69

Bounded Yards and Fluid Boundaries: Session Two: Landscapes of Slavery at Poplar Forest Agricultural Barbara J. Heath Lifeways and Technologies

n the spring of 1798, Thomas The consideration of a variety of evidence— Jefferson’s son-in-law informed him archaeological traces of houses and yards, pre- that several slaves had planted tobac- served fragments of seeds, artifacts, slave census- I es, runaway advertisements, store accounts, and co on his Albemarle County property letters—-is essential in reconstructing how one without his permission. Randolph’s group of enslaved African Americans shaped the refusal to let them raise it, and insis- landscapes they inhabited. tence that they grow something sanc- By the time Thomas Jefferson was 31 years old, tioned by Jefferson in its place indicates he held 187 men, women, and children in bondage. that this tobacco was being cultivated Although the population fluctuated over time with on their allotted grounds, in their own births, deaths, sales, and purchases, he remained time, and for their own profit. one of the largest slave owners in central Virginia Jefferson’s response to this entrepre- throughout his life. The number of individuals living at his Poplar Forest plantation ranged from a low of neurial spirit was unambiguous. 27 in 1774 to a high of 94 in 1819. During this time, …I thank you for putting an end to the cultiva- they created a community of extended, multi-gener- tion of tobacco as the peculium of the negroes. ational families, tied by bonds of blood and friend- I have ever found it necessary to confine them ship to the Monticello enslaved community and to a to such articles as are not raised on the farm. broader community spread across the region.(2) There is no other way of drawing a line between African Americans living at Poplar Forest were, what is theirs & mine….(1) for the most part, two or more generations removed This exchange hints at the “after hours” activities of from the Old World. Clearly the social upheaval of enslaved people living on plantations throughout the Middle Passage, institutionalized slavery, and Virginia and the limits placed upon them by slave- the Anglo-American culture of the slaveholding holders. While assigned tasks were often explicitly class were important factors in the development of described in the historic record, activities that a creole culture. Equally important was the physical slaves organized and undertook for their own reality of the place. As Americans, they experienced benefit and in their own time are often difficult to climate, topography, and environmental factors trace. Nevertheless hunting and gathering attest to quite different from those of their African ancestors. an intimate understanding of the natural landscape, Together, these cultural and natural factors influ- while through gardening people consciously shaped enced the ways in which people reacted to and the land for ends that stood outside of an owner’s shaped the landscape around them. control. Market gardening and poultry raising, per- Here, the term landscape is used in two ways. haps more directly tied to the dominant plantation First, it refers to the physical result of the continuing regimen, reveal how slaves used agriculture for interaction between people and nature. Second, their own purposes, and how they organized their landscape describes the real and perceived bound- labor to do so. Together, these economic actions, aries that limited one’s experience of the world. coupled with kinship networks and the mandatory Institutionalized slavery provided the overarching requirements of servitude, combined to extend their framework for these boundaries, but the network of world far beyond the plantation boundaries. Places of Cultural Memory: 70 African Reflections on the American Landscape

social and economic connections that origins in the slave censuses Jefferson three to six years, employing a variety of individuals created could stretch or tight- kept. Many men and women had names strategies to stretch fertility and yield. en these limits. suggestive of origins in the Spanish or They planted multiple crops within the Portuguese-speaking world.(5) Further same plot, a strategy that served the West Africans analysis of family connections and nam- dual function of discouraging weed in Virginia ing practices is needed to determine the growth and erosion and protecting their In discussing the identity of Poplar extent to which West African or harvest if one crop should fail. Where Forest slaves, it is important to outline Caribbean naming practices persisted rainfall allowed, farmers planted crops in the assumptions used concerning the within families through time. succession to ensure a constant supply origins of Africans brought to Virginia as of food. Finally, they rotated plantings Agricultural Traditions slaves. The fragmentary and inexact within each plot to slow down the deple- nature of the source material has led Enslaved West Africans and their tion of nutrients in the soil. After several scholars to disagree about the ethnici- descendants formed the backbone of years of heavy cultivation, land was ties and absolute numbers of individuals the tobacco and wheat-based plantation allowed to lie fallow and regenerate for transported. However, most scholars economies of colonial and antebellum four to ten years before planting believe that the majority of slaves Virginia. They came from regions with resumed. In some areas, farmers plant- imported into Virginia during the colonial economies based on the cultivation of ed fallow fields with carefully selected period came from West Africa, with the grains like millet and sorghum, root cover crops; in others they allowed fields largest numbers dominated by the Igbo crops of yams and cocoyams, and to regenerate naturally, only intervening cultural group from the region surround- starchy fruits like bananas and plantains. to prevent the regrowth of trees.(9) ing the Bight of Biafra. Akan-speakers Agriculturists from Senegal to the Bight Rotational bush fallow shared some from the Gold Coast made up the next also commonly grew legumes, fruits, important characteristics with Virginia largest proportion of transported and bulbs. Maize, cassava, and tobacco land-use patterns of the late eighteenth Africans, followed by Senegambians.(3) from the New World reached West Africa and early nineteenth centuries. Cycles Clues about the origins of Jefferson’s beginning in the late fifteenth century of land clearance, use, and abandon- slaves survive in legal documents and in and became important crops throughout ment characterized tobacco cultivation naming practices carried out within their the region.(6) Farmers made crop choic- for much of the Chesapeake, with Indian community. Jefferson inherited the es based primarily on the amount and corn or wheat often replacing tobacco majority of his bondspeople from his dependability of rainfall. Grains that before fields were completely exhaust- father-in-law John Wayles, a large could be planted and harvested in fairly ed.(10) By the late eighteenth century, planter and entrepreneur who engaged dry conditions predominated in the Jefferson and many of his contempo- in the transatlantic slave trade. The northern interior regions, while root raries used strategies such as crop rota- extent of Wayles’s participation is crops were the staple foodstuffs of the tion, selected cover crops for soil regen- unclear; however debts he incurred con- south. Although some groups engaged eration, and intercropping to boost tinued to plague his son-in-law nearly 25 in irrigated farming for rice, tree farming, yields.(11) While the context of these years after his death.(4) It is possible and shifting cultivation in the region, practices may have differed between that some of the men and women he West African farmers principally prac- landowners and enslaved workers, the held in bondage, and who Jefferson ticed rotational bush fallow in both the practices themselves would certainly subsequently inherited, were transported savanna and forest.(7) have been familiar to West African by Wayles. In some societies, the care of individ- farmers. Slaves from 11 quarter farms, includ- ual crops was divided along gender West Africans and Virginians also ing “Guinea” and “Angola,” made up the lines, while in others work was divided shared elements of farming technology. Wayles’ legacy. Oral histories, the by task rather than product, with men Hoes were an important tool on both recorded ages of a few individuals and involved in clearing and tilling virgin sides of the Atlantic, and Africans most naming practices suggest direct ties to land, and women employed in planting, likely found the transition from digging Africa. Akan day names survive along- tending and harvesting.(8) Farmers sticks and machetes to dibbles and cut- side others suggestive of Fanti or Igbo planted fields for periods ranging from toes an easy one.(12) Thus, while enslaved farmers in Virginia did not nec- Bounded Yards and Fluid Boundaries: Landscapes of Slavery at Poplar Forest 71

essarily introduce new agricultural meth- Hill. Such features are rectangular com- Hill. These included seven fruits, eight ods to North America, their familiarity partments set beneath cabin floors that vegetables and grains, two to three nuts, with the technology, crops, and land use slaves used for storing foodstuffs and nine edible herbs, four weeds, three patterns current in colonial Virginia other belongings. Artifacts found in the grasses, one ornamental and one condi- made the transition from Old World to fill of the pit indicate that this dwelling ment.(18) Of these, nearly three-quar- New an efficient one from the perspec- was abandoned sometime before the ters represent domesticates. These may tive of their owners.(13) mid-1780s. An erosion gully cut across have arrived at the quarter in the form of the hillside southwest of the cabin, and provisions, or slaves may have raised The Poplar Forest residents filled it with trash in the final them in kitchen gardens or allotted plots. Landscape quarter of the eighteenth century. The fill Slightly more than one quarter of the The Poplar Forest landscape from the of the gully was cut by the line of a pal- plant remains represent native fruits, 1770s through the 1820s consisted of a isade fence that formed a substantial nuts and edible and medicinal herbs— changing mosaic of woodlands, farm enclosure. It is probably associated with species that clearly fell outside of the fields, meadows, and waste grounds another cabin located outside of the plantation provisioning system. divided into quarter farms and punctuat- excavation area and dating to a slightly The subfloor pit in the North Hill ed by dispersed settlements. Networks later period. cabin was particularly rich in carbonized of roads and footpaths connected these The Quarter was occupied between floral remains, yielding nearly all of the settlements, defined by an overseer’s 1790 and 1812. Members of at least grains and edible weeds, and just under house, slave quarters, barns, and other three households lived at the site. Their half of the fruits. The erosion gully con- outbuildings. Shared resources such as log houses aligned roughly southwest to tained small quantities of grains and edi- a blacksmith’s shop, a tobacco prizing northeast, but did not form part of a ble weeds, and half of the fruit seeds barn, and a grain threshing barn stood rigidly defined slave row. The cabins and pits.(19) roughly equidistant to living quarters and were bounded on the south by a possi- The variety of identified floral types convenient to public roads. Tobacco dry- ble garden enclosure, and on the north recovered at the Quarter Site was less ing barns, cowsheds, and other farm by work yards. One yard was enclosed rich, consisting of only 15 species. structures adjoined fields and pastures and shared by the occupants of two of These included six fruits, four vegeta- within each quarter farm.(14) the dwellings.(15) The most intensively bles and grains, two nuts, and three edi- Enslaved African Americans shaped used areas of the site appear to be the ble herbs. Most plant remains were fields and forests at Poplar Forest during northern yards that were sheltered from associated with the fill of a single sub- their working hours to fulfill a variety of the surveillance of the overseer, whose floor pit in one of the cabins.(20) tasks. In their private time, they contin- house was located behind the cabins on While the majority of plant remains ued to alter this landscape to meet their the crest of the hill.(16) identified at the Quarter Site to date rep- own needs. Archaeological investiga- Floral and faunal data from both sites resent domesticated species, just over tions of two sites—the North Hill and the provide important insights into the ways 20% are gathered, native plants, includ- Quarter—provide some important clues that residents exploited the surrounding ing nuts, edible herbs, and native wild about after hours activities. Both slave landscape. Seeds and bones preserve species. The proportion of domesticates quarters were associated with the “old evidence of foraging and possible gar- to wild species is somewhat lower than plantation” complex nestled between the dening activities as well as hunting, trap- that of the North Hill, but it nonetheless branches of the Tomahawk Creek near ping, and fishing, pointing to the devel- indicates the continuing importance of the center of the Poplar Forest tract. opment of distinctly African-American foraging. There, men constructed houses on the foodways.(17) How did slaves know which plants margins of eroded fields, a strategy per- Some carbonized remains, such as were valuable to gather? In discussing haps mandated by overseers to ensure corn kernels or sunflower seeds, repre- the transfer of African knowledge to the that the most productive land remained sent food that was directly consumed. Caribbean landscape, anthropologist in cultivation. Others represent what slaves discarded Merrick Posnansky has noted that plants Archaeologists discovered the after they used the leaves, stems, or from the same families were used in remains of a subfloor pit at the North roots of the plant. Evidence of at least similar ways on both sides of the 35 species was recovered at the North Atlantic. Places of Cultural Memory: 72 African Reflections on the American Landscape

This does not mean that West employed a neighboring physician to plantation fields for their own use, and to Africans were necessarily the first to tend to the ill or injured, slaves chose to what extent they raised these grains in utilize such plants in the Caribbean, treat themselves or, in cases beyond their own plots. but it does mean that they were able their skill, to consult a local “negro doc- Perhaps more intriguing is the pres- to assimilate the knowledge of their tor."(27) Leaves, roots, bark, and even ence of sorghum in the fill of the sub- Indian predecessors rapidly, grasp pits held curative properties for a host of floor pit associated with the North Hill. A the potentialities of the plants on or maladies.(28) While the use of native staple of the West African diet, the grain near the plantation, and integrate this fruits and herbs was widespread among was unfamiliar to Jefferson, who called it new information with their own con- siderable knowledge of plants and both blacks and whites in the South, the “guinea corn” when he received a parcel the pharmacopoeia of the obeah combination of plant use with West of seeds from his friend James Madison men and women.(21) African beliefs about the causes and in 1791.(33) Its association with the cures of sickness and disease formed a North Hill indicates that sorghum was in The similarities of usage between some distinctly African-American approach to use at least six years prior to his native herbs on Jamaica and in the healing. Archaeologists working on other acquaintance with it. This contradiction American South suggests such a trans- sites occupied by enslaved families and in evidence suggests that enslaved fer occurred in Virginia as well.(22) their descendants have discovered simi- men and women were cultivating the All of these native plants grew in lar assemblages of wild plants, suggest- crop for themselves without Jefferson’s areas readily accessible to enslaved ing that strategies for approaching ill- knowledge. residents foraging within the plantation ness that developed under slavery Jefferson made no direct references landscape. Many grew in open fields, continued in the post-Emancipation to providing slaves with land for their disturbed grounds, and the edge zone south.(29) own gardening efforts at Poplar separating forest from field. Others, like Enslaved gardeners may have also Forest.(34) However, he recorded pur- acorns and hickory nuts, could be col- cultivated several of these plants around chases of garden produce and poultry, lected in forested areas. Black walnut their cabins for their aesthetic quali- as well as grass seed, hay, and fodder was a species valued by Jefferson, and ties.(30) While archaeologists have from enslaved men and women living on most likely remained easily accessible investigated the retention of African tra- his own and neighboring plantations.(35) as a garden tree after 1806 when he ditions of yard sweeping, and scholars These activities were widespread began landscaping the grounds around have discussed the appearance of yard- throughout the Southeast and the his house. Slaves may have encouraged art in post-Emancipation settings, little is Caribbean. Men tended to provide the the growth of fruit and nut trees near currently known about the extent to majority of garden produce, animal their quarters, a practice in keeping with which enslaved peoples modified the skins, grasses, and fodder, while women the cultivation of fruit and nut-bearing landscape for beauty alone.(31) In the provided the bulk of the eggs.(36) trees in the Caribbean and West end, plants fulfilled multiple functions, Archaeologists recovered relatively Africa.(23) and probably were valued for all of their small numbers of animal bones at each The native plants represented by car- properties. site that provide additional clues about bonized remains served a variety of While it is likely that slaves gathered residents’ diets and their after-hours nutritional uses. Most could be directly the edible herbs, medicinal plants, and engagement in hunting, trapping, and consumed as greens, cooked as many of the native fruits in their own fishing.(37) Pigs provided the staple potherbs, or harvested for their seeds, time, their source for domesticated meat diet at both quarter sites. The pre- which could be parched for cereal or plants is less clear. Corn and wheat dominance of foot, cranial, and long ground for flour.(24) African Americans were staples within the provisioning bone fragments indicates that slaves in the South used violets to make soup, system. Jefferson’s records of provi- received less meaty portions of the and the plant became known as “wild sions, however, indicate that he custom- animals that were distributed as part of okra."(25) Fruits could be distilled into arily allotted these grains as flour rather their pork provisions.(38) Bones from alcohol or dried for later use.(26) than raw ears and sheaves.(32) It is other domesticated species, such as African Americans also used these unclear to what extent slaves gathered cows and chickens, were found in rela- plants, as well as domesticated species, corn, wheat, oats, and rye from tively small numbers.(39) to combat sickness. While Jefferson Bounded Yards and Fluid Boundaries: Landscapes of Slavery at Poplar Forest 73

Faunal analyst Susan Andrews has Poplar Forest Slaves apprenticeships.(46) People also volun- noted that the highly fragmented mam- and the Broader tarily traveled between the two planta- mal bones recovered at the North Hill Landscape tions to visit family members.(47) may be attributed to the theory of the The route, whether followed by “one-pot meal,” which is a method of What do we know about the movement wagon or on foot, wound through cooking that is based on African tradi- of enslaved men and women at Poplar Buckingham County, fording the James tions. This would presumably involve the Forest? While travel was legally restrict- River at Warren before entering breaking of bones into pieces small ed to those with permission to do so, Albemarle County for the final push to enough to fit into a cooking crock so that boundaries appear to have been less Monticello. Depending on the roads stews or dishes such as hoppin’ john rigid than the law implied. From a rela- taken, the journey was between 93 and could be prepared.(40) tively early age, Jefferson’s slaves knew 116 miles, and could last as long as Wild species made up an additional of and experienced a landscape that eight days.(48) portion of the slaves’ meat diet. They extended far beyond the borders of their Through these trips, and the stops consumed white tailed deer, eastern home plantation. Through a variety of they entailed, enslaved travelers extend- cottontail rabbits, eastern gray squirrels, mandatory assignments and voluntary ed their social and economic networks in opossums, a woodchuck, a raccoon, choices, they left the plantation and important ways. Acquaintances in neigh- and a fresh water bass or sunfish.(41) experienced this wider community. Ties boring counties shared a meal, While all of these species are edible, of kinship, economic activities, work exchanged news, goods, and services; some of the small mammals may also assignments, and acts of rebellion, sep- and created new bonds that might pro- have been hunted for their skins. These arately or in combination, influenced the vide shelter for a tired wagon driver or could be used at home or sold, traded, frequency and distance of their travel. aid a runaway in negotiating hostile or bartered for goods.(42) Some men and women were sepa- territory. No significant variability was rated from family members by “abroad On those occasions when slaves observed between the sites, although marriages” or sales, and made travel a traveled to escape bondage, family ties the North Hill appears to have had more regular part of their weekly routine to clearly figured in to where they fled. diversity in wild species. Because of the visit spouses, children, and relations. Runaway advertisements throughout the poor preservation of the bones at both Others left the plantation to pursue South are full of comments indicating sites, it is impossible to establish economic activities in local shops or that husbands sought out wives and whether the decline of diversity points to markets, or to attend church servic- sons returned to the plantations of their an increased reliance on provisions over es.(44) For many Poplar Forest slaves, mothers. As families were broken up by time, or whether it simply reflects tapho- travel was a part of their assigned work sales, they nevertheless found ways of nomic biases.(43) load. Wagoners carried goods to and maintaining connections.(49) Archaeologists found lead shot of from Lynchburg and area mills; messen- For a small group of enslaved men, various weights and gunflints at both gers ran errands throughout the neigh- and a smaller number of women, the sites and a musket frizzen at the North borhood.(45) These trips strengthened landscape beyond Monticello was also Hill. Together with the variety of wild ani- ties not only between landowners, but familiar. Watermen, transporting goods mals remains present, these artifacts also between enslaved workers, who from the plantation to market in indicate that some enslaved individuals doubtlessly used such opportunities to Richmond, were afforded an uncommon had access to firearms and used them renew acquaintances with their neighbors. degree of free movement and associa- for hunting. Fishing, hunting, and trap- Because of the close ties between tion. These men likely played vital roles ping most likely took place during the the two plantations, many Poplar Forest in maintaining family connections and evenings or on Sundays when slaves slaves traveled to Monticello, extending sharing cultural knowledge across the were dismissed from plantation labor. their knowledge of central Virginia far region. Their familiarity with large While all of the bones found represent beyond the bounds of Lynchburg. As stretches of territory, and the people that animals that likely inhabited the Poplar assigned by Jefferson and his over- dwelled along the rivers, made them Forest fields and woodlands, slaves seers, they transported goods and important sources of information for run- might have had occasion to go further livestock, provided labor at key points aways and aided in running away them- afield to find food. in the harvest cycle, and served selves. One Poplar Forest slave, Jame Places of Cultural Memory: 74 African Reflections on the American Landscape

Hubbard, was “carried upriver” by a Slaves’ familiarity with and reliance Our Country Marks, The Transformation waterman. He remained free for a year on the resources of the immediate land- of African Identities in the Colonial and before being captured in what is now scape structured choices of foods and Antebellum South, (Chapel Hill: West Virginia.(50) methods of preparing them, guided heal- University of North Carolina Press A few Monticello-based slaves trav- ing practices, influenced aesthetic pref- 1998), 150. eled beyond Virginia, serving Jefferson erences, and touched on many other 4. Wayles was a factor for a group of during his residence in Philadelphia, aspects of daily life. These choices, Bristol merchants whose ship, the Washington, D.C., and Paris. While made individually on thousands of plan- ‘Prince of Wales,’ sailed for the coast of these places were far removed from the tations throughout the region, were Africa in 1772 and delivered a cargo of realities of daily life at Poplar Forest, shared and refined by the formal and 280 slaves to Virginia. Julian P. Boyd, they nevertheless played some part in informal exchanges of travelers. Beyond editor, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, the perception of the wider world shared the boundaries of the plantation lay a Volume 15, March 1789-November by the men and women that lived there. world of possibilities: for finding a 1789, (Princeton: Princeton University Hannah, Jefferson’s enslaved cook, was spouse, earning some money, sharing Press, 1958), 676-677; James A. Bear a literate woman. The only letter in her faith, or finding freedom. Through myriad and Lucia C. Stanton, editors, hand that survives is signed “Adieu.” contacts with the broader world, men “Jefferson’s Memorandum Books, Exactly how she learned French will and women received, developed, main- Accounts, with Legal Records and never be known, but it is interesting to tained and spread a regional African- Miscellany, 1767-1826,” in The Papers speculate about the extent to which American culture. of Thomas Jefferson, Second Series, Jefferson’s travels, and those of a few volumes 1 and 2, (Princeton: Princeton members of the enslaved community, Notes University Press, 1997), 752. affected the worldview of those who 1. Edwin Morris Betts, Thomas stayed behind. Jefferson’s Farm Book, (Charlottesville: 5. As recalled by her grandson The University Press of Virginia, 1987), Madison, Betty Hemings was the daugh- Conclusions 268-269. ter of an African woman and a white Drawing on traditions from West Africa ship’s captain. She resided with her six 2. Dumas Malone, Jefferson the children and grandson at Wayles’s and conditions endured in the New Virginian, (Boston: Little, Brown and World, enslaved men and women Guinea quarter before Jefferson became Company, 1948), 21, 31-32; Betts, her owner and moved her family to formed the backbone of agricultural Jefferson’s Farm Book, 5-18; Barbara J. labor in colonial and antebellum Virginia. Monticello in 1774. Betts, Jefferson’s Heath, Hidden Lives, The Archaeology Farm Book, 9; Annette Gordon Reed, While slaveholders ordered plantation of Slave Life at Thomas Jefferson’s landscapes for the production of cash Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings, Poplar Forest, (Charlottesville: University An American Controversy crops, slaves modified and exploited Press of Virginia, 1999), 10-13. them through foraging, gardening, poul- (Charlottesville: University Press of try raising, hunting, and fishing. The 3. Donnan puts Angolans ahead of Virginia, 1997), 23. The connection to landscape that African Americans inhab- Senegambians, in Philip D. Curtin, The Africa of others owned by Jefferson ited at Poplar Forest shaped the Atlantic Slave Trade, A Census, remains less clear. It is most likely that rhythms of their working and private (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Squire, Judy and Goliah, all born lives and formed a starting point for Press, 1970), 157; Mechal Sobel, The between 1727 and 1731, were the chil- exploring the broader communities of World They Made Together, Black and dren or grandchildren of survivors of the Lynchburg, Bedford County, and White Values in Eighteenth-Century Middle Passage, or experienced it them- beyond. Movement between neighboring Virginia, (Princeton: Princeton University selves. plantations, shops, warehouses, and Press, 1987) 6, 244-245; Michael Mullin, Cuffey probably was derived from places of worship provided men and Africa in America, Slave Acculturation Kofi, Friday. Phoebe and Quash may women with opportunities to share and Resistance in the American South have come from Efua (Friday), and ideas, foster friendships and family ties, and the British Caribbean 1736-1831, Kwesi (Sunday), names that were later and plan for the future. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, creolized. There can be no doubt that 1994), 24; Michael Gomez, Exchanging “black Sall’s” son Quomina, who fled Bounded Yards and Fluid Boundaries: Landscapes of Slavery at Poplar Forest 75

with his mother and siblings to the Francis White, (Bloomington: Indiana the analysis. Structure 1 measured 15 ft. British during the American Revolution, University Press, 1999), 65; see also x 25 ft., was divided into two rooms, carried the Akan day name for Saturday Miriam Goheen, “Land and the contained three subfloor pits, and was (Kwamena). Other names are sugges- Household Economy: Women Farmers raised off the ground on wooden and tive of Fanti or Igbo ethnicities: Beck of the Grassfields Today,” in Agriculture, stone piers. Structure 2 measured 13 ft. may be derived from ‘Beke,’ Anthony Women, and Land, the African square, contained no pits, and had an from the tribal name ‘Andoni,’ and Jenny Experience, 90-105. earthen floor. Structure 3 was badly pre- from ‘Ginneh.’ Laurie A. Wilkie, served. It probably measured 18.5 ft. 9. Hopkins, An Economic History, “Continuities in African Naming Practices sq., and was raised off the ground on 33-34. Among the Slaves of Wade’s Green stone piers. It did not contain any sub- Plantation, North Caicos.” Journal of 10. Rhys Isaac, The Transformation floor pits, but had an extensive midden Bahamas Historical Society 15(1)(1993), of Virginia 1740-1790, (Chapel Hill: beneath it. 33-34. Anglicized names like Jack, Joe, University of North Carolina Press, 17. Leslie Raymer, “Macroplant and Abby, all common among 1982), 22-24. Remains from the Jefferson’s Poplar Jefferson’s slaves, may also be deriva- 11. At both Poplar Forest and Forest Slave Quarter: A Study in African tive of Akan day names. Ibid, 33. Monticello, corn and peas, and corn and American Subsistence Practices,” New Sanco, Luna, Isabel, Bella, Lucinda, potatoes shared the same fields. Edwin South Associates Technical Report Belinda, and Emanuel bore Hispanic Morris Betts, Thomas Jefferson’s #402(1996), Stone Mountain, GA; idem, names. The name Dilcy, given to two Garden Book, (Philadelphia: The “Draft data from the Poplar Forest North girls born in the 1760s (one at Shadwell American Philosophical Society, 1944), Hill,” (manuscript on file, Thomas and the other at Poplar Forest), may 192-194, 517-518; Betts, Jefferson’s Jefferson’s Poplar Forest, Virginia, have been derived from the Spanish Farm Book, 88, 312-317; Joel Yancey to 2000); Heath, Hidden Lives, 59-60; word dulce, meaning sweet. Later gen- Jefferson, February 7, 1820, MHi. Heath and Bennett, Historical erations of men and women owned by Archeology, 46-48. Jefferson carried on these names, 12. Hopkins, An Economic adding Flora, Amanda, Lucinda, Sophia, History, 36. 18. Plant remains from the site include blackberry, elderberry, grape, Melinda, Lania, Maria, Lovila, and Lovilo 13. See Hopkins, 36-37, for discus- peach, persimmon, strawberry and for children born into the community. sion on why plows were not used in sumac (fruits); common bean, maize, 6. A.G. Hopkins, An Economic West Africa. oats, rye, sorghum, sunflower, and History of West Africa (New York: 14. Barbara J. Heath, “Rediscovering wheat (vegetables and grains); acorn, Columbia University Press, 1973), 30. an Historic Landscape: Archaeology, hickory and hickory/walnut (nuts); bed- 7. Hopkins, An Economic History, Documents and GIS at Poplar Forest” straw, carpetweed, dock, goosefoot, 33-34. (paper presented at the annual meeting knotweed, pigweed, purslane, smart- of the Society for Historical Archaeology weed, and vervain (edible herbs); cop- 8. S. O. Babalola and Carolyne Conference on Historical and perleaf, nightshade, prickly mallow, and Dennis, “Returns to Women’s Labour in Underwater Archaeology, Salt Lake City, ragweed (weeds); agropyrn, goose- Cash Crops in Nigeria,” in Agriculture, UT, 1999). grass, and an unidentified grass family Women and Land, The African (grasses); viola (ornamental/edible) and Experience, edited by Jean Davidson 15. Heath, Hidden Lives, 27-46; poppy (condiment). Raymer, “Draft (London: Westview Press, 1988), 82; Ifi Barbara J. Heath and Amber Bennett, data." Amadiume, Male Daughters, Female “‘The little Spots allow’d them’: The Husbands, Gender and Sex in an Archaeological Study of African- 19. Raymer, “Draft data.” The data African Society (London: Zed Books, American Yards,” in Historical break down as follows: 90% of the grain, 1987), 29, 34; E. Francis White, Archaeology 34(2)(2000), 46-47. 46% of the fruit, and 89% of the edible “Women in West and West-Central 16. Heath, Hidden Lives, 44. The weed assemblages were recovered from Africa,” in Women in Sub-Saharan three cabins excavated at the Quarter the fill of the subfloor pit; 8% of the Africa, edited by Iris Berger and E. are designated Structures 1,2,and 3 in grain, 50% of the fruit, and 8% of the Places of Cultural Memory: 76 African Reflections on the American Landscape

edible weed assemblages came from 22. U. P. Hedrick, editor, Sturtevant’s 544; Leslie Raymer, “Macroplant the fill layers in the erosion gully that Edible Plants of the World, (New York: Remains from Six Nineteenth-Century correspond with the occupation dates of Dover Publications, Inc., 1972), 43. Cabins at the Hermitage, Tennessee: A the cabin. The remainder of the car- Study of Antebellum and Early Emanci- 23. Heath and Bennett, Historical bonized floral materials recovered from pation Era African American Subsistence Archaeology, 39-41. Remains of car- the site came from a small pit located Patterns,” in New South Associates bonized wood were systematically just outside of the cabin (less than 2% Technical Report #376 (1997), Stone recovered from the fill of the subfloor pit overall) and the upper layers of gully fill Mountain GA, 39-40, 42-44. in the North Hill cabin and the associat- (7%) and small isolated features (less ed erosion gully fill. These were ana- 25. Hedrick, Sturtevant’s, 598. than 2% overall). lyzed by Leslie Raymer of New South 26. Ibid, 244, 522. Jefferson reported 20. The data in the following discus- Associates. In all, 17 identifiable species on the abundance of the peach harvests sion of the Quarter site reflect floral of trees are represented in the wood at Poplar Forest, noting that enslaved remains from Structures 1 and 2 only. charcoal assemblage. The ubiquity women dried and processed the fruits in Analysis of Structure 3 is not yet com- (expressed as a percentage of the total a variety of ways. Peaches, persim- plete, but a preliminary examination indi- number of proveniences in which a mons, blackberries, grapes, and elder- cates no new species present. Floral given species is present) of such as wal- berries could be distilled for wine, beer, remains include cherry, grape, huckle- nut, sycamore, hophornbeam, elm/hack- or spirits. See also Betts, Jefferson’s berry, peach, persimmon, and raspberry berry, dogwood, black locust, beech, Garden Book, 517-518; Joel Yancey to (fruits); common bean, maize, sunflower, basswood, ash, hickory, oak, and pine Jefferson, November 19, 1819, MHi. and wheat (vegetables and grains); hick- indicates that at this time, much of the ory and walnuts (nuts); and bedstraw, land surrounding the cabin site was cov- 27. Joel Yancey to Jefferson, April goosefoot, and smartweed (edible ered in hardwood forest, and had not 10, 1819, MHi; Joel Yancey to Jefferson, herbs). Distributions are consistent with been cleared for cultivation. Carbonized July 1, 1819, MHi; see also Thomas M. the North Hill findings if peaches are oak made up nearly 40% of all the char- Randolph to Jefferson, April 25, 1800, excluded from the count. Nearly 73% of coal recovered at the site, followed by ViU. fruits, vegetables, and edible and medic- hickory (7%), and beech (4%), suggest- 28. Sumac cured worms, sores, inal herbs were recovered from the most ing that site residents preferred these yaws, and burns. See Pamela Forey intact subfloor pit in Structure 1, while woods with oak the clear favorite. and Ruth Lindsay, An Instant Guide to the other two pits contained less than Charcoal samples recovered from Medicinal Plants (New York: Gramercy 1% of the assemblage. These features the Quarter site indicate that by the first Books, 1991), 101; Kay K. Moss, were extremely shallow, however, and it decade of the nineteenth century, the Southern Folk Medicine 1750-1820 is likely that most of their contents were landscape around the “old plantation” (Columbia: University of South Carolina, displaced by plowing. The floor of had changed dramatically. The number 1999), 77, 101, 104, 110, 132, 207. Structure 2 contained 25% of the edible of identifiable species recovered from Raspberries, strawberries, blackberries, assemblage excluding peach pits, which features associated with two of the cab- and persimmons served for kidney or made up 79% of the total assemblage ins shrank to three (hickory, oak, pine), bladder complaints, “looseness of the from this feature. See Raymer, New with pine predominating. These are con- belly,” and sores. Persimmon fruit was South Technical Report #402. sistent with the regeneration of second- valued for its astringent qualities, and ary growth in abandoned fields. 21. Merrick Posnansky, “West used to clean wounds. Virtually all parts Africanist Reflections on African- 24. The young leaves of goosefoot, of the peach served some curative pur- American Archaeology,” in I, Too, Am dock, nightshade, pigweed, and pose: the leaves and flowers acted as a America: Archaeological Studies of purslane were eaten as greens or purgative or, made into a poultice, dimin- African-American Life, edited by cooked as potherbs, comparable in taste ished swelling; the stones aided sore Theresa Singleton, (Charlottesville: to spinach and asparagus. Dock, goose- throat and pain in the side. Flowers, University Press of Virginia, 1999), 32. foot, pigweed, purslane, and smartweed roots, leaves, and bark of elderberry seeds provided flour or cereal. Hedrick, trees eased swelling, snakebite, Sturtevant’s, 43-44, 450-451, 512-514, toothache, burns, and the symptoms of Bounded Yards and Fluid Boundaries: Landscapes of Slavery at Poplar Forest 77

a skin irritation known as scald head. 29. Charles B. Purdue, Jr., Thomas durable ones (i.e. teeth or long bones) Taken internally, they could be used as a E. Barden and Robert K. Phillips, edi- or fragments preserved in features purgative, diuretic or emetic. See Moss, tors, Weevils in the Wheat, Interviews whose soil chemistry had been altered Southern Folk Medicine, 173, 182, 198, with Virginia Ex-Slaves (Charlottesville, historically by the addition of ash or 199, 207. University Press of Virginia, 1976), 73, other materials that neutralized the soil. Edible herbs also possessed medici- 221-222, 263, 310; Ywone D. Edwards- Additionally, many bones suffered nal qualities. Infusions of knotweed, Ingram, “An Inter-Disciplinary Approach weathering, burning, butchering, gnaw- smartweed, or pigweed stopped bleed- to African-American Medicinal and ing, and other modifications, both inten- ing from ulcers, sores, piles, and Health Practices in Colonial America,” in tional and natural, that made it impossi- relieved menstrual pain. See Forey and The Watermark 20(1997), 71; Raymer, ble to identify them beyond broad cate- Lindsay, Instant Guide to Medicinal New South Technical Report #376. gories such as “unidentified bird” or Plants, 23; Raymer, New South “unidentified mammal.” Consequently, 30. Poppies, violets, pigweed, and Technical Report #376, 40, 43; see also the following discussion provides a fairly jimsonweed were commonly used as Betts, Jefferson’s Garden Book, 644. sketchy assessment of the importance ornamentals by white gardeners of the Knotweed tea dispelled kidney stones, and variety of meat in the diets of period. Betts, Jefferson’s Garden Book, while bedstraw relieved throat and chest enslaved residents of each site. 24, 644; Raymer, New South Technical inflammations, and disorders of the kid- Report #376, 40, 46-47. 38. Susan Trevarthen Andrews, neys. Moss, Southern Folk Medicine, 58, “Faunal Analysis of Slave Quarter Site at 94. Purslane was also known to have 31. Heath and Bennett, Historical Poplar Forest” (manuscript on file, astringent properties, while the value of Archaeology, 41-45. Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar Forest, dock was in its ability to treat skin condi- 32. Betts, Jefferson’s Farm Book, 50, Virginia, 1993); Betts, Jefferson’s tions, leprosy, venereal disease, and 52, 77, 163. Garden Book, 467; idem, Jefferson’s tumors. It also served as a laxative and Farm Book, 48. blood purifier. See Raymer, New South 33. Idem, Jefferson’s Garden Technical Report #376, 44; see also Book, 166. 39. Archaeologists did collect quanti- ties of eggshells at both sites, suggest- Moss, Southern Folk Medicine, 181. 34. Subsequent owners of the estate ing the dietary importance of eggs, but The presence of jimsonweed at the made reference to provision grounds. raising questions about the low frequen- North Hill hints at the possibility of its Hutter Farm Journal, 1844-1854, (manu- cy of chicken bones. use medicinally. While all parts of the script on file, Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar plant are poisonous, the seeds are Forest). 40. Susan Trevarthen Andrews, especially toxic. Nevertheless, eigh- “Faunal Analysis of North Hill Features, 35. Barbara J. Heath, “Engendering teenth and nineteenth century healers Poplar Forest,” (manuscript on file, Choice: Slavery and Consumerism in put it in salves and poultices to treat a Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar Forest, Central Virginia” (paper presented at the variety of skin conditions. Its most Virginia, 1999), 19. important use, however, was in treating annual meeting of the Society for spasmodic coughing associated with Historical Archaeology Conference on 41. Bones from eastern cottontail asthma. The plant was burned and the Historical and Underwater Archaeology, rabbits, eastern gray squirrels, opos- smoke inhaled to relieve symptoms. See Atlanta, GA, 1998); see also Bear and sums, a woodchuck, a raccoon, and a Raymer, New South Technical Report Stanton, Jefferson’s Memorandum fresh water bass or sunfish were recov- #376, 47; see also Betts, Jefferson’s Books. ered at the North Hill; white tailed deer, opossum, rabbits, and gray squirrels Garden Book, 644. 36. Heath and Bennett, Historical were found at the Quarter. Andrews, Jefferson also included malvaceae in Archaeology, 39-42; Heath, “Faunal Analysis” 1993; idem, “Faunal his listing of medicinal plants native to “Engendering Choice." Virginia (sida rhombifolia and sida abu- Analysis for Poplar Forest Feature 1206” tilon), and a prickly mallow was recov- 37. Because of the natural acidity of (manuscript on file, Thomas Jefferson’s ered at the North Hill (sida spinosa). the Poplar Forest soils, bone preserva- Poplar Forest, Virginia, 1995); idem, Raymer, “Draft data." tion was relatively poor. Those bones “Poplar Forest Quarter Site Faunal that did survive represent the more Analysis” (manuscript on file, Thomas Places of Cultural Memory: 78 African Reflections on the American Landscape

Jefferson’s Poplar Forest, Virginia, 45. Jefferson to James Lyle, April 5, BCOB 1781, 333-334; BCSB1:351; 1996); idem, “Faunal Analysis of North 1811, MHi; Jefferson to Jeremiah BCSB2:166. Unsanctioned travel within Hill, Poplar Forest” (manuscript on file, Goodman, August 9, 1812, DLC; James the environs of Poplar Forest also Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar Forest, A. Bear, editor, Jefferson at Monticello occurred. In 1781, Jack and Will joined Virginia, 1998); idem, “Faunal Analysis (Charlottesville: University Press of Peter, the slave of John Thompson, Sr., of North Hill Features” 1999. Virginia, 1967), 67-68. Jefferson’s social in breaking into the mill and stillhouse and economic relationships within the owned by Thompson’s son. The three 42. Bear and Stanton, Jefferson’s local community necessitated the regu- were caught, tried, and punished for Memorandum Book, 500. Jefferson pur- lar movement of slaves passing through- their actions. Peter probably lived on chased squirrel skins from Jame out the neighborhood conducting his Thompson’s tract of land adjoining Hubbard, an enslaved waterman in business. Wagoners carried flour to local Poplar Forest to the east. 1780. Heath notes in “Slavery and mills, tobacco to market, and supplies Consumerism: A Case Study from 46. Jefferson to Jeremiah Goodman, from the waterfront in Lynchburg back to Central Virginia,” in African-American December 31, 1811, ViU; Jefferson to the plantation. Archaeology Newsletter 19 (1)(1997), 6, Jeremiah Goodman, January 6, 1815, Jefferson to Charles Clay, December that a merchant who operated a store ViU; Jefferson to Joel Yancey, March 6, 18, 1811, MHi; Jefferson to Charles near Poplar Forest recorded purchasing 1817, MHi; Jefferson to Joel Yancey, Clay, December 14, 1812, DLC; raccoon skins from one of his enslaved January 11, 1818, MHi; Joel Yancey to Jefferson to Charles Clay, May 5, 1813, customers. Jefferson, January 9, 1819, MHi; Joel MHi, Charles Clay to Jefferson, Yancey to Jefferson, December 31, 43. Betts, Jefferson’s Garden Book, September 5, 1810, MHi; Charles Clay 1819, MHi; Jefferson to John Wayles 517-518; idem, Jefferson’s Farm Book, to Jefferson, May 1, 1813, MHi. Eppes, October 22, 1820, MHi; Betts, 48, 58, 149, 417; Jefferson to Jeremiah Messenger service seems to have been Jefferson’s Farm Book, 42-44. In the Goodman, February 3, 1814, ViU; the task of teenage boys and girls. Over years following Jefferson’s retirement, Jefferson to Patrick Gibson, November the course of three years, they delivered wagoners made frequent journeys 3, 1814, NHi. In addition to corn, wheat, notes, surveying equipment, garden between the two properties, carrying herring, and pork, Poplar Forest slaves seeds, and a copy of Tacitus to furnishings, farm equipment and food received milk, salt, and whiskey. Jefferson’s friend, Charles Clay, who from one plantation to another. lived at nearby Ivy Hill. In return, Clay 44. Heath, African-American Jefferson to Edmund Bacon, sent his own slaves to Poplar Forest Archaeology Newsletter; Heath, December 5, 1811, DLC; Jefferson to carrying rye seeds, a basket of aspara- “Engendering Choice.” Will kept shop Jeremiah Goodman, December 13, 1812, gus, and a variety of notes. accounts in New London and ViU; Jefferson to Jeremiah Goodman, William Steptoe to Jefferson, July 24, Lynchburg. Joel Yancey to Jefferson, January 8, 1813, ViU; Jefferson to 1819, MHi; Ellen Randolph to Martha October 14, 1819, MHi. Others frequent- Jeremiah Goodman, January 6, 1815, Randolph, August 24, 1819, ViU. When ed the Lynchburg Sunday markets as ViU; Betts Jefferson’s Garden Book, 534- Jefferson sent a messenger to physician buyers and sellers. When a Sunday cold 535. Workers moved between the two William Steptoe, asking leave to borrow snap threatened the tobacco crop in places when Jefferson needed extra his syringe, Steptoe replied that the 1819, overseer Joel Yancey discovered hands at harvest or planting time. He also desired object was “so often lent and “every man except Armstead at B. Creek sent teenage boys and girls to Monticello sent about the neighborhood that I am had gone off and 2 of the women to to learn a trade in his nailery or textile sorry to say I do not know who had it Lynchburg, and 2 men and 2 women factory. Enslaved men, as well as last. However I will dispatch a boy after from Tomahawk….” See also John Early, teenage boys drove cattle, hogs, and it.” Two enslaved maids belonging to “Diary of John Early, Bishop of the sheep from Bedford to Albemarle in the Mrs. Walker, whose property bounded Methodist Episcopal Church, South,” in early winter for slaughter. Poplar Forest to the west, made weekly Virginia Magazine of History and deliveries of fruits, vegetables, sweet- 47. Heath, Hidden Lives, 16, 69, note Biography 35 (1927), 7, on the African meats, and lamb to Jefferson’s grand- 12. To create productive farms, Meeting House in the Forest area. daughters during the summer of 1819. Jefferson split most of the families that he owned between his two properties. Bounded Yards and Fluid Boundaries: Landscapes of Slavery at Poplar Forest 79

He granted family members to visit their on stolen horses, and without a pass, at Bibliography kinspeople from time to time. Such visits Christmas in 1818. When the owners of usually took place at Christmas, and one horse arrived, Dick claimed that he Manuscript Sources often individuals accompanied wagons had found the horse, and that they had Bedford County Court Records. Order bearing supplies to Poplar Forest, or come to Bedford to visit family. He was Book (BCOB). aided in the driving of livestock on the whipped for the offense. Moses declined return journey. to make excuses, escaping before he Bedford County Court Records. Survey could be punished. Book (BCSB). 48. Jefferson to Martha Randolph, November 10, 1816, MHi; Joel Yancey 49. Lynchburg Virginian, August 31, College of William and Mary, to Jefferson January 9, 1819, MHi; 1824, 4. Bob, a young man who had Williamsburg (ViW). Jefferson to Joel Yancey, January 17, been raised by Jefferson at Monticello, Jefferson Papers. 1819, MHi. While Johnny and Randall and subsequently sold, was employed made the reverse trip in about three by his fourth owner as a waterman. His Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. days, other slaves accompanying the owner, in drafting the advertisement for (DLC). Jefferson Papers. wagon and herds of recalcitrant livestock his return, recognized the importance of Massachusetts Historical Society, northward might be on the road for eight kinship, stating that “he has relations at Boston (MHi). Jefferson Papers. days or longer. Monticello, at Mr. Jefferson’s plantation Joel Yancey for Nace, March 12, near Lynchburg, in Richmond…and at New York Historical Society, New York 1812, MHi; Jeremiah Goodman to Wilton below Richmond.” He added that (NHi). Jefferson Papers. Jefferson, December 30, 1814, ViU; it was most likely that Bob was making University of Virginia Library, Jefferson to Jeremiah Goodman, his way to Monticello or Poplar Forest. Charlottesville (ViU). Jefferson January 6, 1815, ViU; Joel Yancey to Whether he succeeded, or was captured Papers. Jefferson, October 14, 1819, MHi. It took and returned, is not known. Nace two days to traverse the thirty- Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar Forest. 50. Reuben Perry to Jefferson, seven miles from Poplar Forest to Henry Hutter Farm Journal 1844-1854. March 29, 1811, ViW; Jefferson to Flood’s tavern in Buckingham County Reuben Perry, April 16, 1812, ViW; Books, Articles, and Papers when he traveled to Monticello on an Daniel Meaders, Advertisements for early spring trip in 1821. Phil Hubbard Amadiume, Ifi. Male Daughters, Female Runway Slaves in Virginia 1801-1820 made shorter work of the journey from Husbands, Gender and Sex in an (New York: Garland Publishing Inc., Bedford to Albemarle, taking only two African Society. London: Zed 1997), 161. In the spring of 1811, while days to traverse the one hundred miles Books, 1987. Jefferson was visiting Poplar Forest, between the two plantations. His was an Jame Hubbard fled Monticello by boat Andrews, Susan Trevarthen. Faunal unauthorized trek, triggered by anger with Harry, a waterman who belonged to Analysis of Slave Quarter Site at about an overseer’s refusal to recognize Jefferson’s son-in-law. In a previous Poplar Forest. Manuscript. Forest, his marriage. At Monticello, he sought, flight, he had “attempted to get out of Virginia: Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar and gained Jefferson’s support. Five the state Northwardly” and had been Forest, 1993. years later, his nephew, William, ran to apprehended. This time he made his Monticello, this time to contest being ———. Faunal Analysis for Poplar way to Lexington, where he lived for asked to work on a Sunday. Forest Feature 1206. Manuscript. nearly a year before he was discovered. Joel Yancey to Jefferson, December Forest, Virginia: Thomas Jefferson’s He eluded capture, getting as far as 24, 1818, MHi. Whether others appre- Poplar Forest, 1995. Pendleton County, in what is now West hended between the two plantations had Virginia, before he was arrested. ———. Poplar Forest Quarter Site larger plans for freedom is unclear. In Faunal Analysis. Manuscript. Forest, 1813, Hercules was detained in Virginia: Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar Buckingham jail and returned to Poplar Forest, 1996. Forest. Two other young Monticello men, Dick and Moses, arrived a Poplar Forest Places of Cultural Memory: 80 African Reflections on the American Landscape

———. Faunal Analysis of North Hill, Chambers, Jr., S. Allen. Poplar Forest Heath, Barbara J. “Slavery and Poplar Forest. Manuscript. Forest, and Thomas Jefferson. Little Consumerism: A Case Study from Virginia: Thomas Jefferson’s Poplar Compton, RI: Fort Church Central Virginia.” African-American Forest, 1998. Publishers, Inc, 1993. Archaeology Newsletter 19(1) (1997): 1-8. ———. Faunal Analysis of North Hill Curtin, Philip D. The Atlantic Slave Features, Poplar Forest. Manuscript. Trade, A Census. Madison: The ———. “Engendering Choice: Slavery Forest, Virginia: Thomas Jefferson’s University of Wisconsin Press, 1970. and Consumerism in Central Poplar Forest, 1999. Virginia.” Paper presented at the Davison, Jean, editor. Agriculture, annual meeting of the Society for Babalola, S.O. and Carolyne Dennis. Women and Land, The African Historical Archaeology Conference “Returns to Women’s Labour in Cash Experience. London: Westview on Historical and Underwater Crops in Nigeria.” In Agriculture, Press, 1987. Archaeology, Atlanta, GA, 1998. Women and Land, The African Early, John “Diary of John Early, Bishop Experience, edited by Jean Davison, ———. “African Americans and of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 79-89. London: Westview Press, Consumerism: Historical and South.” Virginia Magazine of History 1987. Archaeological Sources on Material and Biography 35 (1927): 7-8. Culture.” Paper presented at the 20th Bear, James A., editor. Jefferson at Edwards-Ingram, Ywone D. “An Inter- annual Conference of the National Monticello. Charlottesville: University Disciplinary Approach to African- Council of Public History, Austin, Press of Virginia, 1967. American Medicinal and Health TX 1998. Bear, James A. and Lucia C. Stanton, Practices in Colonial America.” The ———. Hidden Lives, The Archaeology editors. “Jefferson’s Memorandum Watermark 20 (3)(1997): 67-73. of Slave Life at Thomas Jefferson’s Books, Accounts, with Legal Records Forey, Pamela and Ruth Lindsay. An Poplar Forest. Charlottesville: and Miscellany, 1767-1826.” The Instant Guide to Medicinal Plants. University Press of Virginia, 1999. Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Second New York: Gramercy Books, 1991. Series, volumes 1 and 2. Princeton: ———. “Rediscovering a Historic Princeton University Press, 1997. Goheen, Miriam. “Land and the Landscape: Archaeology, Documents Household Economy: Women and GIS at Poplar Forest.” Paper Berger, Iris and E. Frances White. Farmers of the Grassfields Today.” In presented at the annual meeting of Women in Sub-Saharan Africa. Agriculture, Women and Land, The the Society for Historical Archaeology Bloomington: Indiana University African Experience, edited by Jean Conference on Historical and Press, 1999. Davison, 90-105. London: Westview Underwater Archaeology, Salt Lake Betts, Edwin Morris. Thomas Jefferson’s Press, 1987. City, UT, 1999. Garden Book. Philadelphia: The Gomez, Michael A. Exchanging our Heath, Barbara J. and Amber Bennett. American Philosophical Society, Country Marks, The Transformation “‘The little Spots allow’d them’: The 1944. of African Identities in the Colonial Archaeological Study of African- ———. Thomas Jefferson’s Farm Book. and Antebellum South. Chapel Hill: American Yards.” Historical Charlottesville: The University Press The University of North Carolina Archaeology 34(2)(2000):38-55. of Virginia, 1987. Press, 1998. Hedrick, U. P., editor. Sturtevant’s Edible Boyd, Julian P., editor. The Papers of Gordon Reed, Annette. Thomas Plants of the World. New York: Dover Thomas Jefferson, Volume 15, March Jefferson and Sally Hemings, An Publications, Inc, 1972. 1789-November 1789. Princeton: American Controversy. Hopkins, A.G. An Economic History of Princeton University Press, 1958. Charlottesville: University Press of West Africa. New York: Columbia Virginia, 1997. University Press, 1973. Bounded Yards and Fluid Boundaries: Landscapes of Slavery at Poplar Forest 81

Isaac, Rhys. The Transformation of Raymer, Leslie. “Macroplant Remains Virginia 1740-1790. Chapel Hill: from the Jefferson’s Poplar Forest University of North Carolina Press, Slave Quarter: A Study in African 1982. American Subsistence Practices.” New South Associates Technical McNeill, William H. “American Food Report #402(1996). Stone Mountain, Crops in the Old World.” In Seeds of GA. Change, edited by Herman J. Viola and Carolyn Margolis, 43-59. ———. “Macroplant Remains from Six Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Nineteenth-Century Cabins at the Institution Press, 1991. Hermitage, Tennessee: A Study of Antebellum and Early Emancipation Malone, Dumas. Jefferson the Virginian. Era African American Subsistence Boston: Little, Brown and Company, Patterns.” New South Associates 1948. Technical Report #376(1997). Stone Martin, Ann Smart. Buying into the World Mountain, GA. of Goods: Eighteenth-Century ———. “Draft data from the Poplar Consumerism and the Retail Trade Forest North Hill.” Manuscript. form London to the Virginia Frontier. Forest, Virginia: Thomas Jefferson’s Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms Poplar Forest, 2000. International, 1993. ———. Personal communication, 1992. Meaders, Daniel. Advertisements for Runaway Slaves in Virginia 1801- Singleton, Theresa, editor. “I, Too, Am 1820, New York: Garland Publishing America": Archaeological Studies of Inc, 1997. African-American Life. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999. Moss, Kay K. Southern Folk Medicine 1750-1820. Columbia: University of Sobel, Mechal. The World They Made South Carolina Press, 1999. Together, Black and White Values in Eighteenth-Century Virginia. Mullin, Michael. Africa in America, Slave Princeton: Princeton University Acculturation and Resistance in the Press, 1987. American South and the British Caribbean 1736-1831. Urbana: Viola, Herman J. and Margolis, Carolyn, University of Illinois Press, 1994. editors. Seeds of Change. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Purdue, Charles L. Jr., Barden, Thomas Institution Press, 1991. E., and Phillips, Robert K. Weevils in the Wheat, Interviews with Virginia White, E. Francis. “Women in West and Ex-Slaves. Charlottesville: University West-Central Africa.” In Women in Press of Virginia, 1976. Sub-Saharan Africa, edited by Iris Berger and E. Francis White, 63-130. Posnansky, Merrick. “West Africanist Bloomington: Indiana University Reflections on African-American Press, 1999. Archaeology.” In ‘I, Too, Am America:’ Archaeological Studies of African- Wilkie, Laurie A. “Continuities in African American Life, edited by Theresa Naming Practices Among the Slaves Singleton, 21-37. Charlottesville: of Wade’s Green Plantation, North University Press of Virginia, 1999. Caicos.” Journal of Bahamas Historical Society 15(1)(1993): 32-37. Places of Cultural Memory: 82 African Reflections on the American Landscape