History of Experimental Psychology from an Estonian Perspective

Psychological Research (2007) 71: 618–625 DOI 10.1007/s00426-006-0051-9

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Jüri Allik History of experimental psychology from an Estonian perspective

Received: 2 February 2005 / Accepted: 29 November 2005 / Published online: 26 April 2006 © Springer-Verlag 2006

Abstract A short review of the development of experimental psychology from an Estonian perspective is pre- Introduction sented. The Wrst rector after the reopening of the University of Dorpat (Tartu) in 1802, Georg Friedrich Perhaps it was not pure chance that an event like the Parrot (1767–1852) was interested in optical phenomena German–Estonian symposium on experimental psychol- which he attempted to explain by introducing the con- ogy was possible at all, and that it took place on one of cept of unconscious inferences, anticipating a similar the most idyllic places in Estonia, the island of Hiiumaa. theory proposed by Herman von Helmholtz 20 years My goal in this article is to demonstrate that many schol- later. One of the next rectors, Alfred Wilhelm Volkmann ars who were born, lived or worked in Estonia took an (1800–1878) was regarded by Edwin Boring as one of active part in the birth of experimental psychology in the the founding fathers of the experimental psychology. nineteenth century and in its later development. From a Georg Wilhelm Struve (1793–1864) played an essential historical point of view, Estonia’s geographical location part in solving the problem of personal equations. is far from fortunate. The fact that such a small nation Arthur Joachim von Oettingen (1836–1920) developed a with an obscure non-European language survived after theory of music harmony, which stimulated his student all appears almost as a demographic accident. From an Wilhelm Friedrich Ostwald (1853–1932) to study colour intellectual viewpoint, however, the location of Estonia harmony. Emil Kraepelin (1856–1926), the founder of may even have had some advantages. Its marginal posi- modern psychiatry, is by far the most important experi- tion set Estonia into a situation where the dialogue mental psychologist who has worked in Estonia. His between diVerent languages and viewpoints was not only successor Wladimir von Tchisch (1855–1922), another an expression of intellectual sophistication but also a student of Wilhelm Wundt, continued Kraepelin’s work matter of survival. The history of experimental psychol- in experimental psychology. The lives of Wolfgang ogy clearly demonstrates that the remote corner as to Köhler (1887–1967), who was born in Reval (Tallinn), which Estonia had to be seen constituted an inseparable and Oswald Külpe (1862–1915), who graduated from part of the German speaking academic world. Hermann the University of Dorpat, extended the link between the von Helmholtz in his inaugural lecture as Rector of the history of experimental psychology and Estonia. Karl University of Berlin talked about the academic freedom Gustav Girgensohn (1875–1925), the founder of the of German universities and stressed that one manifesta- Dorpat School of the psychology of religion, stretched tion of it was a complete freedom of movement for the the use of experimental methods to the study of reli- students between all universities of the German tongue, gious experience. from Dorpat to Zurich, Vienna, and Graz (Helmholtz, 1896, p. 201).

Georg Friedrich Parrot and the theory of unconscious inferences J. Allik Department of Psychology, The Estonian Centre Although the University of Tartu was founded in 1632 of Behavioural and Health Sciences, University of Tartu, by the decree of the Swedish King Gustavus II Adol- Tiigi 78, Tartu, 50410, Estonia phus, it ceased to exist in 1710 after the Swedish defeat at E-mail: [email protected] Tel.: +372-7-375905 Poltava when two Baltic provinces, Livland and Estland Fax: +372-7-375900 (Drechsler & Kattel, 2000), were incorporated into 619

Russian empire. The University of Tartu again, then retinal image is known to decrease proportionally to the known as Dorpat, was reopened by a decree of Alexander viewing distance, the perceived size remains unaltered. I, issued April 12, 1801, and Georg Friedrich Parrot One of the mechanisms by which the distance can be (1767–1852) became the Wrst rector of the Imperial Uni- measured is to count the objects between the object and versity of Dorpat, being elected by the University Coun- the eye. It seems that for Parrot it was self-evident that cil consisting of all chaired professors. the perceived size was a result of syllogistic reasoning: Although Parrot’s brilliant administrative skills out- from the recorded retinal size and distance (minor pre- weighed his achievements in physics, he was an advanced mise) and the inverse proportion rule of retinal projec- theoretical physicist. During his lifetime, the line between tion (major premise), an inference about the size can be physics and psychology was very thin. In the second vol- made. This decision is made very rapidly and subjec- ume of his textbook of theoretical physics he described, tively; we consider the time necessary for these opera- within the framework of optical phenomena, problems, tions to be inWnitely short, so we are not even aware of which without a doubt belong to the category of human their very existence. According to Parrot, the soul does perception (Parrot, 1811). For example, one of his not have the time to judge the distance and visual angle favourite subjects was a mechanism by which the dis- with the required accuracy. Due to the rapid movement tance of objects could be estimated. Parrot also discussed of the locomotive the soul cannot distinguish all the a method by which the duration of visual impression can external objects that are required for the reliable estima- be measured. The method by itself was not new and was tion of distance. Thus, the judgment that our soul makes earlier known to Ibn al-Hayatam (Alhazen) and with regard to the size of the objects in these extreme Leonardo da Vinci (Wade, 1998, p. 195). If one rotates a conditions is based on a preliminary false judgment—the rod glowing at one end with suYcient speed, the per- minor of two premises is false. In other words, it is evi- ceived trace of light seemed to form an uninterrupted cir- dent Parrot was formulating, here, the concept of uncon- cle. Because the glowing tip of the rod cannot be in all scious inferences which is better known as the concept of places simultaneously, it must mean that the duration of unbewusster Schluss formulated by Hermann von sensory impression lasts until the rod makes the full turn. Helmholtz—the psychic activities that lead us to infer Thus, Parrot concluded, it is possible to determine the that in front of us, at a certain place, there is a certain duration of sensory impressions. According to Parrot’s object of a certain character (Helmholtz, 1910). How- observations, the duration of sensory impression is ever, in the year of Parrot’s publication, Helmholtz was about a quarter of the second in the dark and about 1/ only 18 years old and would write his Handbuch der 6th of the second in the light (Parrot, 1820), which is one Physiologischen Optik only 20 years later. According to of the Wrst indications that the perceptual latency Boring, Helmholtz obviously adopted the idea of uncon- depends on overall illumination. This last value is very scious inferences while he was in Königsberg and close to a Wgure reported by the Chevalier Patrice d‘Arcy exposed its essentials in a lecture that was published in (1725–1775), who did similar experiments in 1765 1855 (Boring, 1957, p. 315). Although the hypothesis of (Ramul, 1963; Wade, 1998, p. 196). Both values corre- unconscious inferences was implicit in this paper, it was spond closely to those obtained later with much more not named as such and was later elaborated by Wilhelm sophisticated experimental devices. Wundt in his Beiträge zur Theorie der Sinneswahrneh- In September 1839, Parrot published a short note mung (Wundt, 1858). about a peculiar visual phenomenon he had observed in Parrot was not the Wrst to suggest the existence of the a fast-moving train commuting between Pavlovsk and involuntary reasoning-like operations in order to reach a St. Petersburg, namely the relative diminishing of the size satisfactory explanation of certain phenomena in the of external objects, situated at a relatively small distance human perception (HatWeld, 2002). For example, Alha- from the train window (Parrot, 1839). As Parrot zen’s theory of “unconscious inferences” resembles observed, this apparent reduction of the size of objects Helmholtz’ theory of unbewusster Schluss practically in depended upon the speed of their movement. When the all important details (Bauer, 1911). According to Alha- speed of the train attained its ordinary maximum, ward- zen, perceptual judgments occur in an extremely short houses and men, situated close to the train, seemed to interval of time. The faculty of perceptual judgment does have only half of their regular size, and one might have not syllogize by ordering and composing words, that fac- the impression, as Parrot put it Wguratively, of being ulty perceived the conclusion without need for words or transported through a land of dwarfs. As the speed of the for repeating and ordering premises (II 26b) (Sabra, train lowered, the men and buildings grew in size, and 1989, p. xxcvi–xcvii). when the speed was 10 or 15 ft per second, the objects One remarkable aspect of Parrot’s article was a pro- appeared approximately in their ordinary size. It seems posed plan of an experiment by which it is possible to that Parrot’s observations were never conWrmed by other determine the time that the soul uses to form its ideas researchers, but the explanation he gave to the strange and make judgments. The idea was to make systematic perceptual phenomenon contained a profound insight observations on the apparent size of locomotives moving (Allik & Konstabel, 2005). at a given speed and placing objects at diVerent Parrot began his explanation with reference to the measured distances. This experimental plan, irrespective size constancy mechanism: although the size of the of its actual accomplishment, clearly recognises the 620 possibility of subjecting psychological processes to Even if a given observer was consistent with himself on experimental study, contrary to Kant’s inXuential opin- diVerent trials, his mean judgment time systematically ion that no such thing is possible (HatWeld, 1998). disagrees with the same judgment made by another So, although the notion of unconscious inference was observer. To verify these observations, Bessel was espe- conceptualised nine centuries earlier by Alhazen and cially eager to compare himself with Struve in Dorpat, independently became re-invented by Parrot many years who already had earned a reputation as being one of the before Helmholtz and Wundt articulated and coined the best astronomical observers. Having no opportunity for doctrine of unconscious inferences, it is Helmholtz and a direct comparison, Bessel sent three of his assistants Wundt who are usually credited for the achievement and Walbeck1, Argelander2 and Knorre to Dorpat in 1821, not Alhazen. Aside from the concept of unconscious 1823 and 1825, respectively, to compare their observa- inferences itself, Parrot had the idea that the speed of tion data with Struve. Through them, Bessel established mental processes is not inWnitely high and that in princi- indirectly the relation between the personal observation ple, it can be determined by systematic observations of times between himself and Struve. Only in 1834 did Bes- phenomena of the type he observed in the moving train. sel and Struve Wnd an opportunity to compare them- His way of thinking is in harmony with Fechner, selves directly and conWrm the indirect predictions Helmholtz and Wundt, who all, in one or another way, (Boring, 1957, p. 137).3 demonstrated that sensory judgments can be quantiWed, The further history of this problem is well known: in that a measurable quantity of time is required for their 1861, Wilhelm Wundt constructed his famous pendulum, execution, and that they are related to events in the phys- also known as Wundt’s complication clock, that swung ical environment in a meaningful way. Parrot shared the across a scale and caused a spring to give a click at a conviction of the founding fathers of psychology that it given point of excursion. The basic design reproduced is possible to study the phenomena of mind in the same essential properties of Bradley’s “eye and ear” method general way that the physical world is studied and can be (cf. Boring, 1957, p. 135) that was used for astronomical described in terms of either mechanical or mathematical measurements. The Wrst series of experiments on com- laws (Allik & Konstabel, 2005). pound reaction (Boring, 1957, p. 324) were conducted by Max Friedrich in the Wrst psychological laboratory founded by Wundt in 1879 (Domanski, 2004). There is no evidence about Friedrich Struve’s direct The personal equation and Friedrich Struve contribution to the problem of the personal equations besides the practical use of it. However, it was the com- In 1811, Parrot organised a special stipend for a talented munication between Königsberg and Dorpat that helped philology graduate, Friedrich Georg Wilhelm Struve to discover measurable individual diVerences between (1793–1864), to continue his studies in a completely new human observers, which belongs, despite of its seeming direction—mathematics and astronomy. Only a few triviality, to one of the most consequential discoveries in years later, in 1813, Struve had became the director of the whole history of psychology. the Dorpat observatory, and exactly in the same year a new observatory was erected in Königsberg under the supervision of Friedrich Wilhelm Bessel (1784–1846). In order to improve the precision of astronomical observa- Alfred Volkmann and Weber’s Law tions, Bessel proposed to calibrate observers by estab- lishing their, as it came to be called, personal equations. Gustav Theodor Fechner’s Elemente der Psychophysics, In 1820, Bessel performed at Königsberg one of the most published in 1860, established a solid foundation for important experiments in the whole history of experi- experimental psychology. As Boring noticed, “with mental psychology. He and his assistant Walbeck Wrst Fechner it was born, quite as old, and also quite as selected ten stars, and then they independently observed the transit of Wve of them in one night and of the remain- ing Wve in the following night, and so on, for Wve nights. 1 In 1821, H. J. Walbeck (1794–1823) was an astronomer in Turku, Bessel was always found to observe the transit earlier Finland and he died only 2 years later at the age of 29. In 1819, he V calculated dimensions of the Earth which were very close to the cor- than Wallbeck. The two observers di ered systematically rect values known today. by about 1 s, a time diVerence that was even larger than 2 Friedrich Wilhelm August Argelander (1799–1875) later became that found between the observations of the Astronomer director of the observatory at the University of Bonn. 3 Royal Nevil Maskelyne and his assistant David Kinne- There are few errors in the name index of otherwise accurate Bor- ing’s History (Boring, 1957). He is referring to Struve as O.W. Struve brook, participants in one of the most famous incidents which is certainly wrong. The correct reference should be Friedrich in the prehistory of the experimental psychology Georg Wilhelm Struve whose son Otto Wilhelm was not even born (Boring, 1957). In 1823, Bessel had an opportunity to when the Wrst personal equation was determined. The reverse error repeat a similar comparison with another assistant Arge- has happened with regard to Knorre. Boring erroneously thinks that V Bessel wrote about Ernst Christoph Friedrich Knorre (1759–1810) lander. Again, a systematic di erence was found between who was also an astronomer, but he had died 15 years ago when his the two observers. This convinced Bessel that there are son Karl Freidrich Knorre visited Königsberg in 1825 (cf. Petrov & irreducible individual diVerences between observers. Pinigin, 2002). 621 young, as a baby” (Boring 1957, p. 275). Fechner had, of ology but also principles of operation of the whole ner- course, predecessors including Ernst Weber after whom vous system. In 1832, he published in Müller’s Archiv, a Fechner named “Weber’s law”. Ernst Heinrich Weber study in which he demonstrated the inhibitory role of the (1795–1878) was a professor of anatomy and physiology vagus nerve on cardiac activity. Usually the discovery of at Leipzig from 1818 and thereafter. Fechner considered a entirely new kind of nervous action—inhibition—is Weber’s law as a cornerstone from which he could move credited to Volkmann’s teachers in Leipzig University, forward to derive his psychophysical law simply by logi- the Weber brothers (Fulton, 1930, p. 276; Singer & cal deduction. Therefore, it was the greatest importance Underwood, 1962, p. 331). It was claimed that Volkmann to establish the universality of the Weber’s law beyond just “missed an important opportunity”. Volkmann him- tactual perception from where it was established Wrst. self never regarded the observed eVect as some technical At the time when young Fechner got his degree in error or an uninteresting observation. He realised the medicine in 1822, another young man, Alfred Wilhelm importance of his discovery despite the dominant belief Volkmann (1800–1878) enrolled as a student of medicine that activation could only lead to the increase of nervous at Leipzig in 1821. Together with Rudolph Hermann activity (Käbin, 1986, p. 79). Lotze (1817–1881) Fechner and Volkmann formed a Helmholtz paid respect to Volkmann and cited his small intellectual group, which dissolved only in 1837 work in his Handbook of Physiological Optics (1867) 58 when Volkmann received his professorship in Dorpat times (Piper, 2000). Therefore, it is not surprising that (Boring, 1957, p. 277). Four years earlier, in 1833, Boring listed Volkmann beside Helmholtz and Fechner Fechner had married Volkmann’s sister. as one of the “founding fathers” of the experimental psy- The role of Volkmann in the development of psycho- chology (Boring, 1957, p. 384). physics is generally acknowledged. Usually it is men- tioned that “in co-operation with Volkmann, Fechner developed the method of “average error” (already in use in astronomy) for use in visual and tactual measure- Arthur Joachim von Oettingen and the system of harmony ment” (Murphy, 1964, p. 90). It is, however, important to note that the role of Volkmann was not only to assist Arthur Joachim von Oettingen (1836–1920) was the old- Fechner, but in 1864, Volkmann also reported indepen- est of the six Oettingen brothers. Like his two other dently that the threshold for length discrimination brothers, he became a professor of Tartu University at increases with the increase of the reference length. This age 31. Besides physics, which was his main subject, he was one of the Wrst demonstrations of Weber’s law in the was particularly interested in music and held a special visual domain. This fundamental Wnding about distance course on the perception of music. He summarised his judgment—Weber’s law for spatial intervals—has been explorations in a book called Das Harmoniesystem in replicated repeatedly since then, for a variety of stimuli duale Entwicklung which was recognised by musical the- and response modes, and was proved to be one of the few orists at that time (Oettingen, 1866). Hermann von Wrmly established and replicable facts of psychology (cf. Helmholtz, for example, was particularly interested in Burbeck & Hadden, 1993). Volkmann, like Fechner Oettingen’s report according to which the old modal before him, was also interested in the transfer of training. song tradition was still alive and strong among Fechner was one of the Wrst who reported data showing Estonians; they had diYculties to master the Protestant that learning to write with one hand facilitates the same plainsong, common in Europe, because of its high lead- activity with the other hand. In his studies, he was again ing tone (Ross, 1991). It is interesting that in the princi- 5 able to relay on previous studies done by Volkmann who pal dispute between August Seebeck and Helmholtz, demonstrated experimentally that the reduction of the concerning the question whether the perceived pitch is “two-point” threshold in certain regions through train- determined by the objective Fourier components or not, ing lowered the threshold in other regions as well (cf. Oettingen rather took the position of his countryman Murphy 1964, p. 241). He also determined the speed of rather than Helmholtz’s. In his theory of consonance and eye movements and constructed the Wrst prototype of the dissonance Oettingen, like Seebeck before him, proposed tachistoscope (Volkmann, 1859). Volkmann also wrote a that higher harmonics can collaborate in the creation of section on vision in Wagner’s.4 Handwörterbuch der the perceived pitch which could depart from the physi- Physiologie, which became a standard textbook for the cally present or absent fundamental tone. Ernst Mach, next half of a century. Among other observations, he for example, used Oettingen’s harmony theory as a repeated his earlier explanation to upright vision: the most natural explanation of upright vision is that it does not require an explanation (Volkmann, 1836, p. 41). 5 August Seebeck’s farther, Thomas Seebeck (1770–1831) was born Perhaps Volkmann’s most important contribution to in Tallinn and, despite the fact that he spent the most part of his life experimental psychology concerns not only visual physi- in Germany, was estimated by his contemporaries as belonging to the Baltic German elite not only due to his famous career as a physicist but also due to his close friendship with Goethe. Thomas See- 4 Rudolf Wagner’s son, Adolf Wagner (1835–1917) was a professor beck is known in the history of physics with his seminal works in of Dorpat University (1865–1868) known as the central theorist of thermo-electricity. He also discovered several new entoptic color ‘state socialism’ (Drechsler, 1997). phenomena (Ross, 1991). 622 substantial evidence against Helmholtz’ acoustic theory Alexander Schmidt, had placed a room in his new institute (Mach, 1922, p. 222). at our disposal, which was of great help, as the clinic was It is certainly not a coincidence that one of Oettin- too far away and had no spare room. The university gen’s students Wilhelm Friedrich Ostwald (1853–1932) mechanics Schulze proved to be an exceptionally skilled winner of the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 1909 was also and understanding helper and produced a number of well interested in the analysis of music and art. As Ostwald invented and carefully planned machines for various inves- writes in his memories he attended Oettingen’s lectures tigations. Luckily, I found a lot of keen, self-sacriWcing on psychology of music and was particularly inspired by students prepared to devote many, many months’ work his theory of harmony, which contained several funda- solely to their doctorate theses. Thus, studies were made, mental discoveries. Although Ostwald found Harmonie- which brought important new Wndings with them; for system inspiring it was in his opinion written in such example the work by Michelson on the depth of sleep, indi- obscure manner that nobody has really managed to read vidual psychology by Oehrn, time sense by Eyner, contrast it, except the author himself and the typesetter. Inspired sensitivity with perception of space by Higier and the by Oettingen’s lectures Ostwald himself tried to apply diversion of attention by Bertels. DiYculties to overcome quantitative methods to the analysis of Beethoven’s on the technical side were often considerable and I con- piano sonatas (Ostwald, 1926). Unfortunately, Ostwald’s stantly admired the patience of the youngsters in with- studies in musical harmony are not widely known and standing all these obstacles. Sometimes, the physicist have been overshadowed by his more celebrated studies Arthur von Oettingen gave us his kind advice.” (Kraepelin, on colour harmony (Ostwald, 1918). In 1927, Ostwald 1987, pp. 44–45). even lectured in the Bauhaus School of art and made a Kraepelin found the general scientiWc life in Dorpat strong impression on Wassily Kandinsky (Ball, 2003). stimulating, as there were always a number of younger professors present, who worked with enthusiasm. He wrote that with the university very near, the university members had active contact with one another in an Emil Kraepelin and experimental psychology atmosphere of unconditional equality (Kraepelin, 1987, p. 47). In these conditions, Kraepelin pursued Emil Kraepelin (Neustrelitz, Germany, 1856—München, diVerent lines of investigation, including word 1926) is by far the most important experimental psychol- associations: ogist who has been associated with Estonia. The founder I had set up my own equipment for the measurement of of modern psychiatry he became professor of psychiatry mental reactions and carried out tests on aphasic and other at Dorpat University in 1886 when he was 30 years old suitable psychiatric patients and on manic patients. I made (Steinberg & Angermeyer, 2001). It was Wundt who sug- the surprising discovery that the association’s times were gested to his favourite student about medical vocation by no means shorter, but were often longer and very irreg- instead of the uncertainties of being a psychologist. In his ular. This fact led me to understand that the Xight of ideas Memoirs Kraepelin summarises his years in Tartu in the was not the accelerated consequence of mental images, but following way: “...besides my clinical training I was able were volatile and instable emerging processes in the con- to hold quite a number of independent lectures about science” (p. 44). criminal psychology, forensic psychiatry, about the con- Among psychological problems, however, the subject science and its disorders and experimental psychology. of Kraepelin’s special interest was fatigue. He regarded There was never lack of students for these lectures. I con- his established work curve as his chief contribution. sidered psychological discussions, based on Wundt’s W. Weygandt, who wrote an elaborate obituary in Psy- model, to be specially important and I made the students chologische Arbeiten, revealed that Kraepelin had hoped make reports on individual problems” (Kraepelin, 1987, to receive the Nobel award not for dementia praecox or p. 42). As he later confessed, experimental work appealed his nosological classiWcation but for his results on the to him much more than clinical work (Kraepelin, 1987, p. work curve (Roback, 1961, p. 308). 42). There were two main reasons to be not satisWed with It is not surprising that today, almost a century later 6 his clinical work: the Wrst was the language barrier and of his innovative studies, he remains one of the most the second was the insuYcient number of patients. cited behavioural scientists of all times. According to the Therefore, fortunately to psychology, he concentrated on Social Sciences Citation Index Kraepelin was cited 6,618 psychology. He wrote about it: times in the period from 1972 to 2005 (November) more The conditions for starting a school of psychology in than 200£ every year. Dorpat were favourable. The distinguished physiologist, Along with the intensive RussiWcation campaign launched in 1889, the autonomy of the University of 6 His knowledge of Estonian was quite enough to make a tremen- Dorpat was considerably reduced: rector, deans and dous impression on the personell of the Istanbul’s mental asylum he professors were not elected any more but appointed by visited during one of his frequent travels. During his visit a patient the Minister of Education (the appointment of the rec- was shown, whose origin was unclear, as he spoke a completely un- known language. The Estonian sailman was, of course, very happy tor required approval by the czar himself). Besides to Wnd someone, who could speak at least few words of his mother diminishing the role of Baltic Germans, one of the goals tongue with him (Kraepelin, 1987, p. 82). of these reforms was to prevent people from lower 623 strata to study at the university. In order to achieve this goal, the study fee was increased from 10 to 50 roubles Two experimentalists with Estonian connections per year. Typically for the Russian Empire, then and later, strict quotas of Jews admitted by the universities It is impossible to avoid mentioning the two psycholo- were imposed (Siilivask, 1982, p. 258). Russian became gists who never practised their profession in Estonia but the oYcial language of teaching and all German profes- were nevertheless connected to Estonia. They are sors who were not able or willing to lecture in Russian Wolfgang Köhler (1887–1967) and Oswald Külpe (1862– had to leave Tartu. Among those who had to leave 1915) Dortpat, or Jurjev, as it was renamed, were Oettingen, Wolfgang Köhler (1887–1967), the main theoretician Ostwald, and Kraepelin. of gestalt psychology, was born in Tallinn (Reval) in his parents residence Toomkooli 4 (Schulgasse 9) on the 21st of January, 1887 (Lõo, 2004). His farther, Franz Köhler, was the Headmaster of the German Gymnasium (Doms- Wladimir Tchisch as a successor of Kraepelin chule) and his residence was just across the street. His mother, Wilhelmine Girgensohn, was a daughter of luth- One of the Wrst Russian students of Wundt, Wladimir eran priest. When Köhler was about 6, the family moved Tchisch (1855–1922)7 was appointed as a successor of to Germany. The main reason for leaving Estonia was Kraepelin. When Tchisch arrived at Leipzig in 1884, he again the campaign of RussiWcation which put an end to naturally was appointed to work with Wundt’s pendu- education in other languages rather than Russian. lum and complication reaction. He noticed in particular There is no need to reiterate the importance of Wolf- that in some cases a click could be heard before the pen- gang Köhler, one of the most distingushed psychologists dulum actually reached the spring; in other cases the of the twentieth century. Besides his illustrious profes- click appeared later when the pendulum had already sional career he is an example of extraordinary personal passed the spring (Tchisch, 1885). Since then diVerent integrity. Only few German scientists and intellectuals time paradoxes fascinated philosophers as well as psy- had the courage to protest against the dismissal of Jew- chologists (cf. Dennett, 1991). For example, the apparent ish scientists after the Nazis took power in January 1933. lagging behind of a moving object in relation to a short Köhler was an exception. With the dismissal of James sound or Xash was repeatedly rediscovered and has Franck, the physicist and Nobel Prize winner in 1925, recently become known under the name of the Flash– Köhler made a public statement. On April 28, 1933 he Lag EVect (Nijhawan, 1994; Kreegipuu & Allik, 2004). wrote for the Deutsches Allgemeine Zeitung, the last anti- Concerning his teaching, Tchisch regularly held nazi article to be published under the Nazi regime. In this courses on experimental psychology and supervised article he wrote that Franck’s dismissal “shows the deep- doctoral dissertations that had a clear experimental– est reason why all these people are not joining the Party: psychological orientation (Ramul, 1974). From the they feel moral imposition. They believe that only the titles of dissertations supervised by Tchisch the follow- quality of human being should determine his worth, that ing can be named: experiments concerning spatial intellectual achievement, character, and obvious contri- memory of the skin (E. Loewenton, 1893); memory of bution to German culture retain their signiWcance active movements (F. Schneider, 1894); the sense whether a person is Jewish or not” (Henle, 1978; Ash, of location and its memory (B. Barth, 1894); memory 1995, p. 326 V.). of visual perceptions (K. Zaborovsky, 1894); compara- Oswald Külpe, the founder of the Würzburg School, tive study of tactile and gustatory sensitivity of women was born near the Baltic coast in Courland which is now from diVerent social classes (W.V. Dehm, 1894); the Latvia. He began his studies of psychology under Wundt change of pulse and aspiration during diVerent psychi- in Leipzig but then went to Berlin for a semester to study cal states (G. Hirsch, 1899); an experimental study of history instead. Afterwards he returned to psychology the skin sensitivity (G. Hildebrand, 1899) (Ramul, again and studied three semesters in Göttingen with 1974, p. 107). G.E. Müller who had succeeded Lotze (Boring, 1957, The list of these studies characterises Tchisch’s some- pp. 397–398). In 1885, however, he left Göttingen and what unsystematic interests which nevertheless kept the went to Tartu for a whole year in order to graduate as an tradition of experimental psychological investigations art historian. After receiving his degree, he returned to alive at Tartu University. Some of them, especially the Leipzig where he wrote, as an assistant of Wundt, an inXuence of social factors on perception, anticipated the introductory textbook (Külpe, 1893). Wundt, as it is well popularity of these problems in the subsequent history of known, was very skeptical about the possibility of study- psychology. ing, in a scientiWcally sound way, anything more intricate than elementary sensations and simple motor responses. More complex phenomena, like feelings and thoughts, are too Wrmly enclosed by the boundaries of the subject

7 and their causes are generally hidden from objective Sometimes in Russian (means ‘siskin’) is also transcribed investigation. Külpe, in turn, states in his textbook that into the Latin alphabet as Chizh. William James’ Principles referred to him as Tschisch (James, 1890). in principle there is no topic of psychological inquiry 624 which cannot be approached by the experimental the Dorpat School of religious psychology (WulV, 1985). method. And experimental psychology is therefore fully After Girgensohn’s unexpected death in 1925, Werner within its rights when it claims to be the general psychol- Gruehn (1887–1961) became the leader of the Dorpat ogy (Külpe, 1893). In Wundt’s view, Külpe’s approach to schoool. The full program of the Dorpat School is repre- psychology was based on an erroneous overestimation of sented in the large handbook Contemporary Piety the scope of natural science and reduces psychology to a (Gruehn, 1956). David WulV’s (1991) most comprehen- kind of “applied physiology” (Danziger, 1979, p. 211). In sive treatise on psychology of religion devotes an entire any case, Külpe was unwilling to follow Wundt’s recom- chapter to Girgensohn and the Dorpat School. mendations and like Ebbinghaus, who had brought The history of psychology can be seen as a struggle memory as another specimen of the “higher mental pro- for a deWnition of the borderline separating psychologi- cesses”, under the scrutiny of experimental methods, cal issues allowing for an experimental approach and decided to bring thought into the laboratory as well issues that do not. Kant’s pessimistic dictum that “no (Boring, 1957, p. 402). This basic idea marked the begin- other thinking subject can be subjected to our experi- ning of the Würzburg School and the breakdown of ments in accordance with purpose” still captivated the another barrier on the way of experimental psychology. minds of most psychologists (Ramul, 1960). Many areas, including that of human thought which Wundt believed to remain terra incognita forever, were already emanci- pated from Kant’s moratorium. Religious experience, as Dorpat School of psychology of religion attacked by the Dorpat School, certainly belonged to those topic least expected to the subject of systematic Karl Gustav Girgensohn (1875–1925) was a cousin of experimental analysis. Wolfgang Köhler’s mother, Wilhelmine Girgensohn (Lõo, 2004). In 1903, Girgensohn returned to Dorpat after studies in Germany for defending his Master Thesis “The religion, its psychical form and its central idea” Concluding remarks (Die Religion, ihre psychischen Formen und ihre Zentrali- dee). Seven years later, in 1910, he obtained his doctoral In 1919, after Estonia had obtained independence, Tartu degree from Berlin University. At the same year an University became a national university with instruction important event happened which changed his life. He language being primarily Estonian. The Wrst professor of Wnally found an answer to a question that had puzzled psychology was Konstantin Ramul (1879–1975) who is him: is it possible by means of the modern science to primarily known as a historian of psychology (Ramul, explain the nature of Christianity? A colleague at Dorpat 1963; Ramul, 1974; Ramul, 1960). In 1921, one of 8 University introduced Girgensohn to the revolutionary Ramul’s assistants Juhan Tork (1889–1980) spent one work of the Würzburg School (WulV, 1991, p. 554). In semester in Leipzig where he attended, among the others, 1910 he accepted Külpe’s invitation to spend a term with lectures of Wilhelm Wundt. Returning from Germany, him at Bonn. Girgensohn soon became a convinced he brought with him equipment that was needed to adherent of the Würzburg School procedures. He launch a laboratory of experimental psychology. believed that the method of experimental introspection Although this laboratory mainly served for teaching pur- suits ideally to the study of religious experiences and can poses, it played, together with Ramul’s general theoreti- resolve the debate of the psychological nature of religion. cal attitudes (cf. Ramul, 1929), an essential constituent in In 1911 Girgensohn began his experiments by labori- keeping the experimental research tradition alive even ously recording the observations of 14 individuals, during the period of Soviet occupation (Allik, 1992). including himself. He presented to his subjects not very Without this tradition it would have been absolutely well known texts from various theological writers, and improbable that in 2003, 48 articles were published in recorded the thoughts and feelings as they arose in his Journals and other sources indexed by the PsychINFO subjects while they were reading the texts. Girgensohn database with at least one author having an Estonian not only recorded the associations of his subject, but also aYliation. Divided by the number of population it gives interviewed them in order to further explore their 36.3 articles per million of population which is, for exam- responses to the texts. In this Wrst experiment, each par- ple, only slightly less than the same indicator of ticipant was tested on 26 diVerent texts. The work lasted Germany (42.7) but a little bit more than that of France 9 for 2 years and the Wrst results of the Wrst experimental (28.8). study of religious experience were summarised in 1913. In 1921 his monumental book containing more than 700 pages was published (Girgensohn, 1921). Girgensohn’s 8 Juhan Tork is an author of the most important psychological study ideas inspired many people and as WulV (1991, p. 16) that was carried out between two wars. In 1940, he published doc- wrote: “Students and visiting scholars found their way to toral dissertation (Tork, 1940) on the intelligence of Estonian children based on the study of 6,000 schoolchildren (cf. Must, Must, & Dorpat and, after 1919, to Greifswald and then to Leip- Raudik, 2003). zig, in order to work with Girgensohn”. This group of 9 There were 3,527 and 1,732 articles of which one author either had people formed an intellectual unity which is still called German or French aYliation, respectively. 625

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