A Safe Haven for Somalis in Uganda?
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Al-Qaeda's Keys to Success
DIGITAL-ONLY VIEW Al- Qaeda’s Keys to Success MAJ RYAN CK HESS, USAF ver the past 20 years, al- Qaeda has been the most recognizable and infa- mous terrorist organization on the planet. The group has planned and executed thousands of violent attacks, spurred dozens of offshoot affiliate Oand copycat groups, and even created rival Islamic extremist organizations. De- spite all this, and subsequently spending the past 20 years at war with the world’s most effective militaries, the group continues to carry out its operations. More- over, the success of foreign al- Qaeda affiliates illustrate that the group has become a global threat. Analyzing the tools that the organization has used to succeed will give us a better understanding of how to combat al-Qaeda. Perhaps more impor- tantly, it will also help intelligence agencies recognize what strategies the group will likely employ in the future. There are some who argue that al- Qaeda is dying. In this article, I argue that not only is it far from dead, but that the main factors contributing to al- Qaeda’s continued global success are decentralization, effective narratives and propaganda, and the specific targeting of locations with a preexist- ing history of instability and violence. This article will use three al-Qaeda affiliates and allies—al-Shabaab, Ansar al- Dine (AAD), and al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) — to demon- strate each of the above listed success factors. However, before we can discuss how al- Qaeda has achieved their success, we must first define success. If success is to be defined as the completion of each organization’s stated goals, none of them have yet succeeded. -
Al Shabaab's American Recruits
Al Shabaab’s American Recruits Updated: February, 2015 A wave of Americans traveling to Somalia to fight with Al Shabaab, an Al Qaeda-linked terrorist group, was described by the FBI as one of the "highest priorities in anti-terrorism." Americans began traveling to Somalia to join Al Shabaab in 2007, around the time the group stepped up its insurgency against Somalia's transitional government and its Ethiopian supporters, who have since withdrawn. At least 50 U.S. citizens and permanent residents are believed to have joined or attempted to join or aid the group since that time. The number of Americans joining Al Shabaab began to decline in 2012, and by 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) replaced Al Shabaab as the terrorist group of choice for U.S. recruits. However, there continue to be new cases of Americans attempting to join or aid Al Shabaab. These Americans have received weapons training alongside recruits from other countries, including Britain, Australia, Sweden and Canada, and have used the training to fight against Ethiopian forces, African Union troops and the internationally-supported Transitional Federal Government in Somalia, according to court documents. Most of the American men training with Al Shabaab are believed to have been radicalized in the U.S., especially in Minneapolis, according to U.S. officials. The FBI alleges that these young men have been recruited by Al Shabaab both on the Internet and in person. One such recruit from Minneapolis, 22-year-old Abidsalan Hussein Ali, was one of two suicide bombers who attacked African Union troops on October 29, 2011. -
CV Chrys J. Kikwabanga
CARRICULUM VITAE ADDRESS: 9-11 CABANA CRESCENT, BUGONGA. P.O. Box 535 ENTEBBE UGANDA. Email Address: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. Telephone: +256772505078, +256757717617 Surname: KIKWABANGA Other Names: CHRYSOSTOM JONES Date of Birth: 14th May 1952. Place of Birth: Nyenga Uganda. Nationality: Ugandan Status: Married to Annet Ndagire Namusoke (with four 4 Children) Passport: Ugandan (B1698601) Valid Till 03 August 2028 Retired Captain, Airline Transport Pilot (Aeroplanes) Flying Experience and Previous Employment: 43 Years Flying Worldwide, Passenger and Cargo Aircraft Types: Cessna150, Cessna172, Cessna 310, Cessna 402 & King Air BE100 Training (1973 – 1975) Captain Cessna 206, DHC-6, Uganda Airlines (1977 – 1979) Co-pilot Fokker F-27, Uganda Airlines (1980 – 1985) Co-pilot Boeing B707, Uganda Airlines (1986 – 1990) Co-pilot B707 African Express International (1991 – 1992) Captain Boeing B707, Dairo Air Services Cargo (1993 – 1998). Captain McDonald Douglas DC10-30 Series. Das Air Cargo (1999 – 2007) Captain MacDonald Douglas DC-9-MD-80Series. Air Uganda (2008 – 2009) Captain Bombardier Canadian Regional Jet 100/200. Air Uganda (2010 – 2014) Captain Bombardier CRJ900/1000. Arik Air (2015 – 2017) Total Flying Hours: 22500hrs, B707 - 5400hrs - Pilot in Command (1992-1999) DC10 – 6500hrs – Pilot in Command (1999-2007) MD 87 – 1200hrs – Pilot in Command (2008-2012) CRJ 100/200 – 2000hrs – Pilot In command (2011- 2014) CRJ 900/1000 – 1850hrs Pilot in Command (2015 – 2017) Others – 5550hrs – (Includes Dual/Training & Co-pilot Hrs) Responsibilities Held: Line Captain. Directly responsible for, and being final authority as to the operation of the aircraft Ensure that aircraft is safe to fly Working as part of a team alongside the First Officer and Cabin Crew to ensure a fast, safe, smooth and memorable flight for passengers. -
The Kismayo Bubble - Justice and Security in Jubbaland
CONFLICT RESEARCH PROGRAMME Research at LSE Conflict Research Programme Research Memo 26 March 2021 The Kismayo Bubble - Justice and Security in Jubbaland Nisar Majid and Khalif Abdirahman Overview The absence of a credible and functional government, in Somalia, since the late 1980s has been felt particularly strongly in the arena of the rule of law. Under President Siad Barre, the judicial system was resented for being corrupt, politically manipulated and for rejecting Islamic precepts, and many welcomed its demise. It was perhaps inevitable that in the absence of a system of state courts that Islamic law and courts would emerge. As Muslims, Somalis were able to call upon a well-formed body of jurisprudence and practice that enjoyed social legitimacy and historically validated practices, to establish courts. Islamic law has a particular advantage in this regard in that it encompasses a penal code, a civil code, and commercial and tax codes. All of these are essential for the conduct of everyday life. Recent analyses of the justice and security sector have highlighted its politicisation and, particularly in Mogadishu, a political economy centred around clan-based mobilization and conflict, ideological divisions between supporters of different versions of Islamic and secular law as well as rent seeking behaviour. At a practical level, although some significant developments are noticeable, government courts remain subject to high levels of corruption and manipulation, are slow, limited by poor security and a lack of enforcement capacity. The persistence of Al Shabaab as a credible actor in the provision of justice sits in stark contrast to that of the Government. -
USIP's Work in Somalia
USIP’s Work in Somalia Making Peace Possible UNMISS Photo/JC Mcilwaine CURRENT SITUATION After decades of civil war and the collapse of the central government in 1991, Somalis and international supporters have made progress in re-establishing state structures, such as a provisional 2012 constitution and the country’s first elections for a government since 1969. The African Union and the United Nations, with U.S. assistance, support the Federal Government of Somalia in restoring President Hassan Sheikh institutions. Still, continued attacks by the al-Shabab Mohamud on His Plan for extremist group, plus corruption and regional and clan Peace disputes, have complicated the government’s efforts to Somalia’s president spoke hold popular elections and establish stable governance. For example, consensus still must be at USIP in April 2016 to lay reached about the composition, boundaries, and powers of Somalia’s constituent states. The out his government’s plan government was unable to hold a direct vote for president in 2016 and scheduled an indirect for stabilizing his country— election in parliament for February 2017. Of an estimated 10 million Somalis, more than 2 million and Somalia’s need for are displaced and 5 million need humanitarian assistance, according to U.N. agencies. international support in that USIP’S WORK effort. The U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP) provides education, grants, training, and resources to help Somalis strengthen the institutions and skills needed to build a more stable, resilient society and state. USIP works through partnerships with Somali civil society organizations and government institutions, the U.S. State Department, non-governmental organizations, and the large Somali diaspora around the globe. -
Countering Terrorism in East Africa: the U.S
Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs November 3, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41473 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response Summary The United States government has implemented a range of programs to counter violent extremist threats in East Africa in response to Al Qaeda’s bombing of the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998 and subsequent transnational terrorist activity in the region. These programs include regional and bilateral efforts, both military and civilian. The programs seek to build regional intelligence, military, law enforcement, and judicial capacities; strengthen aviation, port, and border security; stem the flow of terrorist financing; and counter the spread of extremist ideologies. Current U.S.-led regional counterterrorism efforts include the State Department’s East Africa Regional Strategic Initiative (EARSI) and the U.S. military’s Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), part of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). The United States has also provided significant assistance in support of the African Union’s (AU) peace operations in Somalia, where the country’s nascent security forces and AU peacekeepers face a complex insurgency waged by, among others, Al Shabaab, a local group linked to Al Qaeda that often resorts to terrorist tactics. The State Department reports that both Al Qaeda and Al Shabaab pose serious terrorist threats to the United States and U.S. interests in the region. Evidence of linkages between Al Shabaab and Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, across the Gulf of Aden in Yemen, highlight another regional dimension of the threat posed by violent extremists in the area. -
Transnational Crimes Among Somali-Americans: Convergences of Radicalization and Trafficking
The author(s) shown below used Federal funding provided by the U.S. Department of Justice to prepare the following resource: Document Title: Transnational Crimes among Somali- Americans: Convergences of Radicalization and Trafficking Author(s): Stevan Weine, Edna Erez, Chloe Polutnik Document Number: 252135 Date Received: May 2019 Award Number: 2013-ZA-BX-0008 This resource has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice. This resource is being made publically available through the Office of Justice Programs’ National Criminal Justice Reference Service. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. Transnational Crimes among Somali-Americans: Convergences of Radicalization and Trafficking Stevan Weine, Edna Erez, and Chloe Polutnik 1 This resource was prepared by the author(s) using Federal funds provided by the U.S. Department of Justice. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice. This project was supported by Award No. 2013-ZA-BX-0008, awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Department of Justice. 2 This resource was prepared by the author(s) using Federal funds provided by the U.S. Department of Justice. Opinions or points of view expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. -
Ethiopians and Somalis Interviewed in Yemen
Greenland Iceland Finland Norway Sweden Estonia Latvia Denmark Lithuania Northern Ireland Canada Ireland United Belarus Kingdom Netherlands Poland Germany Belgium Czechia Ukraine Slovakia Russia Austria Switzerland Hungary Moldova France Slovenia Kazakhstan Croatia Romania Mongolia Bosnia and HerzegovinaSerbia Montenegro Bulgaria MMC East AfricaKosovo and Yemen 4Mi Snapshot - JuneGeorgia 2020 Macedonia Uzbekistan Kyrgyzstan Italy Albania Armenia Azerbaijan United States Ethiopians and Somalis Interviewed in Yemen North Portugal Greece Turkmenistan Tajikistan Korea Spain Turkey South The ‘Eastern Route’ is the mixed migration route from East Africa to the Gulf (through Overall, 60% of the respondents were from Ethiopia’s Oromia Region (n=76, 62 men and Korea Japan Yemen) and is the largest mixed migration route out of East Africa. An estimated 138,213 14Cyprus women). OromiaSyria Region is a highly populated region which hosts Ethiopia’s capital city refugees and migrants arrived in Yemen in 2019, and at least 29,643 reportedly arrived Addis Ababa.Lebanon Oromos face persecution in Ethiopia, and partner reports show that Oromos Iraq Afghanistan China Moroccobetween January and April 2020Tunisia. Ethiopians made up around 92% of the arrivals into typically make up the largest proportion of Ethiopians travelingIran through Yemen, where they Jordan Yemen in 2019 and Somalis around 8%. are particularly subject to abuse. The highest number of Somali respondents come from Israel Banadir Region (n=18), which some of the highest numbers of internally displaced people Every year, tensAlgeria of thousands of Ethiopians and Somalis travel through harsh terrain in in Africa. The capital city of Mogadishu isKuwait located in Banadir Region and areas around it Libya Egypt Nepal Djibouti and Puntland, Somalia to reach departure areas along the coastline where they host many displaced people seeking safety and jobs. -
Djibouti Bishop Happy That Mogadishu Cathedral Ruins Are Helping Somalis
Djibouti bishop happy that Mogadishu cathedral ruins are helping Somalis NAIROBI, Kenya – Djibouti Bishop Giorgio Bertin, who oversees Catholics in neighboring Somalia, said he is happy that the ruins of Mogadishu’s only Catholic cathedral are housing hundreds of displaced Somalis. “In Mogadishu there are hundreds of camps for displaced people. The cathedral area is one of them,” the bishop said in an email interview. “I think that at least 300 could easily fit in, but I have no real figures.” The U.N. officially has declared a famine in parts of Somalia, including the internally displaced communities in Mogadishu, the Somali capital. More than 100,000 Somalis poured into the capital searching for food within a two-month period this summer. Somalia has had a civil war since 1991, and the famine-hit areas are plagued by a lack of security because of a weak central government and the presence of various political factions that control parts of the country. The instability and resulting violence severely limit the delivery of humanitarian assistance. Hundreds of thousands of Somalis have fled to Kenya. Bishop Bertin said the best solution would be to help the displaced people within Somalia, “but the problem is often that where they are either they are unsafe or we cannot reach them.” In 1989, Italian-born Bishop Pietro Salvatore Colombo of Mogadishu was killed at his cathedral. After the murder, the Vatican eliminated the post and now oversees Somalia through neighboring Djibouti. “The cathedral has not been used since Jan. 9, 1991, when it was ransacked” and set on fire, said Bishop Bertin. -
Immunity of Current Or Former Foreign Officials Who Are Sued for Acts Per- Formed in an Official Capacity
No. 15-1345 In the Supreme Court of the United States YUSUF ABDI ALI, PETITIONER v. FARHAN MOHAMOUD TANI WARFAA ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES AS AMICUS CURIAE JEFFREY B. WALL Acting Solicitor General Counsel of Record EDWIN S. KNEEDLER Deputy Solicitor General ELAINE J. GOLDENBERG Assistant to the Solicitor General DOUGLAS N. LETTER SHARON SWINGLE LEWIS S. YELIN Attorneys RICHARD C. VISEK Department of Justice Acting Legal Adviser Washington, D.C. 20530-0001 Department of State [email protected] Washington, D.C. 20520 (202) 514-2217 QUESTION PRESENTED In Samantar v. Yousuf, 560 U.S. 305 (2010), this Court held that the common law, rather than the For- eign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976, 28 U.S.C. 1330, 1602 et seq., governs the immunity of current or former foreign officials who are sued for acts per- formed in an official capacity. The question presented is: Whether the court of appeals erred in finding that petitioner is not immune from suit on the ground that a categorical judicial exception to foreign official im- munity applies in civil suits alleging violations of jus cogens norms. (I) TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Interest of the United States....................................................... 1 Statement ...................................................................................... 1 Discussion .................................................................................... 12 A. The decision of the court of appeals rests on erroneous circuit precedent ........................................... 13 B. This Court should deny certiorari ................................. 20 Conclusion ................................................................................... 23 Appendix A — Letter from Omar Sharmarke (Nov. 23, 2016)......................................... 1a Appendix B — Diplomatic Note (Jan. 11, 2017) .................... 6a Appendix C — Letter from Omar Sharmarke (Jan. -
S/2016/919 Consejo De Seguridad
Naciones Unidas S/2016/919 Consejo de Seguridad Distr. general 31 de octubre de 2016 Español Original: inglés Carta de fecha 7 de octubre de 2016 dirigida al Presidente del Consejo de Seguridad por el Presidente del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea En nombre del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea, y de conformidad con lo dispuesto en el párrafo 32 de la resolución 2244 (2015) del Consejo de Seguridad, tengo el honor de transmitir adjunto el informe sobre Somalia del Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea. A este respecto, el Comité agradecería que la presente carta y el informe adjunto se señalaran a la atención de los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad y se publicaran como documento del Consejo. (Firmado) Rafael Darío Ramírez Carreño Presidente Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea 16-16743 (S) 021116 021116 *1616743* S/2016/919 Carta de fecha 28 de septiembre de 2016 dirigida al Presidente del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea por el Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea De conformidad con el párrafo 32 de la resolución 2244 (2015) del Consejo de Seguridad, tenemos el honor de transmitir adjunto el informe sobre Somalia del Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea. (Firmado) Christophe Trajber Coordinador -
Five Challenges in Somalia's Game of Thrones
DIIS POLICY BRIEF OCTOBER 2015 Somali elections in 2016 FIVE KEY CHALLENGES IN SOMALIA’S GAME OF THRONES The security situation and infighting between RECOMMENDATIONS clans and politicians in Somalia have made it impossible to carry out the planned full-scale ■ Develop better models to engage productively elections in August 2016. More realism must with questions of clans. guide expectations of Somalia in the short and ■ Maintain pressure on the offices of the President medium-term. and the Prime Minister to clarify and consolidate roles and responsibilities. Somalia is at a critical juncture. The current ■ Maintain a strong focus on existing and emerging government’s mandate is ending and a constitutional interim administrations, including Puntland. referendum and elections are planned for August 2016. In 2012, when President Hassan Sheikh ■ Establish a better understanding of how to engage Mohamoud took office, it was clear that ending in security matters beyond al-Shabaab. conflict and building state institutions were Sisyphean ■ Ensure that the humanitarian situation does not tasks. In the course of the last few months, it has turn into a crisis, which would undermine progress become increasingly apparent that there are made. Working explicitly with the question of clans in Somalia constitutes a considerable and unavoidable dilemma “It’s the pinnacle of democracy that everyone who is eligible votes to elect, but there is a big gap between there and where we stand. There are different phases and different models for elections, but we have not yet agreed on a format to transition in 2016.” President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud, July 2015 unreasonable expectations of what the government state-building and reconciliation.