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Kuala Lumpur a State 85 Kuala Lumpur – City-State of the Future? 88
Contents Executive Director’s Note 3 Section 1: Evaluation of Local Authorities in Malaysia History of Local Govornment Election in Malaysia 6 Revisiting the Athi Nahappan Report Part 1 16 Section 2: Separation of Powers Between the Three Levels of Government The Malaysian Federation: A Contradiction in Terms? 21 How Incompetency in Local Governments Help to Preserve Political Hegemony in Malaysia 25 Double Decentralisation: The Way Forward for Sabah 30 Section 3: Governance in Our Local Authorities Strength from the Grassroots: Practices of Participatory Governance 35 Communications as a Key Competency 39 It’s All About the Money 43 Understanding Local Authority Financial Reports 46 Section 4: Running Our Cities & Towns BRT: Rethinking Expensive Public Transport Projects in Malaysian Cities 51 An Aged-Friendly City For All - Rich or Poor 54 The Truth behind Solid Waste Management and Incinerators 59 A Lucrative Dirty Business 62 The Road Less Taken 68 Section 5: Revisiting the Local Government Election Revisiting the Athi Nahappan Report Part 2 : Recommendations 73 Will Local Government Elections Erode Malay Rights? 79 Local Democracy: More Politics or Less? 82 Beyond Local Government: Making Kuala Lumpur a State 85 Kuala Lumpur – City-State of the Future? 88 Issue 1, 2015 - pg. 1 REFSA QUARTERLY Editorial Team Executive Director | Steven Sim Chee Keong Deputy Executive Director | Wong Shu Qi Editor | Lam Choong Wah Assistant Editor | Rosalind Chua Intern | Yap Lay Sheng Layout Design | PM Wang Published by Research For Social Advancement Bhd (Refsa) 2nd Floor,Block A Wenworth Building Jalan Yew, Off Jalan Pudu 55100 Kuala Lumpur. Tel: 03 9285 5808 Fax: 03 92818104 Executive Director’s Note By Steven Sim Executive Director, REFSA Local authorities are fertile grounds for mission. -
Title Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Sabah
Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Title Sabah and Sarawak in Malaysia Author(s) Faisal, S. Hazis Citation Southeast Asian Studies (2018), 7(3): 341-361 Issue Date 2018-12 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/237246 Right © Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 49, No. 2, September 2011 Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Sabah and Sarawak in Malaysia Faisal S. Hazis* This article traces the major contestations that have taken place in Sabah and Sarawak throughout the 54 years of their independence. The two major areas of contestation are state power and local resources, pitting federal leaders against Sabah and Sarawak’s elites. These contestations have forced the federal govern- ment to accommodate the local elites, thus ensuring the stability of Barisan Nasional (BN) rule in the East Malaysian states. However, Sabah and Sarawak elites are not homogeneous since they have different degrees of power, agendas, and aspirations. These differences have led to open feuds between the elites, resulting in the col- lapse of political parties and the formation of new political alignments. Over almost four decades, a great majority of the people in Sabah and Sarawak have acceded to BN rule. However, in the last decade there have been pockets of resistance against the authoritarian rule of BN and the local elites. This article argues that without accountability and a system of checks and balances, the demand for more autonomy by the increasingly vocal Sabah and Sarawak elites will benefit only them and not the general public. -
University of Perpetual Help System-DALTA College of Law
University of Perpetual Help System-DALTA College of Law FOREWORD Philippines maintains a dormant claim over the sovereignty of eastern Sabah based on the claim that in 1658 the Sultan of Brunei had ceded the northeast portion of Borneo to the Sultan of Sulu; and that later in 1878, an agreement was signed by the Sultan of Sulu granting the North Borneo Chartered Company a permanent lease over the territory. Malaysia considered this dispute as a "non-issue", as there is no desire from the actual people of Sabah to be part of the Philippines or of the Sultanate of Sulu. As reported by the Secretary- General of the United Nations, the independence of North Borneo was brought about as the result of the expressed wish of the majority of the people of the territory in a 1963 election. This research will determine whether or not Philippines have proprietary rights over Sabah. Jennylyn B. Albano UPHSD- College of Law 1 | P a g e INTRODUCTION This research will focus on the History of Sabah and determination of whether who really owns it. As we all know even before our ancestors are already fighting for our right over this state however, up until now dispute is still on going. Sabah is one of the 13 member states of Malaysia, and is its easternmost state. It is located on the northern portion of the island of Borneo. It is the second largest state in the country after Sarawak, which it borders on its southwest. It also shares a border with the province of East Kalimantan of Indonesia in the south. -
From Plural Society to Bangsa Malaysia: Ethnicity and Nationalism in the Politics of Nation-Building in Malaysia
FROM PLURAL SOCIETY TO BANGSA MALAYSIA: ETHNICITY AND NATIONALISM IN THE POLITICS OF NATION-BUILDING IN MALAYSIA Mohamed Mustafa Bin Ishak Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds Department of Sociology and Social Policy & Department of Politics July 1999 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. i From plural society to Ban gsa Malaysia: Ethnicity and nationalism in the politics of nation-building in Malaysia Doctor of Philosophy July 1999 ABSTRACT The question of nation-building has always been a central issue in Malaysian politics. Whilst the country has been able to sustain a relatively stable politics since the 1969 tragedy, and hence spawn a rapid economic development (at least until the 1997 Asian economic crisis), the project of nation-building remained a basic national agenda yet to be fully resolved. This study investigates the delicate process of nation-building in Malaysia in the post 1970s, especially in the context of the vision of constructing the Bangsa Malaysia or 'a united Malaysian nation' enshrined in Mahathir's Vision 2020 project which was introduced in 1991. The aim of the study is firstly, to examine the underlying socio-political parameters that shaped and influenced the politics of nation-building in the country, and secondly, to explore the viability of the project of Bangsa Malaysia in the context of the daunting challenges involved in the process of nation-building. Drawing from a range of theoretical frameworks as well as from both primary and secondary data, the study contends that, based on the Malaysian experience, the potent interplay between the forces of ethnicity and nationalism constitute the crux of the problems in the politics of nation-building in Malaysia. -
1991Vol11no.5
UMNO Attempts to Corner Financial Sector A I -The Child is the Father of the Man - so_me reflections on child abuse . R‘?jiv's Last 0rds_... on foreign policy " -Te_naga Nas|onal- ' Abuse of Power? W . , ,f,=,V V,,;- ~, W Religiosity on the Rampage; Spirituality in Slumber...7; Letters..9; “IfWe Were Malays...”...l7; New World Order or Same Old American Imperialism?...l8; The Eagle Must leave the West Asian Sky...21; A Plea: Lift Economic Sanctions Against Iraq...25; The Child is the Father of the Man - Some reections on ch'ldI abuse...27 ; Rll"v’s Last Words...0nforeignp0licy...29; Current C0ncerns..31; Tenaga Nasional: Abuse ofPuwer?...40 ,, UMNO Attempts to Corner Financial Sector steps to not only increase its Paduka Daim Zainuddin. In 1982, The new Finance stranglehold over the Chinese press, when Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Minister Anwar Ibrahim but also to ensure that its access to Mohamad secured the services of has promised that ties ftmds in future is secure. Daim - then a prominent between politics and businessman - it was widely believed that Daim was inducted to help solve . business wiD be severed. UMNO's flnancial dependence on But, this may be easier said outside sources. than done with the Renong Daim's solution was to make Group's growing deep in-roads into the corporate sec involvement in the banking tor using UMNO's investment arm, Fleet Holdings Sdn Bhd, which was and financial sectors, says established by his predecessor EDMUND TERENCE Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, now GOMEZ in yet another of president of the opposition party, his insightful probes into Semangat 46. -
1985Vol5no.6
fur Justice,Freedom,Solidarity • The Sabah Election Why Ber· a Lost rnmediately after the Sabah State elcc t•on and the former Chief M1n istcr. I 1) Datuk Harr1s Salle11's autocrat •c po.. t •· Oatuk Harris Salleh's attempted coup, ~he cal style He seldom cor;sultcO h•s ed:torial board of the Al1ran monthly cab•net or e11en government offic•als requested Almm memt>ers in Sabah He was unwdi1ng to accept cnr ct sm and their fr~ends to jot down on paper even frorn h.s own party colleagues. the mam causes of Beq<Jya's almost total defeat. His treatm<;nt of Pa1nn after the latter ouestioned h1m at thfl 8efJaya congress They came up V<lth sorne ·• rl!Pr'P<T . nn of thi s. r. o,nts which have bncn outl ' ne '""4~~-~ lndrrectly they also serve to e the Parti Bcrsatu Sabah (PBS) J'Jscph Pa•nn K•ttmnan "'"""'""' '>n lops and form the new stJt rent - cd1tor '· > . Do We Need A .... Stronger OppositiOn? ~ · Public Servants' Salary Claim: It is Just· . ·. ... ... ........ ... 2 inside . Demand· by the Staff Sides Why Berjaya Lost ... ... .. :·. : . .. 15 . of the National Joint Councils . 3 Do We Need A Stronger t-'," Letters . .. .... ... ... ....... 8 Opposition . ... .. .. .. .. .... : .17 The Population of Sabah . .. ..... 11 Pembangunan Dan Islam ( 1) . -•• . ~ .. .23 Organising the Exploited . .. .. .. .. 12 News .. .. .. ... .' .. · .. .25 The Sabah Election: Current Comment . .. ... .. .' . .27 The People's Triumph ... ... 14 Thinking Allowed .. ... ·. -~ . :28 Public Servants' Salary Claim IT IS JUST In the last 2 months or so. there have been a number of reports in the newspapers of . -
Penyata Rasmi Parlimen Parliamentary Debates
Jilid I fns Hari Selasa Bil. 80 lhb November, 1983 MALAYSIA PENYATA RASMI PARLIMEN PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES DEWAN RAKYAT HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES PARLIMEN KEENAM Sixth Parliament PENGGAL PERTAMA First Session KANDUNGANNYA JAWAPAN-JAWAPAN MULUT BAGI PERTANYAAN-PERTANYAAN [Ruangan 11373] RANG UNDANG-UNDANG DIBAWA KE DALAM MESYUARAT [Ruangan 11410] RANG UNDANG-UNDANG: Rang Undang-undang Perbekalan , 1984 [Ruangan 11411] USUL-USUL: Perintah Duti Kastam (Pindaan) (No. 43) 1983 [Ruangan 11410] Anggaran Pembangunan , 1984 [Ruangan 11411] D1CETAK OLEH JABATAN PERU TAKAN NI:GARA, KUALA LUMPUR HAJI MOKHTAR SHAMSUDDIN, J.S.D., S.M.T., S.M,S,. K.M.N., P.I.S., KETUA PENGARAH 1986 MALAYSIA DEWAN RAKYAT YANG KEENAM Penyata Rasmi Parlimen PENGGAL YANG PERTAMA AHLI-AHLI DEWAN RAKYAT Yang Berhormat Tuan Yang Dipertua, DATO' MOHAMED ZAHIR BIN HAJI ISMAIL, S.P.M.K ., D.S.D.K., J.M.N. Yang Amat Berhormat Perdana Menteri dan Menteri Pertahanan, DATO' SERI DR MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMAD, S.S.D.K., S.S.A.P., S.P.M.S., S.P.M.J., D.P., D.U.P.N., S.P.N.S., S.P.D.K., S.P.C.M., S.S.M.T., D.U.N.M. (Kubang Pasu). „ Timbalan Perdana Menteri dan Menteri Dalam Negeri, DATO MUSA HITAM, S.P.M.J., S.S.I.J., S.P.M.S., D.U.N.M., S.P.N.S. (Panti). Yang Berhormat Menteri Perumahan dan Kerajaan Tempatan, DATO' DR NEo YEE PAN, S.P.M.J., B.S.I. (Muar). „ Menteri Kerjaraya, DATO S. SAMY VELLU, S.P.M.J., D.P.M.S., P.C.M., A.M.N. -
Forest Governance in Malaysia
EU Forest governance in Malaysia An NGO perspective A report produced for FERN by JOANGOHutan, September 2006 Recommendations for a Voluntary Partnership Agreement with the Forest governance in Malaysia FERN JOANGOHutan groups endorsing this paper include: Borneo Resources Institute of Malaysia (BRIMAS), Sarawak; Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC), Peninsular Malaysia; IDEAL, Sarawak; Indigenous Peoples Development Centre (IPDC), Sarawak; Keruan, Sarawak; Partners of Community Organisations (PACOS Trust), Sabah; Persatuan Orang Asli Semenanjung Malaysia (Peninsular Malaysia Orang Asli Association), Peninsular Malaysia; Sahabat Alam Malaysia (Friends of the Earth Malaysia) Marudi, Sarawak and Penang, Peninsular Malaysia; Save Our Sungai Selangor (SOS Selangor), Peninsular Malaysia; and Sinui Pai Nanek Sngik (SPNS, ‘New Life One Heart’), Peninsular Malaysia. We acknowledge the contributions of Pang and JOANGOHutan members, specifically SAM. Author: Carol Yong Photos: Carol Yong Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Design: Daan van Beek, Utrecht, Netherlands Printed: Zuidam Uithof, Utrecht, Netherlands © FERN, September 2006. FERN office UK 1C Fosseway Business Centre, Stratford Road, Moreton in Marsh, GL56 9NQ, UK FERN office Brussels 4 Avenue de l’Yser, 1040 Brussels, Belgium www.fern.org This publication was made possible with support from the UK Department for International Development (DFID) and the Dutch Ministry of Environment (VROM). The views expressed in this report are those of JOANGOHutan and have been subjected to a peer review. They do not necessarily represent FERN’s position. Cover photo: The Jahai, a subgroup of the Orang Asli Negritos, were once living in the forests of Upper Perak as nomadic hunter-gatherers. Between 1940s and 1950s, they were forcibly resettled in guarded ‘jungle forts’ by the British colonial government to ‘protect’ them from communist infiltration. -
FROM PAKATAN HARAPAN to PERIKATAN NASIONAL a Missed Opportunity for Reforms for East Malaysia?
FROM PAKATAN HARAPAN TO PERIKATAN NASIONAL A Missed Opportunity for Reforms for East Malaysia? Anantha Raman Govindasamy TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS12/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-4951-92-0 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 12 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 9 5 1 9 2 0 2021 TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07718 01 Trends_2021-12.indd 1 31/5/21 3:18 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07718 01 Trends_2021-12.indd 2 31/5/21 3:18 PM FROM PAKATAN HARAPAN TO PERIKATAN NASIONAL A Missed Opportunity for Reforms for East Malaysia? Anantha Raman Govindasamy ISSUE 12 2021 21-J07718 01 Trends_2021-12.indd 3 31/5/21 3:18 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Sosio 6-1 2013.Indb
SOSIOHUMANIKA: Jurnal Pendidikan Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan, 6(1) Mei 2013 HAMDAN AZIZ Double Six Tragedy and Implications of Political Development in Sabah, Malaysia ABSTRACT: On June 6, 1976, Malaysians were shocked by a plane crash killing the top ranks leaders of the newly appointed state government of Sabah, Malaysia. The Australian-made aircraft types NOMAD plane crashed in the village of Sembulan Baru, which is located two miles away from the International Airport and the city of Kota Kinabalu. “Double Six” tragedy on June 6, 1976 in Sabah, Malaysia has resulted in widespread dissemination of conspiracy theory. This crash killed all the people on board, including Tun Mohd Fuad Stephens, who has been shortly appointed as the Chief Minister of Sabah. The sudden death of Tun Mohd Fuad Stephens created opportunity for Datuk Mohd Harris Salleh to be appointed as the Chief Minister of Sabah. This paper seeks and analyses the causes behind the crash which remain unknown. This paper applies also the historical method analysis, comprising an analysis of the most pertinent documents. In addition, this paper presents the views of high profile individual such as Datuk Mohd Harris Salleh and Toh Puan Hajjah Rahimah Stephens how events can occur. However, writer strongly agree with Datuk Harris Salleh and Toh Puan Hajjah Rahimah Stephens that “human error” was a major factor of “Double Six” tragedy. KEY WORD: Double six tragedy, crash, Chief Ministers of Sabah, human erros, technical erros, and conspiracy theory. RESUME: Kertas kerja ini bertajuk “Tragedi Double Six dan Implikasi terhadap Perkembangan Politik di Sabah, Malaysia”. -
3 CLJ 161 Harris Mohd Salleh V. the Returning Officer, Ismail Majin &
Harris Mohd Salleh v. The Returning Officer, [2001] 3 CLJ Ismail Majin & Ors (And Another Petition) 161 HARRIS MOHD SALLEH a v. THE RETURNING OFFICER, ISMAIL MAJIN & ORS (AND ANOTHER PETITION) b HIGH COURT SABAH & SARAWAK, KOTA KINABALU MUHAMMAD KAMIL AWANG J [ELECTION PETITION NO: K5-1999] 8 JUNE 2001 ELECTION: Petition - Allegation of corrupt and illegal practices - Billboards c erected on eve of polling day - Whether false statements made about petitioner therein - Whether the absence of printer’s name and address an offence under the Election Offences Act 1954 - Whether respondent responsible for erection of billboards - Whether election null and void - Election Offences Act 1954, s. 11(c), (d) and s. 32 d ELECTION: Petition - Allegation of corrupt and illegal practices - Registration of non-citizens and persons convicted of possession of fake identity cards in electoral roll - Failure by Election Commission to hold a public inquiry upon objections raised thereto - Whether improper - Whether identity e cards are proof of citizenship - Whether police report lodged on phantom voters should have been acted upon - Whether electoral roll rendered illegal - Election (Registration of Electors) Regulations (Sabah) 1971 - National Registration Act, s. 35(1)(e) - Federal Constitution, art. 119(1) There were two election petitions that were consolidated before the court f arising out of the Sabah State Election held on 13 March 1999. The election petitions concerned the Likas Constituency and both the petitioners lost to one Datuk Yong Teck -
This Research Is an Attempt at Analyzing the Rise and Fall Of
Kajian Malaysia, Vol. 29, Supp. 1, 2011, 177–197 ETHNICITY, CULTURE AND INDIGENOUS LEADERSHIP IN MODERN POLITICS: THE CASE OF THE KADAZANDUSUN IN SABAH, EAST MALAYSIA Arnold Puyok* and Tony Paridi Bagang Faculty of Administrative Science and Policy Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Sabah *Corresponding author: [email protected] This paper is based on an on-going study that examines the role of ethnic identity, cultural unity and indigenous leadership institutions in shaping political change among the Kadazandusuns. The analysis of the three issues is complemented by a survey conducted in 2009 among 200 Kadazandusuns from Kota Kinabalu, Ranau and Tambunan. The preliminary findings suggest that ethnic identity remains a crucial component in the political survival of the Kadazandusuns. The Kadazandusun political elites not only use the identity issue as a 'bargaining tool' but also use this issue to raise ethnic sentiment to win popular support. A majority of the Kadazandusuns surveyed in the study believed that the identity issue has been used for political mileage and that it is time for the Kadazandusun leaders to solve the issue once and for all. All of the Kadazandusun-based cultural associations remain an important 'grassroots base' for the Kadazandusun political elites. The respondents believed that the Kadazandusun political leaders are not united and should be blamed for causing the Kadazandusuns to split. Joseph Pairin Kitingan is seen as the prominent figure that is capable of uniting the Kadazandusuns. Although his status as Huguan Siou is relevant to some Kadazandusuns, other respondents wanted Pairin not to use his Huguan Siou title for political expediency.