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The Making of the Constitution
THE MAKING OF THE CONSTITUTION CLE Credit: 1.0 Thursday, June 14, 2018 12:00 p.m. - 1:00 p.m. Bluegrass Ballroom I Lexington Convention Center Lexington, Kentucky A NOTE CONCERNING THE PROGRAM MATERIALS The materials included in this Kentucky Bar Association Continuing Legal Education handbook are intended to provide current and accurate information about the subject matter covered. No representation or warranty is made concerning the application of the legal or other principles discussed by the instructors to any specific fact situation, nor is any prediction made concerning how any particular judge or jury will interpret or apply such principles. The proper interpretation or application of the principles discussed is a matter for the considered judgment of the individual legal practitioner. The faculty and staff of this Kentucky Bar Association CLE program disclaim liability therefore. Attorneys using these materials, or information otherwise conveyed during the program, in dealing with a specific legal matter have a duty to research original and current sources of authority. Printed by: Evolution Creative Solutions 7107 Shona Drive Cincinnati, Ohio 45237 Kentucky Bar Association TABLE OF CONTENTS The Presenter .................................................................................................................. i The Framers' Coup ......................................................................................................... 1 Interpreting the Convention ................................................................................. -
ABSTRACT JEWETT, AMANDA AVERELL. Aristocratic
ABSTRACT JEWETT, AMANDA AVERELL. Aristocratic Gentlemanliness and Revolutionary Masculinities among Virginia’s Delegation to the Continental Congress, 1774-1776. (Under the direction of Dr. Craig Thompson Friend). There was never one type of manhood practiced in Virginia during from 1774 to 1776. Instead, different masculinities blended and overlapped to reflect changes in culture and society. While elements such as public validation and an honorable reputation persevered across gender constructions, they meant different things to different men in the early years of revolution. The American Revolution unleashed democratic, military, regional, and intellectual impulses that gave impetus to forms of manhood that helped to erode aristocratic gentlemanliness. Militant, intellectual, and southern men absorbed some ideals of aristocratic gentlemanliness like honor and public virtue, while abandoning others including submission and restraint. The Revolution and meetings with other men in the Continental Congress contributed to the dismissal of these principles as Virginians responded to changes in their political and social roles on a larger stage. Ultimately, the need for public approval ties all of these Virginians together. Validation of one’s gender and class from outside observers, be it fellow Virginian planters or delegates from other colonies, is the most permanent aspect of masculinity during these years. While other types of manhood—military, Enlightenment, and southern—broke from or changed several traits of aristocratic gentlemanliness, -
Speech in the Virginia Convention Patrick Henry
Writers of the Revolution from Speech in the Virginia Convention RI 5 Analyze and evaluate by Patrick Henry the effectiveness of the structure an author uses in his or her argument, including whether the structure makes Meet the Author points clear, convincing, and engaging. RI 6 Determine an author’s point of view or purpose 1736–1799 in a text in which the rhetoric is Patrick Henry particularly effective, analyzing how style and content contribute Known as “the Orator of Liberty,” his own at age 15. Although smart and to the power, persuasiveness, or Patrick Henry made a name for himself industrious, he couldn’t find success as a beauty of the text. L 3a Apply an understanding of syntax with his speeches supporting American storekeeper or later as a tobacco planter. to the study of complex democracy. He was one of the earliest After marrying and starting a family, he texts. L 4b Identify and correctly use patterns of word changes that opponents of British rule in the American decided to teach himself law, and in 1760, indicate different meanings or colonies. In 1765, after the British at the age of 24, he was admitted to the parts of speech. Parliament passed a tax bill called the bar. Henry’s eloquence, quick wit, and did you know? Stamp Act, Henry was among the rhetorical gifts served him well, and his members of the Virginia legislature that law practice grew increasingly profitable. Patrick Henry . challenged the legality of a British tax on Popular Virginia Politician Henry is best • had 16 children—6 by his the colonies. -
Committees of Self Governance by Penny Waite
Carlyle House July, 2012 D OCENT D ISPATC H Northern Virginia Regional Park Authority Committees of Self Governance By Penny Waite Although the port of Alexandria did not experience formed May 26, 1773 to “consider the British battle during the Revolutionary War, it was a strategic claims as a common cause to all, and to produce a destination for much needed supplies to the colony. unity of action.” Governor Dunmore had John Carlyle’s stature as a successful merchant, dismissed the Assembly with bills undone. experienced commissary, and civic leader allowed Suspecting that Dunmore would suspend the revolutionary leaders, such as George Washington and Assembly again in 1774, the delegates were George Mason, to capitalize on his talents to help elected to meet in convention whether or not the further the Revolution. Though we know Carlyle was legislative session was dismissed by the Governor. not a young man, Edmund Randolph wrote, “The old who had seen service in the Indian War of 1755, roused Surely the prominent members of Alexandria were the young to resist the ministry.” During the abuzz with the uncertainty. A letter dated May 29, Revolutionary period, John Carlyle’s merchant activities 1774 was sent by the Committee of were significantly impacted by the trade embargo Correspondence for the Alexandria Town against England called for by the First Continental Committee and signed by John Carlyle and John Congress in 1774. Though most of the records and Dalton on behalf of eight other members. It states journals of the committees have been lost, we can get that the committee was “formed for the purpose of communicating to each other, in the most speedy manner, their sentiments on the present interesting and Alarming situation of America.” There was, in all probability, a secret element to the work of this committee and the committees formed by the local counties. -
New York Legislature Recommends the Calling of a Second Constitutional Convention, 4 February-5 May 1789
New York Legislature Recommends the Calling of a Second Constitutional Convention, 4 February-5 May 1789 Background In the summer of 1788 the idea of calling a second general convention to obtain amendments to the Constitution was not new. In the waning days of the Constitutional Convention of 1787, the notion was advocated by Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts and George Mason and Edmund Randolph of Virginia—the three delegates who refused to sign the Constitution, in large part, because it lacked a bill of rights. On 27 September 1787, Richard Henry Lee, a delegate to the Confederation Congress, proposed amendments during the debate on how to transmit the Constitution to the states for their ratification. Congress refused to debate the substance of the amendments and reJected Lee’s proposal. Lee’s amendments were not even entered on the Journal. On 16 October Lee wrote Randolph advocating the calling of another general convention to propose amendments. Lee’s letter was printedin the Petersburg Virginia Gazette on 6 December and was reprinted widely in newspapers, a pamphlet anthology, and the Philadelphia American Museum, attracting considerable public and private commentary. In New York, it appeared in two newspapers—in the New York Journal, 22, 24 December, and in part in the Albany Gazette, 10 January 1788. On 10 October 1787 Governor Edmund Randolph wrote a letter to the Virginia legislature explaining why he had not signed the Constitution and why, in the Constitutional Convention, he had supported another general convention. He declared in his letter that no alternative was “less exceptionable” than such a convention as a way to obtain amendments. -
Thomas Jefferson's Reaction to the Constitution of 1787 During the Period of Its Ratification: September 17, 1878 - March 4, 1789 Paul D
Lehigh University Lehigh Preserve Theses and Dissertations 1964 Thomas Jefferson's reaction to the Constitution of 1787 during the period of its ratification: September 17, 1878 - March 4, 1789 Paul D. Caravetta Lehigh University Follow this and additional works at: https://preserve.lehigh.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Caravetta, Paul D., "Thomas Jefferson's reaction to the Constitution of 1787 during the period of its ratification: September 17, 1878 - March 4, 1789" (1964). Theses and Dissertations. 3190. https://preserve.lehigh.edu/etd/3190 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \ . ,. I ,• ABSTRACT Thomas Jefferson had to view the framing and ratlfleatton of the Constitution of 1787 from _France. There he had become a-cquatnted, at ftrst hand. witti. gureopean opinions of the American government. lie had aeen how deflclencles In the Articles of.Confederation failed to pro• . vtde for a political order whlch the Europeans would respect. They looked at the Congr@se ae an impotent body and the United States as a .,· ,' '· I 1··. mere collection of autonomous states. l ' ~ ~Or' ,: .. ,, 'I ..~-· :Jefferson became convtnced of the need for reform. He thought • I I elude regulation of commerce, an independent Income, and responsib111ty for the total debt of the nation would be sufficient. The movement to grant Congress the potver to regulate co'Cll\1!8rce bagan with the Annapolis Comrneretal Convention. This convention did not accomplish its ends. -
Patrick Henry and "Give Me Liberty!"
Give Me Liberty! Advisor: Robert A. Ferguson, George Edward Woodberry Professor in Law, Literature and Criticism, Columbia University, National Humanities Center Fellow Copyright National Humanities Center, 2015 Framing Question What arguments, appeals, and rhetorical strategies did Patrick Henry use in 1775 to persuade reluctant members of the Second Virginia Convention to develop a military response to British aggression? Understanding In 1775 American independence was not a foregone conclusion. While there had been unrest and resistance in Massachusetts with scattered acts of support from other areas, no organized movement toward revolution existed across the Colonies. Virginia ranked among the largest, wealthiest, and most populous colonies in 1775, and her political and military support for independence would be crucial for success. In this speech Patrick Henry (1736–1799) uses powerful rhetoric to convince influential, affluent, landed men of Virginia with much to lose to move past their current diplomatic posture opposing British aggression to the more treasonous one of open military preparedness. Text Patrick Henry (1736–1799) Patrick Henry, speech to the Virginia Convention, March 23, 1775. Background In 1775 unrest bubbled through the American Colonies. Britain had severely restricted Massachusetts through the Intolerable Acts; towns were voting to boycott British goods, and British soldiers were becoming a common sight in the American Colonies. In this lesson you will explore a famous speech by Patrick Henry (1736–1799), member of the Second Virginia Convention. Patrick Henry is not speaking in the Virginia House of Burgesses [the state legislature] in Williamsburg because it had been dissolved the year before by Royal Governor Dunmore. -
Vol125 Klarman.Pdf
BOOK REVIEW THE FOUNDING REVISITED RATIFICATION: THE PEOPLE DEBATE THE CONSTITUTION, 1787– 1788. By Pauline Maier. New York: Simon & Schuster. 2010. Pp. xvi, 589. $30.00. Reviewed by Michael J. Klarman* Pauline Maier’s Ratification is one of the best books ever written about the American Founding. The publication of twenty-one vol- umes of the Documentary History of the Ratification of the American Constitution has enabled her to tell the story of ratification in greater detail than one might have thought possible, and Maier is a masterful storyteller. Everyone interested in the Founding, American constitu- tional law, American politics, and the art of constitution-making ought to read this book. Novices will find a rich menu to pique their curiosi- ty, while even the most knowledgeable constitutional scholars and his- torians will discover many delightful surprises. INTRODUCTION Maier’s story is replete with heroes and villains. For fans of the Constitution, James Madison is the knight in shining armor. Without Madison, the Constitutional Convention might never have happened. Madison played a critical role both in calling for the convention and in persuading George Washington to attend — Washington’s presence conferring important legitimacy upon this technically illegal proceed- ing (pp. 3–4).1 At the Philadelphia convention, Madison was able to seize control of the agenda from the beginning, presenting his fellow delegates upon their arrival with a scheme of reform — known as the “Virginia Plan” — which quickly became the convention’s point of de- parture (pp. 28, 36).2 Madison was one of the most important contri- butors to convention deliberations, which he participated in virtually every day for nearly four months, while trying simultaneously to main- ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– * Kirkland & Ellis Professor of Law, Harvard Law School. -
States Become a Nation (1760-1800)
Virginia Becomes a State; States Become a Nation (1760-1800) Virginia History Series #7-07 © 2007 People of Virginia The number of people residing in the Virginia Colony increased by over 2 ½ times from 1760-1800. 53 Counties had formed in Virginia by 1760 1760 VA Counties were mostly on the coast (i.e., Tidewater) and inland along rivers like the James, Roanoke, York, Potomac, and Rappahannock (i.e., Piedmont) The “Fall Line” Separates Tidewater & Piedmont Regions in Virginia Tidewater Piedmont Fall Line Virginia Great Falls of the Potomac on the Virginia “Fall Line” Virginia’s Early Land Claims included present- day Kentucky, West Virginia and much of the “Northwest Territories”also claimed by other Colonies/States Virginia ceded its claims on Northwest Territories to the United States in 1783 Land Speculation In the 1760s, Virginian’s gentry-owned companies hoped to make money from land speculation on the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. The Ohio Company Ohio (which started work in 1754 and was River managed by George Mason) and the Land Mississippi Land Company (organized Speculation by Thomas Ludwell Lee, Francis Lightfoot Area Lee, Richard Henry Lee, William Lee, William and Henry Fitzhugh, Thomas Mississippi King Bullitt, and George Washington in 1763) River George’s sought title to millions of acres of Proclamation Western land through grants from King Line of 1763 George III. Instead of supporting land ventures by Virginia’s gentry, King George III hoped to set these lands aside for the Crown or English gentry and made a proclamation forbidding further settlement and speculation in British lands West of the Appalachians by colonial residents. -
An Illustrated Encyclopedia of Uniforms from 1775-1783
AN ILLUSTRATED ENCYCLOPEDIA OF UNIFORMS AND CLOTHING FROM 1775- 1783 VIRGINIA MILITIA & FIRST VIRGINIA REGIMENT ROBERT DUCOTE Index Purpose………………………………………………..3 Background…………………………………………...4 Bodyshirts……………………………………………..7 Stockings & Garters………………………………….8 Breeches……………………………………………….9 Footwear……………………………………………..10 Gaiters & Leggings………………………………….11 Cravats & Neckstocks………………………………12 Weskits & Sleeved Waistcoats……………………...13 Frock Coats & Hunting Frocks…………………….14 Regimental Coats……………………………………15 Headgear……………………………………………..16 Accoutrements………………………………………17 Canteens……………………………………………..19 Knapsacks & Haversacks…………………………..20 Weapons……………………………………………..21 Personal Items……………………………………….22 Winter Items………………………………………...23 Clothing & Equipment by Year……………………24 Works Cited…………………………………………37 2 Purpose The purpose of this encyclopedia is to provide lists of uniform articles available to Virginia Militia and the First Virginia Regiment from 1775-1783, based on research delineating when and where items were issued or available, and to provide preferred and recommended venders and materials to aid new recruits in securing their basic kit, including uniforms and gear. Anything not listed on this list should not be purchased without consulting your unit sponsor. 3 Background It is very difficult to specify what civilian clothing and uniform items were worn during specific battles, periods of times, and weather conditions. Militia troops seldom wore the same clothing items and would often receive clothing dependent on where they where physically located -
Patrick Henry Speaks to the Second Virginia Convention Patrick Henry 1
Patrick Henry Speaks to the Second Virginia Convention Patrick Henry 1 OVERVIEW Patrick Henry, a member of the Virginia legislature and of the Continental Congresses, was a leading advocate of American independence. Known for his oratory, Henry gave the following famous speech in 1775, in support of arming the Virginia militia to fight the British. GUIDED READING As you read, consider the following questions: • What types of imagery does Henry use to incite his fellow colonists to take up arms? • Does Henry feel all possible nonviolent measures have been taken to address the colonists’ complaints? t is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut Iour eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. -
Alexander Hamilton, Delegate in Annapolis, Philadelphia & Poughkeepsie Author of the Federalist Papers & First Treasury Secretary Wolf-Pac.Com/Hamilton
Alexander Hamilton, Delegate in Annapolis, Philadelphia & Poughkeepsie Author of the Federalist Papers & First Treasury Secretary wolf-pac.com/hamilton On state control and the limited subject matter in the Article V Convention process: But there is yet a further consideration, which proves beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the observation is futile. It is this that the national rulers, whenever nine States concur, will have no option upon the subject. By the fifth article of the plan, the Congress will be obliged “on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the States (which at present amount to nine) to call a convention for proposing amendments, which shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof.” The words of this article are peremptory. The Congress “shall call a convention.” Nothing in this particular is left to the discretion of that body. And of consequence, all the declamation about the disinclination to a change vanishes in air. Nor however difficult it may be supposed to unite two thirds or three fourths of the State legislatures, in amendments which may affect local interests, can there be any room to apprehend any such difficulty in a union on points which are merely relative to the general liberty or security of the people. We may safely rely on the disposition of the State legislatures to erect barriers against the encroachments of the national authority. If the foregoing argument is a fallacy, certain it is that I am myself deceived by it, for it is, in my conception, one of those rare instances in which a political truth can be brought to the test of a mathematical demonstration.