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The Effects of Media Use and Interpersonal Contacts on the Stereotyping of Lesbians and Gay Men in China By The Effects of Media Use and Interpersonal Contacts on the Stereotyping of Lesbians and Gay Men in China by Jia-Wei Tu Submitted to the William Allen White School of Journalism and Mass Communications and the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science ________________________________ Chairperson: Tien-Tsung Lee Associate Professor ________________________________ Committee Member 1: Charles Marsh Associate Professor ________________________________ Committee Member 2: Douglas Ward Associate Professor Date Defended: November 11, 2010 The Thesis Committee for Jia-Wei Tu certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: The Effects of Media Use and Interpersonal Contacts on the Stereotyping of Lesbians and Gay Men in China ________________________________ Chairperson: Tien-Tsung Lee Associate Professor Committee Member 1: Charles Marsh Associate Professor Committee Member 2: Douglas Ward Associate Professor Date approved: November 11, 2010 ii ABSTRACT Little research has investigated stereotypes of homosexuals in other cultures. This thesis attempts to fill this gap by surveying college students to find out: 1) their stereotypes of homosexuals, 2) their sources of information about lesbians and gay men in China, and 3) the effects of different information sources on the stereotyping of homosexuals. Hypotheses in this thesis were derived from contact hypothesis of stereotyping which predicts that frequent of contact with a minority group leads to positive evaluations. The author also tests social cognitive theory which explains stereotypes as the result of the evaluation of information by receivers. The hypotheses are tested for interpersonal contact and vicarious contact via mass media. 226 Chinese college students were surveyed to measure the stereotypes of homosexuals and the variables of information sources. Results show partial support for both of hypotheses mentioned above. The most important findings of this study are: 1) the stereotyping of homosexuals is predicted by the size of community, interest in knowing homosexuals, and interpersonal contacts; 2) a higher level of negative stereotypes is associated with frequent use of Chinese media, perceived valence of portrayals and believability of Chinese media. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENT The completion of this thesis at the KU Journalism School only means my very first step on learning how to do research. And this attempt could not have been finished without the help from lots of people. My foremost gratitude goes to my thesis chair, Dr. Tien-Tsung Lee, who helped a great deal on formation of the research ideas, data analysis, academic writing and much, much more. But far beyond the research skills, the great encouragement that I received from him helped me to overcome my fear and weakness that I would otherwise face alone. This work is also dedicated to him for his untiring efforts that always inspire me since my first day in his JOUR 801class in 2008. I appreciate my committee members, Dr. Charles Marsh and Dr. Doug Ward for their precious time and insights. Dr. Marsh did not hesitate to help out when help was needed. His great questions allowed me to think and act differently on more dimensions. Coming from an experienced professional of the English language, Dr. Ward’s comments on the profuse use of “use/usage” “because of/ due to” were not only helpful but entertaining part of revising this thesis. My coordinators, Yan Liu and Yang Yang, who are currently teaching in the colleges where I conducted the survey in China, are truly a pleasure to work with—I am enormously fortune to have them in the data collection process. This is also a good opportunity to thank Ms. Cindy Nesvarba. I believe that without her none of us would have successfully gone through with this program. I also want to thank Ford Foundation and Institute of International Education. It is their International Fellowship Program and the efforts on social justice and international education that made my pursuit of study in United States possible. It would be my life-time honor for being a member of the IFP global family. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………….. iii Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………………………. iv Chapter 1 Introduction………………………………………………………………… 1 Chapter 2 Literature Review………………………………………………………….. 7 2.1 Stereotypes 7 2.1.1 Definition of Stereotypes 7 2.1.2 The Formation and Function of Stereotypes 8 2.1.3 Effects of Sources of Information on Stereotypes 9 2.2 Homosexuality in China 17 2.2.1 Ancient Times and Chinese Tradition 17 2.2.2 Homosexuals in Modern China 18 2.3 Media Use in China 25 2.3.1 China’s Media System 25 2.3.2 Media Availability in China 28 2.3.3 Homosexuals and China Media 30 Chapter 3 Research Questions, Hypotheses and Method……………………………. 32 3.1 Research Questions and Hypotheses 32 3.2 Method 35 3.2.1 Sample 35 3.2.2 Measures 36 3.2.3 Procedure 38 Chapter 4 Findings……………………………………………………………………... 39 4.1 Stereotypes of Homosexuals and Sources of Information 39 4.2 Tests of Hypotheses 44 Chapter 5 Conclusion and Discussions……………………………………………….. 50 5.1 Stereotypes of Homosexuals in China 50 5.2 Media Effects on Homosexual Stereotypes 52 5.3 Limitations and Future Research 56 References………………………………………………………………………………….. 58 Appendix: Survey design………………………………………………………………….. 68 v CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION One evening in January 2010 in Beijing, China, the stage for Mr. Gay China Competition was set. The event was sold out. International media cameras lined up along the catwalk beneath rows of gleaming spotlights. However, an hour before the Mr. Gay China pageant was to start, the police came to shut it down. The announcement from the police triggered a media scrum at the host club in downtown Beijing. Event organizer Ben Zhang disappeared; the contestants scattered and found refuge with friends. The scheduled competition was to include a fashion and talent show, as well as a question-and-answer session. Several of the eight finalists were planning to go public with their homosexuality for the first time. Emilio Liu, a 26-year-old contestant, expressed his disappointment. “Homosexuality is still not really accepted by the whole society, and China is not there yet,” he said. “I tried to use this competition to come out, but now I'll wait another few years” (E. Chang, 2010). The police cited a lack of proper permit as the reason to cancel the pageant. However, this cancellation was not a single incident. Less than 24 hours after shutting down the Mr. Gay China competition, the weekly gay night at the LAN, the host club of the competition, was cancelled until further notice. Similar events in the past — such as a parade during the Shanghai Pride Festival in 2009 — have been blocked by the authorities. “Aizhixing,” an AIDS NGO that works th to raise awareness about HIV and AIDS issues, reported that the police cancelled its 16 1 anniversary celebration and meetings. Even though these events do not have any overt political agenda, they are not tolerated by the Chinese government. These incidents are entirely about “moral standards and culture,” according to Emilio Liu, a contestant of Mr. Gay China. “If most people can't accept it, then the government won't let it happen” (D. Yang, 2010). The pageant, if held, would have signified Chinese society’s as well as the government’s improving attitudes toward homosexuality. The cancellation of these events, however, has let down many in China's gay community. Yet for many homosexuals struggling for social recognition and acceptance in China, what this scenario exemplified was only the tip of the iceberg. As Ray Ally, a social commentator with Landor Associates, a multinational consulting firm, pointed out, “It's still hard to be gay in China. It's still very hard to be openly gay with your friends, with your colleagues and there's still a stigma or taboo about being gay” (“Gay pageant 'cancelled by police' in China,” 2010). Notably in this particular case, the media played a role with two opposite effects. On the one hand, the Mr. Gay China event received unexpectedly intensive attention from the press. In just a few days, the coverage helped a great deal to raise the awareness of the existence of a local gay community. International media such as AP, AFP, and the Guardian, as well as some influential domestic media including the Xinhua News Agency, the China Daily and Nan Fang Weekend interviewed the organizers and contestants (D. Yang, 2010). On the other hand, the media coverage, no matter what the stand they took on homosexuality, also triggered a large amount of anti-gay opposition in society. Stereotypical media portrayal of gay men was followed 2 by negative comments on many news websites, including “disgusting and deviant,” “shame of the nation,” paving the way for the authorities’ cancellation of the event (Hawke, 2010). Like the contestant Simon Wang said, “We have been together fighting against the feminine and disease-related stereotypes in society. Ironically and sadly, my father doesn’t even believe in the existence of homosexuality. He thought it was only a joke on TV rather than reality” (Branigan, 2010). At a deeper level, as past research have suggested, mediated images only reflect the stereotypes that the majority have toward sexual minorities rather than realistic portrayals (Gross, 2001). Consequently, distorted media coverage further reinforces the way the public learns, understands, and thinks about an issue (Jamieson & Waldman, 2003). Historically sexual minorities were invisible on TV and movie screens and in print media. However, in recent years lesbians and gay men have begun to appear more often in the media, even though they are still found in limited, and often demeaning or negative, roles (Gross, 2001; Gross & Woods, 1999; Kuhar, 2003).
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