The Effects of Media Use and Interpersonal Contacts on the Stereotyping of Lesbians and Gay Men in China by
Jia-Wei Tu
Submitted to the William Allen White School of Journalism and Mass Communications and the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science
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Chairperson: Tien-Tsung Lee Associate Professor
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Committee Member 1: Charles Marsh Associate Professor
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Committee Member 2: Douglas Ward Associate Professor
Date Defended: November 11, 2010
The Thesis Committee for Jia-Wei Tu
certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis:
The Effects of Media Use and Interpersonal Contacts on the Stereotyping of Lesbians and Gay Men in China
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Chairperson: Tien-Tsung Lee Associate Professor
Committee Member 1: Charles Marsh Associate Professor
Committee Member 2: Douglas Ward Associate Professor
Date approved: November 11, 2010
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ABSTRACT
Little research has investigated stereotypes of homosexuals in other cultures. This thesis attempts to fill this gap by surveying college students to find out: 1) their stereotypes of homosexuals, 2) their sources of information about lesbians and gay men in China, and 3) the effects of different information sources on the stereotyping of homosexuals. Hypotheses in this thesis were derived from contact hypothesis of stereotyping which predicts that frequent of contact with a minority group leads to positive evaluations. The author also tests social cognitive theory which explains stereotypes as the result of the evaluation of information by receivers. The hypotheses are tested for interpersonal contact and vicarious contact via mass media.
226 Chinese college students were surveyed to measure the stereotypes of homosexuals and the variables of information sources. Results show partial support for both of hypotheses mentioned above. The most important findings of this study are: 1) the stereotyping of homosexuals is predicted by the size of community, interest in knowing homosexuals, and interpersonal contacts; 2) a higher level of negative stereotypes is associated with frequent use of
Chinese media, perceived valence of portrayals and believability of Chinese media. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The completion of this thesis at the KU Journalism School only means my very first step on learning how to do research. And this attempt could not have been finished without the help from lots of people.
My foremost gratitude goes to my thesis chair, Dr. Tien-Tsung Lee, who helped a great deal on formation of the research ideas, data analysis, academic writing and much, much more. But far beyond the research skills, the great encouragement that I received from him helped me to overcome my fear and weakness that I would otherwise face alone. This work is also dedicated to him for his untiring efforts that always inspire me since my first day in his JOUR 801class in 2008.
I appreciate my committee members, Dr. Charles Marsh and Dr. Doug Ward for their precious time and insights. Dr. Marsh did not hesitate to help out when help was needed. His great questions allowed me to think and act differently on more dimensions. Coming from an experienced professional of the English language, Dr. Ward’s comments on the profuse use of “use/usage” “because of/ due to” were not only helpful but entertaining part of revising this thesis.
My coordinators, Yan Liu and Yang Yang, who are currently teaching in the colleges where I conducted the survey in China, are truly a pleasure to work with—I am enormously fortune to have them in the data collection process.
This is also a good opportunity to thank Ms. Cindy Nesvarba. I believe that without her none of us would have successfully gone through with this program.
I also want to thank Ford Foundation and Institute of International Education. It is their International Fellowship Program and the efforts on social justice and international education that made my pursuit of study in United States possible. It would be my life-time honor for being a member of the IFP global family.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………….. iii
Acknowledgement…………………………………………………………………………. iv
Chapter 1 Introduction………………………………………………………………… 1
Chapter 2 Literature Review………………………………………………………….. 7 2.1 Stereotypes 7 2.1.1 Definition of Stereotypes 7 2.1.2 The Formation and Function of Stereotypes 8 2.1.3 Effects of Sources of Information on Stereotypes 9 2.2 Homosexuality in China 17 2.2.1 Ancient Times and Chinese Tradition 17 2.2.2 Homosexuals in Modern China 18 2.3 Media Use in China 25 2.3.1 China’s Media System 25 2.3.2 Media Availability in China 28 2.3.3 Homosexuals and China Media 30
Chapter 3 Research Questions, Hypotheses and Method……………………………. 32 3.1 Research Questions and Hypotheses 32 3.2 Method 35 3.2.1 Sample 35 3.2.2 Measures 36 3.2.3 Procedure 38
Chapter 4 Findings……………………………………………………………………... 39 4.1 Stereotypes of Homosexuals and Sources of Information 39 4.2 Tests of Hypotheses 44
Chapter 5 Conclusion and Discussions……………………………………………….. 50 5.1 Stereotypes of Homosexuals in China 50 5.2 Media Effects on Homosexual Stereotypes 52 5.3 Limitations and Future Research 56
References………………………………………………………………………………….. 58
Appendix: Survey design………………………………………………………………….. 68
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
One evening in January 2010 in Beijing, China, the stage for Mr. Gay China Competition was set. The event was sold out. International media cameras lined up along the catwalk beneath rows of gleaming spotlights. However, an hour before the Mr. Gay China pageant was to start, the police came to shut it down. The announcement from the police triggered a media scrum at the host club in downtown Beijing. Event organizer Ben Zhang disappeared; the contestants scattered and found refuge with friends. The scheduled competition was to include a fashion and talent show, as well as a question-and-answer session. Several of the eight finalists were planning to go public with their homosexuality for the first time. Emilio Liu, a 26-year-old contestant, expressed his disappointment. “Homosexuality is still not really accepted by the whole society, and China is not there yet,” he said. “I tried to use this competition to come out, but now I'll wait another few years” (E. Chang, 2010).
The police cited a lack of proper permit as the reason to cancel the pageant. However, this cancellation was not a single incident. Less than 24 hours after shutting down the Mr. Gay China competition, the weekly gay night at the LAN, the host club of the competition, was cancelled until further notice. Similar events in the past — such as a parade during the Shanghai Pride
Festival in 2009 — have been blocked by the authorities. “Aizhixing,” an AIDS NGO that works to raise awareness about HIV and AIDS issues, reported that the police cancelled its 16th
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anniversary celebration and meetings. Even though these events do not have any overt political agenda, they are not tolerated by the Chinese government. These incidents are entirely about
“moral standards and culture,” according to Emilio Liu, a contestant of Mr. Gay China. “If most people can't accept it, then the government won't let it happen” (D. Yang, 2010).
The pageant, if held, would have signified Chinese society’s as well as the government’s improving attitudes toward homosexuality. The cancellation of these events, however, has let down many in China's gay community. Yet for many homosexuals struggling for social recognition and acceptance in China, what this scenario exemplified was only the tip of the iceberg. As Ray Ally, a social commentator with Landor Associates, a multinational consulting firm, pointed out, “It's still hard to be gay in China. It's still very hard to be openly gay with your friends, with your colleagues and there's still a stigma or taboo about being gay” (“Gay pageant
'cancelled by police' in China,” 2010).
Notably in this particular case, the media played a role with two opposite effects. On the one hand, the Mr. Gay China event received unexpectedly intensive attention from the press. In just a few days, the coverage helped a great deal to raise the awareness of the existence of a local gay community. International media such as AP, AFP, and the Guardian, as well as some influential domestic media including the Xinhua News Agency, the China Daily and Nan Fang
Weekend interviewed the organizers and contestants (D. Yang, 2010). On the other hand, the media coverage, no matter what the stand they took on homosexuality, also triggered a large amount of anti-gay opposition in society. Stereotypical media portrayal of gay men was followed
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by negative comments on many news websites, including “disgusting and deviant,” “shame of the nation,” paving the way for the authorities’ cancellation of the event (Hawke, 2010). Like the contestant Simon Wang said, “We have been together fighting against the feminine and disease-related stereotypes in society. Ironically and sadly, my father doesn’t even believe in the existence of homosexuality. He thought it was only a joke on TV rather than reality” (Branigan,
2010).
At a deeper level, as past research have suggested, mediated images only reflect the stereotypes that the majority have toward sexual minorities rather than realistic portrayals (Gross,
2001). Consequently, distorted media coverage further reinforces the way the public learns, understands, and thinks about an issue (Jamieson & Waldman, 2003).
Historically sexual minorities were invisible on TV and movie screens and in print media.
However, in recent years lesbians and gay men have begun to appear more often in the media, even though they are still found in limited, and often demeaning or negative, roles (Gross, 2001;
Gross & Woods, 1999; Kuhar, 2003). In their book about homosexuals in media and politics,
Gross and Woods (1999) pointed out the common fate shared by those who exist outside the mediated mainstream: “In a society dominated by centralized sources of information and imagery, media representations of sexual minorities (or the lack thereof) are the product of the social invisibility and the opportunities it creates for the stereotyping and stigmatization of lesbians and gay men” (p. 56). And media stereotypes, “in particular, transform assumptions about given groups of people into realities, and can be used to justify the position of those in power, or
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perpetuate social prejudice and inequality” (Gross & Woods, 1999, p. 19). For lesbians and gay men themselves, previous research also suggests that damaging stereotypes in the media often lead to the self-oppressive characteristic of homosexuals’ lives (Dyer, 1977).
Surprisingly, little research exists on the effects of media use on the audience’s stereotypes of homosexuals. By contrast, many studies have shown that racial minorities (e.g.,
Native Americans and African Americans), for the most part, continue to be negatively stereotyped at home and abroad, and that media are partly to blame (Fujioka, 1999; Gilens, 1996;
Rada, 2000). Sexual minorities, obviously, differ in ways from racial and ethnic minorities.
Unlike other social groups defined by thoughts, deeds or family relation, lesbians and gay men are a self-identified minority group whose members generally only recognize or announce their status or identity at adolescence or later (Gross, 2001). Because homosexuals are a very different kind of minorities in comparison with racial minorities, the effect of media stereotyping might be more definitive from those of racial minorities.
In a broader context, homophobic attitudes exist in many societies. The present author
chose China to study this issue because almost one fourth of the world’s population is in China,
and therefore the size of its gay population is relatively high. According to Chinese state-run
media, there are an estimated 30 million homosexuals in the country, and the majority of them,
willingly or not, stay in the closet (Pu & Li, 2005). Besides, China has attracted worldwide
attention with decades of steady economic growth, which has resulted in increasing political
influence in world affairs. More media content from foreign countries is available in China
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today – resulting in increasing diversity in both media form and media content (J. Wang & T.
Chang, 1996).
Homosexuals in China face similar oppression, discrimination, and persecution that their counterparts in the United States used to experience. Dominant social values and political intolerance of “deviant” behavior have forced homosexuals in China to live a double life. They can reveal their sexuality to very limited social networks (e.g., lesbian or gay friends) and must stay in the closet at work and around their family (Altman, 2001; B. Zhang, 2001; Yong 2005a;
2005b). Homosexuality is still seen as a sign of “transgression” in China (B. Zhang, 2001). On the other hand, China is a country that is officially atheistic. Without religious reasons for opposing homosexuality, attitudes are slowly shifting among big city dwellers from intolerance to indifference (Jin, 2003). General perception of homosexuals has gradually improved over the last several years. For example, homosexual sex was considered a crime until 1997; and in 2001, homosexuality was removed from the list of mental disorders (Bartram, 2010).
In comparison with the abundance of studies in the United States, little research on the homosexual stereotypes in China was found, letting alone studies on the interplay between homosexual stereotypes and the mass media. The little research about the changing gay visibility or their media portrayals in China is limited to investigating a single source – such as the State-run Xinhua News Agency (Shu, 2009), a single media category— Weblog (Kang &
Yang, 2009), or on media content itself other than its effects on the audience (J. Zhang & D.
Zhang, 2008). Therefore, the generalizability of the few existing studies is limited. To have a
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better understanding of the effects of media stereotyping of homosexuals in China, the present author conducted a survey to examine a number of relevant factors. Such an investigation on homosexual stereotypes and the relevant media effects is likely the first about China. The fundamental research question of this thesis is: Do the media play a role in stereotyping homosexuals in China?
The present study surveyed Chinese college students because first, they are in a relatively early stage of the socialization process and are therefore more likely to be affected by the media (Bandura, 2001); second, they are heavy and savvy users of mass media (Y. Wang &
S. Sun, 2009). The author asked college students from three universities in China to report: (1) their stereotypes of homosexuals, (2) their sources of information about homosexuals, and (3) whether or not such stereotypes are related to media use as well as interpersonal contacts.
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CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 STEREOTYPES
2.1.1 Definition of Stereotypes
Stereotypes are mental images about others – either individuals or groups – that are oversimplified and overgeneralized (Snyder & Miene, 1994). The term “stereotype” was first used to illustrate the typical image that one formulates about a particular social or cultural group (Lippman,
1922). Later, Tajfel (1981) pointed out that stereotypes are social products serving the functions of making sense of the world by simplifying or systematizing information, and protecting perceivers’ own value structures. Stereotypes exist because of humans’ limited capacity to deal with incoming information (Lang & Friestad, 1993). Stereotyping is, therefore, the cognitive process by which humans simplify complex information and make sense of the world (Taylor, 1981).
Stereotypes can be positive, negative, or neutral (Ashmore & Del Boca, 1981; Schneider,
2004). Stereotypes typically contain negative connotations or attitudes. That is because the perceivers often subordinate other cultural groups with whom they share little in common either physically or in terms of values (Tajfel, 1981). These scholars argued that the dominant group uses stereotypes to dehumanize other groups that differ in values, beliefs or physical characteristics. The purpose is to maintain the dominant or in-group’s own political power and social control. Because of this tendency,
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stereotypes may be used to justify unjust practices, behaviors and treatments of or toward minority or out-groups (Smith, 1991).
2.1.2 Formation and Function of Stereotypes
Theoretical models vary in the formation process of stereotypes. For example, the schema
model suggests that stereotypes are abstract knowledge structures that specify the defining
features and attributes of a target group. They are sets of beliefs about the characteristics of
others and other social groups (Katz & Braly, 1933; Schneider, 2004; Snyder & Miene, 1994).
The exemplar model proposes that people store information they get through direct contact with
members of another group by registering them as individual cases. Perceptions about individuals
that result from personal contacts become stereotypes of the group they represent (Stangor &
Schaller, 2000). The group prototype model asserts stereotypes are fixed associations between
one’s mental structure and a group label. This model is supported by studies showing that
expectancy-confirming information about social groups is better remembered than disconfirming
information about them (Fyock & Stangor, 1994). The model is also supported by the finding
that stereotypes are activated when a group label is primed (Gilbert & Hixon, 1991).
Generally, these theories above agree that (1) stereotypes are the result of human
cognitive processing, which sorts incoming information; (2) as a result, social environment is
simplified after the formation of stereotypes; and (3) stereotypes are formed in the process of
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organizing information into categories, which is the results of storing and making use of some information, and discarding and ignoring other information (Stangor & Schaller, 2000).
2.1.3 Effects of Sources of Information on Stereotypes
Several theories – such as social cognitive, cultivation, and para-social contact – all discuss how the audience can internalize and project what they see in mass media or via other contact (e.g. personal contact) to what they believe to exist in reality. They suggest that mass media or other factors can significantly add to the effect of the cognitive models.
Social cognitive theory explains how people observe and model behaviors and attitudes of others to form their values and beliefs; learning occurs when observed events are readily accessible, simple, repeated, and perceived to be functional (Bandura, 1986).
In a later study, Bandura (2001) extended the conditions of learning to three dimensions.
The first dimension is about functional value, which refers to utilizing an observed event to serve as a reward for the receiver of information. When an observed event has functional value for a receiver, the event is positively evaluated. Examples are the depiction of a solution to a problem, and information that helps in the completion of a task (Tan, Nelson, Dong, & Tan, 1997).
The second dimension is valence — evaluation of whether the contact experience is positive or negative. The contact can either be in person or vicarious such as watching TV
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(Fujioka, 1999; Schiappa, Gregg, & Hewes, 2005). For example, Tan, Fujioka, and Lucht (1997) found that perceived positive and negative TV attributes of Native Americans were related to stereotyping of the racial group, while frequency of TV viewing failed to predict the stereotypes of a racial group.
The third dimension is about realism and believability. The extent to which media messages are perceived to be real and believable (or true to life) has also been found to predict stereotyping (Punyanunt-Carter, 2008). Stereotypes can be learned from the media or through personal contact. In environments where personal contact with the stereotyped group is infrequent (such as learning about foreign countries), the media can potentially be a powerful source of influence. The learning of stereotypes takes place when portrayals of the stereotyped group are clearly perceived with valence, and when these portrayals are considered to be realistic and believable by the receiver (Fujioka, 1999).
However, frequent exposure is not a necessary condition for learning because research suggests a single or infrequent exposure can affect behaviors and social perceptions (Appiah,
2002; Bandura, 2001; Dixon & Azocar, 2007; Oliver, 1999). This theory has been used to test media effects in recent studies, such as media influence on suicidal ideation (Fu, Chan, & Yip,
2009), and interpersonal and media effects on perceived risks of using anabolic-androgenic steroids (Denham, 2008).
Lesbians and gay men in China generally tend to conceal their sexuality in social
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relations (e.g., with friends and colleagues) (Chang, 2010). It is reasonable to suspect a stronger media effect because many Chinese people have little direct contact with homosexuals and therefore they have to rely on the media to have vicarious contact with lesbians and gay men.
The Contact hypothesis, originally proposed by Allport (1954), predicts that frequent contacts will allow individuals to use more dimensions in evaluating one another, resulting in less extreme evaluations. When initial evaluations are negative, resulting perceptions from increased contacts should be more positive. When direct contact is lacking, the mass media serve as important agents in the formation of stereotypes. Theoretically, evaluations (e.g., stereotypes) by in-group members of their own group are often more positive than evaluations of out-group members. When many dimensions are used to judge another person (or a stimulus), some of these dimensions will likely be favorable and others unfavorable, resulting in an overall evaluation that is less extreme and unlikely to be extremely favorable or extremely unfavorable.
With less contact, fewer dimensions are used, resulting in extreme evaluations, either good or bad (Jussim, Harber, Crawford, Cain, & Cohen, 2005). For example, recent research by
Amichai-Hamburger and McKenna (2006) examined contacts in Internet-mediated settings.
They argued that the Internet creates a protected environment for users where they have more control over the communication process, in which the Internet’s unique qualities may help in the creation of positive contact between rival groups. Christian and Lapinski (2003) tested U. S. high school students' knowledge, attitudes, and stereotypes regarding Muslims. They found that students’ attitudes and negative stereotypes toward Muslims were directly tied to their interaction
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with Muslims. Further, the greater the participants’ knowledge of Islam, the fewer negative stereotypes existed and the more positive the students’ attitudes were toward Muslims. However, that study did not reveal a strong relationship between stereotypes or attitudes and media use.
In existing studies, the contact hypothesis was usually tested by the most-used measurements— frequency of contact, affective evaluation of contact, and first contact (e.g., Tan,
Fujioka, & Lucht, 1997). For example, Herek and Capitanio (1996) suggest that open discussion is important information source for understanding both in-group and out-group members. Their study indicates that heterosexuals with personal contact have more positive feelings toward lesbians and gay men. Also, lesbians and gay men who come out of the closet to their heterosexual friends and family members help to create more positive attitudes toward homosexuality. Learning theories and studies on impression formation suggest that first contact may be a more powerful predictor of stereotypes than contact in general (Brewer, 1988). This thesis, thus, will measure the effects of three kinds of contacts as predictors of stereotypes—not only vicarious contacts via mass media, but also direct personal contacts and interpersonal discussion as parameters.
Cultivation analysis suggests that TV content influences viewers to accept televised portrayals of the world as real. TV viewing can influence both the audience’s feelings towards minority groups and their opinions on relevant issues (Gerbner, 1973; Gerbner, Gross, Morgan,
& Signorielli, 1994). Researchers generally agree with the proposition that the frequency of TV use influences the stereotypes of social groups (Gilens, 1996; Rada, 2000). For instance, a study
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examining the stereotypes of Asian Americans also demonstrates that the audience’s perceptions about Asian Americans are largely aligned with media representations, and these stereotypes impact people's intent to interact with Asian Americans (Q. Zhang, 2010).
Para-social interaction (Horton & Wohl, 1956) proposes that the consumers of mass media can develop intimate and friendly relationships with media persona. Schiappa, Gregg, and
Hewes (2005) extended the contact hypothesis to a para-social model that explains such vicarious and imagined interaction with TV characters (who are members of minorities) can lead to a reduction of prejudices against such minorities. They argued, “[i]f people process mass-mediated para-social interaction in a manner similar to interpersonal interaction, then the socially beneficial functions of intergroup contact may result from para-social contact’’ (p. 92).
These authors found that respondents’ para-social contact with minority TV characters (i.e., gay men and a transvestite) decreased prejudices against such characters (Schiappa et al., 2005).
Existing studies (e.g., Fujioka, 2000) have integrated contact and cultivation theories to explain how vicarious intergroup contact (e.g., as portrayed in television) can shape racial stereotypes. Further, Tan, Y. Zhang, L. Zhang and Dalisay (2009) suggest vicarious and para-social intergroup contact theories can be applied to analyze how audiences may live vicariously through the experiences of a media character whom they perceive as part of their in-group. Frequent and positive para-social (e.g., via television) interaction between an in-group member and out-group members may enhance positive social perceptions (e.g., stereotypes) of out-group members.
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In the present study, for instance, if the Chinese audience members live vicariously through the experiences of a favored celebrity in a TV program, whose contact situations with their lesbian or gay friends are generally positive (e.g., living an honest and open life, or having a good career such Leslie Cheung, a film actor and musician in Hong Kong), then such vicarious experiences may promote positive stereotypes of homosexuals.
A sizable amount of media research deals with stereotypes of cultural groups. Tan and his colleagues, for example, have conducted a series of studies on the stereotypes of racial or ethnical minorities to examine the media’s effects on stereotypes among different out-groups over nearly three decades (Tan, 1982; Tan & Fujioka, 1997; 2000; Tan & Suarchavarat, 1988;
Tan et al., 2001; Tan, et al., 2009b; Tan, Han, Dalisay, Zhang, & Merchant, 2009a; Tan, Li, &
Simpson, 1986). In their earlier studies, they found media use (mainly TV use) is related to certain traits used by audience members (e.g. college students in China, Taiwan, Mexico or
Thailand) to describe Americans as the stereotyped group (Tan, 1982; Tan et al., 1986). These studies also provide evidence that television's enculturation effects can be extended to social stereotypes and to foreign audiences. Television's enculturation effects in social stereotyping are likely to be observed when television viewing is frequent, when the images presented in frequently watched television programs are clear and consistent, and when information about the stereotyped group is lacking from other sources (Tan & Suarchavarat, 1988).
Tan and colleague’s other studies went further on the stereotypes of ethnic minority groups such as Native Americans (Tan & Fujioka, 1997) and African Americans (Tan & Fujioka,
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2000). They also found that media-related variables such as TV portrayal or TV use do predict racial stereotypes. In these studies, non-media variables – such as direct personal contact (Tan &
Fujioka, 1997) and peer information (Tan et al., 2001) – were selected and tested along with media variables on the formation of stereotypes.
In Tan and colleague’s recent studies, when the setting extended to people living outside the United States (e.g. Korea), and when more control stimuli were added (Tan et al., 2009a;
2009b), the results tended to be mixed, and media variables may or may not be significant predictors of stereotypes in some research models. Fujioka (1999) studied the frequency of vicarious contact with African Americans via television exposure and viewers’ stereotypes of
African Americans. Using samples of Japanese respondents living in Japan and White American respondents living in the United States, she found that the frequency of TV-mediated vicarious contact with African Americans did not significantly affect both groups’ stereotypes of African
Americans. Further, the theoretical and practical implications from the recent findings also show additional multidimensional effects on stereotyping other than media use itself. The additional effects include audience perceptions of the accuracy, realism, believability and functionality of media contents (Tan et al., 2009b).
Given the rapidly expanding reach and growth of media in China and the rarity of recent research, whether media portrayals of homosexuals affect the perceptions of these groups by audiences deserves investigation. In this thesis, particularly, the author investigated whether media effects on stereotyping are consistent with the observed effects in the United States.
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2.2 HOMOSEXUALS IN CHINA
2.2.1 Ancient Times and Chinese Traditions
Historical references indicate that homosexuality was spread wide, recognized and fairly tolerated in ancient China (Ruan, 1991; Samshasha, 1997). Even though in ancient China homosexuality was far from being fully accepted, people were not seriously persecuted for engaging in same-sex sexual behavior (Samshasha, 1997). In the last 20 years, gay activists and sympathetic scholars have presented such materials to challenge the modern mainstream belief that previous societies in China did not have homosexuality and that it was imported from the
West (Chou, 1997).
Why was homosexuality fairly tolerated in ancient China? One explanation is there was no concept equivalent to a gay or lesbian identity or orientation. Terms equivalent to the adjective “homosexual” were used to describe people’s sexual behavior or a type of romantic relationship. In other words, same-sex encounters were only seen as behavior, not the core or some special orientation of the person (Chou, 1997). In any event, it was essential for a man to form a family and have legitimate offspring to continue the family line. Once the requirement was fulfilled, other sexual encounters could be tolerated. For example, when the young male lovers/ servants of upper class men reached adulthood, their masters would help arrange marriage with women (Samshasha, 1997). Also, there was little questioning about the cause of homosexuality in ancient China. Ruan (1991) reported a few speculations in ancient China on the
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causes of homosexuality, citing both “nature” and “nurture” as beliefs. In addition, although ancient Chinese men and women largely differed in social status, both male homosexuality and lesbianism were tolerated, according to Ruan.
Even though homosexuality was tolerated, it was never completely accepted in ancient
China. According to Samshasha (1997), covert and overt homophobic attitudes were recorded in
Chinese literature. In both official and unofficial historical records, as well as fiction, male sexual servants were always in a low social status and by no means could be improved.
Revelation of same-sex attraction could also ruin a career permanently. Denigrating expressions were often assigned to same-sex attraction and romantic relationships.
2.2.2 Homosexuals in Modern China
The Homosexual Community
The actual number of homosexuals in China remains controversial. The Ministry of
Health estimated five million to ten million gay people aged between 15 and 65 on the Chinese mainland (versus Hong Kong and Macau) in 2006. But sociologist Li estimated between 36 and
48 million (D. Yang, 2010).
In recent years, the gay community in China has transformed from being virtually invisible to establishing a small foothold in society (Tran, 2009). Projects have been launched
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out of homosexual communities to raise the questions of this sexual minority today. For example, a 2010 photographic campaign dubbed “Smile4Gay,” featured heterosexual mainland Chinese holding signs in support for LGBT (lesbian, gay, bi-sexual and transgender) people and LGBT rights. It attracted more than 4,409 willing participants, a figure that more than twice surpassed the founder's initial estimated turnout. While a majority of the supporters came from those in their twenties, several adolescents, middle-aged adults, and even elderly individuals showed their support (Sun, 2010).
The loosening of restrictions on Internet use has resulted in a blossoming of gay websites in mainland China, even though the police sometimes intervene and shut down such websites (D.
Zhang et al., 2007). The Internet has been important to the mainland Chinese gay community.
Although there are no official gay social organizations in mainland China, there are some organized Internet sites that function as advisory institutions (Aibai.com, 2010). (Internet use for communication will be discussed in section 2.3.)
The lack of legal protection, plus the great weight of family and social pressure, keeps most Chinese homosexuals solidly in the closet (Chu & Macleod, 2010). The Chinese homosexual community is often under threat in other ways. Gay clubs, bars, and support centers are more prominent in first-tier cities like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen. These venues have become more widespread in second-tier cities like Xi'an, Dalian, and Kunming.
However, these locations are occasionally subject to police harassment (Tran, 2009). Being gay is particularly difficult in the countryside. It is especially severe as the vast majority of people
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who live in rural areas have no Internet access and no possibility to move to a city. Country dwellers do not often speak of homosexuality, and when they do, it is usually considered a disease (Dundon, 2010). In addition, the Chinese gay community faces different problems from its counterparts in the west: the censorship of gay books and films, the closure of bars and culture festivals, and the varying tolerance of gay-related nongovernmental organizations in general
(Branigan, 2009).
From either a medical or political perspective, the homosexual community is believed to be at a high risk for HIV (Liu & Choi, 2006). In January 2006, the State Council of the People's
Republic of China issued a document called Regulations on AIDS Prevention and Treatment.
The document specifically mentioned men who have sex with men as a population that is vulnerable to HIV infection and directed officials and organizations on every level to include these men in HIV prevention activities (J. Zhang & D. Zhang, 2008). From a social psychological perspective, Liu and Choi’s (1996) investigation reveals that the stigma associated with homosexuality links to culturally based factors including social status, relationships, the value of family, perceptions of immorality and abnormality, and gender stereotypes of masculinity. In particular, the centrality of family and the importance of maintaining heterosexual relationships caused stress and anxiety, contributing to more frequent encounters with felt stigma.
Unlike in many Western countries, homosexual rights are not openly discussed on the political agenda in China (Jin, 2003). However, same-sex marriage was the exception. Yinhe Li,
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a member of National People’s Congress and a renowned sexologist, proposed legalizing same-sex marriages during the annual session of the National People's Congress in 2000.
However, the suggestion was not publicly discussed until 2003 when policymakers met to talk about amending the Law on Marriage. Eight times in the National People's Congress, Li proposed the same-sex marriage bill, but all were dismissed before reaching the threshold for discussion (Ren, 2010).
Government’s Stance and Control
Chinese authorities have eased their control over some aspects of gay life. A notable change occurred in 1997 with the removal of sodomy from the criminal law, a virtual decriminalization of homosexuality. On April 20, 2001, the Chinese Classification of Mental
Disorders formally removed homosexuality from its list of mental illnesses (Zheng, 2001).
The authorities, however, still refuse to grant or promote overall gay rights (Bartram,
2010). Although there is no explicit law against homosexuality or same-sex acts between consenting adults, neither are there laws protecting gays from discrimination. There are no gay rights organizations in China, either. The government’s hands-off approach on governing homosexual-related issues is sometimes called the Triple No Policy: no approval, no disapproval, and no promotion (Rauhala, 2009).
Many examples show that gay people in China still have to endure prejudice from the justice system and harassment from the police, including detention and arrest. For example, in
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October 1999, a Beijing court ruled that homosexuality was abnormal and unacceptable to the
Chinese public. In 2000, at least 37 gay men were detained in Guangdong (Chinese police raid gay sauna, 2000).
The State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television initiated a campaign to clear violence and sexual content from the media in 2004. Programs related to homosexual topics, scenes, or languages are considered to be against “the healthy way of life” in China and therefore are banned. In 2009, more than 10 gay websites in China reportedly were forced to close or had their accounts deleted by their server hosting companies due to pressure from the authorities (W.
Yang, 2009).
Public Awareness and Attitude
A survey by Chinese sexologist Li (2007) showed a mixed picture of public attitudes towards lesbians and gay men in China. Nighty-one percent of respondents said they agreed that homosexuals should have equal employment rights, while over 80% of respondents said that heterosexuals and homosexuals were “equal individuals.” On the other hand, a slight majority
(52%) disagreed with the proposition that an openly gay person should be a teacher, and 40% of the respondents said that homosexuality was “completely wrong.” An earlier Internet survey in
2000 also revealed that the Chinese had become more tolerant towards homosexuality. Among the 10,792 surveyed, 48.15% were in favor of homosexuals, 30.9% against, 14.46% uncertain, and 7.26% indifferent (Zheng, 2001).
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Research Publications
There has been growth in research dealing with China’s homosexuality issues since the
1990s. A sizable amount of government-funded works was initiated at that time, albeit mainly connected to tackling HIV (Jin, 2003). In comparison with existing medical studies, sociological and psychological works on homosexuality are rare in China. By the mid-1980s Chinese researchers on the mainland had begun investigating same-sex relationships in China. Fangfu
Ruan was one of the earliest. His most famous work is Sex in China: Studies in Sexology in
Chinese Culture, published in 1991. Sexologist Yinhe Li is renowned for her research on homosexuality. Her early work includes a series of introductions to Western sociological theories on homosexuality (e.g., Li, 1998), as well as the initial investigations on homosexual issues in
China (Li & Wang, 1992). Her recent work also aims to fill the fissure between physiological determinant and social construction of homosexuality (e.g., Li, 2007).
In summation, the mixture of historical traditions and political reality in China has provided a different environment for homosexuals from those in other countries. According to
Osland, Bird and Jacob (2000), stereotypes are embedded in the context and cannot be understood fully without taking the context into consideration. Little research has examined stereotypes of homosexuals held by Chinese. Therefore, this thesis is an attempt to fill the gap by investigating homosexual stereotypes in China.
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2.3 MEDIA USE IN CHINA
2.3.1 China’s Media System
China originally adopted its media control system from the former Soviet Union in the
1950s (Hong, 1998; Schell, 1995). Mass media in China, regarded as a link among the government, the Communist Party, and the people, are expected to advance the socialist cause.
Chinese journalism, or the dominant part of it, is an organ of the Communist Party. Its political orientation and fundamental policies depend largely or totally on those of the Party (Chang,
1989).
The party is the owner, the manager, and the practitioner of the media, staffed by loyal
Party members (Chu, 1994). For the media, production has been centrally planned. The amount and types of print media were determined by official and political rather than consumer needs (C.
Lee, 1994). The State General Publishing Administration, which is under the control of Party
Central Committee’s Propaganda Department, oversees the print media (Schell, 1995). Although advertising is the principal source of revenue for the Western press, the Chinese press for many years was government financed (Yu, 1994). Tight political control notwithstanding, the economic liberation has led to a quiet push for changes inside the Chinese media system (Y.
Zhao, 2000).
The commitment to reform has prompted the Communist regime to secularize and rationalize the public sector (C. Lee, 1994). This process has the unintended effect of liberalizing
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China’s media system (Chu, 1994; Hong, 1998; J. Zhao, 2008). Although state control of media ownership remains essentially intact, government subsidy has gradually given way to self-reliance, except for a few national media organizations such as the People’s Daily and the
Xinhua News Agency (Chen & Lee, 1998). Commercialization and increasing consumption have led the Chinese media to orient their production and structure to market conditions (Yu, 1994).
Like other state enterprises, all forms of mass media have to pay close attention to profits and losses as never before in order to stay in business (Schell, 1995).
Moreover, because of the commercial orientation and the lack of strict ideological demand by the state, the majority of the print media – especially afternoon and evening newspapers, news digests, culture and lifestyle papers, and trade journals – have not been obliged to carry ostensible political propaganda since the 1980s (C. Lee, 1994). In broadcast media, entertainment and other leisure pursuits outshine official propaganda and serious information (P. Lee, 1994). As a result, certain mass media have pursued sensational reporting through striking description of crimes; they mimic the styles and formats of popular Western,
Hong Kong, and Taiwan TV programs (Chu, 1994). Under such circumstances, the Chinese now have a variety of alternatives, including foreign media entertainment content (Hong, 1998), to choose from in their media consumption.
Amid this flux and flurry, however, the state consistently reminds the media that Chinese journalism is tied closely to the destiny of both the nation and the party (“Beijing to Tighten
Control Over Propaganda Media,” 1999; Kwang, 1996) and that the news media must drop their
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own agenda and rally behind the party (K. Chan, 1998). As such, the state has taken measures to ensure that the flow of information and news in and out of China is under the strict control of the government (Chen & Lee, 1998). Although international programming and foreign news content have increased over the years in China (Hong, 1998), the state has made it clear that no individual should have direct access to foreign media outlets (e.g., Voice of America and CNN), particularly those on the Internet, unless they are sanctioned by the government. In fact, many international news sites on the Internet have been banned as a result of the use of proxy servers in China (“China Determined to Tighten Security,” 1998). This dependency on official channels and governmental permission in international communication means the Chinese audience may be conditioned to behave in a particular way in their media use when it involves specific information (e.g., international news).
2.3.2 Media availability in China
The development of communication technologies, especially Internet-based technologies, has challenged the communication system in China. Hao and Lee (2001) argued the most prominent effects include breaking the authorities’ block of external information as well as the uniformity of China’s communication system. For one thing, with rapid economic development and with entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO), China has significantly increased foreign media availability in the past 10 years. Fulfilling its WTO commitments, China now
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allows 20 foreign films for theatrical release each year, of which 14 to16 are usually from the
United States (Miller, 2007).
For another, to meet their demand for entertainment, many Chinese have turned to legal
(e.g., the Internet) and illegal (e.g., pirated DVDs) sources of imported media, such as American television programs and movies. In 2007, a survey of 2,952 Chinese youth by the China Youth
Daily Research Center and Sina News Center reported that 81.4% of respondents said the
Internet was their top entertainment choice, followed by television (65.6%) (Miller, 2007).
According to a National Public Radio report (Sydell, 2008), more than 200 million Chinese had access to American television through the Internet.
Virtually all American television programs can be accessed soon after they are shown in the United States, many with Chinese subtitles. A number of Chinese websites, for example, show “Lost,” “The Riches,” and “Prison Break.” A number of homosexual-themed TV programs and movies, mainly from other countries or regions, are widely spread in and out of Chinese homosexual communities. Examples include “Queer as Folk,” “Will and Grace,” “Wedding
Banquet (Taiwan),” and “Permanent Residence (Hong Kong)” (Hou, 2004).
The Internet is fast becoming the medium of choice in China. A survey by the China
Youth Daily and Sina.com (N = 5,674) showed that 84.1% said their lives would be affected if the Internet disappeared, compared with 23.1% for television (China.Org.cn, 2007). Other media are still used extensively by the Chinese. In a 2004 survey of residents in 30 cities, 54% said they
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watched television every day, 32% said they read a newspaper, and 35% said they listened to the radio every day (Yuan, 2008). Younger Chinese born between 1974 and 1984 have stronger preferences for entertainment over information contents in all media compared with older
Chinese (Dou, Wang, & Zhou, 2006).
2.3.3 Homosexuals and the Chinese Media
In accordance with the government’s stance, the topic of homosexuality in media remained taboo until the 1980s (Jones, 2007). In today’s China, homosexuality is typically represented in Chinese media as a synonym for abnormality or perversion. Negative or derogatory themes prevail in gay-related stories in Chinese media (Jones, 2002). Moreover, lacking a film rating system, the Chinese government forbids gay movies to be shown on TV or in theaters because they are “inappropriate” (Wockner, 2005). For example, despite having received much attention in other Chinese communities such as Taiwan and Hong Kong, the gay-themed movie Lan Yu in 2001 is still forbidden on Mainland China. A 2006 American film,
Brokeback Mountain, was denied release in Mainland China, even though there was an overall public interest (Coonan, 2006).
The development of Internet technologies and various Web applications facilitate both in-group and out-group contact of homosexuals (Fung & Chen, 2008). Hou (2004) argued that after homosexual websites appeared, surfing the Internet was an ideal way of communication because gay people could come out without coming out, and they could find out where to go and
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what was happening around the community. Compared to lesbians and gay men in rural regions, urban homosexuals are more prosperous and homosexuality is becoming more visible with the help of media coverage and the Internet. Kang and Young (2009) also suggested that blogs would encourage openness among individual bloggers and increase the visibility of the homosexual communities through the Internet, generate a rhetorical borderland that allows more balanced or positive information about homosexuals, and circumvent the oppression of heterosexual hegemony in China.
Based on the literature reviewed above, the audience members in China are exposed to a media environment that is different from that in other countries, given the uniqueness of China’s history and current politics. Therefore, media effects on stereotyping Chinese homosexuals deserve investigation. Particularly, the present author attempted to find out whether Chinese students’ stereotypes of homosexuals were related to media use as well as in-person contact.
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CHAPTER 3
RESEARCH QUESTIONS, HYPOTHESIS,
AND METHOD
3.1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESIS
Based on the background information and literature reviewed above, the following research questions and hypotheses were generated. They are all related to the fundamental question of this study: What are the factors that contribute to stereotyping homosexuals by
Chinese college students? Do media play a role in stereotyping lesbians and gay men in China?
If the answer is yes, what kind of media would have a stronger effect on predicting stereotypes?
RQ1: What are the stereotypes of homosexuals held by Chinese college students?
RQ2: What information sources do Chinese students use to learn about homosexuals?
The first group (H1, H2, H3, H4, H5, & H6) is about the frequency of media use:
H1: Frequency of overall (interpersonal and vicarious) contact predicts positive stereotypes.
H2: Chinese college students’ frequent use of Chinese media is positively associated with their negative stereotypes of homosexuals.
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H3: Chinese college students’ frequent use of imported media is positively associated with their positive stereotypes of homosexuals.
H4: Chinese college students’ frequent use of the Internet is positively associated with their stereotypes of homosexuals.
H5: Chinese college students’ frequent discussion about homosexuals is positively associated with their stereotypes with this group.
H6: Chinese college students’ frequent in-person contact with homosexuals is positively associated with their stereotypes with this group.
Group 2 (H7, H8, & H9) is about the valence of contact, including first/ overall in-person and vicarious first contact.
H7: Chinese college students’ evaluations of first (in-person and vicarious) contact with homosexuals are positively associated with their evaluation of overall in-person contact with this group.
H8: Chinese college students’ evaluations of first (in-person and vicarious) contact with homosexuals are positively associated with their stereotypes of this group.
H9: The valence of Chinese college students’ stereotypes depends on the valence of their overall (in-person and vicarious) contact with this group.
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Group 3 (H10) is about the believability of the information sources.
H10: The valence of Chinese college students’ stereotypes depends on the extent to which they consider the portrayals (or contact) to be believable.
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3.2 METHOD
3.2.1 Sample
With the help of their instructors, 226 college students from three universities in China
were recruited to participate in this survey in Fall 2010. The sample consists of 103 men (45.6%)
and 123 women (54.4%), with a mean age of 21.18 (SD = 2.18; median = 21; range = 16-29). Of
these 12.4% were from a big city (N = 28), 20.4% from a medium-sized city (N = 46), 39.4 %
from a small city or town (N = 89), and 27.9 % from a rural area (N = 63). 61.1% of the sample
is living and receiving education in big cities (Beijing or Shanghai, N = 138), and 38.9% is in a
small city (Guiyang, N = 88).
Three universities were selected to represent the universities in China. One is in Guiyang,
a small city in the Guizhou province. One is in Beijing, the capital of China. The last one is in
Shanghai, the biggest city in China. Random sampling of students is not feasible. Lists of
students’ contact information are extremely difficult to obtain because the release of these lists
would require approval by several layers of authorities. Therefore, purposive sampling of
students in classes was the only feasible method of reaching college students for the present
study. The recruitment of participants did follow a typical human subjects protection protocol.
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3.2.2 Measures
The first dependent variable of this study is a 1-5 point scale of negativity of stereotypes adapted from previous studies (Madon, 1997; T. Yang, 2007). It is an additive index of nineteen
1-5-point scales (M = 51.35, SD = 12.76) listed in Table 1, including two reversed-coded items:
“homosexual person is intelligent and imaginative” and “homosexual person is artistic and liking art and literature.” The Cronbach’s α of these 19 items is .90. A higher number on this scale indicates a higher level of negativity. The other dependent variable is the valence of overall in-person contact, which is a summation of three 1-5-point items (M = 8.10, SD = 2.49):
“evaluations of overall contact with lesbians,” “evaluations of overall contact with gay men,” and “evaluations of overall contact with homosexual persons in general.” The Cronbach’s α is .87.
The chosen statistical procedure is hierarchical multiple regression. Variables are entered in blocks. Demographic variables (sex, age, place of origin, religion, and place of living) are entered in the first block using a regular “enter” procedure. Sex is a dummy variable of being male (male = 1, female = 0). Age is the exact age of respondents. Place of origin (or hometown) is the size of a community measured by a scale with 4 categories (1 = big city, 2 = small city, 3 = small town, and 4 = rural area; M = 2.83, SD = .98). Religiosity is measured by a scale with 5 categories (1 = not at all religious, 5 = extremely religious; M = 1.8, SD = .83). Place of living is a dummy variable of being in a big city (big city = 1, non-big city = 0). The level of interest of contact was entered in Block 1 after demographic variables. It is an additive index of three
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1-5-point scales (1 = not at all interested, 5 = extremely interested; M = 7.77, SD = 3.26):
“interest of knowing a lesbian,” “interest of knowing a gay man” and “interest of knowing homosexuals in general.” The Cronbach’s α of these three items is .88.
Block 2 (see Table 2) includes five variables related to the frequencies of contact. Each variable is an additive index of several 1-4-point scales about frequency – from none or very seldom to very often. Block 3 (see Table 3) includes four variables related to the valence of contact. Each variable is an additive index of several 1-7-point scales from extremely negative to extremely positive. Block 4 (see Table 3) includes five variables related to the believability of information sources. Each information source is measured on a 1-7-point scale from extremely unbelievable to extremely believable. Block 5 (see Table 3) includes two variables related to first contact: the valence of first in-person contact (M = 7.88, SD = 2.55) and the valence of first media contact (M = 7.35, SD = 2.43). Both variables are additive indices of 1-7-point scales from very unpleasant to very pleasant. All items from the above three blocks were entered in a regular
“enter” procedure.
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3.3.3 Procedure
The author developed the questionnaire in English and translated it to Chinese, using the back translation technique (Van de Vijver & Leung, 1997). The instrument received IRB approval. The present author obtained the cooperation of lecturers in three universities in Fall
2010. At the end of class, the lecturers distributed the self-administered questionnaires to the student respondents who agreed to participate. A consent form informed the students that their participation was voluntary and the anonymous questionnaire would be turned in to the lecturer once it was completed. Return rates were expected to be high because teachers are highly respected in China. The response rate was 100%. The lecturers collected the questionnaires and delivered them back to the author for analysis.
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CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS
4.1 STEREOTYPES OF HOMOSEXUALS AND SOURCES OF INFORMATION
Research Question 1 asks what stereotypes are held by Chinese college students. The means and standard deviations for stereotypes of homosexuals are shown in Table 1. A higher score indicates a higher level of agreement on a 1-5-point scale. Chinese college students’ stereotypes of homosexuals are mixed. The most negative stereotypes about homosexuals are that they are “not fit to serve in the military,” followed by “sensitive and lonely,” “having a strong need for security,” and “not fit for marriage.” The most positive stereotypes about homosexuals are that they are “artistic or liking art and literature,” and “intelligent or imaginative.”
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Table 1
Perceptions of Homosexuals by Chinese College Students: Means and Standard Deviations on a 5-point scale (5= completely agree)
M SD Acting like the opposite sex 2.64 1.09 Being afraid of the opposite sex 2.33 1.05 Prone to sex abuse 2.60 1.14 Behavior Prone to commit a crime 2.12 .93 Being covert 2.71 1.14 Being overly neat or overly dirty 2.35 1.03 Intelligent/ Imaginative 2.94 .94 Artistic / liking art and literature 3.06 1.00 Career Not fit to teach in a school 2.95 1.30 Not fit to serve in the military 3.32 1.35 Sexually abnormal 2.53 1.30 Health Mentally ill /disturbed 2.85 1.34 AIDS/HIV carrier/ infector 1.99 .97 Sensitive, lonely 3.12 1.01 Emotion Having a strong need for security 3.05 1.00 Individualistic 2.64 1.02 Not fit for marriage 3.01 1.29 Morality Not fit to have/adopt a child 2.98 1.37 Destroying families 2.15 1.02 Note. Cronbach’s α = .90
The frequencies of use of information sources are shown in Table 2. On a 4-point scale
(1= seldom or never, 4=very often), a higher mean score indicates a more frequently used source to learn about homosexuals. The respondents use online forums more often than any other media to learn about homosexuals. The second most frequently used source is imported movies, followed by imported TV programs and Internet video sites. The valence and believability of source of information are shown in Table 3. On a 1-7-point scale, a higher mean score indicates a higher level of positive portrayals in a particular information source or believability of the information source perceived by the respondents. The college respondents perceived the highest
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level of positive portrayals of homosexuals in imported media. They rated the in-person contact as the most believable information source to know to homosexuals, whereas they rated Chinese media the least believable source.
Categorically, imported media are the most frequently used information source that respondents relied on to learn about homosexuals, followed by the Internet, interpersonal discussion and Chinese media. In-person contact is rated as the least frequently used information source. These findings answered RQ2.
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Table 2
Frequencies of Use of Source of Information about Homosexuals: Means and Standard Deviations on a 4-point scale (4 = very often) M SD Cronbach’s α Chinese newspapers 1.11 .33 Chinese magazines 1.61 .61 Frequency of Chinese television programs 1.31 .58 Chinese media use (Mainstream) Chinese radio programs 1.23 .45 Chinese movies 1.88 .60 Chinese books 1.83 .72 Total 8.97 2.07 .67 Foreign newspapers 1.73 .80 Foreign magazines 1.93 .90 Frequency of Foreign television programs 2.01 .82 imported media use Foreign radio programs 1.96 .90 Foreign movies 2.11 .85 Foreign books 1.86 .81 Total 11.60 3.92 .87 News sites 1.77 .74 Video sites 2.01 .79 Frequency of Online forums 2.19 .90 Internet use Instant messengers 1.83 .86 Social network sites 1.94 .90 Blogs 1.84 .85 Total 11.59 4.00 .88 Your teachers 1.13 .37 Your parents 1.18 .46 Frequency of Your other relatives 1.17 .42 Discussion Your heterosexual friends 1.87 .75 Your homosexual friends 1.48 .79 Total 10.24 3.24 .83 Lesbians 1.82 .88 Frequency of Gay men 1.94 .94 In-person contact Homosexuals in general 1.87 .84 Total 5.63 2.44 .90
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Table 3
Valence and Believability of Source of Information about Homosexuals: Means and Standard Deviations on a 7-point scale (7 = extremely positive)
Scales Cronbach’s M SD Summed α
Perceived valence of Chinese media portrayals 6 22.35 4.34 .88 Valence of Perceived valence of imported media portrayals overall 6 25.35 3.41 .85 contact Perceived valence of Internet portrayals 6 23.38 3.48 .90 Valence of overall in-person contact 3 8.10 2.49 .87
Valence of Valence of first in-person contact 3 7.88 2.55 .79 first contact Valence of first media contact 3 7.35 2.43 .85
Believability of Chinese media portrayals 1 3.88 .98 N/A Perceived Believability of imported media portrayals 1 4.19 .84 N/A believability Believability of Internet portrayals 1 4.04 .80 N/A of contact Believability of interpersonal discussion 1 4.20 1.01 N/A Believability of overall in-person contact 1 4.62 1.13 N/A
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4.2 TESTS OF HYPOTHESES
Frequency of Use of Information Sources (Group 1)
Hypothesis 1 posits Chinese students’ frequent use of information sources and in-person contact are positively associated with stereotypes. However, the use of Chinese media negatively predicts stereotypes (H2) – in comparison with the use of other information sources. As shown in
Table 4, when only demographic variables are considered, the place of living and the level of interest are significant predictors of homosexual stereotypes. Those who live in a big city (ß =
-.36, p < .001) and who are more interested in knowing a homosexual person (ß = -.29, p < .001) are less likely to have negative stereotypes of homosexuals. In other words, big city dwellers who have a stronger interest to know a homosexual person are more likely to hold a positive perception of this group. After more variables are entered (see Model 2), respondents who are less interested in knowing a homosexual person (ß = -.23, p < .001), less likely to live in a big city (ß = -.22, p < .01), have less in-person contact with homosexual persons (ß = -.19, p < .05), and use Chinese media more frequently (ß = .15, p < .05) tend to hold negative stereotypes of lesbians and gay men.
Hypothesis 1 predicts that more contacts lead to more positive stereotypes, which is partially supported by present data. Hypothesis 2, which posits that frequent use of Chinese media leads to negative stereotypes, is supported. H3, 4, 5, and 6 predict that the use of specific information sources is associated with positive stereotypes. Based on present data, only H6 is
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supported. In other words, among Chinese college students, the more often they use Chinese media, and the less often they have in-person contact with homosexuals, the more negative their stereotypes of homosexuals are.
Table 4
Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Frequency-related Variables Predicting Negativity of Homosexual Stereotypes (N = 226)
Variable Model 1 Model 2 ß ß Block 1 Sex-male .10 .06 Age -.05 -.08 Place of origin .10 .07 Religion .00 .05 Place of living-big city -.36*** -.22** Interest of contact -.29*** -.23***
Block 2 Frequency of Chinese media use .15* Frequency of imported media use -.10 Frequency of Internet use .06 Frequency of discussion -.13 Frequency of in-person contact -.19*
R-square .36 .41 F 20.18*** 13.54***
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
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Evaluations of First and Overall Contact (Group 2)
Hypotheses 7, 8 and 9 concern the valence of contact and its effects on stereotypes.
Specifically, H7 predicts Chinese college students’ valence of first contact with homosexual persons is positively associated with their valence of overall in-person contact, and then positively associated with their valence of stereotypes (H8). H9 predicts that the valence of
Chinese college students’ stereotypes depends on the valence of their in-person and vicarious contact with this group.
Model 2 in Table 5 demonstrates that more positive overall in-person contact is associated with four predictors: more positive first in-person contact (ß = .46, p < .001), more positive first contact via media (ß = .23, p < .001), living in a big city (ß = .20, p < .05), and being more interested in knowing homosexual persons (ß = .14, p < .05). In other words, valence of first contact positively predicts the valence of overall in-person contact. Therefore, H7 is supported. However, when the dependent variable is the negativity of stereotypes, only two variables are significant predictors: Chinese college students who are less likely to live in a big city (ß = -.29, p < .01) and have a more negative first in-person contact with homosexual persons
(ß = -.22, p < .05) are more likely to have negative stereotypes of homosexuals. First contact via media was not a significant predictor of stereotypes in any models. Therefore, H8 is only partially supported by present data.
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Table 5
Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Variables Predicting Valence of Overall In-person Contact (N = 226)
Variable Model 1 Model 2 ß ß Block 1 Sex-male -.04 -.10 Age -.09 -.09 Place of origin -.01 .03 Religion -.13 -.12 Place of living-big city .38*** .20* Interest of contact .34*** .14*
Block 2 Valence of first in-person contact .46*** Valence of first media contact .23***
R-square .33 .61 F 8.72*** 20.41***
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Hypothesis 9 extends the concern of first contact to overall contact. Valence of overall in-person contact in H7 was taken as a predictor variable and tested with vicarious contact.
Following the same procedure used for the regression models above, a new model (Table 6) indicated that Chinese college students would have more negative stereotypes of homosexuals if they: have a more negative overall in-person contact with homosexual persons (ß = -.30, p
< .001), less likely to live in a big city (ß = -.24, p < .01), and feel that homosexual persons are positively portrayed in Chinese media (ß = .15, p < .05). Therefore, H9 is supported. Interestingly, negativity of the stereotypes is negatively predicted by valence of in-person contact, whereas positively predicted by valence of Chinese media portrayals. Chinese college students who have
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positive in-person contact with homosexual persons and perceive that homosexuals are negatively portrayed by Chinese media tend to have positive stereotypes of homosexuals.
Table 6
Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Valence-related Variables Predicting Negativity of Homosexual Stereotypes (N = 226)
Variable Model 1 Model 2 ß ß Block 1 Sex-male .12 .10 Age -.03 -.06 Place of origin .10 .10 Religion .00 .00 Place of living-big city -.38*** -.24** Interest of contact -.25*** -.18
Block 2 Perceived valence of Chinese media portrayals .15* Perceived valence of imported media portrayals -.10 Perceived valence of Internet portrayals -.05 Valence of in-person contact -.30***
R-square .36 .46 F 15.04*** 13.70***
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Believability of Information Sources (Group 3)
Hypothesis 10 states that the valence of stereotypes depends on the extent to which they consider the media portrayals of homosexuals and in-person contact with them to be believable.
Negativity of stereotype is still the dependent variable. The regression model in Table 7 illustrates the following relationships. Chinese college students are more likely to have negative
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stereotypes of homosexuals if they: are less likely to live in a big city (ß = -.30, p < .001), have less interest in knowing homosexual persons (ß = -.29, p < .001), and rate Chinese media more believable (ß = .17, p < .05). The present data support H10. Notably, those who perceived
Chinese media as a more believable source of information are more likely to have negative stereotypes of homosexuals. This is similar as in the findings related to H9 – that perceiving more positive portrayals in Chinese media would predict a higher level of negative stereotypes.
This controversial effect will be discussed in the next chapter.
Table 7
Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for believability-related Variables Predicting Negativity of Homosexual Stereotypes (N = 226)
Variable Model 1 Model 2 ß ß Block 1 Sex-male .10 .10 Age -.05 -.06 Place of origin .10 .09 Religion .00 .03 Place of living-big city -.36*** -.30*** Interest of contact -.29*** -.29***
Block 2 Believability of Chinese media portrayals .17* Believability of imported media portrayals .01 Believability of Internet portrayals -.10 Believability of discussion .02 Believability of in-person contact .04
R-square .36 .39 F 20.18*** 12.33***
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
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CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION
This study is likely the first analysis of stereotypes of homosexuals and the effects of information sources in China. The purpose of this study is to investigate the stereotypes held by
Chinese college students and to determine whether media use plays a role in stereotyping homosexuals in today’s China.
5.1 STEREOTYPES OF HOMOSEXUALS IN CHINA
Stereotypes of homosexuals among Chinese college students are mixed and generally negative. Notably, their stereotypes on homosexuals’ career orientations are relatively strong. For example, they tend to think lesbians and gay men are generally fit for art or literature-related jobs, which mainly concern abstract concepts or a career with little direct human contacts. However, the respondents believe that homosexuals are not fit for teaching or military positions, which mainly deal with people. Another noteworthy finding is that Chinese college students tend not to consider lesbians and gay men infectors or victims of sexually transmitted diseases such as AIDS, whereas such stigma remains linked to sexual prejudice and public’s negative attitudes toward homosexuality in the United
States (Herek & Capitanio, 1998).
The stereotypes held by college students alone, of course, cannot be generalized to public attitudes toward lesbians and gay men in China. However, they partially reflect the social reality
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faced by homosexuals in China today.
Many Chinese lesbians and gay men yield to traditional family pressure and conceal their sex orientation in front of their classmates, co-workers, friends and family. They probably feel insecure, lonely or marginalized because their needs for equally treatment, their right to enjoy lives with their partners and adopted children, or their right to peacefully assemble to express themselves cannot be met or enjoyed. The authorities often deny such attempts. Their visibility is too low to be considered for any national political agenda. In addition, the public continues to stereotype homosexuals in some negative ways because of a lack of information. For example, present findings show that gay men are often associated with an effeminate image and lesbians with crew cuts, which reflect traditional heterosexual masculine or feminine aesthetic values.
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5.2 MEDIA EFFECTS ON HOMOSEXUAL STEREOTYPES
Present findings illustrate the interplay between homosexual stereotypes and the use of different information sources. The results confirm the effect of interpersonal contact and vicarious contact existed in homosexual stereotyping in China. Also, this study is likely among the first to analyze the relation between homosexual stereotypes and use of source of information, whereas literature abound in analyzing racial/ethical stereotypes (e.g., Tan, Fujioka, & Lucht, 1997; Tan &
Fujioka, 2000). A few conclusions can be drawn to shed light on the media’s stereotyping effects in
China.
First, this study shows that two variables of information sources consistently predicted stereotyping of homosexuals by Chinese college students: frequency of in-person contact and use of
Chinese media. On one hand, frequency of in-person contact led to positive stereotyping of homosexuals; on the other hand, use of Chinese media led to the opposite. This set of findings provides some support for the contact theory (Allport, 1954; Schiappa, et al., 2005), suggesting that more frequent contacts will result in less extreme evaluations because such contacts allows individuals to use more dimensions to evaluate each other.
Moreover, the data offer some support for use of information influences the stereotypes of social groups based on cultivation study (Gilens, 1996; Rada, 2000), and no direct support for para-social model which suggests vicarious contact via media can lead to a reduction of prejudices against minorities (Schiappa, Gregg, & Hewes, 2005). Frequent use of Chinese media did not predict
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more positive stereotyping. The author suspects that Chinese media have a controversial effect on stereotyping is because of the uniqueness of Chinese media’s attributes and their stance. This effect also echoed in some relevant studies in China. For example, a study shows that the news media in
China have negative effects on people's perception toward political institutions in general and make people distrust government. Their findings also demonstrate that the propaganda of the regime failed in nurturing supportive sentiment among people in Chinese society (X. Chen & Shi, 2001).
Second, the stereotypes of homosexuals held by Chinese college students are consistently predicted by the size of community in which they live, their interest in knowing homosexuals and their in-person contact with lesbians and gay men. In other words, respondents who live a big city and have strong interest in knowing lesbians and gay men tend to hold positive beliefs of homosexuals. Developed cities in China are inarguably more media-diversified, therefore more vicarious contacts with homosexuals are available. In addition, the availability of in-person contacts with homosexuals in a big city is relatively higher than in a small city or the rural area in China.
According to Florida (2003), an index that measures homosexual density in a community is called the “gay index.” This index is a very strong predictor of a region’s high-tech industry concentration and its growth. The present author could not apply this index directly in the present study. However, Beijing and Shanghai, two cities where the author conducted the survey, are the two most developed and high-tech oriented cities in China. With a larger population of lesbians and gay men in those cities, more frequent contacts and more dimensions for evaluations are available, and therefore more frequent and more positive in-person contacts with lesbians and gay men are
50
expected.
Third, the effects on stereotyping homosexuals by different information sources vary in their frequencies of use, perceived valence in their portrayals, and believability of the information sources themselves. Cognitive theory (Bandura, 2001) suggests that stereotypes are the result of the evaluation of information by users. Consistent with the model, present findings show that interest, valence and believability do predict stereotypes. In addition, positive first evaluations of first contact led to positive overall in-person contact.
According to the data, the Internet is the most frequently used information source to learn about homosexuals among Chinese college students. This type of source enjoys a relatively higher level of availability and a lower level of control by the authorities in China. Imported media, which the respondents rated a frequently used source to learn about homosexuals by the respondents, may not be as accessible as the Internet because of low availability.
In this study, however, neither the Internet nor imported media predict stereotypes. Possible explanations are that the Internet has never been considered as news media in China. Websites are not allowed to run their own first-hand news reports as their foreign counterparts do. They can only re-post news stories produced by other media. Therefore, the content of the Internet largely relies on traditional media, such as state-run newspapers and TV, which are under strict regulation by the authorities. Besides, user-generated content, such as blogs and social sites, are also subject to censorship. For example, the “undesirable” content such as online forums or social networking sites
51
for lesbians and gay men can be blocked or banned any time without reasonable explanations.
Imported media, on the other hand, consist of complex and diverse content. Some of such content portrays multi-dimensional lives of gay characters. However, in comparison with the larger body of heterosexual-based content, their potential as information sources about homosexuals is relatively feeble. Moreover, the effects of overall representation of homosexuals, both positive and negative, discount each other and contribute little to the formation of the stereotypes.
The evidence from this study also suggests that the Chinese college respondents might have processed positive and negative information differently. A “boomerang effect” was observed in the findings. A higher level of negative stereotypes is predicted by three types of aspects of Chinese media: more frequent use, perceived positive portrayals, and a higher level of believability of Chinese media. Possible explanations are that the respondents were likely to discount positive information because they frequently question the accuracy of most information in such venues. This explanation is also consistent with the literature reviewed above, suggesting that the audience often believes in the opposite when sources are low in believability.
Chinese media, regardless of their highest level of availability to the audience in China, are the least ideal information source to learn about homosexuals because of the absence of fairness and balance in their portrayals of lesbians and gay men. In their presentation of a social issue or public concern, the typical role of most news media is to make some invisible and hidden social problems visible. Most of the Chinese media do just the opposite. By following the stance of government
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authorities and promoting the stability and unity of Chinese society, dissenting viewpoints are often removed from the media agenda. Therefore, in most cases, domestic Chinese media likely do their best to make the existence of homosexual community into an invisible one, or shed false light on
their normality.
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5.3 LIMITATION AND FUTURE RESEARCH
This study has several limitations. The first one is the sample. It is not random and its size is small. As noted earlier, random sampling of college students in China is not feasible. The convenience sampling employed may affect the generalizability of the findings across the target population. However, as an exploratory analysis in China, its high response rate and seriousness of the respondents help to provide the most accurate information within the reach of the author’s ability.
Another weakness is that when conducting a survey in China, sensitive political and cultural issues must be considered. Questions such as the respondents’ own sexual orientation and their opinions on political issues would potentially be problematic to the respondents and coordinators.
Therefore, the author did not include such questions in the survey. Future research may want to include those questions if the respondents’ identity can be fully protected. Such variables ideally should be included as potential predictors of stereotypes. Moreover, the author did not conduct a content analysis on each information source. Instead, the questionnaire asked the respondents about such content. Future research is urged to analyze media content to study the congruence between media contents and stereotypes. Last but not least, in terms of contact theory and social cognitive theory, the author suspects that interpersonal contact and media use also have a solid effect in homosexual stereotyping in the United States and other western countries. Therefore, another suggestion for future study is to examine this possibility.
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Despite the limitations, this study has provided new and useful information about the effects of media and interpersonal contacts on Chinese students’ stereotypes of homosexuals.
Specifically, the results indicate that the stereotyping of homosexuals is predicted by the size of community, interest in knowing homosexuals, and interpersonal contacts. A higher level of negative stereotypes is associated with frequent use of Chinese media, perceived valence of portrayals and believability of Chinese media. Also, in terms of theory testing, contact hypothesis and social cognitive theory were partially supported in the case of homosexual stereotypes by
Chinese college students. More research should be conducted to further investigate this important topic.
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APPENDIX
SURVEY DESIGN
The School of Journalism and Mass Communications at the University of Kansas supports the practice of protection for human subjects participating in research. The following information is provided for you to decide whether you wish to participate in the present study. You should be aware that even if you agree to participate, you are free to withdraw at any time without penalty.
We are conducting this study to better understand media effects on the stereotypes of lesbians and gay men in China. This will entail your completion of a questionnaire. The questionnaire packet is expected to take approximately 15 minutes to complete.
The content of the questionnaires should cause no more discomfort than you would experience in your everyday life. Although participation may not benefit you directly, we believe that the information obtained from this study will help us gain a better understanding of media use among Chinese college students. Your participation is solicited, although strictly voluntary. Your name will not be associated in any way with the research findings.
The investigator and the coordinators in China will work together to protect all the information that you provided although there is no identifying question in this survey. Jiawei Tu, the principal investigator will not be presenting at the location where you complete the survey questionnaire. Instead, your lecturer will work as the coordinator to help him to collect your survey. To protect the information that you provide, you will be provided with an envelope when you receive the survey questionnaire. Once you complete the questions, please return your sealed survey to your lecturer. Your lecturer will then be in charge of packing all your sealed envelope and mail the package directly to the investigator in the United States. If you do not receive the envelope with the questionnaire, please do not start to answer any questions. If you would like additional information concerning this study before or after it is completed, please feel free to contact us by phone or mail.
Completion of the survey indicates your willingness to participate in this project and that you are over the age of eighteen. The possible privacy risk in the data collection process that we noticed so far is that the investigator will not be interacting with you directly, thus confidentiality cannot be completely guaranteed. If you have any additional questions about your rights as a research participant, you may call +1-785-864-7429 or +1-785-864-7385 or write the Human Subjects Committee Lawrence Campus (HSCL), University of Kansas, 2385 Irving Hill Road, Lawrence, Kansas 66045-7563, United States, email [email protected].
Sincerely,
Jia-Wei Tu, Master student Tien-Tsung Lee, Associate professor Principal investigator Faculty Supervisor William Allen White School of William Allen White School of Journalism and Mass Communications Journalism and Mass Communications University of Kansas University of Kansas Stauffer-Flint Hall Stauffer-Flint Hall 1435 Jayhawk Blvd. 1435 Jayhawk Blvd. Lawrence, KS 66045 Lawrence, KS 66045 United States United States Phone: +1-785-979-7826 Phone: +1-785-864-7626 e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected]
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Part I
Please think of lesbians and gay men in China today. List the adjectives or portrayals for homosexual persons that stand out for you. They can be your personal experience, or portrayals about lesbians or gay men that you agree when you see them on newspapers, TV programs, movies, books, news websites, social sits or any of other media you use. Please use adjectives, short phrases. Complete sentences are not necessary.
1. In YOUR opinion, homosexual persons are:
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To what extent do you agree with the following description of homosexual persons (i.e., lesbians and gay men)? Please choose by checking one answer that is close to your opinion. In YOUR opinion, homosexuals in general are:
Completely Mostly Somewhat Mostly Completely disagree disagree agree agree agree 2.1 Acting like the opposite sex ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2.2 being afraid of the opposite sex Behavior Behavior ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2.3 prone to sex abuse 2 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2.4 prone to commit a crime ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2.5 Being covert ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2.6 Being overly neat or overly dirty ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3.1 intelligent/ Imaginative ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ Career 3.2 artistic / liking art and literature 3 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3.3 Not fit for teaching in a school ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3.4 Not fit for serving in the army ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Health Health 4.1 sexually abnormal ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4 4.2 mentally ill /disturbed ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4.3 AIDS/HIV carrier/ infector ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ Emotion 5.1 Sensitive, lonely ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5 5.2 Having a strong need for security ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5.3 individualistic ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ Morality 6.1 Not fit for marriage ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6 6.2 Not fit for having/adopting a child ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6.3 Destroying families ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Please continue to the next page.
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Part II
Please indicate how often you use the following information sources to learn about homosexuals. In other word, how often do you see lesbians and gay men appear in the information sources?
Very Quite Very Sometimes Seldom Often Often media media Mainstream 7 Chinese 7.1 Newspapers (China, official) ○ ○ ○ ○ 7.2 Magazines (China, official) ○ ○ ○ ○ 7.3 Television programs (China, official) ○ ○ ○ ○ 7.4 Movies (made in China) ○ ○ ○ ○ 7.5 Radio programs (broadcasted in China) ○ ○ ○ ○ 7.6 Books (authored and published in China) ○ ○ ○ ○
(Including HK and Taiwan) 8 Imported media 8.7 Foreign newspapers (e.g., New York Times, NYT online) ○ ○ ○ ○ 8.8 Foreign magazines (e.g., Elle, GQ, Vogue) ○ ○ ○ ○ 8.9 Foreign television programs ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g. Prison Break, 24, Will and Grace) 8.10 Foreign movies (e.g., Broke Back Mountain) ○ ○ ○ ○ 8.11 Foreign radio programs
(e.g. NPR, BBC or iTunes Podcast) ○ ○ ○ ○ 8.12 Foreign books (either in English or Chinese) ○ ○ ○ ○
9 Internet 9.1 News sites (e.g., Sina News, Yahoo News) ○ ○ ○ ○ 9.2 Video sites (e.g., Tudou, Youtube) ○ ○ ○ ○ 9.3 Online forums (=BBS, e.g., Mitbbs, Tianya) ○ ○ ○ ○ 9.4 Instant messengers (e.g., QQ, MSN) ○ ○ ○ ○ 9.5 Social network sites (e.g., Renren, Douban, Weibo, Facebook) ○ ○ ○ ○ 9.6 Blogs (e.g., Sina Blog, Ycul Blog) ○ ○ ○ ○ over -all 10 10.1 News media in general ○ ○ ○ ○ 10.2 Entertainment media in general ○ ○ ○ ○
Please indicate how often you talk, ask or answer questions about homosexuals with the following people you know:
Very Quite Very Never Sometimes Seldom Often Often 11.1 Your teachers ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 11.2 Your parents ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 11.3 Your other relatives ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 11.4 Your heterosexual friends ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 11.5 Your homosexual friends (if any) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
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Please indicate how you feel about the homosexual persons portrayed in each of the following information sources: Extremely Extremely Negative Negative negative negative negative Positive Positive Positive Neutral Neutral
Very Very
12 Chinese Mainstream 12.1 Newspapers (China, official) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 12.2 Magazines (China, official) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
media 12.3 Television programs (China, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ official) 12.4 Movies (made in China) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 12.5 Radio programs (broadcasted in ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ China) 12.6 Books (authored and published in ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ China) 13.1 Foreign newspapers ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., New York Times, NYT online) 13 Importedmedia 13.2 Foreign magazines ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., Elle, GQ, Vogue) 13.3 Foreign television programs (e.g. Prison Break, Will and Grace) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 13.4 Foreign movies ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., Broke Back Mountain) 13.5 Foreign radio programs ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g. NPR, BBC or iTunes Radio) 13.6 Foreign books ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (either in English or Chinese) 14.1 News sites ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., Sina News, Yahoo News) 14.2 Video sites ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., Tudou, Youtube) 14 Internet 14.3 Online forums ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., Mitbbs, Tianya) 14.4 Instant messengers ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., QQ, MSN) 14.5 Social network sites ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., Renren, Douban, Weibo, Facebook) 14.6 Blogs ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (e.g., Sina Blog, Ycul Blog) overall overall 15 15.1 News media in general ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
15.2 Entertainment media in general ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
In your opinion, please indicate how realistic or accurate of the information about homosexuals you see in the following media sources: Extremely Extremely Negative negative negative Positive Positive Positive Positive Neutral Neutral
Very Very
16.1 Chinese mainstream media ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 16.2 Imported or foreign media ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 16.3 Internet ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 16.4 Friends or family members ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 16.5 In-person contact (i.e. I believed what I saw or experienced) ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
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Please tell us whether you are interested in knowing a homosexual person, either in the media or via in-person contact.
Not at all Very interested Uninterested Neutral Interested Interested
17.1 Gay men ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 17.2 Lesbians ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 17.3 Homosexuals in general ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Please tell us how often you interact with a homosexual person on a person-to-person basis.
No contact Very Seldom Sometimes Quite Often Very Often 18.1 Gay men ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 18.2 Lesbians ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 18.3 Homosexuals in general ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Please tell us whether your FIRST encounter with a homosexual person via in-person contact was pleasant or unpleasant.
Never see Very Very in person unpleasant Unpleasant Neutral Pleasant pleasant 19.1 Gay men ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 19.2 Lesbians ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 19.3 Homosexuals in general ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Please tell us whether your FIRST encounter with a homosexual person when you see them in media was pleasant or unpleasant.
Never see Very Very in media unpleasant Unpleasant Neutral Pleasant pleasant 20.1 Gay men ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 20.2 Lesbians ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 20.3 Homosexuals in general ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Please tell us whether your overall in-person encounters with a homosexual person was pleasant or unpleasant.
Don’t know Very Very any at all unpleasant Unpleasant Neutral Pleasant pleasant
21.1 Gay men ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 21.2 Lesbians ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 21.3 Homosexuals in general ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
Only a few more questions left. Thank you for your patience.
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Part III
22 In what year were you born (e.g., 1981)? Please specify:
23 What is your gender? Please choose one.
Male Female ○ ○
24 Which year are you in school? Please check one.
Freshman Sophomore Junior Senior Graduate ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
25 What is your major? Please specify:
26 Where are you born? Please include the province and city (e.g., Guangdong, Guangzhou). Please specify:
27 How religious are you?
Not at all A little Some Very Extremely ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
28 What’s the range of your total household income last year (in Chinese Yuan)? if you are a student, please include your parents’ or guardians’ unless you are on your own financially.
Below 3,000 5,000 7,000 10,000 15,000 20,000 25,000 3,000 -4,999 -6,999 -9,999 -14,999 -19,999 -24,999 -29,999 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 30,000 40,000 50,000 60,000 70,000 80,000 100,000 Above -39,999 -49,999 -59,999 -69,999 -79,999 -99,999 -199,999 200,000 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○
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