<I>Personhood Under the Fourteenth Amendment</I>
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Personhood Seeking New Life with Republican Control Jonathan Will Mississippi College School of Law, [email protected]
Mississippi College School of Law MC Law Digital Commons Journal Articles Faculty Publications 2018 Personhood Seeking New Life with Republican Control Jonathan Will Mississippi College School of Law, [email protected] I. Glenn Cohen Harvard Law School, [email protected] Eli Y. Adashi Brown University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.law.mc.edu/faculty-journals Part of the Health Law and Policy Commons Recommended Citation 93 Ind. L. J. 499 (2018). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at MC Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of MC Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Personhood Seeking New Life with Republican Control* JONATHAN F. WILL, JD, MA, 1. GLENN COHEN, JD & ELI Y. ADASHI, MD, MSt Just three days prior to the inaugurationof DonaldJ. Trump as President of the United States, Representative Jody B. Hice (R-GA) introducedthe Sanctity of Human Life Act (H R. 586), which, if enacted, would provide that the rights associatedwith legal personhood begin at fertilization. Then, in October 2017, the Department of Health and Human Services releasedits draft strategicplan, which identifies a core policy of protectingAmericans at every stage of life, beginning at conception. While often touted as a means to outlaw abortion, protecting the "lives" of single-celled zygotes may also have implicationsfor the practice of reproductive medicine and research Indeedt such personhoodefforts stand apart anddistinct from more incre- mental attempts to restrictabortion that target the abortionprocedure and those who would perform it. -
Federal Courts, Overbreadth, and Vagueness: Guiding Principles for Constitution Challenges to Uninterpreted State Statutes
The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law CUA Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions Faculty Scholarship 2002 Federal Courts, Overbreadth, and Vagueness: Guiding Principles for Constitution Challenges to Uninterpreted State Statutes Mark L. Rienzi The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law Stuart Buck Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/scholar Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Courts Commons Recommended Citation Mark L. Rienzi & Stuart Buck, Federal Courts, Overbreadth, and Vagueness: Guiding Principles for Constitution Challenges to Uninterpreted State Statutes, 2002 Utah L. Rev. 381. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions by an authorized administrator of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Federal Courts, Overbreadth, and Vagueness: Guiding Principles for Constitutional Challenges to Uninterpreted State Statutes Stuart Buck* and Mark L. Rienzi** I. INTRODUCTION When a state statute is challenged in federal court as unconstitutionally overbroad or vague, the federal court is caught between two fundamental principles of constitutional law. On the one hand, federal courts have been instructed numerous times that they should invalidate a state statute only when there is no other choice. The Supreme Court has noted that it is a "cardinal principle" of statutory interpretation that a federal court must accept any plausible interpretation such that a state statute need not be invalidated. Moreover, the doctrines of abstention, certification, and severance all exist in order to show deference to a state's power to interpret its own laws and to allow as much of a state law to survive as possible. -
Summary of Roe V. Wade and Other Key Abortion Cases
Summary of Roe v. Wade and Other Key Abortion Cases Roe v. Wade 410 U.S. 113 (1973) The central court decision that created current abortion law in the U.S. is Roe v. Wade. In this 1973 decision, the Supreme Court ruled that women had a constitutional right to abortion, and that this right was based on an implied right to personal privacy emanating from the Ninth and Fourteenth Amendments. In Roe v. Wade the Court said that a fetus is not a person but "potential life," and thus does not have constitutional rights of its own. The Court also set up a framework in which the woman's right to abortion and the state's right to protect potential life shift: during the first trimester of pregnancy, a woman's privacy right is strongest and the state may not regulate abortion for any reason; during the second trimester, the state may regulate abortion only to protect the health of the woman; during the third trimester, the state may regulate or prohibit abortion to promote its interest in the potential life of the fetus, except where abortion is necessary to preserve the woman's life or health. Doe v. Bolton 410 U.S. 179 (1973) Roe v. Wade was modified by another case decided the same day: Doe v. Bolton. In Doe v. Bolton the Court ruled that a woman's right to an abortion could not be limited by the state if abortion was sought for reasons of maternal health. The Court defined health as "all factors – physical, emotional, psychological, familial, and the woman's age – relevant to the well-being of the patient." This health exception expanded the right to abortion for any reason through all three trimesters of pregnancy. -
Does the Fourteenth Amendment Prohibit Abortion?
PROTECTING PRENATAL PERSONS: DOES THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT PROHIBIT ABORTION? What should the legal status of human beings in utero be under an originalist interpretation of the Constitution? Other legal thinkers have explored whether a national “right to abortion” can be justified on originalist grounds.1 Assuming that it cannot, and that Roe v. Wade2 and Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylva- nia v. Casey3 were wrongly decided, only two other options are available. Should preborn human beings be considered legal “persons” within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment, or do states retain authority to make abortion policy? INTRODUCTION During initial arguments for Roe v. Wade, the state of Texas ar- gued that “the fetus is a ‘person’ within the language and mean- ing of the Fourteenth Amendment.”4 The Supreme Court rejected that conclusion. Nevertheless, it conceded that if prenatal “per- sonhood is established,” the case for a constitutional right to abor- tion “collapses, for the fetus’ right to life would then be guaran- teed specifically by the [Fourteenth] Amendment.”5 Justice Harry Blackmun, writing for the majority, observed that Texas could cite “no case . that holds that a fetus is a person within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment.”6 1. See Antonin Scalia, God’s Justice and Ours, 156 L. & JUST. - CHRISTIAN L. REV. 3, 4 (2006) (asserting that it cannot); Jack M. Balkin, Abortion and Original Meaning, 24 CONST. COMMENT. 291 (2007) (arguing that it can). 2. 410 U.S. 113 (1973). 3. 505 U.S. 833 (1992). 4. Roe, 410 U.S. at 156. Strangely, the state of Texas later balked from the impli- cations of this position by suggesting that abortion can “be best decided by a [state] legislature.” John D. -
Tiered Balancing and the Fate of Roe V. Wade: How the New Supreme Court Majority Could Turn the Undue-Burden Standard Into a Deferential Pike Test
TIERED BALANCING AND THE FATE OF ROE V. WADE: HOW THE NEW SUPREME COURT MAJORITY COULD TURN THE UNDUE-BURDEN STANDARD INTO A DEFERENTIAL PIKE TEST By Brendan T. Beery* In one of the more noteworthy uses of his much-ballyhooed “swing vote”1 on the U.S. Supreme Court, Justice Anthony Kennedy sided with Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Sotomayor, and Kagan in striking down two Texas laws that restricted access to reproductive- healthcare facilities. The laws did so by imposing toilsome admitting privileges and surgical-facility standards that clinics had difficulty abiding. 2 The proposition that a woman has an unenumerated constitutional right to terminate a pregnancy, at least before the point of fetal viability, won the day in 1973.3 But, as 2018 fades into 2019, no judicial precedent is more endangered than the one that has evolved in a triumvirate of cases: Roe v. Wade,4 Planned Parenthood v. Casey,5 and Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt,6 save perhaps the principle * Professor of Law, Western Michigan University Thomas M. Cooley Law School; B.A., Bradley University, 1995; J.D., summa cum laude, Thomas M. Cooley Law School, 1998. The author wishes to thank his friend and colleague, Professor Daniel R. Ray, for his assistance in conceptualizing this essay. The author also thanks the editors and staff of the Kansas Journal of Law & Public Policy for their incisive feedback, professionalism, and hard work. 1 See Caitlin E. Borgmann, Abortion, the Undue Burden Standard, and the Evisceration of Women’s Privacy, 16 WM. & MARY J. WOMEN & L. 291, 292 (2010). -
United States Court of Appeals
Case: 18-3329 Document: 141-2 Filed: 04/13/2021 Page: 1 RECOMMENDED FOR FULL-TEXT PUBLICATION Pursuant to Sixth Circuit I.O.P. 32.1(b) File Name: 21a0083p.06 UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SIXTH CIRCUIT ┐ PRETERM-CLEVELAND; PLANNED PARENTHOOD │ SOUTHWEST OHIO REGION; WOMEN’S MED GROUP │ PROFESSIONAL CORPORATION; ROSLYN KADE, M.D.; │ PLANNED PARENTHOOD OF GREATER OHIO, │ Plaintiffs-Appellees, > No. 18-3329 │ │ v. │ │ STEPHANIE MCCLOUD, Director, Ohio Department of │ Health; KIM G. ROTHERMEL, Secretary, State Medical │ Board of Ohio; BRUCE R. SAFERIN, Supervising │ Member, State Medical Board of Ohio, │ Defendants-Appellants. │ ┘ On Petition for Rehearing En Banc United States District Court for the Southern District of Ohio at Cincinnati; No. 1:18-cv-00109—Timothy S. Black, District Judge. Argued En Banc: March 11, 2020 Decided and Filed: April 13, 2021 Before: COLE; Chief Judge; BATCHELDER, MOORE, CLAY, GIBBONS, SUTTON, GRIFFIN, KETHLEDGE, WHITE, STRANCH, DONALD, THAPAR, BUSH, LARSEN, NALBANDIAN, and READLER, Circuit Judges.* _________________ COUNSEL ARGUED EN BANC: Benjamin M. Flowers, OFFICE OF THE OHIO ATTORNEY GENERAL, Columbus, Ohio, for Appellants. B. Jessie Hill, ACLU OF OHIO FOUNDATION, INC., Cleveland, Ohio, for Appellees. Alexander V. Maugeri, UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, Washington, D.C., for Amicus Curiae. ON SUPPLEMENTAL BRIEF: Benjamin M. Flowers, Stephen P. Carney, Tiffany L. Carwile, OFFICE OF THE OHIO *Judge Murphy recused himself from participation in this case. Case: 18-3329 Document: 141-2 Filed: 04/13/2021 Page: 2 No. 18-3329 Preterm-Cleveland v. McCloud Page 2 ATTORNEY GENERAL, Columbus, Ohio, for Appellants. B. Jessie Hill, Freda J. Levenson, ACLU OF OHIO FOUNDATION, INC., Cleveland, Ohio, Alexa Kolbi-Molinas, AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION FOUNDATION, New York, New York, Jennifer L. -
Constitutional Amendment: Abortion Ban & Fetal Personhood
Constitutional Amendment: Abortion Ban & Fetal Personhood HJR 18 - Rep. Moon (R-157, Ash Grove) This extreme, unconstitutional measure would ban abortion and common forms of contraception. House Joint Resolution 18 is an extreme measure that bans all abortion in Missouri, including in cases of rape, incest and when the health of the pregnant person is in danger. It also bans emergency contraception and commonly used forms of birth control, including the pill and the IUD. It declares the legal “personhood” of embryos and grants embryos rights that would supersede those of pregnant people. Personhood measures have extreme and dangerous consequences. ● This bill is designed solely to criminalize abortion, including for victims of rape and incest, and in life-threatening emergencies. ● Declaring an embryo to be a full legal person would ban common forms of birth control, like the pill and the IUD, as well as emergency contraception. ● This measure could prevent a person with a life-threatening pregnancy from getting the health care they need. These restrictions do not meet the U.S. Supreme Court’s new standard. ● It is important for legislators and the public to know that last summer’s landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision in Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt established a much clearer legal standard that abortion restrictions must meet: the benefit of a given abortion restriction must outweigh the burden it imposes. ● This new standard applies to any and all abortion restrictions, whether it's a TRAP law, a restriction on a certain medical procedure, or a restriction on the health care professionals who provide reproductive health care. -
The Political and Moral Battle Over Late-Term Abortion
CROSSING THE LINE: THE POLITICAL AND MORAL BATTLE OVER LATE-TERM ABORTION Rigel C. Oliverit "This is an emotional,distorted debate. We are using the lives ofa few women to create divisions across this country... -Senator Patty Murray' I. INTRODUCTION The 25 years following the Supreme Court's landmark decision in Roe v. Wade2 have seen a tremendous amount of social and political activism on both sides of the abortion controversy. Far from settling the issue of a woman's constitutional right to an abortion, the Roe decision galvanized pro-life and pro- choice groups and precipitated many small "battles" in what many on both sides view to be a "war" between fetal protection and women's access to reproductive choice. These battles have occurred at the judicial, grassroots, and political levels, with each side gaining and losing ground. Pro-life activists staged a nation-wide campaign of clinic protests, which led to Congress's 1994 enactment of the Federal Access to Clinic Entrances law creating specific civil and criminal penalties for violence outside of abortion clinics.3 State legislatures imposed limitations on the right to abortion, including mandatory waiting periods and requirements for parental or spousal notification. Many of these limitations were then challenged before the Supreme Court, which struck down or upheld them according to the "undue burden" standard of review articulated in PlannedParenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey.4 Recent developments have shifted the focus of conflict from clinic entrances and state regulation of abortion access to the abortion procedures themselves. The most controversial procedures include RU-486--the "abortion drug"-and a particular late term surgical procedure called intact dilation and extraction ("D&X")-more popularly known as "partial-birth abortion." The controversy surrounding the D&X procedure escalated dramatically in June of 1995, when both houses of Congress first introduced legislation to ban the procedure. -
Karen Wiederaenders Fairway, KS January 21, 2020 House Federal & State Affairs Committee and Senate Judiciary Committee
Karen Wiederaenders Fairway, KS January 21, 2020 House Federal & State Affairs Committee and Senate Judiciary Committee Opposition testimony to SRC 1613 and HRC 5019 My name is Karen Wiederaenders and I live in Fairway, KS. I am retired but in my professional life I was a medical librarian, and I served as the Director of Library Services over the entire St. Luke’s Health System, an 11-hospital system in the Kansas City area. I hold two Master‘s degrees, one in Bioethics and one in Library Science. In my role as the Director of Library Services I provided reference services for everyone in the system. Since St. Luke’s is a tertiary care hospital, many of the questions I received concerned a high level of care for unusual cases, often including difficult pregnancy complications. Additionally, I am a permanent member of the hospital bioethics committee and have assisted on hundreds of ethical consults. I would like to present research that I believe is relevant to the issue of abortion. I am submitting a paper I wrote while completing my Masters in Bioethics. This paper is called Personhood: A Legal and Bioethical Synthesis. In this paper, I examined the characteristics which make us sentient human beings and tried to find the stages at which the human fetus reaches certain capacities, such as the ability to feel pain. I think you will find my paper helpful in reaching agreement about the moral status of the fetus. There are some who make the false claim an abortion is never medically needed to protect the life and health of a mother, such as the founder of Live Action, Lila Rosei, and the signers of The Dublin Declaration on Maternal Health Careii. -
Gonzales, Casey and the Viability Rule
Digital Commons @ Georgia Law Scholarly Works Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2009 Gonzales, Casey and the Viability Rule Randy Beck University of Georgia School of Law, [email protected] Repository Citation Randy Beck, Gonzales, Casey and the Viability Rule (2009), Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uga.edu/fac_artchop/699 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Georgia Law. Please share how you have benefited from this access For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright 2009 by Northwestern University School of Law Printed in U.S.A. Northwestern University Law Review Vol. 103, No. I Essays GONZALES, CASEY, AND THE VIABILITY RULE Randy Beckn IN TRO D U CTION ............................................................................................................. 249 I. WH~y EXPECT A RATIONALE FOR THE VIABILITY RULE? .................... .... ... .... ... .... .. 253 A . Casey 's Test ofLegitim acy .......................................................................... 254 B. The Moral Randomness of the Viability Standard...................................... 257 C. Viability in InternationalPerspective ......................................................... 261 II. THE SUPREME COURT'S FAILURE TO JUSTIFY THE VIABILITY RULE ...................... 267 A. The Missing Syllogism of Roe v. W ade ...................................................... -
Abortion: Judicial History and Legislative Response
Abortion: Judicial History and Legislative Response Updated September 20, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33467 SUMMARY RL33467 Abortion: Judicial History and September 20, 2021 Legislative Response Jon O. Shimabukuro In 1973, the U.S. Supreme Court concluded in Roe v. Wade that the U.S. Constitution protects a Legislative Attorney woman’s decision to terminate her pregnancy. In a companion decision, Doe v. Bolton, the Court found that a state may not unduly burden the exercise of that fundamental right with regulations that prohibit or substantially limit access to the procedure. Rather than settle the issue, the Court’s rulings since Roe and Doe have continued to generate debate and have precipitated a variety of governmental actions at the national, state, and local levels designed either to nullify the rulings or limit their effect. These governmental regulations have, in turn, spawned further litigation in which resulting judicial refinements in the law have been no more successful in dampening the controversy. Following Roe, the right identified in that case was affected by decisions such as Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, which gave greater leeway to the states to restrict abortion, and Rust v. Sullivan, which narrowed the scope of permissible abortion-related activities that are linked to federal funding. The Court’s decision in Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, which established the “undue burden” standard for determining whether abortion restrictions are permissible, gave Congress additional impetus to move on statutory responses to the abortion issue, such as the Freedom of Choice Act. Legislation to prohibit a specific abortion procedure, the so-called “partial-birth” abortion procedure, was passed in the 108th Congress. -
Personhood Amendments After Whole Woman's Health V. Hellerstedt Care, and in Vitro Fertilization
Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 67 Issue 2 Article 5 2016 Personhood Amendments After Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt Steven R. Morrison Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Steven R. Morrison, Personhood Amendments After Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, 67 Case W. Rsrv. L. Rev. 447 (2016) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol67/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Case Western Reserve Law Review·Volume 67·Issue 2·2016 Personhood Amendments After Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt Steven R. Morrison† Abstract Over the past six years, pro-life advocates have used Targeted Regulation of Abortion Provider (TRAP) laws and state-level consti- tutional personhood amendments to end abortion. The United States Supreme Court’s recent opinion in Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt suggests that the TRAP strategy will give way to a greater push for personhood amendments. This is so for three reasons. First, Whole Woman’s Health undermined the woman’s-health basis for TRAP laws and may encourage advocates to refocus their efforts on fetal rights. Second, Whole Woman’s Health limited the types of sta- tutes that can survive judicial scrutiny, but left constitutional amend- ments untouched. Third, with TRAP laws under attack, the pro-life movement’s only other sustained, institutional strategy is to push personhood amendments.