REFLECTIONS of the DIVINE Treasures of Tibetan Painting
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REFLECTIONS OF THE DIVINE Treasures of Tibetan Painting The Ulrich Wörz Collection Olaf Czaja 7 INTRODUCTION Acknowledgement Reader’s Note CATALOGUE 12 Thirty-ve Confession Buddhas 16 White Tara in Shakyashribhadra Tradition 20 Twenty-one Taras 26 Buddha Akshobhya 32 Buddha Amitabha 38 Vajrabhairava Mandala 50 Vaishravana, Guardian of the North 56 Yamantaka Yangdok Mepudri 64 Mahakali and Mahakala Face to Face 70 Trakshad Mahakala 78 Tsongkhapa with Life Scenes 96 Ruler Relpachen 110 Medicine Buddha’s Paradise 118 Namasangiti Manjushri 124 Yuthok Yönten Gönpo 128 Mandala with Mount Meru 134 Khyung in Bön Religion 138 Assembly Field of Chö 148 Dorjé Drolö 156 Mahasiddha Naropa 164 Buddha Shakyamuni 172 Cakrasamvara INDEX A – Textile mountings INDEX B – Tibetan names and terms BIBLIOGRAPHY INTRODUCTION 7 The collection of Ulrich Wörz provides an insight of dangers. The thangkas depicting them can be into the richness of the subjects and the varie- counted among those paintings which can be at- ty of styles of Tibetan painting, with works of art tributed to specic schools of Tibetan Buddhism. spanning from the middle of the thirteenth centu- For instance, it can be assumed that the image of ry until the late twentieth century. Every one of the Yamantaka Yangdog Mäputri was commissioned Buddhas, bodhisattvas, deities and people depict- by supporters of the Drigung Kagyü school. On the ed in these thangkas is rooted in the rich religious other hand, the thangka depicting Mahakali and traditions of Tibet. This tradition extends far be- Mahakala Face-to-Face originated in the Karma yond Buddhism, as is demonstrated by the Khy- Kagyü School, where these wrathful deities were ung thangka, which originates from the Bön re- prominently worshiped. ligion. The chosen subject can also transcend the Religious reverence and worship existed not different schools within the Tibetan Buddhist tra- only for deities, but for outstanding personalities dition and display a personality collectively wor- as well. The thangka of the monk Tsongkhapa, shiped by believers of all Buddhist afliations, as who founded the Gelug school, impressively dem- in the case of the painting of the famous doctor onstrates this phenomenon. His life and endeav- Yuthok Yönten Gönpo. Some paintings reveal fun- or to achieve enlightenment were regarded as ex- damental religious practices and ceremonies, such emplary. The tantric activities of mahasiddha as the image of the Thirty-Five Confession Bud- Naropa, regarded as a spiritual forefather of the dhas, who often served as the confessors for pos- Kagyü schools of Tibetan Buddhism, was of sim- sible transgressions and the restorers of religious ilarly high importance. In general, such thangkas commitments. Other images, such as those of Bud- also served to afrm a religious identity and to dha Amitabha and the Medicine Buddha, indicate make an observer aware of the spiritual heritage that many monks, nuns and laypeople hoped to that was cultivated within a school. Thangka se- be reborn after their deaths in one of the Buddhist ries depicting an incarnation line were created in paradises. In addition, the faithful wished to ob- order to demonstrate a religious and personal con- tain aid and assistance for mundane affairs, as the tinuity. Some of the images in the collection pre- depictions of the White Tara and the Twenty-one sented here, such as the thangkas of mahasiddha Taras illustrate. Naropa and the ruler Relpachen, as well as the im- However, believers did not only reverently ap- age of Vaishravana, once belonged to such sets of proach peaceful bodhisattvas and Buddhas for paintings. They were hung up in the chapels and help and guidance. The support of wrathful deities halls of monasteries and could consist of numer- was also sought to remove mundane and spiritual ous pieces. In most cases it is no longer possible obstacles, and to destroy enemies of the Buddhist to say with certainty from which monasteries the teachings. These protectors of the doctrine, such as thangkas originated. However, by analyzing the Yamantaka and Mahakala, possessed great pow- style, one can say where an image was probably er and offered effective protection from all sorts made and where its clients lived. The thangkas in 8 this collection were painted not only in western, ACKNOWLEDGEMENT central, and eastern Tibet, but also in northern First of all, I would like to thank the collector, Ul- China and Mongolia, and demonstrate the impres- rich Wörz, for his patience in waiting for this book sive geographcial expanse of the regions where Ti- to come to completion. I also wish to thank Henk betan Buddhism was practiced. At the same time, Blezer, Sue Davis-Dill, Géraldine Dubreuil and this collection provides insight into the multifacet- Samten Karmay for their assistance in nding tex- ed nature of image creation and the composition- tual sources that may help to identify the Khyung al structures of their respecitive times. Where the deity of the Bön religion. Many individuals and in- thangkas of Buddha Amitabha in his paradise and stitutions generously provided me with images and Buddha Shakyamuni in the Mahabodhi temple fol- permission to reproduce them. I want to express low an often used compositional pattern, the Na- my gratitude to Helen Abbott and Michelle Ben- masangiti Manjushri thangka offers an individu- nett (Rubin Museum of Art), Ian Baker (independ- al and unique pictorial representation. In the cata- ant scholar), Maelis De-Baynast (Musee Guimet), logue section of the book, the individual paintings Stephanie Lovász (Museum der Kulturen, Basel), are discussed in detail. The twenty-two thang- Luo Wenhua (Palace Museum, Beijing), Carla M. kas are arranged in chronological order, beginning Sinopoli (University of Michigan Museum of Art), with the oldest painting from the second half of the Nanette Jacomijn Snoep and Christiane Klaucke thirteenth century and ending with twentieth cen- (Grassi Museum für Völkerkunde zu Leipzig), tury images. The iconography is presented in de- Wang Yueh-Ching (National Palace Museum, Tai- tail with regard to both political and religious pe- pei) and Edward Wilkinson and Mark Rasmussen culiarities. If the image was part of a series, this (Bonhams). Special thanks goes out to Andrew series is also included in the description and the Taylor for his careful English editing. original historical and artistic context is provided. The style of the thangka is also assessed with ref- READER’S NOTE erence to relevant comparative pieces. In addition, Tibetan names and terms are given in the tran- the framing, if still extant, is described. scription developed by The Tibetan and Himalay- an Library (THL) in order to make Tibetan terms phonetically accessible for the non-Tibetologist. At the end of the book, their transliteration in Wylie is listed in an appendix. Chinese words have been written according to the Pinyin romanization. A simplied form without diacritica is used for names and terms in Sanskrit. 12 No. 1 THIRTY-FIVE CONFESSION BUDDHAS 13 Tibet, 2nd half of 13th century, water-based mineral pigments on primed cotton, 31 × 25,5 cm (painting), 13,5 × 25,5 and 35 cm (mounting top), 14 × 25,5 and 36 cm (mounting bottom) The confession of misconduct and the restoration around 1180 and ended around the middle of the of broken oaths are both important elements in Ti- 14th century. During the second phase, the middle betan Buddhism. The ritualized form of these con- Beri style, Beri became the prevailing style in Tibet. fessions was based on the Sutra of the Three Heaps, This middle period stretched from about 1360 to the the Triskandhadharma Sutra, whose title refers to rst half of the fteenth century. The third phase, the three principal parts of the Sutra, which concern the late Beri style, followed the middle period and the confession of transgressions, rejoicing in vir- ended around 1600.1 The thangka with the Thirty- tue, and a request to the Buddhas for instructions. ve Confession Buddhas belongs to the early phase. During the ritual, one pays reverence to the thirty- The use of the Beri style does not allow any conclu- ve Buddhas. As their leader, Buddha Shakyamu- sions to be drawn about the religious af liation of ni rests on a richly decorated lotus throne (pl. 1.1, the commissioner of the thangka, since these sty- no. 1). The bodhisattvas Manjushri and Avalok- listic conventions were applicable to all schools of iteshvara attend him on either side. They are sur- this period. In the absence of any further speci c rounded by thirty-four confessional Buddhas, all of details, such as individual teachers and students whom resemble Shakyamuni. In addition, one sees it is impossible to say which particular beliefs the two Buddhas, painted smaller than the other Bud- owner of the thangka held. The early Beri style can dhas, diagonally above the rainbow-colored body be divided into two periods, with the 1260s serving nimbus of the main gure. They represent the Bud- as the transitional phase. The present thangka can dhas of the Past and Future (nos. 4, 5). A praction- be dated to the second half of the thirteenth centu- er takes refuge in both during the confessional rit- ry, between approximately 1260 and 1300. ual. Their appearance resembles the other Buddhas. They are often portrayed as Dipankara, the Bud- dha of the Past, and Maitreya, the Buddha of the Future. This consistent similarity is characteristic 4 5 of early representations of the Thirty-Five Confes- sion Buddhas. Later, other representations devel- oped which were bound to other iconographic tradi- tions. In the system of Sakya Pandita (1182–1251), which is based on the ve Buddha families, includ- 1 ing Vairocana, Akshobhya, etc. the thirty- ve Bud- 2 3 dhas are similar in their color and hand gestures, but not with regard to the objects in their hands.