnasium/campus com- preference to introductory descriptions of these struc- plex, but after the construction of the Palestra Grande tures will bewilder the casual reader, as indeed will the by the amphitheater lost its importance. After reading often discontinuous discussions of a random selection of this I am more than ever convinced that the Foro Tri- issues. His extended discussion of Capua’s “Campanian angolare was remodeled in the Augustan period as a pub- Amphitheater,” for example, focuses overwhelmingly on lic park with the fragmentary remains of the Doric tem- its sculptural program. The absence of illustrations here ple treated as an ornamental ruin. The remodeling of exacerbates the text’s conflation of mythic and sculptur- the entrance portico, the schola and sundial, the marble al narrative. The author also considers the reliefs as giv- fountain and statue of Marcellus as patronus, all fit to- ing “accurate,” that is, photographic, depictions of the gether to support this interpretation. De Waele’s efforts amphitheater rather than as texts in their own right con- to make them work as features of a gymnasium do not veying important information about the sociopolitical persuade. meaning of the complex. Absent as well is discussion of the nearly unparalleled attestation of direct involvement L. Richardson, jr by two emperors in the second-century renovations of department of classical studies Capua’s amphitheater. p.o. box 90103 Indeed, Bomgardner’s scattered treatment of the key duke university issue of imperial politics seriously weakens the book. The durham, north carolina 27708-0103 author circles the issue, pointing to the display of social status and alliance as a guiding motivation behind the institution, indicating that the munera (gladiatorial spec- The Story of the Roman Amphitheater, by D.L. tacles) were perceived by Romans as morally useful dem- Bomgardner. Pp. xix + 276, figs. 45, pls. 80, tables onstrations of military qualities of bravery and endur- 16. Routledge, London 2000. $60. ISBN 0-415- ance. Yet the text rarely documents the function of Ro- man political hierarchy in the arena; how, for example, 16593-8 (cloth). did the collegia (guilds) interact with the Roman munic- A nexus of blood, glamour, extravagance, and high ipal elite at Puteoli (where the author notes their pres- politics, the Roman arena has exerted a fascination on ence in the amphitheater) or in other towns such as audiences both ancient and modern. Scholarly work on Nîmes and Arles where they are also attested for the the amphitheater has exploded in the last two decades, arena? The issue is likewise ignored in the placement of joined recently by popular media in the wake of the mov- “ladies of quality” in the seating furthest from the arena, ie “Gladiator” (2000). D.L. Bomgardner’s lavishly illus- as recommended in the lex Julia theatralis. Augustus’s law trated book seeks to tread a middle path between the on spectacle seating should be understood as political scholarly and popular worlds. image-building, establishing a gendered sociopolitical Bomgardner explicitly intends to “tell the story” of ideal as part of the emperor’s broader efforts to “restore the amphitheater, from beginning to “death throes,” in the Republic” through the manipulation of public per- a manner accessible to classical scholars and to interest- ception. Bomgardner’s suggestion that the Vestal Vir- ed nonprofessional readers (xv). The author foregoes an gins found solace for their enforced chastity in sitting all-inclusive consideration of this building type, giving near the emperor (17) ignores the symbolic value of the instead an impressionistic “running commentary” on a Vestals as emblems of multiple, elided social categories. few examples, chosen for their perceived importance or The Vestals embodied the Roman community, replicat- distinctiveness. His expressed aim is thus diffused, al- ing Rome, like the amphitheater seating, in an ideal form. though the “story” is meant to highlight the sociopoliti- Bomgardner’s treatment likewise falters in analyzing the cal function of the amphitheater and its use in displays historical context of the Flavian amphitheater. Vespasian of elite posturing and networking, a role that diminished was hardly countering the decadent enervation of the with the shift toward Christian sensibilities. The author’s late Republic (31); Bomgardner should have expanded primary interest in architecture has, however, critically his earlier brief assertion that Vespasian acted to legiti- shaped this “story”; detailed and specific description of mize a new dynasty by implicitly denigrating the last individual buildings and their design process takes cen- member of the failed imperial line. Indeed, Nero’s lack ter stage in the narrative. Bomgardner’s dispersion of of military acumen was surely more fatal to his reign than introductory material throughout the text and his nar- the extravagances of the Golden House cited by Bom- row discussion of primary evidence may confuse general gardner (3). The author’s allusions to the “military” val- readers, while the relative neglect of a number of impor- ue of the arena do not stress the fundamental impor- 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 343 tance of the military during the rise of the imperial mon- tion, from his emphasis on the luxury and extravagance archy. In an era when Roman dynasts built political ca- of the spectacles and their venues, to the “tragedy” (217) reers on military success, the presentation of militarized of animal death from “heartless” and “overt cruelty” games, armed combats as spectacle, carried powerful mean- (218), to the despair welling forth from the “wretched ings, greater than the inculcation of individual skill and souls” (55) of the unfortunate gladiators. fortitude. Alison Futrell Chapter five attempts to tie the Christian emperors to a policy of opposing arena spectacles, relying heavily on department of history ambiguous and contradictory evidence; Bomgardner ne- university of arizona glects to distinguish between different judicial uses of tucson, arizona 85721 the arena, that is, condemnation to death in the arena [email protected] and the lighter penalty of condemnation to the gladiato- rial school. Surely the fifth century restorations of the Colosseum point to continuing official support for the Das Spiel mit dem Tod: So kämpften Roms Gladi- games, indicating that the distaste of patristic authors atoren, by Marcus Junkelmann. Pp. 196, b&w ills. did not constitute theological grounds for imperial bans 153, color ills. 168, schematic drawings 19. Philipp on spectacle. Far more compelling is the author’s all-too- von Zabern, Mainz 2000. DM 128, €40.90. ISBN brief discussion of the role of changing land use and diminishing natural resources in the decline of amphi- 3-8053-2563-0 (cloth). theater spectacle. At the beginning of his chapter, “Familia Gladiatoria,” The centerpiece of the book is the presentation of in Caesaren und Gladiatoren: Die Macht der Unterhaltung im the North African amphitheaters, revised from Bomgard- antiken Rom, edited by Köhne and Ewigleben (Mainz 2000; ner’s 1985 doctoral dissertation with significant additions see my review in AJA 105 [2001] 378 [an English edition focusing mostly on the frequent incorporation of Jean- is now available from the University of California Press]), Claude Golvin’s architectural data as comparanda, espe- Marcus Junkelmann announced the forthcoming publi- cially in the assembled site catalogue (which would be cation of the subject of this review, the latest volume in more suitable as an appendix). Despite his extended dis- a series of over 50 titles on various topics of classical cussion of the historical background (with its notably antiquity and the ancient world from the publishing house useful treatment of Rome’s shifting agronomic attention of Philipp von Zabern. Like the other books in this se- to the area), Bomgardner connects the relatively late ries, Das Spiel is handsomely produced in large, glossy dating for North African amphitheaters to no economic format and features over 300 figures and plates (over 200 or political changes, but rather to a purported tardy in- of which are color) accompanied by a lively text that is troduction of concrete and developments in design to well-informed with references to nearly 400 scholarly the region. Little bibliography here postdates the disser- works. tation; the absence seriously undermines his discussion In this volume, Junkelmann offers a comprehensive of the Imperial cult and Christianity, which misses, for study of ancient Roman gladiatorial combat through anal- example, the prominence of Perpetua in recent scholar- ysis of archaeological and historical evidence. Books such ship. Bomgardner’s treatment of her martyrdom offers a as this are enjoying a new popularity, but what sets this literalist reading of the text for information on the ar- one off from a pack of already considerable size is Junkel- rangement of executions, with little effort to situate the mann’s inclusion of a chapter on the Familia Gladiatoria story within the development of Christian identity and Pulli Cornicinis, a modern German gladiatorial program authority around the cult of martyrs. that trains enthusiasts in the ancient martial art with Occasional errors blot the text: Rome’s Great Fire is historically accurate armor and weaponry, and stages pro- moved forward to A.D. 66 (2) and Tertullian’s later Mon- fessional exhibitions of gladiatorial matches. This chap- tanism is misidentified as early Manichaeism (202). A ter, in which the author reports on the experiences and recurring problem is the author’s strenuous and repeat- progress of the members of this gladiatorial school (whose ed argument against an unspecified “popular” (mis)under- mascot is a trumpeter rooster), comes at the end of the standing of the arena as a site where the mob took deca- volume, not as a sort of epilogue, but rather as the culmi- dent pleasure in “blood-soaked orgies of carnage”; Bom- nating point of the entire book, the raison d’être for all gardner instead paints an unlikely picture of the Roman the preceding chapters. audience’s sensitivity regarding animals, asserting that Let us look at them briefly. In the first chapter, “Spec- they were captivated by the “grace, beauty and strength” tacula,” Junkelmann presents this book in the context of of the “kindred” beasts, and relatively uninterested in or what he sees as a renewed global interest in the Roman even repulsed by their slaughter (74). The sources’ em- gladiator, most recently popularized by the Academy Award phasis on animal body count challenges this idea, as do winning film “Gladiator,” directed by Ridley Scott and general references to carnivores as fierce and cruel. In- starring Russel Crowe in the title role. Junkelmann dis- deed, the author’s own later analysis of the tension be- cusses not only “Gladiator,” but also its place in the cine- tween animal habitat and agricultural development points matic tradition of other groundbreaking “sword and san- toward a more nuanced reconstruction of the Roman au- dal” epics such as Stanley Kubrick’s “Spartacus,” a tradi- dience’s stance at the venationes. Even so, the effort to tion of “popular” fascination with the cult of the Roman understand the Roman arena “on its own terms” (226) is gladiator that Junkelmann traces back to Jean-Léon undermined by Bomgardner’s use of value-laden descrip- Gérôme’s 19th-century painting, “Pollice Verso.” The 344 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106 point is that since antiquity the gladiator has continued points out (6), however, we now have the means to work to enjoy a type of celebrity, even notoriety, that still “towards a new sensibility.” And necessarily so, for, begin- obtains in modern society. This book attempts to explore ning with J. Winckelmann (d. 1768), English-speaking that celebrity, as well as the conduct of what was a brutal, students of antiquity have seriously under-evaluated Ro- ruthless, but also respected profession. man architecture. Setting aside questions of design and Three short chapters follow that provide the reader construction, they have dealt with Roman buildings al- with general historical information: “The Unique Nature most as organic, natural forms, describing them, categoriz- of Gladiatorial Combat,” “Amor Mortis,” and “The Origin ing their styles, analyzing their ornamentation. Of this and Evolution of Gladiatorial Combat.” Chapters five and type are virtually all the handbooks regularly used in Amer- six, “The Equipment and Weaponry of the Gladiator” and ican universities for undergraduate and graduate studies. “Armaturae: Gladiatorial Types and their Opponents,” are Strongly influenced by his training as a practicing ar- by far the longest and among the most interesting. Here, chitect and drawing on his own detailed measured stud- Junkelmann presents a comprehensive digest of primary ies of monuments in Rome, Wilson Jones’s approach is archaeological evidence and makes it accessible to his fundamentally different. For him, imperial Roman archi- reader by incorporating references to some of the most tects built according to basic principles that were fre- important scholarly work to date. The next chapter, “The quently modified to solve specific problems of layout and Fight,” is perhaps the finest example of Junkelmann’s construction. If such solutions sometimes resulted in “sin- thorough research and keen understanding of the kind gularly curious” buildings (xi), their designers are an ob- of animal the Roman gladiator was and how, and with scure lot. Inscriptions supply the names of ordinary prac- what and whom, he fought. Junkelmann has compiled an titioners; literary sources preserve names and anecdotes impressive catalogue of what is some of our best evidence for the most famous: Hermodorus of Salamis, Vitruvius, for the choreography of a gladiatorial match, namely the Severus, Rabirius, Apollodorus of Damascus. Even to these, numerous imperial mosaics that depict this combat as well however, we can seldom link more than one or two build- as describe the action through sometimes very detailed ings (characterizations of individual architectural styles inscriptions that the author translates and explains for are nearly impossible); and the relationships between his reader. architects and their patrons and craftsmen are just as Junkelmann concludes with a photographic catalogue obscure. of gladiatorial equipment, a list of over 400 works cited, Fortunately, the buildings themselves provide evidence an appendix that lists 186 documented names of known for their conception and construction (30). By combin- Roman gladiators (from Achilles to Zosimus), and a glos- ing this information with Vitruvius’s basic principles of sary of Latin terms. The lack of any kind of index, howev- design—symmetria (“mathematical harmony”), eurythmia er, will be a source of frustration for some scholars wish- (“visual harmony”), and decor (appropriate content) (40– ing to access this book for their research; but the jacket 5)—we can see how Roman architects worked. Laying cover, which features two of the pontarii of the Familia out their structures in basic geometrical shapes, they Gladiatoria Pulli Cornicinis contesting in full costume, combined simple proportions and ratios with even mea- should have prepared them for such an omission—but it surements that embodied “the ideals of Greco-Roman certainly will not prevent them from using and enjoying numerology” (83–4). Uniting the design of the whole owning this book. and its parts by arithmetical or geometrical relationships, they correlated plans and elevations with scale models Steven M. Cerutti and, to visualize final detailing, scratched full-scale, on- department of foreign languages site drawings into walls or pavements (chs. I–V). and literature Of such designs, the orders “are the DNA” (109). Yet, east carolina university within orders, details were “creatively” interpreted: sec- greenville, north carolina 27858-4353 ondary features migrated freely to form “hybrid” or [email protected] “mixed” orders. Superimposed orders rarely followed the supposedly canonical sequence of Doric, Ionic, and Corin- thian. Applied upper orders sometimes did not correspond Principles of Roman Architecture, by Mark Wil- with the orders below. Half-, three-quarter, or recessed son Jones. Pp. xi + 270, figs. 283, b&w pls. 228, color columns, heart-shaped antae, and pilasters (of standard pls. 55, tables 2. Yale University Press, New Ha- or stretched proportions) extended or replaced conven- ven and London 2000. $60. ISBN 0-300-08138-3 tionally rounded shafts. Columns carrying projecting enta- blatures (“ressauts”) enlivened otherwise plain walls; and, (cloth). in complex designs, giant Corinthian orders flanked small- How should the early 21st century interpret the archi- er superimposed Ionic orders (or vice versa). Apart from tecture of the Romans? In the introduction to his Princi- the ordinary triangular variety, pediments were lunate, ples of Roman Architecture, Mark Wilson Jones details some flat, segmental, arcuated, or split (like the applied pedi- of the approaches used since the Renaissance: analyses of ments on the curved southwest facade of the Markets of the arithmetic and geometry implicit in Roman architec- Trajan). And finally, all these features were combined tural design, study of the columnar orders with proper into bays, themselves units in repetitive or alternating attention to the allegedly rigid Vitruvian formulae on compositions (ch. VI). which they were supposedly based, comparative essays on But, of all the orders, the Corinthian appealed most individual monuments and their detailing. As Wilson Jones to Roman sensibilities. “At a guess two-thirds or more of 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 345 all imperial columns are Corinthian or variants, Compos- to the last century, most architects and scholars saw the ite included” (135). Whether or not Vitruvius’s famous building as a pastiche: an earlier porch awkwardly joined story (4.1.9) of Callimachus’s invention of the order is to a later rotunda. “An overwhelming accumulation of more than a charming anecdote, the chief elements of evidence” (202) proved, however, that the whole struc- the Corinthian capital, the “basket” (kalathos) and acan- ture is Hadrianic, begun in 117 or 118 C.E. How, then, thus leaves were important Greek funeral motifs from are all the observable architectural peculiarities to be the fifth century B.C.E. on. Initially, since, “in Mediter- explained? Wilson Jones’s famous answer (first published ranean climes some varieties of acanthus do not die back in 1987) is that the existing structure does not follow in winter . . . but maintain a lustrous green” (137), acan- the original design. Initially conceived for columns with thus leaves symbolized the triumph of life over death. 50 foot shafts (not the present 40 footers), a much high- Associated, consequently, with victory, they were subse- er porch would have smoothly dovetailed with the rotun- quently applied in stylized form to the curved kalathos da (avoiding the awkward second pediment above the where their flowing, upwardly reaching lines well suited roof of the existing porch) and joining the porch direct- a variety of architectural compositions. A richly intricate ly with the middle cornice of the rotunda (rather than, design (with strong contrasts of light and shade) and as in the existing building, abruptly terminating the porch past associations that were “classical . . . but not too cornice at its junction with the rotunda). Greek” (139) attracted Augustus to the order, and its So brief a summary does little justice to Wilson Jones’s continued important place in his propaganda assured large number of topics. Even a partial list is impressive: later popularity throughout the empire. The grandiose, methods of achieving entasis in antiquity and the Re- classicizing columns of the Temple of Mars Ultor in naissance (9, 127–32), the social background of Roman Augustus’s own forum in Rome set the visual standards architects (26–30), ancient plans and models (50–6), for the order; and two-thirds of the surviving columns Vitruvius and architectural design (58–63), mathemati- conform to two rules: (1) “the height of the abacus cal goals in centralized and circular plans (74–82), arith- equals the axial width of the abacus” (145), and (2) metic versus geometry in Roman architectural design (87– “the ratio between the height of the column and that 106), laying out differing bays in repetitive elevations of its shaft is 6:5” (147). Yet, different secondary pro- (118–9), proportion in plans and elevations (120–7), the portions produced visually unique orders: “grand, ornate, evolution and proportions of the Corinthian Order (140– founded upon mathematical principles . . . tailored to 56), the design of Trajan’s Forum (162–4), the predeces- serial repetition yet adaptable to a variety of tastes and sors of the Pantheon (177–82). programmes” (156) (ch. VII). Nor has Wilson Jones lost sight of the fact that his The last three chapters apply the design techniques architecture—a quintessentially three-dimensional art— listed above to two of imperial Rome’s most famous sur- had to be properly presented in photographs and draw- viving monuments: the Column of Trajan and the Pan- ings that both illustrated and advanced his arguments. theon. Excluding its base and the pedestal above the Thus, his visual components are dazzling: brilliant, sensi- Tuscan capital, the Column (ch. VIII) was designed to tively composed color photographs (many by the author), mark a height of 100 Roman feet (just as other build- numerous finely drawn plans (schematic and complete), ings in the imperial fora exhibit even dimensions and elevations, and sections (many again by the author). large-scale, simple proportions). But, in fact, the actual Taken altogether, these materials and the arguments height of the column “is 100½ to 101 ft., depending on they illustrate move us well beyond collection and de- the value used for the [Roman] foot” (165). This and scription. We can at last begin to see Roman buildings for similar irregularities suggest that, to assure the internal what they are: remarkably sophisticated designs laid out stair sufficient headroom as it passed through the ped- according to ancient arithmetic and geometric concepts. estal into the base, the Column was redesigned during Not incidentally, the resulting monuments were frequent- construction. ly grand, usually harmonious, and sometimes stunningly As the only largely intact building of imperial Rome, beautiful. In the absence of such indispensable modern the Pantheon often attracts attention solely for its re- tools as computer imaging (see, for example, John Burge’s markably preserved interior (ch. IX). But not for noth- remarkable reconstructions of the Pantheon, its “origi- ing did R. Lanciani call it “the Sphinx of the Campus nal design” and a view as built, reproduced on 213, figs. Martius” (The Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome [Bos- 10.19–20), Roman architects did sometimes make mis- ton and New York 1897] 473). When was it built? Is the takes. But, as in the case of Trajan’s Column or the Pan- surviving monument Augustan as the inscription on the theon, their intelligent solutions to problems produced entablature suggests? What is the structure’s purpose? “enchanting” and “intriguing” monuments “we have Does its exterior pediment and traditional name mean grown to love” (212). that it was really a “temple for all the gods?” After review- Wilson Jones’s work thus represents a major new schol- ing these questions, Wilson Jones examines the famous arly approach to the architecture of the Romans. Inter- geometry of the interior and closes the chapter with three ested amateurs, architects, and professional scholars alike, related discussions: a consideration of reactions (ancient we are all much indebted to him for showing us the way. to modern) to its design; a short section on the build- James E. Packer ing’s architect (Apollodorus of Damascus? Hadrian?); and a reading of the main features of the interior design. 328 corbett avenue, apt. b The next and last chapter (X) considers the difficult san francisco, california 94114-1819 problems connected with the Pantheon’s exterior. Prior [email protected] 346 BOOK REVIEWS [AJA 106
En Boqeq: Excavations in an Oasis on the Dead shoulders in figs. 2.4.1 and 2.5.15), it is possible that occu- Sea. Vol. 2, The Officina, An Early Roman pation can be extended slightly at either end, beginning in the early first century CE and ending with the outbreak Building on the Dead Sea Shore, by Moshe of the First Jewish Revolt against the Romans (66 C.E.). Fischer, Mordechai Gichon, and Oren Tal. Pp. xxx + The excavators identify the building as an officina 181, figs. 40, photographs 75, pls. 8, charts 20, because of numerous installations (such as pits, basins, tables 48. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz 2000. DM and ovens) found in the rooms and courtyard. Concen- 135, €69.02. ISBN 3-8053-1791-3 (cloth). trations of dates and date pits suggest that one of the products was date honey, as at Qumran. Other products This is the second volume reporting on excavations of the officina probably included unguents and perfumes conducted by Gichon between 1968 and 1981 at the
En (using date pulp, olive oil, and balsam oil) and mummifi- Boqeq oasis on the southwest shore of the Dead Sea. The cation balls (using bitumen from the Dead Sea). first volume (Mainz 1993) was devoted to the Late Ro- The excavators do not address the question of where the man-Early Byzantine fort (castellum). The present volume inhabitants lived. According to their reconstruction, the describes a water supply system and an early Roman build- officina was only one story high, with a flat roof that could ing that the excavators identify as an officina (a workshop) have been used for activities such as drying dates and palm for the manufacture of cosmetic products. fronds. Although the walls are only 0.60–0.70 m thick, some The first chapter describes the water supply system, of the rooms apparently had a second-story level: a stone datable to the early Roman period with reuse in the late base for a wooden column found in the middle of room 5 Roman and early Byzantine period. Two aqueducts from would have supported an upper floor, and a staircase in the springs in Nahal Boqeq supplied the buildings and irri- southeast corner of the courtyard (room 7), abutting room gated agricultural fields. 5, would have led up to it (similar staircases lead to second- Most of the volume is devoted to the officina, with chap- story rooms in L13 and L113 at Qumran). Perhaps some of ters by various authors on the stratigraphy and architecture, the floors and layers in these rooms that were interpreted pottery, stone vessels, glass vessels, metal artifacts, coins, in- by the excavators as different occupational subphases in- dustrial activities and products, wood remains, and animal, stead represent the collapsed upper story. fish, and poultry bones. The officina is a courtyard building Who occupied the officina at
En Boqeq? Although the measuring about 15 × 20 m and oriented roughly toward the excavators seem to favor Y. Hirschfeld’s suggestion that, like cardinal points. It has two main entrances, one each in the Qumran and other sites, the officina was a “fortified estate” middle of the north and south walls. Two rooms (6, 4) occu- (143), the similarities with Qumran are limited: workshops, pied the eastern and western sides of an open courtyard and the arrangement of rooms around a central courtyard, rela- two more rooms (5, 2) flanked the southern entrance. tively simple construction, and an assemblage of mostly local An earlier square tower (room 1) was incorporated into ceramic types. The excavators also “attribute the operating the southwest corner of the officina. A single intact bowl of the officina to a particular Jewish sect or community” (141). (fig. 2.1.1) provides dating evidence for the tower (stratum But none of the peculiar features that identify Qumran as a III), to which should be added a complete ovoid jar (fig. sectarian settlement is found at
En Boqeq, including the 2.7.1) discovered just outside the northeast corner of the numerous miqva’ot (Jewish ritual baths), the animal bone tower (therefore, not a “foundation deposit” for the offici- deposits, the large adjacent cemetery, the cylindrical jars, na). Based on a coin of Herod the Great found in the and scrolls in nearby caves. Given the proximity of perennial earliest occupation level of the officina, the excavators date springs, the absence of miqva’ot in the officina means that the establishment of the tower to his reign. The pottery the population could not be sectarian. Among the contem- supports this chronology. The bowl has a close parallel from porary sites along the shores of the Dead Sea, the officina an occupation phase at Ein Feshkha that postdates the earth- most closely resembles the main building at Ein Feshkha: it quake of 31 B.C.E., while the ovoid jar represents a regional has similar dimensions and disposition of rooms around a variant of the cylindrical jars associated with the Dead Sea courtyard (including a corresponding second-story level on Scrolls at Qumran. Unlike the cylindrical jars, ovoid jars are the west side), was associated with extensive industrial instal- attested in pre-31 B.C.E. contexts at Qumran. This variant lations, and is also located by springs. It therefore seems safer has a wider, bag-shaped body, sometimes with an everted to identify both sites as farmhouses or small estates with rim and two large vertical ring handles on the sloping shoul- workshops for the manufacture of regional products. der; these jars (equivalent to R. Bar-Nathan’s Type 2a at The excavators have no doubt about the ethnicity of Jericho) are attested in Qumran period Ib contexts that the inhabitants: “definitely Jewish” (141). This conclu- date before 31 B.C.E. sion is based on the relative proximity of
En Boqeq to The officina’s main period of occupation dates to the the Jewish village at Ein Gedi, the fact that Jews were first century C.E. (stratum II), with a final period of oc- renowned for their pharmaceutical production, and on cupation during the Bar-Kokhba Revolt (132–135 C.E.; the presence of “Jewish” stone (chalk) vessels. It is true stratum I). In stratum II the excavators distinguished two that some of the finds from the site are characteristically phases: (1) Valerius Gratus to Pontius Pilate (ca. 18/19– Judean, including the wheelmade (“Herodian”) oil lamps 30/31 C.E.), and (2) Pontius Pilate to Antonius Felix (ca. (the only type found), many of the other pottery types, 31/32–54/55 C.E.). Because the latest coins date to 54/ and the stone vessels. Stone vessels are usually associat- 55 C.E., the excavators believe that the officina was aban- ed with Jewish presence, since according to Jewish law, doned then, but since coins remain in circulation for long stone cannot contract ritual impurity. However, only 15 periods, and because a few ceramic types from stratum II rim and body fragments representing six different pro- appear to be late (such as the cooking pots with carinated files were found at
En Boqeq. Other finds include Naba- 2002] BOOK REVIEWS 347 taean cream ware jugs, Nabataean cooking pots, Nabatae- itage site, “with all these quarries and pits, a wide strip of an sigillata, Nabataean painted bowls, and Nabataean countryside must at first have been reduced to some- coins. This is hardly surprising considering
En Boqeq’s thing resembling a lunar landscape.” location near a fluid border with Nabataea. And the fact The Romans mass-produced the iron tools needed for that 18% of the animal bones recovered belong to pigs is land-clearance, they introduced the spade and improved difficult to reconcile with a purely Jewish population. The the plow. They built at least 1,000 villas in many local varia- officina was more likely occupied, at least in part, by a tions of material, and they planted new flowers and fruit. non-Jewish (presumably Nabataean) population. The in- The towns, with their packed rectangular buildings, were termingling of Jews and Nabataeans in the region to the likewise new to Britain. Visually they were dominated by a southeast of the Dead Sea is attested by nearly contem- forum basilica, like Medieval cities by their cathedral, and porary documents from the Babatha archive. perhaps by other public buildings. There is a little evidence The final publication of the excavations at
En Boqeq of urban trees, but weeds are indicated by the nettles that makes it possible to understand better the character and germinated from sealed Roman soil at Cirencester. Wacher patterns of settlement along the shores of the Dead Sea does not really discuss the vexed question of “black earth” in the Roman and Byzantine periods. We are grateful to in London, and whether the city was in decline by the third the excavators for publishing this information carefully century, but he catches glimpses of the “archaeology of the and thoroughly. mind” in the Leicester glassworker who melted down coin- age illegally to extract its silver, and the thieves who were Jodi Magness cursed at Bath and Lydney. departments of classics and art history In the countryside there was deforestation, mining, quar- 321 eaton hall rying, and clay-digging. The ironworks at Beauport Park tufts university produced 100,000 tons of slag. Resurfacing the streets of medford, massachusetts 02155 Cirencester used an estimated 150,000 m3 of aggregate. [email protected] Despite a marginal use of coal, there was virtually an energy crisis. Wacher estimates that it took 20–25 ha of woodland to heat a small bathhouse; if these were coppiced on an 8- A Portrait of Roman Britain, by John Wacher. Pp. year cycle, it would take 160–200 ha to heat just three 139, figs. 52. Routledge, London 2000. $75. ISBN rooms. In Roman Britain, 500,000 ha of managed woodland were needed simply to keep the inhabitants clean and warm. 0-415-03321-7 (cloth). Wacher outlines a chronology familiar from Frere’s Brit- The orator Symmachus once imagined Germans eyeing a annia: enlargement of the province for the first 100 years, new Roman province where “already the high roofs of forts a complicated northern frontier, few third-century prob- glowed red in the distance.” The “unfriendly terrain” the lems, rural prosperity peaking in the mid-fourth century, Romans had just annexed “knew nothing of towns before; followed by decline and then the disappearance of villas, it had been a wilderness of wattle huts and grass roofs.” This towns, and industry in the early fifth century, the landscape is the theme of John Wacher’s latest book, the Roman reverting to something like its pre-Roman state. But many impact upon the form, color, and texture of the British visible traces remain, from field banks to Hadrian’s Wall. landscape. Like Symmachus, he sees “roofs often tiled, giv- There are few errors. The Antonine Wall was not aban- ing vibrant splashes of red to the scene,” above walls of doned “in the early 180s” (40), but in ca. 161 (thus cor- “lime-wash of varying shades of whiteness” or of “exposed rectly, 100). Hill-top Uley is not a “valley” temple site stone [variously] pale yellow, brown, red and dark red.” It is (54). Dendrochronology has now proved that Cerialis (97) a book informed by visual sense and imagination, but firmly reached Carlisle. The Huggin Hill baths did not draw based upon evidence. Its author is an emeritus professor of their water from the Thames (61), but from springs. The archaeology, but he remembers weeding cornfields when form “Togidubnus” is better than the traditional “Cogidub- he was a boy, and the smell of horse dung in the streets of nus” (89, 98). It is misleading to say that Magnentius Canterbury. He has a feeling for actualities: excavation shows “survived in Britain for two more years” (106), since he that Roman streets were muddy, that there were epidemic never went there, and it is unlikely that Stilicho came in diseases in the towns, that industry scarred the landscape 396 (107). For “Birdoswald” (129) read “Vindolanda.” and spewed out poisonous fumes. Certain controversies are skirted. Wacher assumes the in- The Romans in A.D. 43 invaded an island where much vaders landed at Richborough (30, 41). He claims that “there of the southeast had been brought under cultivation by is some evidence that by the later second century, members people who lived in thatched round huts, leaving their of the garrison were also engaged in farming” (39), but text- mark in surviving barrows, hill-forts, field-systems, and based historians are wary of peasant-soldiers. He sees agricul- trackways, a landscape to which the Romans brought tural slaves and serfs almost as indistinguishable (52), but masonry and a network of roads that lasted until the “serfdom” and latifundia (104) are loose, anachronistic terms: Motorway age. Wacher estimates that the army cleared the Roman colonate is a complicated question, and latifundia 500 km2 of woodland in the first 150 years. A cavalry fort is a first-century term for conditions in Italy perhaps a centu- such as Cirencester needed 360 ha to pasture the horses, ry earlier. Wacher claims that many hilltop temples “probably and another 75–150 ha of corn to feed them and their represent a return to older, religious values at a time when riders, representing the tax-yield on 750–1000 ha of cul- Christianity was in the ascendant” (54), but he is trusting tivated land. Inchtuthil, the first stone-walled fortress, Wheeler’s dating of Maiden Castle and Lydney; Ann Wood- needed 38,000 m3 of quarried stone, and Hadrian’s Wall ward’s excavation of Uley has revealed quite a different pic- envisaged no less than 1.5 million m3. In this World Her- ture. Wacher connects the “Senicianus” ring at Silchester 348 BOOK REVIEWS with the Senicianus cursed at Lydney for stealing a ring, but Ireland and the Classical World is divided into three belatedly admits (83) that “this is all, of course, entirely con- chapters. The first deals very briefly with objects of Ro- jectural.” He sees the first-century military dispositions as a man date found on the island. It is a balanced summary “defence in depth” (100), but they were not designed to of the present state of knowledge presenting the mate- resist invaders (no problem at this date), but to control con- rial century by century but with little commentary, quered territory. though Freeman rightly emphasizes the remarkable col- These are minor points. Wacher’s book is ideal for lection of items—surely votive offerings—found at the courses in landscape history, with one reservation—not ancient Neolithic tomb of Newgrange on the River the absence of footnotes (their want is supplied by an Boyne. Could it be an early pilgrimage site visited by the excellent annotated bibliography), nor the illustrations, Britons? which reduce good photographs to misty photocopies. Chapter 2 is an equally short, but no less valuable, essay The reservation must be the price: $75 or £45 for a non- on the influence of the Latin language on early Irish specialist book of 139 pages. before the time of St. Patrick. The discussion ranges from Latin loan-words to the origins of the Ogam alphabet. R.S.O. Tomlin The introduction over, the author then turns to his wolfson college principal theme, which occupies the rest of the book, oxford university the testimony of the Classical authors. In a hundred or so oxford ox2 6ud pages he gathers together all the Classical texts that re- [email protected] fer to Ireland and the Irish, beginning with the Ora maritima of Avienus, which may incorporate sixth-centu- ry B.C. material, and ending with Stephanus of Byzan- Ireland and the Classical World, by Philip Free- tium who wrote in the sixth century A.D. For each of the man. Pp. xvi + 148, figs. 22, pls. 5, tables 6. Univer- 34 sources he provides an introduction to the author and sity of Texas Press, Austin 2001. $35.00. ISBN 0- the work, the relevant text in its original Greek or Latin and in English translation, and a careful balanced discus- 292-72518-3 (cloth). sion of its content and significance. In A.D. 82 the Roman general Julius Agricola stood on It will be a great relief to many to know that this is not the shore of southwest Scotland and looked across the a detailed textual critique. What the author is intent to North Channel to the distant coast of Ireland—a barbar- do—and does supremely well—is to present, as simply as ian island comparatively well known from tales brought possible, the significance of the texts in such a way as to back by merchants and traders. Agricola would have known chart the changing geographic and ethnographic per- these and he had in his entourage an Irish king, driven ceptions that the Classical world held of this mysterious out by some internal dispute, who would surely have pro- Atlantic island. We can see how the geography comes vided him with insights into the political situation. Yet increasingly into sharp focus, culminating in Ptolemy’s his assessment, according to his son-in-law Cornelius Tac- remarkably accurate “map” of Ireland compiled in the itus, was that the entire island could be conquered and second century A.D., and how the stereotype of the Irish occupied by a single legion backed up by a moderate as incestuous cannibals gradually dies away. number of auxiliaries. The invasion was never attempted This is a work of rigorous scholarship based on meticu- and throughout the three and a half centuries that much lous research, but the author’s prose is as effortless as it is of the British Isles was under Roman occupation Ireland enthusiastic. Ireland and the Classical World is a major remained free. Or did it? From time to time isolated ar- source book but one that can be read with pleasure. chaeological discoveries in Ireland have been eagerly Reading the texts in full and comparing them with seized upon as proof of Roman occupation. But the truth the totality of the archaeological evidence is a salutary is that there is not a single scrap of evidence to suggest exercise for archaeologist and historian alike since it re- that a Roman soldier ever set foot there, though there minds us with some force how little we actually can know. was of course lively trade between the two islands, and in Who was it who buried the hoard of Roman silver ingots the late third and fourth centuries the Irish raided Brit- at Balline, Co. Limerick in the early fifth century and ain and many will have returned with their loot. under what circumstances? And how did a Roman pot of The relationship between Ireland and the classical second-century date end up on Porcupine Bank in the world has been a source of fascination for scholars for Atlantic 250 km west of Ireland—did it come from a ship more than a century. It has long been known that mate- seriously off course or an unrecorded journey of explora- rial of Roman date has been found in Ireland. The first tion? In spite of a century of discoveries and Freeman’s comprehensive list was published by Francis Haverfield excellent survey of all the relevant texts, Ireland in the in 1913 since when, every so often, such lists have been Classical world still retains its mystery. updated and reinterpreted culminating in the Royal Irish Barry Cunliffe Academy’s colloquium on “Hiberno-Roman Relations and Material Remains” held in 1974. But while the archaeo- institute of archaeology logical finds have been critically and carefully discussed, 36 beaumont street the rich documentary evidence has until now been rath- oxford ox1 2pg er cursorily treated. This surprising lack has at last been united kingdom made good by Philip Freeman’s most welcome book. [email protected] BOOKS RECEIVED

Adams, E. Charles, ed. Homol’ovi. Vol. 3, A Pueblo Hamlet Bowersock, G.W., Peter Brown, and Oleg Grabar, eds. in the Middle Little Colorado River Valley. (Arizona State Interpreting Late Antiquity: Essays on the Postclassical World. Museum Archaeological Series 193.) Pp. xvi + 373, figs. Pp. xv + 280, figs. 43, maps 2. Harvard University Press, 80, tables 130. The University of Arizona Press, Tucson Cambridge 2001. $19.95. ISBN 0-674-00598-8 (paper). 2001. $24.95. ISBN 1-889747-71-8 (paper). Bradford, P.M. The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Alcock, Susan E., John F. Cherry, and Jas Elsner, Eds. Medieval Eastern Europe. Pp. xvi + 416, figs. 72, maps 12. Pausanias: Travel and Memory in Roman Greece. Pp. x + Cornell University Press, Ithaca 2001. $39.95. ISBN 0- 379, figs. 20, table 1, maps 5. Oxford University Press, 8014-3977-9 (cloth). New York 2001. $65. ISBN 0-19-512-816-8 (cloth). Brant, J. Rasmus, and Lars Karlsson, eds. From Huts to Aldeeb abu-sahlieh, Sami A. Male and Female Circumci- Houses: Transformations of Ancient Societies. Proceedings of sion. (Marco Polo Monographs.) Pp. 400, pls. 25. Shangri- an International Seminar Organized by the Norwegian and La Publications, Warren Center, Penn. 2001. $36. ISBN Swedish Institutes in Rome, 21–24 September 1997. (SkrRom, 0-9677201-8-2 (paper). 4o, 56.) Pp. 470, figs. 412, tables 16. Paul Åströms, Augier, L., P. Bailly, C. Batardy, C. Barthélémy, R. Stockholm 2001. $64.50. ISSN 0081-993X (AnalRom), Benarrous, O. Buchsenschutz, M. Caron, F. Duceppe- 0065-0900 (ActaAArtHist); ISBN 91-7042-163-3 (paper). Lamarre, F. Dumasy, R. Durand, C. Gandini, L. Laüt, Brouskari, Maria S. Τ θωρκι τ Να τς Αθνας A. Maussion, M. Menu, P.Y. Milcent, B. Pradat, I. Νκης. (Αρ αιλγικ Εφηµερς 137.) Pp. iii + 268, Ralston, and B. Vannière (with preface by M. Sapin). plans and drawings 19, pls. 86. Archaeological Society at Le Berry Antique: Atlas 2000. (Revue Archéologique du Athens, Athens 1998. $80. ISSN 1105-0950. Centre de la France, Suppl. 21.) Pp. 190, b&w ills. 4, color Buchsenschutz, Olivier, Anne Colin, Gérard Firmin, ills. 11, charts 24, tables 5, maps 181. Ferac-Adel, Tours Brigitte Fischer, Jean-Paul Guillaumet, Sophie 2000. €36.59; FF 240. ISSN 1159-7151; ISBN 2-913272- Krausz, Marc Levéry, Philippe Marinval, Laure 04-3 (paper). Orellana, and Alain Pierret (with collaboration of Bahrani, Zainab. Women of Babylon: Gender and Representa- Marie-Paule Andréo, Christophe Bailly, and Marie- tion in Mesopotamia. Pp. xii + 212, pls. 44. Routledge, New Bernadette Chardenoux). Le Village celtique des Arènes York 2001. $75. ISBN 0-415-21830-6 (cloth). à Levroux: Synthèses. (Revue Archéologique du Centre de Bailey, F.G. Strategies and Spoils: A Social Anthropology of la France, Suppl. 19, Levroux 5.) Pp. 333, ills. 278, photo- Politics. Pp. xiv + 256. Westview Press, Boulder 2001. $27. graphs 4, maps 3. Ferac-Adel, Tours 2000. FF 260. ISSN ISBN 0-8133-3933-2 (paper). 1159-7151; ISBN 2-913272-04-5 (paper). Bailey, F.G. Treasons, Stratagems, and Spoils: How Leaders Burleigh, Michael. The Third Reich: A New History. Pp. xv Make Practical Use of Beliefs and Values. Pp. xiii + 224. + 965, figs. 10, maps 5. Hill and Wang, New York 2000. Westview Press, Boulder 2001. $26. ISBN 0-8133-3904-9 $18. ISBN 0-8090-9326-X (paper). (paper). Byock, Jesse. Viking Age Iceland. Pp. xxi + 448, figs. 13, Baker, Rosalie F., and Charles F. Baker III. Ancient Egyp- maps 37. Penguin Books, London 2001. $15. ISBN 0- tians: People of the Pyramids. Pp. 189, figs. 76, table 1, maps 140-29115-6 (paper). 3. Oxford University Press, New York 2001. $40. ISBN 0- Chippindale, Christopher, and Paul S.C. Tacon, eds. 19-512221-6 (cloth). The Archaeology of Rock Art. Pp. xviii + 371, figs. 205, Balmuth, Miriam S., ed. Hacksilber to Coinage: New Insights tables 11. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2000. into the Monetary History of the Near East and Greece. (Nu- $ 29.95. ISBN 0-521-57619-9 (paper). mismatic Studies 24.) Pp. 134, figs. 14, pls. 24, tables 19. Ciatowicz, Krzysztof M. La Naissace d’un royaume: L’Égypt The American Numismatic Society, New York 2001. $50. de la période prédynastique à la fin de la I ère Dynastie. Pp. 259, ISSN 051-7404-X; ISBN 0-89722-281-4 (cloth). figs. 39, pls. 4, tables 3, map 1. Institute of Archaeology, Barbieri, Gabriella. Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum. Italia. Jagiellonian University, Krakow 2001. $20. ISBN 83-7188- Vol. 5, Viterbo. Museo Nazionale Archeologico. Pp. 205, pls. 483-4 (paper). 42. L’ERMA di Bretschneider, Rome 1999. Lit 300,000, Colstream, J.N., L.J. Eiring, and G. Forester. Knossos $171, €155. ISBN 88-8265-050-2 (cloth). Pottery Handbook: Greek and Roman. (BSA Studies 7.) Pp. Bernhard-Walcher, A., G. Dembski, K. Gschwantler, 224, figs. 68, pls. 43. The British School at Athens, Lon- and V. Karageorghis. Die Sammlung zyprischer Antiken im don 2001. £46. ISBN 0-904887-38-3 (cloth). Kunsthistorischen Museum. Verlag der Österreichischen Connor, Peter, and Heather Jackson. Greek Vases at the Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna 1999. ISBN 3- University of Melbourne. Pp. 207, color pls. 85, CD-ROM 1. 85497-006-1 (cloth). The University of Melbourne Press, Victoria 2000. ISBN Bonfante, Larissa, and Vassos Karageorghis, eds. Italy 1-876832-07-X (cloth). and Cyprus in Antiquity: 1500–450 B.C. Proceedings of an Cooley, Alison, ed. The Afterlife of Inscriptions: Reusing, International Symposium Held at the Italian Academy for Ad- Rediscovering, Reinventing, and Revitalizing Ancient Inscrip- vanced Studies in America at Columbia University, November tions. (BICS Suppl. 75.) Pp. xiv + 203, figs. 66. Institute of 16–18, 2000. Pp. xv + 393, figs. 53, pls. 41, table 1, maps Classical Studies, London 2000. £45. ISBN 0-900587-86- 5. The Costakis and Leto Severis Foundation, Nicosia 5 (paper). 2001. CYP £35. ISBN 9963-8102-3-3 (paper). Cooley, Alison, ed. The Epigraphic Landscape of Roman 349 350 BOOKS RECEIVED [AJA 106

Italy. (BICS Suppl. 73.) Pp. xiv + 212, figs. 16, maps 3. veneti preromani e romani del santuario di Lagole de Calalzo Institute of Classical Studies, London 2000. £45. ISBN 0- al Museo di Pieve di Cadore. (Collezioni e Musei 900587-84-9 (paper). Archeologici del Veneto 44.) Pp. 403, line drawings 185, Coralini, Antonella. Hercules domesticus: Immagini di b&w pls. 590, tables 7, maps 2. Giorgio Bretschneider Ercole nelle case della regione vesuviana (Io secolo a.C.–79 Editore, Rome 2001. Lit 700,000. ISSN 0392-0879; ISBN d.C.). (Studi della Soprintendenza Archeologica de 88-7689-207-9 (cloth). Pompei 4.) Pp. 279, figs. 288, color pls. 25, tables 2. Electa Fontanille, Jean-Philippe, and Sheldon Lee Gosline. Napoli, Bologna 2001. Lit 280,000, €144.60. ISBN 88- The Coins of Pontius Pilate. (Marco Polo Monographs.) Pp. 435-8568-1 (paper). vi + 175, figs. 147, color pls. 147. Shangri-La Publica- Corbey, raymond, and Wil Roebroeks, eds. Studying Hu- tions, Warren Center, Penn. 2001. $26. ISBN 0-9677201- man Origins: Disciplinary History and Epistemology. 5-X (paper). (Amsterdam Archaeological Studies 6.) Pp. viii + 174, fig. Fromentin, Valérie, and Sophie Gotteland, eds. Origines 1, tables 4. Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2001. Gentium. (Ausonius Publications, Études 7.) Pp. 393, figs. $39. ISBN 90-5356-464-0 (cloth). 19, chart 1, maps 2. Diffusion de Boccard, Paris 2001. De Felice, John. Roman Hospitality: The Professional Women €55; FF 361. ISSN 1283-2200; ISBN 2-910023-24-9 of Pompeii. (Marco Polo Monographs.) Pp. 306, figs. 17, (cloth). color pls. 4. Shangri-La Publications, Warren Center, Penn. Gerstel, Sharon E.J., and Julie A. Lauffenburger, eds. 2001. $26. ISBN 0-9677201-8-4 (paper). A Lost Art Rediscovered: The Architectural Ceramics of Dobson, Nick, and Peter van Alfen, eds. (with Joann Byzantium. Pp. xvii + 318, figs. 593, tables 8, maps 5. The Gulizio, Dimitri Nakassis, Stephie Nikoloudis, Walters Art Museum, Baltimore, with Penn State Univer- Kevin Pluta, Francoise Rougement, Jorg sity Press, University Park 2001. $75. ISBN 0-271-02139- Weilhartner, and Muserref Yetim). Studies in X (paper). Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect 1996–1997. Pp. 247. Giesen, Katharina. Zyprische Fibeln: Typologie und Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory, Department Chronologie. (SIMA 161.) Pp. 466, line drawings 76, tables of Classics, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin 2001. 8. Paul Åströms, Jonsered 2001. $32.20. ISBN 91-7081- $25 faculty, $15 students/seniors. ISBN 0-9649410-5-8 171-7 (paper). (paper). Gosline, Sheldon Lee. Archaeogender: Studies in Gender’s Edmonson, Jonathon, Trinidad Nogales Basarrate, Material Culture. (Marco Polo Monographs.) Pp. 293, figs. and Walter trillmich. Imagen y memoria: Monumentos 18, tables 18. Shangri-La Publications, Warren Center, funerarios con retratos en la Colonia Augusta Emerita. Penn. 1999. $34.50. ISBN 0-9677201-2-5 (cloth). (Bibliotheca Archaeologica Hispana 10, Mongrafias Haerinck, Ernie (with an appendix by Pamela Stone). Emeritenses 6.) Pp. 253, figs. 68, pls. 83, tables 9. Real Excavations at ed-Dur (Umm al-Qaiwain, United Arab Emir- Academia de la Historia Museo Nacional del Arte Romano, ates). Vol. 2, The Tombs. Pp. 110, b&w pls. 313, color pls. Madrid 2001. ISBN 84-89512-92-2 (cloth). 30. Peeters, Leuven 2001. ISBN 90-429-0997-8 (paper). Erdrich, Michael. Rom und die Barbaren: Das Verhaltnis Hallote, Rachel S. Death, Burial and Afterlife in the Biblical zwischen dem Imperium romanum und den germanischen World: How the Israelites and Their Neighbors Treated the Stammen vor seiner Nordwestgrenze von der späten römischen Dead. Pp. 237, map 1. Ivan R. Dee, Chicago 2001. $26.50. Republik bis zum gallischen Sonderreich. (Römisch- ISBN 1-56663-401-6 (cloth). germanische Forschungen 58.) Pp. xi + 192, figs. 14, Harrison, Martin. Mountain and Plain: From the Lycian tables 12, map 1. Phillip von Zabern, Mainz 2001. DM 98. Coast to the Phrygian Plateau in the Late Roman and Early ISBN 3-8053-2622-X (cloth). Byzantine Period. Pp. x + 127, figs. 25, pls. 54, color pls. 4, Faraone, Christopher A. Ancient Greek Love Magic. Pp. xii maps 9. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 2001. + 223, tables 5. Harvard University Press, Cambridge 2001. $65. ISBN 0-472-11084-5 (cloth). $20. ISBN 0-674-00696-8 (paper). Herb, Michael. Der Wettkampf in den Marschen: Quellen Fiema, Z.T., C. Kanelopoulos, T. Waliszewski, and R. kritische, naturkundliche und sporthistorische Untersuchungen Schick, eds. (with contributions by Catherine S. zu einem altägyptischen Szenetyp. (Nikephoros Beihefte. Alexander, Khairieh
Amr, John Wilson Betlyon, Beiträge zu Sport und Kultur im Alterum 5.) Pp. iv + 504, Patricia Maynor Bikai, Pierre M. Bikai, Glen W. figs. 97, charts 77, maps 2. Weidmann, Hildesheim 2001. Bowersock, J.C.N. Coulston, Robert W. Daniel, DM 128. ISSN 0931-4040; ISBN 3-615-00226-1. Bronwyn Douglas, Nazeh Fino, Cesare Fiori, Zaraza Hope, Colin A. Egyptian Pottery. (Shire Egyptology 5.) Pp. Friedman, Yvonne Gerber, Omar Al-Ghul, Martin 64, figs. 75, map 1. Shire Books, Buckinghamshire 2001. Henig, John J. Herrmann Jr., Richard N. Jones, Nabil £4.99. ISBN 0-7478-0494-X (paper). Khairy, Fatma Marii, Eleanor E. Myers, J. Wilson Hoskin, Michael. Tombs, Temples and Their Orientations: A Myers, Margaret O’Hea, Thomas R. Paradise, Marie- New Perspective on Mediterranean Prehistory. Pp. viii + 264, Jeanne Roche, Kenneth W. Russell, Helena Sokolov, figs. 36, pls. 88, tables 15, maps 15. Ocarina Books, Sus- Jacqueiline Studer, Susan B. Tillack, Jan Vihonen, sex 2001. $34.95. ISBN 0-9540867-1-6 (paper). and Peter warnock). The Petra Church. (American Cen- Hume, Ivor Noel. If These Pots Could Talk: Collecting 2000 ter of Oriental Research Publications 3.) Pp. xv + 447, Years of British Household Pottery. Pp. xix + 453, figs. 648. figs. 546, color figs. 141, tables 8, maps 2. The American Chipstone Foundations, Milwaukee 2001. $65. ISBN 1- Center of Oriental Research, Amman 2001. $150. ISBN 58465-161-X(cloth). 9957-8543-0-5 (cloth). Hunt, Terry L., Carl P. Lipo, and Sarah Sterling, eds. Fogolari, Giulia, and Giovanna Gambacurta. Materiali Posing Questions for a Scientific Archaeology. (Scientific Ar- 2002] BOOKS RECEIVED 351

chaeology for the Third Millennium.) Pp. xii + 315, figs. DM 97.90. ISSN 0178-1154; ISBN 3-11-017231-3 (paper). 16, tables 30, maps 7. Bergin and Garvey, Westport, Conn. Moreno, Paolo. Apelles: The Alexander Mosaic. Pp. 135, b&w 2001. $67.50. ISBN 0-89789-753-6 (cloth). pls. 61, color pls. 23. Skira Editore, Milano 2001. $45. Isbell, Charles D. God’s Scribes: How the Bible Became the ISBN 88-8188-864-3 (cloth). Bible. (Marco Polo Monographs.) Pp. xiv + 270. Shangri- Musee Rath Geneve, with Jean-Paul Descoeudres, ed. La Publications, Warren Center, Penn. 1999. $26. ISBN Ostia: Port et porte de la Rome antique. Pp. xvi + 456, b&w 0-9677201-3-3 (paper). figs. 581, color figs. 117, tables 2, maps 9. Musées d’Art Isler-Kerenyi, Cornelia. Dionysos nella Grecia arcaica: Il d’Histoire Genève and Georg Editeur, Paris 2001. FF 380, contributo delle immagini. (Filologia e Critica Collana 87.) €57.03. ISBN 2-8306-0190-4 (Musées d’Art d’Histoire Pp. 271, figs. 7, pls. 69. Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Genève); 2-8257-0728-7 (Georg Editeur) (paper). Internazionali, Pisa 2001. Lit 80,000. ISBN 88-8147-230- Neils, Jennifer. The Parthenon Frieze. Pp. xix + 294, figs. 9 (paper). 180, CD-ROM 1. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Kenaan-Kedar, Nurith, and Asher Ovadiah, eds. The 2001. $65. ISBN 0-521-64161-6 (cloth). Metamorphosis of Marginal Images: From Antiquity to Present Ness, Lester. Written in the Stars: Ancient Zodiac Mosaics. Time. Pp. ix + 234, figs. 165, table 1, maps 2. Tel Aviv (Marco Polo Monographs.) Pp. viii + 258, figs. 27, maps University Press, Tel Aviv 2001. ISSN 0793-8381 (paper). 3. Shangri-La Publications, Warren Center, Penn. 1999. Keyser, James D., and Michael A. Klassen. Plains Indian $34.50. ISBN 0-9677201-1-7 (cloth). Rock Art. Pp. xii + 332, figs. 356, pls. 50, maps 16. Univer- Neuser, jacob, and James F. Strange, eds. Religious Texts sity of Washington Press, Seattle 2002. $24.95. ISBN 0- and Material Contexts. (Studies in Ancient Judaism.) Pp. x 295-98094-X (paper). + 319, figs. 40, tables 2. University Press of America, Kingsley, Sean, and Michael Decker, eds. Economy and Lanham, Md. 2001. $53. ISBN 0-7618-2062-0 (cloth). Exchange in the East Mediterranean during Late Antiquity: Newsome, Elizabeth A. Trees of Paradise and Pillars of the Proceedings of a Conference at Sommerville College, Oxford, World: The Serial Stela Cycle of “18-Rabbit-god K,” King of 29th May, 1999. Pp. vi + 178, figs 33, tables 4, maps 6. Copan. (The Linda Schele Series in Maya and Pre- Oxbow, Oxford 2001. $39.95. ISBN 1-84217-044-9 (pa- Columbian Studies.) Pp. xx + 272, figs. 43, ills. 112, tables per). 4, maps 6. University of Texas Press, Austin 2001. $45. Lehman, Stefan. Mythologische Prachtreliefs. Pp. 226, figs.79, ISBN 0-292-75572-4 (cloth). pls. 48. Eric Weiss, Bamberg 1996. DM 98. ISBN 3-928591- O’Conner, David, and Eric H. Cline, eds. Amenhotep III: 81-9 (paper). Perspectives on His Religion. Pp. xvi + 428, figs. 19, pls. 56, Lissarrague, François (translation by Kim Allen). Greek maps 4. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 2001. Vases: The Athenians and Their Images. Pp. 241, figs. 33, $24.95. ISBN 0-472-08833-5 (paper). color ills. 147. Riverside Book Company, New York 2001. Oxe, August, and Howard Comfort. Corpus Vasorum $75. ISBN 1-878351-57-5(cloth). Arretinorum, 2nd ed. (Antiquitas 3.) Pp. xiv + 554, figs. Lister, Florence C., and Robert H. Lister (with photog- 2592, tables 3, maps 8, CD-ROM 1. Habelt, Bonn 2000. raphy by Paul Smutko). Maiolica Olé: Spanish and Mexi- $196. ISBN 3-7749-3029-5 (cloth). can Decorative Traditions Featuring the Collection of the Mu- Pacetti, Maria Stella. Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum. Italia. seum of International Folk Art. Pp. 176, b&w fig. 1, color Vol. 4, Orvieto. Museo Claudio Faina. Pp. 164, figs. 5, pls. photographs 179, color maps 3. Museum of New Mexico 34. L’ERMA di Bretschneider, Rome 1998. Lit 300,000, Press, Santa Fe 2001. $50 (cloth); $32.50 (paper). ISBN $171, €155. ISBN 88-8265-028-6 (cloth). 0-89013-388-3 (cloth); 0-89013-389-1 (paper). Partida, Elena C. The Treasuries at Delphi: An Architectural Marin, Geoffrey Thorndike, Jacobus Van Dijk, Marrten Study. (SIMA 160.) Pp. 412, figs. 57, pls. 46. Paul Åströms, J. Raven, Barbara G. Aston, David A. Aston, Eugen Jonsered 2000. $36.90. ISSN 0283-8494; ISBN 91-7081- Strouhal, Ladislava Horackova, Hans D. Schneider, 169-5 (paper). and Rene Van Walsam. The Tombs of Three Memphite Offi- Peter Van Alfen, ed., and Christina Bush, Nick Dob- cials: Ramose, Khay and Pabes. Pp. xv + 150, figs. 46, pls. son, Joann Gulizio, Amanda Krauss, Stephie 39. Egypt Exploration Society, London 2001. £52. ISBN Nikoloudis, and Kevin Pluta. Studies in Mycenaean In- 085698-148-6 (cloth). scriptions and Dialect 1994–1995. Pp. 296. Program in Mayer, Enrique. The Articulated Peasant: Household Eco- Aegean Scripts and Prehistory, Department of Classics, nomics in the Andes. Pp. xvii + 390, figs. 17, pls. 2, tables 6, University of Texas at Austin, Austin 1999. $25 faculty, maps 5. Westview Press, Boulder 2001. $31. ISBN 0-8133- $15 students/seniors. ISBN 0-9649410-3-1 (paper). 3716-X (paper). Pitts, Mike. Hengeworld: Why was Stonehenge Built?. Pp. 409, Mayr, Ernst. What Evolution Is. Pp. xv + 318, figs. 35, tables figs. 34, pls. 21, tables 11, maps 6. Arrow Books, London 13, maps 7. Basic Books. New York 2001. $24. ISBN 0- 2001. $13.95. ISBN 0-09-927875-8 (paper). 4665-04425-5 (cloth). Pohl, John M.D. The Legend of Lord Eight Deer: An Epic of Merrillees, Parvine H. Ancient Near Eastern Glyptic in the Ancient Mexico. Pp. 64, color figs. 15, color pls. 54, table 1, National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia. (SIMA maps 3. Oxford University Press, New York 2001. $17.95. 129.) Pp. viii + 103, line drawings 89, pls. 34. Paul Åströms, ISBN 0-19-514020-6 (cloth). Jonsered 2001. $27.60. ISBN 91-7081-181-4 (paper). Pyne, Stephen J. Fire: A Brief History. (Cycle of Fire.) Pp. Mielsch, Harald, and Barbara Niemeyer. Romisches Silber xvii + 204, figs. 13, tables 16. University of Washington aus Ägypten in Berlin. (Winckelmannsprogramm der Press, Seattle 2001. $18.95. ISBN 0-295-98144-X (paper). Archäologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin 139–140.) Pp. Raaflaub, Kurt, and Nathan rosenstein, eds. War and 91, figs. 59, color pl. 1. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2001. Society in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds: Asia, the Mediter- 352 BOOKS RECEIVED

ranean, Europe, and Mesoamerica. (Center for Hellenic (paper). Studies Colloquia 3.) Pp. viii + 484, fig. 1, maps 8. Harvard Sikkenga, elizabeth, ed. (with Nick Dobson, Susan University Press, Cambridge 2001. $19.50. ISBN 0-674- Lupack, Anne thompson, and Kathryn E. Walsh). Stud- 00659-3 (paper) ies in Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect 1979. Pp. 221. Reeder, Jane Clark. The Villa of Livia “Ad Galinas Albas”: A Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory, Department Study in the Augustan Villa and Garden. Pp. 137, figs. 10, of Classics, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin 1995. color pls. 4. Brown University Press, Providence 2001. $25 faculty, $15 students/seniors. ISBN 0-9649410-0-7 $30. No ISBN (paper). (paper). Ribe, martina, ed. Volubilis: Eine römische Stadt in Marokko Sikkenga, Elizabeth, and Peter Van Allen, eds. (with von der Fruhzeit bis in die islamishe Periode. (Zaberns Christina Bush, Nick Dobson, Stephie Nikoloudis, Bildbande zur Archäologie.) Pp. 120, b&w pls. 13, color Kevin Pluta, and Jason railsback). Studies in pls. 156, maps 5. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz 2001. DM Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect 1982–1983. Pp. 235. 68. ISBN 3-8053-2664-5 (cloth). Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory, Department Ribichini, Sergio, Maria Rocchi, and Paolo Xella, eds. of Classics, The Univerity of Texas at Austin, Austin La questione delle influenze vicino-orientali sulla religione greca. 1998. $25 faculty, $15 students/seniors. ISBN 0- (Monografie scientifiche, serie scienze umane e sociali.) 9649410-2-3 (paper). Pp. 440, figs. 32, chart 1, maps 4. Consiglio Nazionale Steiner, Deborah Tarn. Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic delle Ricerche, Rome 2001. Lit 80,000, $80. ISBN 88- and Classical Greek Literature and Thought. Pp. xviii + 360, 8080-023-X (cloth). figs. 28. Princeton University Press, Princeton and Ox- Ridley, Cressida, K.A. Wardle, and Catharine A. Mould, ford 2001. $39.50. ISBN 0-691-04431-7 (cloth). eds. Servia. Vol. 1, Anglo-Hellenic Rescue Excavations 1971– Stiger, mark. Hunter-Gatherer Archaeology of the Colorado 73. Pp. xxx + 370, figs. 90, pls. 80, tables 35. The British High Country. Pp. xxx + 317, figs. 36, pls. 92, tables 20, Schoool at Athens, London 2001. £70. ISBN 0-904887- maps 36. University Press of Colorado, Boulder 2001. $55. 33-2 (cloth). ISBN 0-87081-612-8 (cloth). Robbins, Manuel. Collapse of the Bronze Age: The Story of Stoddart, Simon, ed. Landscapes from Antiquity. Antiquity Greece, Troy, Israel, Egypt, and the Peoples of the Sea. Pp. xi + Publications, Cambridge 2000. $29.95. ISBN 0-9539762- 421, figs. 46, maps 19. Authors Choice, San Jose 2001. 0-3 (paper). $26.95. ISBN 0-595-13664-8 (paper). Stone, Richard. Mammoth: The Resurrection of an Ice Age Robins, Gay. Egyptian Statues. (Shire Egyptology 26.) Pp. Giant. Pp. xii + 242, pls. 17. Perseus, Cambridge, Mass. 64, figs 50, map 1. Shire Books, Buckinghamshire 2001. 2001. $26. ISBN 0-7382-0281-9 (cloth). £4.99. ISBN 0-7478-0520-2 (paper). Tatton-Brown, Veronica, ed. Cyprus in the 19th Century Runnels, Curtis, and Priscilla M. Murray. Greece before A.D.: Fact, Fancy, and Fiction. Papers of the 22nd British History: An Archaeological Companion and Guide. Pp. xiii + Museum Classical Colloquium, December, 1998. Pp. xviii + 202, figs. 109, maps 5. Stanford University Press, Stanford 278. figs. 250, maps 4. Oxbow, Oxford 2001. $65. ISBN 1- 2001. $17.95. ISBN 0-8947-4036-4 (paper). 84217-033-3 (cloth). Sandberg, Kaj. Magistrates and Assemblies: A Study of Legis- Vollkommer, Rainer. Sternstunden der Archäologie. Pp. 231, lative Practice in Republican Rome. (ActaInstRomFin 24.) Pp. figs. 23. C.H. Beck, Munich 2000. DM 19.90. ISBN 3- iii + 213. Institutum Romanum Finlandiae and Edizioni 406-45935-8 (paper). Quasar, Rome 2001. Lit 80,000. ISSN 0538-2270; ISBN von Gunten, Matthias. “Coincidence in Paradise.” Film 952-5323-01-3 (paper). in VHS, color, mins. 88. $440. First Run/Icarus Films, Sartre-Fauriat, Annie. Des Tombeaux et des morts. Monu- Brooklyn 1999. ments funéraires: Société et culture en Syrie du sud, I ère s. av. J- Vorys-Canby, Jeanny. The “Ur-Nammu” Stela. Pp. xiv + 144, C. au VIIème s. apr. J.-C., in 2 vols. (Bibliothèque Archéo- figs. 62, pls. 64. University of Pennsylvania Museum of logique et Historique 158.) Vol. 1, Catalogue des Monu- Archaeology and Anthropology Publications, Philadelphia ments Funeraires, des Sarcophages et des Bustes: pp. 304, figs. 2001. $49.95. ISBN 0-924171-87-1 (cloth). 389, tables 3. Vol. 2, Synthèse: pp. 309, figs. 28, tables 12, Whitley, David S., ed. Handbook of Rock Art Research. maps 8. Institut Français d’Archéologie du Proche-Ori- AltaMira Press, Walnut Creek, Calif. 2001. $99.95. ISBN ent, Beirut 2001. FF 350. ISBN 2-912738-08-3; 2-912738- 0-7425-0256-2 (cloth). 09-1 (paper). Wilson Jones, Mark. Principles of Roman Architecture. Pp. xi Sheedy, Kenneth, Robert Carson, and Alan Walmsley, + 270, figs. 283, b&w pls. 228, color pls. 55. Yale Univer- and Kate Da Costa, ed. Pella in Jordan (1979–1990): The sity Press, New Haven and London 2000. $60. ISBN 0- Coins. (Adapha Monograph Series 1.) Pp. xi + 201, figs. 6, 300-08138-3 (cloth). pls. 15, tables 12. The Near Eastern Archaeology Founda- Wrede, Henning. Senatorishe Sarkophage Roms. (Monu- tion at the University of Sydney, Sydney 2001. AUS $75. menta Artis Romanae 29.) Pp. 170, pls. 60. Philipp von ISSN 1445-467X; ISBN 0-9578890-0-3 (paper). Zabern, Mainz 2001. DM 108. ISBN 3-8053-2696-3 Sikkenga, Elizabeth, and Nick Dobson, Eds. (with (cloth). Susanne Hofstra, Bruce LaForse, Jason Railback, Yule, Paul. Die Gräberfelder in Samad al Shan (Sultanat Mary Shapiro, and Peter van Allen). Studies in Oman): Materialien zu einer Kulturegeshichte, in 2 vols. (Ori- Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect 1980–1981. Pp. 286. ent Archäologie 4.) Vol. 1, Text: pp. xxi + 514, figs. 44, Program in Aegean Scripts and Prehistory, Department tables 59. Vol. 2, Tafeln: pp. 611, figs. 575, pls. 90, color of Classics, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin 1997. pls. 13, maps 36. Marie Leidorf, Rahden 2001. DM 151. $25 faculty, $15 students/seniors. ISBN 0-9649410-1-5 ISSN 1434-162X; ISBN 3-89646-634-8 (cloth).

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