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Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for
1988
Rethinking the Farm Revolt of the 1930s
William C. Pratt University of Nebraska at Omaha
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Pratt, William C., "Rethinking the Farm Revolt of the 1930s" (1988). Great Plains Quarterly. 441. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/441
This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. RETHINKING THE FARM REVOLT OF THE 1930s
WILLIAM C. PRA TT
T he northern Plains witnessed the last great course, continued to resist the sirens of expe farm revolt in its history during the 1930s, diency and accommodation, at least a bit when a flood of protest spilled across the longeL] But most observers agreed that De region, fed by the springs of hard times and pression era insurgency peaked in 1933 and earlier insurgencies. The countryside, for one had pretty much wound down by the 1936 last moment, forced itself upon the rest of the election. country and demanded attention for its plight. This article examines several aspects of the After a period of high visibility, these efforts farm revolt that need further elaboration. receded in the wake of New Deal programs What I have attempted here is not a new that seemingly undercut the rural revolt. interpretation but a new way of exploring the Many of the protesters arrived at an accommo topic. It is based upon pursuing hints in a dation with the new regime, accepting "half-a range of sources, and at places I suggest a new loaf now" in terms of wheat allotment checks departure for the study of rural insurgencies in and refinanced mortgages instead of "pie-in this region. Some of my assertions and general the-sky" dreams of "cost-of-production" and izations are based upon explorations at the the "cooperative commonwealth." Some, of county level in northwestern North Dakota and northeastern South Dakota, two sections with extended histories of agrarian activism. Professor of history at the University of Nebraska While most of the discussion is limited to the at Omaha, William C. Pratt has recently pub northern Plains, a number of the points have lished articles in North Dakota History, South applicability to the study of the 1930s farm Dakota History, and Annals of Iowa. He was revolt elsewhere. senior historian for the 1985 NETV documentary This movement was not monolithic, and Plowing up a Storm: The History of Mid an examination of its efforts in individual western Farm Activism. locales frequently shows important diver gences. Farm protest was not simply struck from one mold but was shaped by local history [GPQ 8 (Summer 1988): 131-144] and custom, and by local personalities. All too 131 132 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1988 often historians seem to rush to a judgment ta before then. UFL speakers, including that obscures such differences and, as a result, "Mother" Ella Reeve Bloor, appeared in many obstructs our understanding of this rural communities in the northwest counties of insurgency both at the regional level and at North Dakota, and UFL locals were formed in the grass roots. To counter this tendency several towns.' requires a close look at the local history of farm By the time the Holiday started up in the revolt, utilizing weekly newspapers, interviews Dakotas, a vocal minority of UFL adherents with participants or their kin, and other tools was already in place. In some locales, its prior sometimes relegated in historians' minds to agitation prepared the way for the more antiquarians and geneologists. A walk in a acceptable Holiday.' On the other hand, graveyard, for instance, may turn up a clue sometimes the UFL was not established until unavailable elsewhere. after the 1932 farm strike broke out. Whatever Such research leads the historian to re the particular case, however, the UFL was formers who had links with earlier radical sometimes an ally and sometimes a rival to the causes such as the Socialist Party (SP) and the Holiday. The farm revolt peaked on the Nonpartisan League (NPL), the most impor northern Plains in 1933 and 1934, and the tant twentieth-century agrarian political UFL dissolved in 1935, urging its members to movement in the upper Midwest. At the same join the Holiday association. This step was in time, many participants had ties to more accord with the popular front strategy em conservative efforts, including taxpayers' braced by the Communist Party (CP) at the groups and the Townsend movement, which time. By the end of 1937, the Holiday itself sought old age pensions for the elderly. The closed up shop, merging into the Farmers study of this and many other topics requires an Union.4 In North Dakota, however, a separate appreciation of complexity and nuance. What Holiday organization persisted at least through happened in one locale was not always reen 1938.' Unquestionably, there was a much acted in others, and insurgents did not always lower level of activity from 1935 on, but some resemble or behave like their counterparts county units continued to meet. As late as July elsewhere. The following discussion demon of 1938, a small number of Holiday members strates that there were important local varia met in Bowbells, North Dakota, to elect new tions in the farm revolt of the 1930s and argues officers for the Burke County organization." that an appreciation of such differences is It is generally recognized that the Holiday crucial for an understanding of the movement movement was a Farmers Union-sponsored as a whole. effort. One South Dakota activist recently referred to it as "the army and the navy of the THE FARMERS HOLIDAY AND THE Farmers Union."; Milo Reno, the titular head UNITED FARMERS LEAGUE of the Holiday, had been the real leader of the Iowa Farmers Union since the early 1920s, and Many historians assume that the story of national FU president John Simpson was a 1930s agrarianism is the story of the Farmers strong backer of the cause until his death in Holiday, which called for farm strikes, pick 1934. In the Dakotas and to some extent in eted roads leading to market centers, and Nebraska, the Holiday emerged with the attempted to prevent foreclosure sales. In blessing of the state union. Yet the dynamic reality, however, it includes the efforts of other element of the Nebraska Holiday was outside groups, particularly the Communist-led Unit the official FU orbit and even hostile to the ed Farmers League (UFL). The Holiday did state Holiday organization.~ And, in numerous not appear in the Dakotas until the late places, the local Holiday developed its own summer of 1932, but the UFL had a presence leadership or assumed a somewhat indepen in eastern Montana and western North Dako- dent stance in relation to the state Holiday RETHINKING THE FARM REVOLT 133
leadership. For example, in BrO\vn County, South Dakota, John Sumption became presi dent of the county Holiday. He was a member of the UFL and a Communist.' Many participants in the 1930s insurgency were veterans of agrarian movements other than the FU. Centers of farm protest in the Depression era, particularly northwestern North Dakota and perhaps to a somewhat lesser extent northeastern South Dakota, often had an earlier radical past. \Villiams County, North Dakota, elected Socialist sheriffs on three separate occasions and one Socialist county commissioner prior to U.S. entry into World War I, while Burke County had been carried by the SP presidential candidate Eu gene Debs in 1912':: Roberts County, situated in the extreme northeastern corner of South Dakota, had at one time been that state's strongest NPL county and \vas in the 1930s one of the region's most militant areas. There, FIG. 1. lust Another Farm Fake. Cartoon after the League and its Farmer-Labor Party from Farmers' ~Tational Weeki), 30 January successor faded, the insurgent nucleus ran an 1933. independent ticket behind the presidential candidacy of William H. "Coin" Harvey in the 1932 election. c. Perhaps the most unusual earlier agrarian political movements, it did not antecedent to the Depression era farm revolt attempt to become a vehicle to gain public in this region was found in the Wilmot area of office. While some of its participants did the same county. There, according to one benefit politically through their involvement, report, former members of the Ku Klux Klan the Holiday itself did not become a partisan (organized in the 1920s) joined the CP in the political machine. No other farm movement in 1930s. One native of northeast South Dakota the region's history proved to be as decentra recently quipped: "Farmers in Roberts County lized and subject to local direction. National will try anything once or twice.":: The linkage and state leaders might recommend a course of of the farm revolt of the 1930s to this region's action, but county units were virtually autono extended radical past is apparent in terms of mous and decided themselves what should be both geography and personal biography. done in given situations. Obvious continuities \vith earlier insurgen In their substantial investigations of farm cies, not to mention similarities in rhetoric and revolt, scholars have paid little attention to the imagery, however, should not lead us to identity of its participants. The most detailed conclude that the 1930s revolt \vas simply account to date is Rodney D. Karr's profile of "twentieth century Populism" or some other thirty-five Plymouth County, Iowa, activists similar characterization. The Holiday (as well who had been arrested in the famous LeMars as the UFL) was more a direct action episode, in which a mob threatened to lynch a movement than any other agrarian uprising county judge. Karr found, in contrast to other on the northern Plains. Unlike earlier econom studies and impressions, that the participants ic movements, the Holiday did not promote tended to be in their mid-thirties and did not cooperatives or other enterprises. And, unlike own their own farms. Rather, they worked on 114 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1988 their parents' farms, and feared (so Karr and companion of Tom Ayres, and together speculates) that their inheritance was at they were the mainstays of the NPL and stake. 14 Farmer-Labor party in South Dakota. With In many locales, though the names of his death in 1932, she took over the paper and leaders are available, the numbers are insuffi backed efforts to push the insurgency in a left cient to construct a similar sample. To be sure, wing direction. IS Weekes, on the other hand, there were other episodes where a sizable was more conservative. Although she ran for group was named. In Wells County, North Congress as a NPL candidate in 1920 and later Dakota, forty-five were charged with illegally provided broad support for the Holiday, there interfering with a sale. IS The largest single are hints that she was a sympathizer of Father number I have found, however, is in Roberts Coughlin, the fiery "radio priest" who ac County, South Dakota, where the state quired an unsavory reputation as an anti brought an injunction against ninety-two Semitic demogogue. I') individuals. While this list is somewhat mis Left-wing farm papers such as the Producers leading, including non-participants and even News and the Farmers National Weekly did some opponents of the insurgents, it offers a devote some attention to the involvement of potentially useful base for a quantitative study. women, many of whom were active in selling Seventy-two defendants gave affidavits, and subscriptions to the movement press. Some fifteen of them later were brought to trial. Here wrote for it as well. One of the most active I have been struck with the number of names women in the northern Plains was Effie that were those of early settlers of the area. Kjorstad of Williams County, North Dakota. Most of Roberts County was not opened to The daughter of Norwegian immigrants, she white settlement until the 1890s, and key was raised in a radical household. Her father figures in the UFL in this county were among had passed through the Socialist and NPL the first settlers or, in some cases, sons of first movements and had been the Communist settlers residing with or near their parents. lh candidate for sheriff in 1932. She herself ran for Congress in 1934 and state senate in 1936. WOMEN IN THE FARM REVOLT A very energetic individual, she sold large numbers of subscriptions to the left-wing farm The involvement of women in the Depres press and was a frequent speaker at protest sion era farm revolt is a much neglected topic. meetings in the county. She was elected In fact, a survey of the existing published secretary-treasurer of the county Holiday scholarship might suggest that historians had organization at least twice and often was a never considered the subject. Aside from the delegate to Holiday, Farmers Union, and anti exploits of Mother Bloor, the Communist war conventions. In neighboring Mountrail matriarch, there is almost no mention of County, women members of the left-wing women's participating in the rural uprising of Husa clan also were quite active. the 1930s. l ; Yet two strong backers of the Most women participants in the farm insurgency were women newspaper publishers. struggles of the 1930s, of course, like their male They were Alice Lorraine Daly, who operated counterparts, were anonymous rank-and-filers. the Aberdeen-based Dakota Free Press, and They showed up for "penny auctions" and Marie Weekes, who published the Norfolk "Sears-Roebuck sales," fattening the crowd [Nebraska] Press. Both of them had enlisted in and adding to the volume of the protest.'1 One the farmer's cause at the time of the Nonparti male observer recently noted that women san League. In 1920, Weekes was a NPL often were more vocal than men at these sales. Congressional candidate. Two years later Daly While they were not as inclined to direct became the first woman in the region to run action, some of them were quite willing to for governor. She was a long-time associate stand up to the sheriff and curse him for his RETHI:-JKIJ\'G THE FARM REVOLT 135
FIG. 2. Fanners Holiday' penny auctIOn at the farrn of Mrs. Irene Von Bonn, near Elgin, Nebraska, 1932. This teas apparently the first such action held in ~'ebraska. Courtesy l\'ebraska State Historical Societv. role.:: Students of women's involvement in The attitude of local authorities also was farm movements on the northern Plains must important. The popular image is that of actively look for references to women and ask embattled farmers facing armed sheriffs, and questions about them. A substantial amount there are numerous such confrontations that of information probably is out there; we simply are documented. On the other hand, some have not hunted for it. local lavv' enforcement officials acted in collu~ sion with Holiday activists and made them~ selves "unavailable" in crucial situations. In BUSU,ESS ME~ A~D LOCAL ALTHORITIES Adams County, North Dakota, the sheriff At the time of the 1932 farm strike, it was reportedly arranged for the protesters to grab not uncommon for local newspapers and the papers out of his hand, thus stopping the business men to enlist as backers of the proceedings. Harry Lux of the Nebraska movement. Holiday leaders in the Dakotas Holiday tells of a S50 contribution made to sought business support, and numerous mer~ him by a sheriff and of the report about chants came forward. In \Y./ ard and Williams another in Colorado that he was going hunt~ Counties, North Dakota, for example, busi~ ing at the time of a proposed farmers' action.:s ness men ran ads endorsing the strike. = The And, we should note that local authorities left~wing UFL attracted business support as \vere sometimes thwarted by their inability to well. In 1v1ountrail County, the movement was line up a sufficient number of deputies. One of spearheaded by the Husa clan, who ran the the region's most explosive episodes occurred community store in the hamlet of Belden.:-1 at 1v1ilbank, South Dakota, in the summer of While it \vas unusual for shop~keepers to 1933. There, a forced sale of a farmer's assume such a leadership role, both the equipment and livestock \vas attempted at the Producers News and the Farmers National county fairgrounds. A large number of Holi~ Weekh featured advertisements paid for by a day and UFL activists from South Dakota and number of businesses. Minnesota showed up. When protesters at~ 130 C;REAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 19KK tempted to prevent a deputy sheriff from bidding, he pointed his gun at someone, and in the melee that followed, the gun was fired Clnd struck the victim in the face with a tear gas shell. Upon seeing one of its number shot (and perhaps believing him killed), the crowd disarmed the deputies and then proceeded to conduct a "Sears-Roebuck sale." The state of South Dakota eventually brought an injunc tion against the United Farmers League and the Unemployed Council, and some ninety individuals, and prosecuted fifteen of them for participation in this episode and others. The case was brought in Roberts County, and all defendants were from there as well. After a dramatic trial in Sisseton, they were acquitted by the local jury.'t; In some respects, Herbert Gutman's analy sis of labor disputes in small nineteenth-cen i tury communities seems applicable here. !' When outside financial interests sought to foreclose or evict a neighbor, much of the community interceded. We also have many FIG. 3. Anybody Want to Bid! Cartoon exarnples where that did not occur, and, over from Farm Holiday News, 2) June 1(2). time, a conservative backlash developed, par ticularly against the UFL. American Legion naires adopted vigilante tactics in l)ritton, County, South Dakota, from that of Williams South Dakota, in the summer of 1934, and the County, North Dakota. But then it is also sheriff reportedly was a leader of a mob which different in Williams County from that of beat several men, including a disabled World neighboring Mountrail County. And, to make War I veteran. Neither local nor state authori the task even more complicated, the story in ties intervened, and no arrests were made. Bossko Township may be significantly differ ent from that in Springdale, even though they
THE RULE OF INDIVIDUAL COMMUNITIES both are in Roberts County. Such differences may be of real importance, yet existing pub The rural upheaval of the 1930s is first and lished accounts usually do not consider them. foremost the story of a grass-roots movement. What is required, I suggest, is a thorough Accordingly, the best vantage point hom historical exploration of individual commu which to study this episode is at the individual nities in which this revolt took place. My own community level. It is, of course, helpful to preference involves an examination of the examine the papers of key national and area's political and cultural history, before, regional figures and to survey the daily and during, and after the insurgency. That the farm press. On the other hand, I suggest that it UFL was apparently stronger in Roberts is also important to explore the particular County than the Holiday may be explained by settings in which this episode occurred. Each earlier historical developments. This same community that took part in the farm revolt of county also had three or four Communist the 1930s has its own distinct history. The Party locals into the 1940s, suggesting that it story of this insurgency is different in Roberts was very different from anywhere else in South RETHINKING THE FARM REVOLT 137
Dakota." Is that difference explained primarily mined to continue their fight for "cost-of by events prior to the Depression or by more production," which they were convinced was a recent ones? The farm revolt of the 1930s, like better basis for a farm program. 12 It also should earlier rural movements, consisted of numer be pointed out that not all support for ous local efforts. Here, neighbors often orga Coughlin can properly be characterized as nized and mobilized neighbors, people with anti-Semitic. Initially, the "radio priest" whom they had had a background of associa backed FDR and only over a period of time did tion over a period of time. With outside help his public positions become more extreme. In on occasion, these men and women worked 1933 and 1934, his anti-banker rhetoric was with others whom they already knew or knew not that different from traditional farm insur about. Together they protected what they had gents and normally was not openly anti and perhaps enhanced it as well. Different Semitic. '1 approaches and appeals worked in different All this said, however, there was anti places, and the only way to learn about such Semitism in the countryside, and it spilled over matters is through a close examination of into the protest of the 1930s. Sometimes it was diverse and separate communities. Such local obvious and explicit. Perhaps the single most studies may force us to qualify long-accepted dramatic example occurred at the Nebraska generalizations such as John Shover's assump state capitol in February of 1933. There, tion that the farm revolt of the 1930s was more approximately 3000 to 4000 demonstrators prevalent in corn-hog sections and John gathered to pressure the legislature for relief. Miller's conclusion that the Holiday in South The group photograph on the steps of the Dakota was more conservative than in neigh building shows a placard that reads: boring states. 30 THE JEW SYSTEM OF BANKING YEARS OF APPARENT PROSPERITY PROTEST AND ANTI·SEMITISM
In important respects, the 1930s era insur It is illustrated with a large rattlesnake (Figs. 4 gency is more akin to contemporary farm and 5).14 protest than to any earlier effort. That being How we interpret this episode is extremely the case, it may be useful to examine the important. If we see the gathering as a group of seamier side of Depression farm revolt. In the anti-Semites, that certainly will color our view 1950s some social scientists turned their atten of the Depression era insurgency. Within the tion to "exposing" the crankiness of Populism. Nebraska Holiday movement, there was an This discussion sometimes touched upon twen ongoing struggle between the Madison County tieth century midwestern figures, including group, which was close to the Communist William Lemke, the North Dakota Congress Party and had a following in other parts of the man who ran for president in 1936 on Father state, and a group that was close to Milo Reno Coughlin's Union Party ticket. Few dispute and the state Farmers Union.'s The Madison Coughlin's anti-Semitic credentials, and County group organized the capitol demon Lemke's reputation never has recovered from stration, but anybody could attend and no one this episode. Still, we should note that Lemke's took roll. That Coughlinites or other Jew biographer, while treating Lemke's shortcom baiters were in the crowd that day does not tell ings, makes a good case that the North Dakota us very much, but the anti-Semites who did
Congressman was not anti-Semitic. II Other show up have left an indelible mark on the evidence demonstrates that many Lemke back historical record. Anti-Semitism surfaced else ers in 1936 were not Coughlinites but rather where in Nebraska as well. Harry Lux recalled reformers who were alienated from Roosevelt a man in northeast Nebraska who "claimed he and his "brain-trusters" and who were deter- was an attorney yes and he was the fella that 13R GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER IlJRR
FlC). 4. Demonstration on the ul/Jitol ste/}~, Lincoln, Ne/Jra,dw. This /J/lOtogra/)h is a cro/)/){:J version of one that originall:v a/J/Jcard in the Lincoln State Journ:d, U"; Fe/mwry J<):U. Courtesy Nehraska State Historical Socicry.
hrought that. .. Anti-Jewish leaflet with a picture of a rattlesnake on iL" Another Nebraska Holiday supporter railed at "Com munist Jews" and praised Hitler's persecution
of them. I" The depth of anti-Sernitism in the 1930s farm revolt warrants further research, particularly in light of contemporary reports of anti-Jewish sentiment in rural areas o( the northern Plains.
FlG. S. A close-uti of the scene, showing the THE COMINC; (W THE NEW DEAL lettering on the rattlesnai 1913, an aide to Harry Hopkins wrote about activist from Burke County, was most impor the unsuccessful Holiday strike: tant. Both of them broke with the Party in 1935 and affiliated with the T rotskvists. Their Apparently one thing that is contributing departure from UFL ranks proved disruptive largely to its failure is the arrival of wheat in much of eastern l'vlontana and northwest allotment checks. I have that from a chap ern North Dakota." On a more local scale, the named McCandless, farm reporter for the expulsion of Helge Tangen from the Commu Omalw World-Herald. I believe our C\\/A nist Party in Frederick, South Dakota, had a program will also do a lot to calm them similar effect in the immediate area and down. Quite a few farmers will be getting perhaps as many as one-third of the Party jobs out of it. It will give them something to members dropped out.;' do and a little money. More disruptive overall was the growing anti-Communist sentiment on the northern Even UFL leaders who denounced New Deal Plains. In some cases, it grew out of publicity allotment programs signed up for them." identifying particular farm activists as Com Reform had taken its toll, so to speak, as munists. The 1934 trial in Sisseton and government programs eroded the earlier ap vigilante episodes in Marshall County, South peal of insurgency. Dakota, marked the beginning of a long retreat for radicalism in northeastern South OTHER FACTORS Dakota. !vlore than a year earlier, a similar "red scare" had de\'e!oped in Nebraska in the Yet there were other factors at work as wake of the Holiday march on the state well. Many farmers in the region had not had capitol. Much of it was provoked bv the pro a real crop since 1930, and substantial num Reno element as it sought to discredit the more bers either lost their farms or quit before they radical Madison County group. The day after did. A large exodus from the region dates to at the demonstration, an insurgent leader noted: least 1934, and it included militant activists. "The red scare is something awful in this Burke County UFL leader James Pearson state.""' moved his family to Washington state in late The diffusion of energies into other causes 1934. ,0 Numerous other radicals were among also played a role in undercutting the rural the North Dakota "Okies" who ended up on insurgency. While some leaders obtained gov the west coast. South Dakota militants felt ernment positions, others enlisted in the compelled to leave as well. Clarence Sharp, Workers Alliance (a labor organization for former Communist Party state secretary, re federal relief project workers) or the T own,end members a number of Party members in the movement. The latter cause, which promised Frederick area leaving by 1935. Whatever not only old age pensions but a substantial their destination, their departure from the boost to the economy, attracted impressive Dakotas diluted the ranks of militants in the numbers in some communities. It was popular region. in Burke County, where long-time activist Radical forces were also depleted by inter L. L. Griffith took up its banner in 1935. nal strife and factionalism. Key UFL figures in There, several Townsend groups were formed, both North and South Dakota defected or and Griffith was elected as a county commis were expelled from the Communist Party by sioner. Townsend Clubs met on a regular basis 1935, with negative consequences for the left while the Holiday faded into inactivity, wing of the insurgencv. Perhaps the case of though it continued to elect county officers.'" "Red Flag" Charlie Taylor, long-time editor of More research into the place of Townsend the Producers News and former national UFL efforts on the northern Plains is needed. secretary, and Ashbel Ingerson, a prominent Holiday leaders like North Dakota state presi- 140 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1988 dent Usher Burdick were strong proponents, those of the Depression era protest. Insurgents and earlier assessments of this movement as a of that time helped shape the historical conservative development probably should be contours of the region, and further research qualified. It attracted progressive elements to into their activities is warranted. its colors in the region and at least in some communities stood side by side with the NOTES Holiday and the Farmers UnionY An earlier version of this essay was read at the Northern Great Plains History Conference, at CONCLUSION Sioux Falls, South Dakota, October 1987. The author wishes to thank the referees for their Overall, the 1930s insurgency dramatized comments on the manuscript. 1. John Shover, Combelt Rebellion: The Farmers the plight of the farmer, protected many from Holiday Association (Urbana: University of lllinois eviction and foreclosure, and forced politicians Press, 1965); Lowell K. Dyson, Red Harvest: The to develop new programs to address the needs Communist Party and American Farmers (Lincoln: of rural America. Of course, it was not a University of Nebraska Press, 1982). See also Lowell complete success. "Cost-of-production" never K. Dyson, "The Farm Holiday Movement," Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1968. was obtained and many farm families were 2. Dyson, Red Harvest, provides a detailed uprooted from their communities and forced account of the UFL and its antecedent, the United to start over again somewhere else. Still, it Farmers Educational League. See also Allen Math must be said that the revolt bought time for a ews, "Agrarian Radicals: The United Farmers large number of farmers on the northern League of South Dakota," South Dakota History 3 (Fall 1973): 408-21. The Bowbells Tribune, the Plains, and that is not an insignificant achieve official paper of Burke County, ran numerous ment. In some sections, such as northeastern stories on UFL meetings in that county in 1931. South Dakota, the Farmers Union got its 3. Other efforts in the background of the North second wind, and it emerged from the Depres Dakota Holiday were a "$1 Wheat" campaign and sion as a stronger force than before. New local taxpayers' groups. For the "$1 Wheat" movement, see Larry Remele, "The North Dakota recruits from the earlier insurgency signed on Farm Strike of 1932," North Dakota History 41 (Fall and helped remake the national union into a 1974): 5-8. An unsympathetic story on the Burke modern progressive group.46 This, too, is a County taxpayers' group is found in Columbus partial legacy of the struggles of the 1930s. The Reporter, 24 December 1931. Communist Party also recruited a number of 4. Dyson provides the most detailed treatment of the various maneuvers of the UFL and the farmers to its cause during the Depression era Holiday. See Dyson, Red Harvest, pp. 67-82, insurgency. While some quickly dropped out, 99-147. To simplify the discussion, I have not others signed up for the long term. Enclaves of mentioned the Farmers National Committee for Communist farmers persisted in several Dako Action (FNCA), another Communist-led group, ta communities well into the 1940s (and which also was active on the northern Plains. It represented a somewhat more flexible tendency and sometimes longer), resulting in FBI surveil sponsored several farm relief conferences. See lance for two decades or moreY Dyson, Red Harvest, and Harvey Klehr, The Heyday The farm revolt of the 1930s was the last of American Communism: The Depression Decade major agrarian outburst on the northern (New York: Basic Books, 1984), pp. 141-45. As a Plains. While a number of radicals lived on practical matter, at the grass-roots level, individuals who worked with the FNCA also were UFL and hints of radicalism surfaced from time to members. time, the era of large scale farm protest in this 5. For the North Dakota Holiday, see James region had passed. Yet, when the National William Dodd, "The Farmer Takes a Holiday," Farmers Organization (NFO) emerged a gener M.S. thesis, North Dakota Agricultural College, ation later, it drew support from sections that 1960; Larry Remele, "The Public Reaction to the North Dakota Farmers' Holiday Association," had risen up in revolt in the 1930s.48 And even M.A. thesis, University of North Dakota, 1969. For now, some farm activists link their efforts with the South Dakota Holiday, see John E. Miller, RETHINKING THE FARM REVOLT 141 "Restrained, Respectable Radicals: The South Da larger unpublished study. See Rodney D. Karr, kota Farm Holiday," Agricultural History 59 (July "The Farmers' Holiday Movement, Plymouth 1985): 429-47. County, Iowa: 1932-1933," M.A. thesis, University 6. Bowbells Tribune, 29 July 1938. The Burke of Nebraska at Omaha, 1980. County Holiday apparently had not been as active 15. Producers News, 7 June 1935. as the Williams County organization in recent 16. State of South Dakota vs. United Farmers years, however. League, et ai, Case File 6800, Roberts County Court 7. Author's interview with Oscar Brekke, Clin House, Sisseton, S. Dak. Of those offering affida ton, Minn., 26 September 1987. Brekke was presi vits, twelve denied membership in either the UFL or dent of the Grant County (S. Dak.) Holiday and the Unemployed Council, eleven admitted their then president of the South Dakota organization. affiliation with the latter group, and approximately 8. Gilbert C. Fite, "John A. Simpson: The fifty belonged to the left-wing farm group. Knute Southwest's Militant Farm Leader," MississiPPi Walstad and his son Julius were key figures in the Valley Historical Review 35 (March 1949): 563-84; Roberts County UFL. Fifty-five years old in 1934, John L. Shover, "The Farm Holiday Movement in Knute had immigrated from Norway and home Nebraska," Nebraska History 43 (March 1962): steaded in the northwestern part of the county in 53-78. the 1890s. See Smith, "History of the United 9. Dakota Free Press, 28 October 1932; author's Farmers League of Roberts County." Other UFL interview with Clarence H. Sharp, Minneapolis, influentials involved in these proceedings were Minn. Sharp is a native of South Dakota and was Leonard Ruckdaschel and his son Ralph. The elder the state secretary of the South Dakota CP from late Ruckdaschel had moved to the area as a boy in 1909 1932 until 1940. I have had several interviews and and was in his mid-fifties at the time of the numerous conversations with him which have dealt injunction case. Elmer Eddy was another Roberts (among other things) with topics discussed in this County pioneer who was enjoined for his alleged article. UFL activities. In 1898, he had homesteaded in the 10. Williston Graphic, 7 November 1912; 9 county. Before moving to his permanent farm site, November 1916; 1913 Legislative Manual (Devils Eddy also had operated a store and a post office in Lake, N. Dak.: Journal Printing Company, 1913), the northwestern part of Roberts County. He was 262-64. For a survey of Socialist efforts in the 59 in 1934. Gilbert Gilbertson moved to the area region, see William C. Pratt, "Socialism on the with his parents in 1900. At the time of the Northern Plains, 1900-1924," South Dakota History injunction case, he was 47. C. S. Christianson, a (forthcoming). UFL activist in the southern part of the county near 11. The most detailed account of the UFL in Wilmot, farmed near his father's homestead. He was Roberts County is Gordon Smith, "History of the 48 when he was enjoined for his alleged deeds. United Farmers League in Roberts County" (un Another UFL figure was Orville Monson. Although published manuscript in author's possession). See he had participated in the Milbank episode, he was also Mathews, "Agrarian Radicals" and "The not named in either the injunction or the riot case. History of the United Farmers League of South His father had been an early settler just across the Dakota, 1923-1936: A Study in Farm Radicalism," Roberts County line. The above information is M.A. thesis, University of South Dakota, 1972. taken from obituaries, recent interviews with chil 12. Author's interviews with Clarence H. dren of these individuals, and tombstones. Sharp, Minneapolis, Minn.; author's interview with 17. One of the very few published historical James O. Monson, Sisseton, S. Dak., 13 August studies treating women in any farm movement on 1986. the northern Plains is Karen Starr, "Fighting for a 13. Usher L. Burdick, former Holiday president Future: Farm Women of the Nonpartisan League," in North Dakota, wrote: "The power of the Holiday Minnesota History 48 (Summer 1983): 255-62. The rested with the Grass Roots. The county organiza most focused account on Bloor is Thomas L. tion determined when to stop a foreclosure and the Edwards, "Ella Reeve Bloor: Urban Radical in the State organization had nothing to do with that. I Upper Midwest 1930-1936," unpublished paper, could advise them, which I often did, but I could Northern Great Plains History conference, Grand not control any county organization." (Quoted in Forks, N. Dak., 29 September 1983. See also Dyson, Dodd, "The Farmer Takes a Holiday," p. 102.) See Red Harvest; and William D. Rowley, "The Loup also Miller, "Restrained, Respectable Radicals," City Riot of 1934: Main Street vs. The 'Far-Out' p.429. Left," Nebraska History 47 (September 1966): 14. Rodney D. Karr, "Farmer Rebels in Plym 295-327- outh County, Iowa, 1932-1933," Annals of Iowa 47 18. Dakota Free Press, 10 June 1932; telephone (Winter 1985): 637-45. This article is drawn from a interview with Homer Ayres, Sturgis, S. Dak., 9 i42 CREAT PLA.l:\S Ql:A.RTERL Y, SU.,f\1ER lc)8S March 1986. She cominucd puhlishing the paper satisfied at a loss to the creditor and the farm or until late 193,). For Coughlin, "ee Charles ]. Tull, chattels were returned to the original owner. An Father Coughlin and the Neu Deal (Syracuse: Syra· acrion protecting the farm itself was called a "penny cuse University Press, 1(65); David H. Bennett, auction"; a "Sears·Roebuck sale" protected chattels. Demagogues in the Depression: American Radicals and Sec John L. Shm'cr, "The Penn\' Aucnon Rebel· [he Union 1932--1936 (;':C\\ Brunswick: Rut· lion," The Am.crican W'est 2 (Fall] 965): 64 -2. gers l;niversity Press, 1969); Alan Brinkley, Voices 22. Author's interviews with James O. Monson, of Pmtest: Hac' Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Sisseton, S. Oak., 13 August 19i16; Veblen, S. Oak., Depression (i'Jew York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982). 23 September 1987 . Yet Irene Paull reports that a 19. Marie Weekes and her paper are discussed key UFL figure in Northeastern South Dakota later in James A. Stone, "Agrarian Ideology and the told her: "Women took charge of evictions. They Farm Program in Nebraska State Politics with came over with boxes of pepper. They faced the Special Reference to Northeast Nebraska, sheriff and told him if he comes, he'll face a barrage 1920-1933," Ph.D. diss., University of Nebraska, of pepper." Paull manuscript on Julius Walstad, 1960; David Kathka, "The Farmers' Holiday Asso' Irene Paull Papers, Minnesota Historical Society, St. ciation in Madison County, Nebraska: 1932-1934," Paul, Minnesota. M.A. thesis, Wayne State College, 1966; and 23. A headline in a Williston, N. Dak., paper Burton W. Folsom, Jr., "Immigrant Voters and the reads: "Williston Business Men Add Their Appro· l\:onpartisan League in Nebraska, 1917-1920," val to That of Minot and Jamestown" ('X'illiams Great Plains Qaarterh 1 (Summer 1981): 159-68. Count:v Fanners Press, 18 August 1(32). See Remelt, Harrv Lux, a kev figure in Nebraska Holiday, later "The l\:orth Dakota Farm Strike of 1932," pp. reported that Weekes liked Father Coughlin and 14-15; Miller, "Restrained, Respectable Radicals," believed in the Protocol of the Elders of Zion. John p,444. Shover interview with Harry Lux, 1 March 1962, 24. Members of this family were often men· transcript, l\:ebraska State Historical Society, Lin· tioned in the Stanle)' Sun, the Producers Neu's and coIn, l\:ebraska. For Coughlin, see Charles]. T ull, Fanners National Weekly. W.]. Husa operated the Father Coughlin and the New Deal (Syracuse: Syra. community's only store. cuse University Press, 1(65); David H. Bennett, 25. Author's telephone interview with Homer Demagogues in the Depression: American Radicals and Ayres, Sturgis, S. Dak., [) March 1986; John L. the Union Party, 1932-1936 (New Brunswick: Rut· Shover interview with Harry Lux, 1 March 1962. gers University Press, 1969); Alan Brinkley, Voices 26. Author's interviews with Clarence H. of Protest: Hue)' Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Sharp, Minneapolis, Minn.; and Oscar Brekke, Depression (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982). Clinton, Minn. 26 September 1987. For accounts of 20. This sketch of Effie Kjorstad is based on a the trial, see Smith, "History of the United Farmers survey of the Williams County Fanner Press, the League of Roberts Countv," and Mathews, "History Fanners National Weekh and the National Fann of the United Farmers League of South Dakota," Holiday Neu's. Numerous references to Ellen and 27. Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Lillian Husa are found in the Stanley Sun, Producers Societ:v in Industrializing America: Essa"s in American News and the Fanners National WeekI'>. Mother Working· Class and Social Hilt01) (New York: Vintage Bloor had presided at their grandmothe;'s funeral. Books, 1977). That provoked a great deal of local attention. See 28. For this episode, see Smith, "History of the Minot Daily News, 3 January 1931 ("Mrs. Husa's United Farmers League of Roberts County"; and Funeral Will Be Without Clergy"); Ward County Mathews, "History of the United Farmers League of Independent, 8 January 1931 ("1\0 Minister at Rites South Dakota." Almost sixteen years earlier, A. C. for Belden woman"). Other women who were Townley, the major figure in the formation of the mentioned by name often were related to promi· NPL in North Dakota, had been prevented from nent male participants in the 1930s era insurgency. speaking in Britton. See Gilbert C. Fite, "Peter This tendency is found in other movements as well. l\:orbeck and the Defeat of the Non·Partisan League Sec William C. Pratt, "Women Socialists and their in South Dakota," MississiPPi Valln Historical Male Comrades: The Reading Experience, 1927- Ret'ieu. 33 (September 1946): 230. It ~as unlikely 1936," in Flav.'ed Liberation: Socialism and Feminism, that mob action of the Britton variety could hav~ ed. Sally M. ~1i]]er (Westport, Conn: Greenwood occurred in Sisseton or Milbank, S. Dak., or Press, 1981), pp, 145-78. Williston or Stanley, N. Dak, 21. The protesters either sought to block a sale 29. According to a FBI document, a local altogether or to arrange that the farm or livestock Communist reported in 1941 "that there are three and equipment were sold to friendly bidders at a branches of the CP in Roberts County with a total nominal price. In the latter case, the debt was membership of about 50 members. He stated that RETHINKIl\G THE FARM REVOLT 143 the Mother Bloor Local Branch has ten mc'mbers Dakota Agrarian's Views of Huey Long," Midu'est but he refused to give the names of an\' Party Rnieu 8 (Spring 1986): 40-55. members .... " [Deleted], 18 Mav 19S1, FBI fik WO· '34. The anti-Semitic placard was first called to 28935·38. At its peak in 1934, the CP may haH' had my attention in a discussion with Michael Farrell as many as one hundred memhers in Roberts and \Villiam Locke during the making of the 1985 Countv. Author's interviews with Clorence' H, l'-:chraska Educational Television Network docu· Sharp, Minneapolis, Minn. mentary, "Plowing Up a Storm: The History of 30. In Cornbelt Rebellion, Shm'er assumes rather Midwestern Farm Activism." than demonstrates that the farm revolt was most 35. Shover, "The Farm Holiday Movement in active in the corn· hog sections. Yet as Smith hc\'; Nebraska"; Kathka, "The Farmers' Holiday Asso pointed out, that description does not fit Roberts ciation in Madison County." County and evidence from the Dakotas to date 36. John L. Shover interview with Harry Lux, 1 suggests that corn· hog production is not the sine March 1962; Dyson, Red Han'est, p. 132. According qua non for this farm revolt. Miller's thesis about to a Fanners National Weekly account, Milo Reno the conservative nature of the South Dakota told the 1934 National Farmers Union convention: Holiday probably will be revised as historians come "The New Deal ought to be called the Jew Deal." to a more complex understanding of Emil Loriks, a See Lem Harris, "National Convention of Union key figure who served as executive secretary·treasur· Avoided Actions Called for in Speeches," Farmers er of the South Dakota organization. On one hand, National Weekly, 7 December 1934. he promoted a conservative image for the Holiday 37. Quoted in Richard Lowitt and Maurice and clearly sought business backing. On the other Beasley, eds., One Third of a Nation: Lorena Hickok hand, he actively participated in "stirring up" the Reports on the Great Depression (Urbana: University farmers. (Author's interview with Oscar Brekke, of Illinois Press, 1981), p. 97. Clinton, Minn., 26 September 1987.) The extensive 38. Most of the UFL leaders in Roberts County correspondence between Loriks and Homer Ayres enrolled in the 1934 wheat allotment program also suggests that this "restrained, respectable (Smith, "History of the United Farmers League of radical" had a working relationship with less Roberts County"). In Burke County, N. Oak., that "respectable" elements in the farm movement. also apparently was the case. See Bowbells Tribune, 7 Ayres was active in the UFL, and ran for Lieuten· December 1934. ant Governor in 1934 on the Communist·backed 39. Bowbells Tribune, 7 December 1934. United Front ticket. Ayres was a Loriks ally in 40. Author's interview with Clarence H. Sharp, several of the battles of the late 1930s. The personal Minneapolis, Minn. relationship between the two men was cordial and 41. Taylor had a long history of involvement in they respected one another. (Loriks Papers, Ameri· the left wing of the farm movement. See Dyson, Red can State Bank, Oldham, S. Oak.) A recent popular Harvest; and Charles Vindex, "Radical Rule in biography of Loriks follows Miller's "restrained, Montana," Montana: The Magazine of Western respectable" thesis on the South Dakota Holiday. History 18 Oanuary 1968): 2-18. After he left the See Elizabeth E. Williams, Emil Loriks: Builder of a Party, Taylor maneuvered a takeover of Producers Neu' Economic Order (Sioux Falls: Center for News, and, as a result, the paper no longer covered Western Studies, 1987). the left.wing farm movement outside of Montana 31. Daniel Bell, The Radical Right: The Neu nor sympathized with the CPo Ingerson also had American Right (Garden Citv: Doubleday and been a key UFL figure. A FBI report dated 1941 Company, 1963); Edward C. Blackorby, Prairie asserted that the Trotskyists in Plentywood, Mon· Rebel: The Public Life of William Lemke (Lincoln: tana (Taylor's old stronghold in the extreme University of Nebraska Press, 1963). For Coughlin, northeastern part of the state), "have driven the see n. 18, above. Stalinists back as far as Belden, North Dakota." 32. L. C. Miller, editor of the Boubclls Tribune, ("Communist Activities in the State of Montana," backed Lemke in 1936 but had voted for i\'orman 16 June 1941, FBI File 100·3·51·16.) Though this Thomas, the Socialist Party presidential candidate, comment is an exaggeration, the Taylor-Ingerson in 1928 and 1932. defection had serious consequences. The Bowbells 33. Apparently Emil Loriks was somewhat Tribune editor answered an Ingerson criticism in sympathetic to Coughlin at least as late as 1935. 1938: "As a matter of fact, Ash, you have become so Wrote one observer: "Loriks made several bad famous over Burke County as disorganizer No. 1 blunders. He said that the fascist[sJ Father Coughlin that you are almost considered infamous, even and Huey Long, were men like old Thomas among your old friends, who saw you destroy the Jefferson." (Famlers National Weekh, 26 Julv 1935.) Communist Party because it would not bend to See also Elizabeth Evenson Williams, "A South your will. ... " (Bowbells Tribune, 16 September 144 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1988 1938). Years: North Dakota Farmers Union (North Dakota 42. Dakota Free Press, 3 November 1933; au Farmers Union, 1976). thor's interviews with Clarence H. Sharp, Minne 47. Clarence Sharp served as a CP traveling apolis, Minn. Sharp has repeatedly said that representative in the Dakotas during the 1940s and Tangen's expulsion "was a terrible mistake." 1950s (Author's interviews with Clarence H. Sharp, 43. Quoted in Shover, Cambelt Rebellion, Minneapolis, Minn.). His travels in the region were p. 132. The publicity surrounding the so-called monitored by the FBI. In 1959, for example, six FBI "Loup City Riot" the following year had a devastat agents participated in the surveillance of one of ing impact as well. See Rowley, "The Loup City Sharp's trips in the Dakotas ("M. H.," 30 Septem Riot of 1934." ber 1959, FBI File 100-390741-7; "V.C.F.," 24 44. The Bowbells Tribune provided a substantial September 1959, FBI File 100-38183-12). Some party amount of attention to the local Townsend move members continued to pay dues, subscribe to the ment between 1935 and 1938. Daily Worker or the Worker, and visit with Sharp 45. The then left-wing Williams County Farmers when he made his rounds, but there was little Press seemingly gave the Townsend movement and Communist activity in these states by the late the Holiday equal billing in 1936. That year the 1940s. county Townsend leader joined the presidents of 48. Author's interview with James O. Monson, the local Holiday, Farmers Union, and relief Veblen, S. Dak., 23 September 1987. Monson, the workers organization in endorsing this paper in the son of a 1930s activist, reported that some former forthcoming election for official county newspaper UFL members joined NFO in the 1960s. Though (Williams County Farmers Press, 29 October 1936). undercut by the prosperity of the next decade, the 46. For an overview of the Farmers Union, see NFO had considerable success in northeastern John A. Crampton, The National Farmers Union: South Dakota (Roberts, Marshall, and Brown Ideology of a Pressure Group (Lincoln: University of counties). I have personal knowledge of a former Nebraska Press, 1965). This organization on the UFL activist who later was involved in NFO in northern Plains is treated in Robert S. Thompson, McHenry County, N. Dak., and sons of earlier "The History of the South Dakota Farmers Union, insurgents who participated in the newer movement 1914-1952," M.A. thesis, University of South in Burke and Williams counties, N. Dak., and Dakota, 1953; and Charles and Joyce Conrad, 50 Madison County, Nebraska.