ACTION Copy DSG
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
General Election 2018 Update-Ii - Fafen General Election 2018
GENERAL ELECTION 2018 UPDATE-II - FAFEN GENERAL ELECTION 2018 Update-II April 01 – April 30, 2018 1. BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) initiated its assessment of the political environment and implementation of election-related laws, rules and regulations in January 2018 as part of its multi-phase observation of General Election (GE) 2018. The purpose of the observation is to contribute to the evolution of an election process that is free, fair, transparent and accountable, in accordance with the requirements laid out in the Elections Act, 2017. Based on its observation, FAFEN produces periodic updates, information briefs and reports in an effort to provide objective, unbiased and evidence-based information about the quality of electoral and political processes to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), political parties, media, civil society organizations and citizens. General Election 2018 Update-II is based on information gathered systematically in 130 districts by as many trained and non-partisan District Coordinators (DCs) through 560 interviews1 with representatives of 33 political parties and groups and 294 interviews with representative of 35 political parties and groups over delimitation process. The Update also includes the findings of observation of 559 political gatherings and 474 ECP’s centres set up for the display of preliminary electoral rolls. FAFEN also documented the formation of 99 political alliances, party-switching by political figures, and emerging alliances among ethnic, tribal and professional groups. In addition, the General Election 2018 Update-II comprises data gathered through systematic monitoring of 86 editions of 25 local, regional and national newspapers to report incidents of political and electoral violence, new development schemes and political advertisements during April 2018. -
Pakistan's Institutions
Pakistan’s Institutions: Pakistan’s Pakistan’s Institutions: We Know They Matter, But How Can They We Know They Matter, But How Can They Work Better? Work They But How Can Matter, They Know We Work Better? Edited by Michael Kugelman and Ishrat Husain Pakistan’s Institutions: We Know They Matter, But How Can They Work Better? Edited by Michael Kugelman Ishrat Husain Pakistan’s Institutions: We Know They Matter, But How Can They Work Better? Essays by Madiha Afzal Ishrat Husain Waris Husain Adnan Q. Khan, Asim I. Khwaja, and Tiffany M. Simon Michael Kugelman Mehmood Mandviwalla Ahmed Bilal Mehboob Umar Saif Edited by Michael Kugelman Ishrat Husain ©2018 The Wilson Center www.wilsoncenter.org This publication marks a collaborative effort between the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars’ Asia Program and the Fellowship Fund for Pakistan. www.wilsoncenter.org/program/asia-program fffp.org.pk Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 Cover: Parliament House Islamic Republic of Pakistan, © danishkhan, iStock THE WILSON CENTER, chartered by Congress as the official memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, is the nation’s key nonpartisan policy forum for tackling global issues through independent research and open dialogue to inform actionable ideas for Congress, the Administration, and the broader policy community. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. -
Islamabad Long March Declaration”
OFFICIAL TEXT: “Islamabad Long March Declaration” Following decisions were unanimously arrived at; having been taken today, 17 January 2013, in the meeting which was participated by coalition parties delegation led by Chaudry Shujaat Hussain including: 1) Makdoom Amin Fahim, PPP 2) Syed Khursheed Shah, PPPP 3) Qamar ur Zama Qaira, PPPP 4) Farooq H Naik, PPPP 5) Mushahid Hussain, PML-Q 6) Dr Farooq Sattar, MQM 7) Babar Ghauri, MQM 8) Afrasiab Khattak, ANP 9) Senator Abbas Afridi, FATA With the founding leader of Minhaj-ul-Quran International (MQI) and chairman Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT), Dr Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri. The Decisions 1) The National Assembly shall be dissolved at any time before March 16, 2013, (due date), so that the elections may take place within the 90 days. One month will be given for scrutiny of nomination paper for the purpose of pre-clearance of the candidates under article 62 and 63 of the constitution so that the eligibility of the candidates is determined by the Elections Commission of Pakistan. No candidate would be allowed to start the election campaign until pre-clearance on his/her eligibility is given by the Election Commission of Pakistan. 2) The treasury benches in complete consensus with Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT) will propose names of two honest and impartial persons for appointment as Caretaker Prime Minister. 3) Issue of composition of the Election Commission of Pakistan will be discussed at the next meeting on Sunday, January 27, 2013, 12 noon at the Minhaj-ul-Quran Secretariat. Subsequent meetings if any in this regard will also be held at the central secretariat of Minhaj-ul-Quran in Lahore. -
Pakistan, Country Information
Pakistan, Country Information PAKISTAN ASSESSMENT April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VI HUMAN RIGHTS VIA. HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB. HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC. HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY OF MAJOR EVENTS ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS AND OTHER GROUPS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE ANNEX D: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. These sources have been checked for currency, and as far as can be ascertained, remained relevant and up to date at the time the document was issued. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. 2. GEOGRAPHY file:///V|/vll/country/uk_cntry_assess/apr2003/0403_Pakistan.htm[10/21/2014 9:56:32 AM] Pakistan, Country Information General 2.1 The Islamic Republic of Pakistan lies in southern Asia, bordered by India to the east and Afghanistan and Iran to the west. -
Pakistan's Violence
Pakistan’s Violence Causes of Pakistan’s increasing violence since 2001 Anneloes Hansen July 2015 Master thesis Political Science: International Relations Word count: 21481 First reader: S. Rezaeiejan Second reader: P. Van Rooden Studentnumber: 10097953 1 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations and Acronyms List of figures, Maps and Tables Map of Pakistan Chapter 1. Introduction §1. The Case of Pakistan §2. Research Question §3. Relevance of the Research Chapter 2. Theoretical Framework §1. Causes of Violence §1.1. Rational Choice §1.2. Symbolic Action Theory §1.3. Terrorism §2. Regional Security Complex Theory §3. Colonization and the Rise of Institutions §4. Conclusion Chapter 3. Methodology §1. Variables §2. Operationalization §3. Data §4. Structure of the Thesis Chapter 4. Pakistan §1. Establishment of Pakistan §2. Creating a Nation State §3. Pakistan’s Political System §4. Ethnicity and Religion in Pakistan §5. Conflict and Violence in Pakistan 2 §5.1. History of Violence §5.2. Current Violence §5.2.1. Baluchistan §5.2.2. Muslim Extremism and Violence §5. Conclusion Chapter 5. Rational Choice in the Current Conflict §1. Weak State §2. Economy §3. Instability in the Political Centre §4. Alliances between Centre and Periphery §5. Conclusion Chapter 6. Emotions in Pakistan’s Conflict §1. Discrimination §2. Hatred towards Others §2.1. Political Parties §2.2 Extremist Organizations §3. Security Dilemma §4. Conclusion Chapter 7. International Influences §1. International Relations §1.1. United States – Pakistan Relations §1.2. China – -
Politics and Pirs: the Nature of Sufi Political Engagement in 20Th and 21St Century Pakistan
Ethan Epping Politics and Pirs: The Nature of Sufi Political Engagement in 20th and 21st Century Pakistan By Ethan Epping On November 27th, 2010 a massive convoy set off from Islamabad. Tens of thousands of Muslims rode cars, buses, bicycles, and even walked the 300 kilometer journey to the city of Lahore. The purpose of this march was to draw attention to the recent rash of terrorism in the country, specifically the violent attacks on Sufi shrines throughout Pakistan. In particular, they sought to demonstrate to the government that the current lack of action was unacceptable. “Our caravans will reach Lahore,” declared one prominent organizer, “and when they do the government will see how powerful we are.”1 The Long March to Save Pakistan, as it has come to be known, was an initiative of the recently founded Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), a growing coalition of Barelvi Muslims. The Barelvi movement is the largest Islamic sect within Pakistan, one that has been heavily influenced by Sufism throughout its history. It is Barelvis whose shrines and other religious institutions have come under assault as of late, both rhetorically and violently. As one might expect, they have taken a tough stance against such attacks: “These anti-state and anti-social elements brought a bad name to Islam and Pakistan,” declared Fazal Karim, the SIC chairman, “we will not remain silent and [we will] defend the prestige of our country.”2 The Long March is but one example of a new wave of Barelvi political activism that has arisen since the early 2000s. -
List of Election Symbols Allotted to Political Parties
116 Election Symbols Alloted to political parties 1 Aam Admi Tehreek Pakistan Mug 181 2 Aam Awam Party Wheat Bunch 322 3 Aam loeg Ittehad Pencil 196 4 Aam Log Party Pakistan Hut 144 5 All Pakistan Kissan ittehad Bulllock Cart 41 6 All Pakistan Minority Movement Pakistan Giraffe 122 7 All Pakistan Muslim League Eagle 93 8 All Pakistan Muslim League (Jinnah) Bicycle 27 9 All Pakistan Tehreek Boat 30 10 Allah-O-Akbar Tehreek Chair 55 11 Amun Taraqqi Party Tyre 309 12 Awam League Human Hand 143 13 Awami Justice Party Pakistan Tumbler 303 14 Awami Muslim League Pakistan Ink pot with Pen 146 15 Awami National Party Lantern 162 16 Awami Party Pakistan-S Aeroplane 2 17 Awami Workers Party Bulb 40 18 Balochistan Awami Party Cow 70 19 Balochistan National Party Axe 14 20 Balochistan National Party(Awami) Camel 49 21 Barabri Party Pakistan Pen 195 22 Front National Pakistan Unity 311 23 Grand Democratic Alliance Star 259 24 Hazara Democratic Party Crescent 72 25 Humdardan-e-Watan Pakistan Coat 61 26 Islami Jamhoori Ittehad Pakistan Football 108 27 Islami Tehreek Pakistan Two Sword 307 28 Ittehad-e-Ummat Pakistan Energy Saver 99 29 Jamat-e-Islami Pakistan Scale 232 30 Jamhoori Watan Party Wheel 323 31 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Nazaryati Pakistan Takhti 274 32 Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan Book 31 33 Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (Noorani) Key 154 34 Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam Pakistan (Imam Chitrali Cap 59 Noorani) 35 Jamiyat Ulema-e-Islam Pakistan(S) Ladder 161 36 Jamote Qaumi Movement Electric Pol 95 37 Jannat Pakistan Party Fountain 111 38 Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen -
Political Parties and Political Development in the Punjab 1988-1999
POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE PUNJAB 1988-1999 Ph. D. Dissertation By Sajid Mahmood Awan Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan 2008 DECLARATION I hereby declare that this dissertation is the product of my individual research, and it has not been submitted presently to any other university for any other degree. (Sajid Mahmood Awan) Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad I hereby recommend that the dissertation prepared under my supervision by Sajid Mahmood Awan titled “Political Parties and Political Development in the Punjab”, 1988-99, be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Dr. Ghani-ur-Rahman Supervisor Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad CERTIFICATE This is to certify that the dissertation submitted by Sajid Mahmood Awan, is of sufficient standard to justify its acceptance by the Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, for the award of Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Dr. Ghani-ur-Rahman Supervisor External Examiners: 1. ________________________ 2._________________________ CONTENTS List of Contents List of Tables List of Figures Abbreviations Glossary Acknowledgements INTRODUCTION Chapter 1 POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 1.1 HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1.2 PARTY SYESTEMS 1.3 POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 1.4 APPROACHES OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT 1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW 1.5.1 Elitist Approach 1.5.2 Marxist Approach 1.5.3 Ideological Approach 1.5.4 Praetorian Approach 1.6 METHODOLOGY Chapter 2 POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN PUNJAB 1849-1988 2.1 PRE-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE 1849-1947 2.2 POST INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE 1947-1988 Chapter 3 POLITICAL PARTIES IN PUNJAB 1988-1999. -
Biographies of Main Political Leaders of Pakistan
Biographies of main political leaders of Pakistan INCUMBENT POLITICAL LEADERS ASIF ALI ZARDARI President of Pakistan since 2008 Asif Ali Zardari is the eleventh and current President of Pa- kistan. He is the Co-Chairman of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), a role he took on following the demise of his wife, Benazir Bhutto. Zardari rose to prominence in 1987 after his marriage to Benazir Bhutto, holding cabinet positions in both the 1990s PPP governments, and quickly acquired a reputation for corrupt practices. He was arrested in 1996 after the dismissal of the second government of Bena- zir Bhutto, and remained incarcerated for eight years on various charges of corruption. Released in 2004 amid ru- mours of reconciliation between Pervez Musharraf and the PPP, Zardari went into self-imposed exile in Dubai. He re- turned in December 2007 following Bhutto’s assassination. In 2008, as Co-Chairman of PPP he led his party to victory in the general elections. He was elected as President on September 6, 2008, following the resignation of Pervez Musharraf. His early years in power were characterised by widespread unrest due to his perceived reluctance to reinstate the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (who had been dismissed during the Musharraf imposed emergency of 2007). However, he has also overseen the passage of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution which effectively www.presidentofpakistan.gov.pk reduced presidential powers to that of a ceremonial figure- Asif Ali Zardari, President head. He remains, however, a highly controversial figure and continues to be dogged by allegations of corruption. Mohmmad government as Minister of Housing and Public Works. -
Evolution of Militant Groups in Pakistan (1)
Apr-June 2011 Evolution of Militant Groups in Pakistan (1) APR -JUNE 20 11 Backgrounder Evolution of Militant Groups in Pakistan (1) 0 | P a g e Conflict and Peace Studies , Volume 4, Number 2 https://www.san-pips.com/download.php?f=97.pdf Apr-June 2011 Evolution of Militant Groups in Pakistan (1) Backgrounder Evolution of Militant Groups in Pakistan (1) Muhammad Amir Rana 1.Introduction Albert Einstein said problems could not be solved by the same level of thinking that created them. The statement fits like a glove to Pakistan’s counterterrorism approach that is characterized by a lack of innovation and creativity. Many believe that Islamabad lacks a coherent and comprehensive strategy to stem the rising tide of religious militancy and fight the menace of terrorism. But the government cites as proof of its commitment the establishment of National Counterterrorism Authority (NACTA) to examine the problem and devise a viable policy. It is not clear how much time NACTA would take to accomplish this job and, more importantly, if it would be able to rescue the country’s security doctrine from shadows of the Soviet-Afghan war. Pakistan’s present security narrative was developed in the context of that conflict, making it convenient for the defense establishment and the political administration to blame all domestic problems on external forces and factors. This approach has failed to evolve in synch with emerging threats. The country’s militant landscape has changed significantly in recent years, with militant strands such as the Punjabi Taliban posing new and increasingly worrying challenges for the state. -
Political Instability and Lessons for Pakistan: Case Study of 2014 PTI Sit in Protests
Munich Personal RePEc Archive Political Instability and Lessons for Pakistan: Case Study of 2014 PTI Sit in Protests Javed, Rabbia and Mamoon, Dawood University of Management and Technology 7 January 2017 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/76086/ MPRA Paper No. 76086, posted 11 Jan 2017 07:29 UTC Political Instability and Lessons for Pakistan: Case Study of 2014 PTI Sit in/Protests Rabbia Javed University of Management and Technology and Dawood Mamoon University of Management and Technology Abstract: It’s a short allegory to present the case for the importance of Political stability in the economic progress of a country. The Arab spring protests were seen as strengthening democracy in the Arab world. Notwithstanding the surprise Arab spring brought in shape of further destabilizing Middle East, a similar environment of unrest and protests in a practicing democracy like Pakistan capture same dynamics of uncertainty that dampen economic destabilization. The paper briefly covers PTI’s sit in protests in year 2014 to make a case for how political instability stifled economic progress in Pakistan though momentarily. 1. Introduction: The political stability is condition for the nation building and in return it is a process compulsory for the development of a nation. In most of developing countries the governments are not stable. A new government comes into the power overnight; either through coup or army takes over. The new government introduces a new system of rules for the operation of business which cause frustration and anger among the people. Political instability now becomes a serious problem especially in developing countries. -
Pakistan: Karachi’S Madrasas and Violent Extremism
PAKISTAN: KARACHI’S MADRASAS AND VIOLENT EXTREMISM Asia Report N°130 – 29 March 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. MAPPING KARACHI’S CENTRES OF EXTREMISM........................................... 3 A. POLITICAL LANDSCAPE.........................................................................................................3 B. MADRASA TERRAIN ..............................................................................................................4 1. Counting Karachi’s madrasas ....................................................................................5 III. THE ACTORS ................................................................................................................ 6 A. THE DEOBANDI-PASHTUN NEXUS.........................................................................................6 1. Deobandi madrasas....................................................................................................6 2. Deobandi jihadi organisations and the madrasa sector ...................................................8 B. THE AHLE HADITH CONNECTION..........................................................................................9 C. THE SHIA RESPONSE .............................................................................................................9 D. JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JIHADI NETWORKS..............................................................................10