Angolan Women in Search of Peace

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Angolan Women in Search of Peace The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Afr. j. polit. sci. (1998), Vol. 3 No. 1,70-81 Angolan Women in Search of Peace Horace Campbell* Abstract The paper deals with the multiple wars against the Angolan people, and the central role being played by Angolan women in developing new forms and initiatives for peace. It shows how Angolan women have had to draw on the historic memory and practices of resistance and survival to maintain their dignity and pursue peace. It concludes that the success of any peace initiative would require a fundamental transformation of politics and society to give voice to Angolan women , and not simply the reconciliation of waring military factions. Introduction Ten years ago the combined forces of the Angolan army, the Cuban internationalist forces and elements of the South West African Peoples Organisation (SWAPO) defeated the forces of South Africa and UNITA at Cuito Cuanavale in Angola. However, the continuing bloodshed in Angola four years after the Lusaka Accords (of 1994) and ten years after the peace accords on Namibia compels progressive scholars to fully examine the meaning of peace and to attempt to understand the cultural, ideological and military forces that rob African people of their humanity. This devaluation of the lives of Africans is most keenly felt by African women who have borne the brunt of masculinity and violence that are celebrated in the warrior traditions in Angola. Progressive African women and feminist scholars have made it clear that it is not simply enough to understand the mil itary defeat of South Africa. It is also necessary to understand the ideas and cultural practices that validate violence and war. Our knowledge of the linkages between direct violence, structural violence and the ideas of cultural domination has been enhanced by the work of researchers and scholars who seek to move beyond a superficial under- standing of war and peace in Africa. 1027-0353 © 1998 African Association of Political Science Angolan Women in Search of Peace 71 According to Johan Galtung, "structural violence exists when social and economic conditions are such that people die or suffer as a consequence of the unequal distribution of resources, not as the result of physical violence". This concept of structural violence as a component of warfare is very critical to the wars against the Angolan people. African women, who bear the brunt of the structural and cultural violence, have been in the forefront of the struggle to redefine peace in a way that transforms the total reality of domination in Africa. The whole experience of Angola points to the need for more profound transformations in the society than merely silencing guns. Africans embarked on struggles of liberation to end the arrogance of Europe that is inscribed in the whole colonial project. Unfortunately, this struggle was not predicated on transforming the colonial ideas of capitalist relations, patriarchy and the warrior traditions in politics. The icon of the African soldier with the gun was supposed to be the hallmark of liberation and revolution. But now, in the aftermath of the end of formal apartheid, it is clearer that replacing colonial overlords with African males without changing the eco- nomic and social structures can only lead to entrenched exploitation. In Africa where the nationalist ideology of male leaders has negated the positive aspects of the struggles for self determination, African feminists have deepened our understanding of how ethnicity and nationalism, as backward looking ideolo- gies were anchored in a past which was based on male domination and masculine prowess. These scholars have been able to outline how African women experience "nationalism and ethnicity as violation, war and conflict between men who appropriate the female body as the territory upon which they fight their vicious and destructive games - often in the name of national sovereignty and the search for peace among themselves" (McFadden 1994: 33). Angola provides a compelling lesson of nationalist and ethnic identifications that seek to appropriate the female body. In Angola, peace today, like the pacification campaigns of the colonial era, provides the context for warfare, rape and destruction. Since the anti colonial war (1961 -1974), the war of destabilisation (1975-1991), and the destruction of the country by UNITA from 1992 to 1994, millions of the Angolan peoples have been uprooted from their village communi- ties and over a million lost their lives. Angolan women have been affected disproportionately by the warfare, exploitation and violence. On top of the misery and the massive loss of life in this rich but under-populated society, the living conditions of the Angolan producers deteriorated according to every index of quality of life: health care, access to water, infant mortality, access to primary education, nutrition and food security, pre and post natal care and household incomes. In the pervasive climate of devastation and degeneration, women were more susceptible to multiple assaults and attacks. Increased violence in the society meant that there was more sexual abuse and beating of women. In the midst of the war the Organisation for Angolan women had to set up a special hostel 72 Horace Campbell for battered women. With the collapse of the economic infrastructure (other than the extraction of petroleum products) the survival techniques, remnants of the matri- centric production unit, of the African women on the whole kept body and soul together. The large scale movement and dispersal of population which had been precipitated by war and violence imposed more grievous responsibilities on them. It was in this context of war and dispersal that Angolan women were searching for levers of participation in their society to end militarism, violence and oppression. The renegotiation by Angolan women of their place in society has been facilitated by the destruction caused by war and the breakdown of the village as the social unit. Millions of poor people were dispersed from their village communities and "rendered displaced" persons in the statistics of the United Nations. For example, Luanda, acolonial city constructed for less than 200,000 people, was now bursting with a population of more than 2 million. In the midst of such massive urbanisation, women engineered new survival strategies while maintaining those aspects of African culture which served the requirements of social reproduction. As was evident in the Luanda wars of October 1992 and January 1993 women demonstrated new forms of solidarity and comradeship. In the rural areas of Angola the struggles for food and life distinguished women who crossed military lines to forage for food and to ensure the survival of their children. The women of Kuito - Bie in particular, who organised the resistance against UNITA in the nine month siege, stamped a new image on the society and forever buried the myth of ethnic loyalty to UNITA. This paper deals with the multiple wars against the Angolan peoples and the centrality of African women in moving away from warfare to new forms of social interaction. Angolan women have had to draw on the historic memory and practices of resistance and survival to maintain their dignity as human beings. The record of the spiritual, military and cultural resistance of the peoples is manifested in the songs, dance, art, drawings and other areas continues to inspire large sections of the population. The spirit of resistance has been manifest in numerous ways but nowhere as evident as in the forthright emergence of Angolan women on the centre stage of the economic life of their society. Despite the noteworthy presence of women in all spheres of existence, in the discussions on peace and reconstruction women are still marginalised. If one were to measure the resources invested into reconciling warring parties as the basis for peace, one would then understand the limits of the present peace accords on Angola. This is evident from a study of the United Nations and its peace efforts in Angola. Two Scenes of War and Resistance Scene 1: Kuito, Bie The battle for Kuito, Bie in the heartland of Angola, raged on with artillery Angolan Women in Search of Peace 73 bombardment and a siege of the main urban administrative area for nine months (January to September 1993). The Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FALA), the army of UNITA and Jonas Savimbi, trained and equipped by a dying apartheid regime, had laid siege to this city in the central highlands of Angola. The peoples of Kuito, whose memory of African military and cultural resistance to colonial pacification campaigns was still fresh, shared a history of resistance to colonialism with the other peoples of Angola. These people had voted for UNITA in the 1992 elections. Jonas Savimbi, the leader of UNITA, claims his lineage from Kuito and had pinned his hopes on a quick victory in this town to reinforce the military occupation of over 65 per cent of the administrative centers of Angola. After the 55 day siege of Huambo, from January to March 1993, UNITA had dithered in the "peace talks" in Abidjan hoping to take Kuito in order to boost its bid to seize power by force. The army of UNITA had controlled most of the barrios of this city but there were three barrios which were not taken. The barrio of Katonge struggled to remain free and it was from this community that the women organised to stay alive. The women of Kuito demonstrated exemplary courage in breaking the siege by going out at night to forage for food, transiting land mines, and using different techniques of dress, language and trading patterns to bypass the soldiers of the government and UNITA.
Recommended publications
  • Understanding Fragmentation in Conflict and Its Impact on Prospects for Peace
    oslo FORUM papers N°006 - December 2016 Understanding fragmentation in conflict and its impact on prospects for peace Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham www.hd centre.org – www.osloforum.org Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva | Switzerland t : +41 22 908 11 30 f : +41 22 908 11 40 [email protected] www.hdcentre.org Oslo Forum www.osloforum.org The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD) is a private diplo- macy organisation founded on the principles of humanity, impartiality and independence. Its mission is to help pre- vent, mitigate, and resolve armed conflict through dialogue and mediation. © 2016 – Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be author- ised only with written consent and acknowledgment of the source. Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham Associate Professor at the Department of Government and Politics, University of Maryland [email protected] http://www.kathleengallaghercunningham.com Table of contents INTRODUCTION 2 1. WHAT IS FRAGMENTATION? 3 Fragmented actors 3 Multiple actors 3 Identifying fragmentation 4 New trends 4 The causes of fragmentation 5 2. THE CONSEQUENCES OF FRAGMENTATION FOR CONFLICT 7 Violence 7 Accommodation and war termination 7 Side switching 8 3. HOW PEACE PROCESSES AFFECT FRAGMENTATION 9 Coalescing 9 Intentional fragmentation 9 Unintentional fragmentation 9 Mediation 10 4. RESPONSES OF MEDIATORS AND OTHER THIRD-PARTY ACTORS TO FRAGMENTATION 11 Negotiations including all armed groups 11 Sequential negotiations 11 Inclusion of unarmed actors and national dialogue 12 Efforts to coalesce the opposition 13 5. AFTER SETTLEMENT 14 CONCLUSION 15 ENDNOTES 16 2 The Oslo Forum Papers | Understanding fragmentation in conflict Introduction Complicated conflicts with many disparate actors have cators of fragmentation, new trends, and a summation of why become increasingly common in the international system.
    [Show full text]
  • Konrad English Layout - Vol 11.Indd 1 8/8/2012 11:04:58 AM Konrad Adenauer Stiftung
    KONRAD ADENAUER STIFTUNG AFRICAN LAW STUDY LIBRARY Volume 11 Edited by Hartmut Hamann, Jean-Michel Kumbu & Yves-Junior Manzanza Lumingu Hartmut Hamann is a lawyer specialized in providing legal support for international projects between states and private companies, and in international arbitration proceedings. He is a professor at the Freie Universität Berlin, and at the Chemnitz University of Technology, where he teaches public international law and conflict resolution. His legal and academic activities often take him to Africa. ([email protected]) Jean-Michel Kumbu is a lecturer in employment law and economic legislation at Université de Kinshasa and other universities in Democratic Republic of Congo. He is a lawyer and focuses on business law. He is an expert in democratic governance by the United Nations Development Program in Kinshasa. Yves-Junior Manzanza Lumingu has a Bachelor of Law from the Université de Kinshasa where he worked as a research assistant to the Vice Dean. He was responsible for research within the faculty of law and was later nominated as an assistant at the Université de Kikwit (Bandundu / Democratic Republic of the Congo). Currently, he is pursuing his doctorate at the Julius-Maximilians- Universität Würzburg. His field of research covers the three areas "constitutional state – protection of private investment – worker protection". He is also interested in issues relating to the promotion of women’s and children’s rights. Konrad Published By: Adenauer Stiftung Rule of Law Program for Sub-Saharan Africa ©July 2012 AFRICAN LAW STUDY LIBRARY Vol 11 A Konrad English Layout - Vol 11.indd 1 8/8/2012 11:04:58 AM Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Office : Mbaruk Road, Hse, No.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategy for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights in the Sadc Region
    STRATEGY FOR SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS IN THE SADC REGION Not an ofcial SADC publication STRATEGY FOR SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS IN THE SADC REGION 2019 - 2013 S T R AT E G Y F O R S E X U A L A N D R E P R O D U C T I V E H E A LT H A N D R I G H T S IN THE SADC REGION AN INTERIM PUBLICATION OF THE SADC STRATEGY The strategy remains a work-in-progress as the SADC Technical Working Group begins work early in 2019 on a monitoring and evaluation framework and strategy BROUGHT TO YOU BY: The Civil Society Organisations supporting the SADC SRHR Strategy PAGE 2 SADC SRHR STRATEGY 2019 - 2013 STRATEGY FOR SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS IN THE SADC REGION 2019 - 2013 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The SRHR Strategy for the SADC Region (2019 – 2030) was made possible through the collaboration of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Secretariat with Member States and various stakeholders. The Secretariat acknowledges all contributions in particular the leadership by the Ministries of Health for Eswatini, Namibia and South Africa, who provided strategic direction and support to the work of the Technical Committee comprising of representatives from UN agencies, SheDecides, civil society and youth led organisations who led the development of the strategy. We acknowledge the contribution by representatives from the Ministries of Health, Education, Gender, and Youth from the 15 SADC Member States, Southern African civil society partners , youth led organisations who participate in the Technical Consultation and worked collaboratively to build consensus and provide inputs that has resulted in the development of this draft.
    [Show full text]
  • SADF Military Operations
    SADF Military Operations 1975 -1989 Contents 1 List of operations of the South African Border War 1 2 Operation Savannah (Angola) 3 2.1 Background .............................................. 3 2.2 Military intervention .......................................... 4 2.2.1 Support for UNITA and FNLA ................................ 5 2.2.2 Ruacana-Calueque occupation ................................ 5 2.2.3 Task Force Zulu ........................................ 5 2.2.4 Cuban intervention ...................................... 6 2.2.5 South African reinforcements ................................. 6 2.2.6 End of South African advance ................................ 6 2.3 Major battles and incidents ...................................... 6 2.3.1 Battle of Quifangondo .................................... 7 2.3.2 Battle of Ebo ......................................... 7 2.3.3 “Bridge 14” .......................................... 7 2.3.4 Battle of Luso ......................................... 7 2.3.5 Battles involving Battlegroup Zulu in the west ........................ 8 2.3.6 Ambrizete incident ...................................... 8 2.4 Aftermath ............................................... 8 2.5 South African order of battle ..................................... 9 2.6 Association .............................................. 9 2.7 Further reading ............................................ 9 2.8 References ............................................... 9 3 Operation Bruilof 13 3.1 Background .............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Female Representation in the National Parliaments of Angola, Ethiopia and Lesotho
    International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 3, No. 3.3 Quarter III 2012 ISSN: 0976 – 1195 THE SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN TRIUMVIRATE: FEMALE REPRESENTATION IN THE NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS OF ANGOLA, ETHIOPIA AND LESOTHO Kimberly S. Adams Associate Professor of Political Science, East Stroudsburg University, USA ABSTRACT From December 5, 2001 to January 31, 2011, the percentage of women serving in the lower chambers of Angola, Ethiopia, and Lesotho, increased by 23.1 percent, 20.1 percent, and 20.4 percent respectively (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2011) While numerous factors can possibly explain this increase, this paper examines political, socioeconomic and cultural factors that may help to explain the increased presence of women in the national parliaments of Angola, Ethiopia, and Lesotho from 2001 to 2011. Unlike my previous works on women serving in national parliament, that employ quantitative analysis when examining the impact of explanatory variables on women in parliaments, this work employs a case study approach to systematically examine the increased share of women in the parliaments of three very different and unique Sub- Saharan African countries. Keywords: Women, African politics, Parliament, Representation, Angola, Ethiopia, Lesotho 1 International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 3, No. 3.3 Quarter III 2012 ISSN: 0976 – 1195 “It is important to understand that, establishing women’s political rights in law does not mean in practice that women will be allowed to exercise those rights.” (Pamela Paxton/Melanie M. Hughes, 2007: 62) Introduction Women in Sub-Saharan African society have been the subject of countless studies in the United States during the past three decades.Topics ranging from domestic abuse, sexual exploitation, government corruption, to Sub-Saharan African women’s access to healthcare, education, the paid workforce and political power, continue to be the focus of governmental reports and academic manuscripts.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic and Social Council
    UNITED NATIONS E Economic and Social Distr. GENERAL Council E/C.12/AGO/3 28 April 2008 ENGLISH Original: FRENCH Substantive session of 2008 IMPLEMENTATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS Combined initial, second and third periodic reports, under articles 16 and 17 of the Covenant ANGOLA [16 April 2008] * The present document was not formally edited before being sent to the United Nations translation services. ** The annexes to this report may be consulted at the secretariat. GE.08-41548 (EXT) E/C.12/AGO/3 page 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Paragraphs Page I. GENERAL PROVISIONS OF THE COVENANT ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS .............. 1 - 31 3 II. IMPLEMENTATION OF THE LAW IN PRACTICE: DIFFICULTIES AND CONSTRAINTS ................................... 32 - 101 14 III. STRENGTHENING THE PRODUCTION CAPACITY OF THE TRADITIONAL SECTOR ............................................... 102 - 114 35 IV. REFORMS AND MEASURES IMPLEMENTED ................... 115 - 124 40 V. EMPLOYMENT ........................................................................ 125 - 132 42 VI. ADMINISTRATIVE DECENTRALIZATION AND RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT SERVICES NATIONWIDE .......................................................................... 133 - 160 44 VII. INTEGRATED PROGRAMME FOR HOUSING, URBAN DEVELOPMENT, BASIC SANITATION AND THE ENVIRONMENT ...................................................................... 161 - 177 53 VIII. HIV AIDS .................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review* Angola
    United Nations A/HRC/14/11 General Assembly Distr.: General 24 March 2010 Original: English/French Human Rights Council Fourteenth session Agenda item 6 Universal Periodic Review Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review* Angola * Previously issued under document symbol A/HRC/WG.6/7/L.10. The annex to the present report is circulated as received. GE. A/HRC/14/11 Contents Paragraphs Page Introduction............................................................................................................. 1–4 3 I. Summary of the proceedings of the review process................................................ 5–86 3 A. Presentation by the State under review........................................................... 5–16 3 B. Interactive dialogue and responses by the State under review........................ 17–86 5 II. Conclusions and/or recommendations..................................................................... 87–88 13 Annex Composition of the delegation ......................................................................................................... 24 2 A/HRC/14/11 Introduction 1. The Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, established in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 5/1 of 18 June 2007, held its seventh session from 8 February to 19 February 2010. The review of Angola was held at the 10th meeting, on 12 February 2010. The delegation of Angola was headed by the Secretary of State for Foreign Relations, Georges Chikoty. At its 14th meeting, held on 16 February 2010, the
    [Show full text]
  • Module 4B Trade and Gender Linkages: an Analysis of the Southern African Development Community United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
    SADC TEACHING MATERIAL ON TRADE AND GENDER VOLUME 1: UNFOLDING THE LINKS MODULE 4B TRADE AND GENDER LINKAGES: AN ANALYSIS OF THE SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITY UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT Teaching Material on TRADE AND GENDER Volume 1 Unfolding the links Module 4b Trade and Gender Linkages: An Analysis of the Southern African Development Community New York and Geneva, 2018 © 2018, United Nations This work is available open access by complying with the Creative Commons licence created for intergovernmental organizations, available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/igo/. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations or its officials or Member States. The designation employed and the presentation of material on any map in this work do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Photocopies and reproductions of excerpts are allowed with proper credits. This publication has been edited externally. United Nations publication issued by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION UNCTAD/DITC/2018/1 Copyright © United Nations, 2018 All rignts reserved ii READING NOTE On 19 April 2018, Swaziland officially changed its name to Eswatini. The desk research, empirical work and editing of this module were completed in March 2018. Processing of the publication took place between April and May 2018 and, thus, the authors of the module refer to Eswatini as Swaziland.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER = ANGOLA the Bush and Reagan Administrations Have Been Quick to Criticize Human Rights Violations by the Angolan Government
    @CHAPTER = ANGOLA The Bush and Reagan administrations have been quick to criticize human rights violations by the Angolan government. Among the abuses protested have been the intolerance of dissent, the use of land mines against civilians, and the holding of political detainees and prisoners. These serious abuses deserved the strong condemnation that they have received. However, both administrations have neglected serious violations by the U.S.-backed rebels seeking to overthrow the Angolan government, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola ("UNITA"). @PAGE = This refusal to criticize rebel abuses stems from the Bush administration's unwavering support of UNITA and its leader, Jonas Savimbi. For 14 years UNITA has been seeking to topple Angola's post-independence government in a war that to date has resulted in the deaths of over 100,000 people, most of them civilians. The U.S. policy of funding UNITA, first initiated by President Reagan in late 1985, has if anything been solidified under President Bush. Even before President Bush took office, he wrote to Savimbi assuring him that "all appropriate and effective assistance" would continue. Then, in 1989, to compensate for the loss of South African military and economic assistance to UNITA, the Bush administration increased the level of U.S. covert aid for Savimbi to close to $50 million.<$F Although termed "covert," U.S. assistance is widely characterized as an "open secret." Savimbi himself made a public statement in June that Congress had renewed his aid, and was also quoted in Jeune Afrique magazine as saying that he had received $35 million in funding from the Central Intelligence Agency.
    [Show full text]
  • Apartheid's Contras: an Inquiry Into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique
    Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp20005 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique Author/Creator Minter, William Publisher Zed Books Ltd, Witwatersrand University Press Date 1994-00-00 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Southern Africa (region) Coverage (temporal) 1975 - 1993 Rights By kind permission of William Minter. Description This book explores the wars in Angola and Mozambique after independence.
    [Show full text]
  • A Military History of the Angolan Armed Forces from the 1960S Onwards—As Told by Former Combatants
    Evolutions10.qxd 2005/09/28 12:10 PM Page 7 CHAPTER ONE A military history of the Angolan Armed Forces from the 1960s onwards—as told by former combatants Ana Leão and Martin Rupiya1 INTRODUCTION The history of the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) remains largely unwritten—yet, understanding the FAA’s development is undoubtedly important both for future Angolan generations as well as for other sub- Saharan African countries. The FAA must first and foremost be understood as a result of several processes of integration—processes that began in the very early days of the struggle against Portuguese colonialism and ended with the April 2002 Memorandum of Understanding. Today’s FAA is a result of the integration of the armed forces of the three liberation movements that fought against the Portuguese—the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), the FNLA (National Front for the Liberation of Angola) and UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola). This was a process that developed over more than 30 years. The various phases that characterise the formation and development of the FAA are closely related to Angola’s recent political history, particularly the advent of independence in 1975 and the civil war that ensued. This chapter introduces that history with a view to contributing to a clearer understanding of the development of the FAA and its current role in a peaceful Angola. As will be discussed, while the FAA was formerly established in 1992 following the provisions of the Bicesse Peace Accords, its origins go back to: 7 Evolutions10.qxd 2005/09/28 12:10 PM Page 8 8 Evolutions & Revolutions • the Popular Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA) and the integration over more than three decades of elements of the Portuguese Colonial Army; • the FNLA’s Army for the National Liberation of Angola (ELNA); and • UNITA’s Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FALA).
    [Show full text]
  • Kitona Operations: Rwanda's Gamble to Capture Kinshasa and The
    Courtesy of Author Courtesy of Author of Courtesy Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers during 1998 Congo war and insurgency Rwandan Patriotic Army soldiers guard refugees streaming toward collection point near Rwerere during Rwanda insurgency, 1998 The Kitona Operation RWANDA’S GAMBLE TO CAPTURE KINSHASA AND THE MIsrEADING OF An “ALLY” By JAMES STEJSKAL One who is not acquainted with the designs of his neighbors should not enter into alliances with them. —SUN TZU James Stejskal is a Consultant on International Political and Security Affairs and a Military Historian. He was present at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda, from 1997 to 2000, and witnessed the events of the Second Congo War. He is a retired Foreign Service Officer (Political Officer) and retired from the U.S. Army as a Special Forces Warrant Officer in 1996. He is currently working as a Consulting Historian for the Namib Battlefield Heritage Project. ndupress.ndu.edu issue 68, 1 st quarter 2013 / JFQ 99 RECALL | The Kitona Operation n early August 1998, a white Boeing remain hurdles that must be confronted by Uganda, DRC in 1998 remained a safe haven 727 commercial airliner touched down U.S. planners and decisionmakers when for rebels who represented a threat to their unannounced and without warning considering military operations in today’s respective nations. Angola had shared this at the Kitona military airbase in Africa. Rwanda’s foray into DRC in 1998 also concern in 1996, and its dominant security I illustrates the consequences of a failure to imperative remained an ongoing civil war the southwestern Bas Congo region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
    [Show full text]