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Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. House Of
1 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON, D.C. INTERVIEWOF: DON MCGAHN Friday,June 4,2021 Washington,D.C. The interviewin the above matter was held in Room2141, Rayburn House Office Building,commencingat 10:05 a.m. 2 Present: RepresentativesNadler, Jackson Lee,Johnson of Georgia, Raskin, Scanlon, Dean, Jordan, and Gaetz. Staff Present: Perry Apelbaum,Staff Directorand Chief Counsel; Aaron Hiller, Deputy Chief Counsel; Arya Hariharan,Chief Oversight Counsel; Sarah Istel,Oversight Counsel; PriyankaMara, ProfessionalStaff Member; Cierra Fontenot,Chief Clerk; Kayla Hamedi,Deputy PressSecretary; Will Emmons,ProfessionalStaff Member; Anthony Valdez, ProfessionalStaff Member; Steve Castor,Minority GeneralCounsel; James Lesinski, Minority Counsel; Betsy Ferguson,Minority Senior Counsel; Caroline Nabity, Minority Counsel; Michael Koren, Minority Senior ProfessionalStaff; Darius Namazi, Minority Research Assistant; and Isabela Belchior, Legislative Director for Representative Matt Gaetz. 3 Appearances: For DONMCGAHN: ALLISON MCGUIRE WILLIAM A. BURCK QUINN EMANUEL URQUHART & SULLIVAN, LLP 1300 I Street NW Suite 900 Washington,D.C. 20005 For the DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE: ELIZABETH SHAPIRO, COUNSEL For the OFFICE OF THE FORMERPRESIDENT TRUMP: SCOTT GAST 4 Mr. Hiller. All right. We'll go on the record. Good morning. I'm Aaron Hiller,deputy chief counselfor the House Judiciary Committee,and I havethe honor of kickingthings off today. This is a transcribed interview of former White House counsel, Donald F. McGahn. Would the witness please state his name and formal position at the White House for the record? Mr. McGahn. I'mDonald McGahn. I was the counsel to the President. Mr. Hiller. Thank you, sir. Thank you for appearingheretoday. I will now ask everyone who is herein the roomto introducethemselves for the record. -
Testimonial Immunity Before Congress of the Former Counsel to the President
(Slip Opinion) Testimonial Immunity Before Congress of the Former Counsel to the President The immunity of the President’s immediate advisers from compelled congressional testimony on matters related to their official responsibilities has long been recognized and arises from the fundamental workings of the separation of powers. This immunity applies to former senior advisers such as the former White House Counsel. According- ly, the former Counsel is not legally required to appear and testify about matters relat- ed to his official duties as Counsel to the President. The President does not waive an adviser’s immunity from compelled congressional testimony by authorizing disclosure of any particular information. The disclosure’s impact on executive privilege does not ultimately bear on any underlying immunity from compelled testimony. Because Congress may not constitutionally compel the former Counsel to testify about his official duties, he may not be civilly or criminally penalized for following a presiden- tial directive not to appear. The same rationale applies equally to an exercise of inher- ent contempt powers against a senior aide who has complied with a presidential direc- tion that he not provide testimony to a congressional committee. May 20, 2019 MEMORANDUM FOR THE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT On April 22, 2019, the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives subpoenaed Donald F. McGahn II, the former Counsel to the President, to testify about matters described in the report of Special Counsel Robert S. Mueller, III. You have asked whether Mr. McGahn is legally required to appear. We provide the same answer that the Department of Justice has repeat- edly provided for nearly five decades: Congress may not constitutionally compel the President’s senior advisers to testify about their official duties. -
2021 Event Author Line-Up
2021 Event Author Line-Up Peter Baker and Susan Glasser Peter Baker and Susan Glasser are longtime Washington journalists who have written for years about the intersection of politics and the world. They are co-authors of Kremlin Rising, and most recently New York Times bestseller and award-winning book The Man Who Ran Washington: The Life and Times of James A. Baker III. Baker is the chief White House correspondent for The New York Times and an MSNBC political analyst. He has covered the last five presidents for The Times and The Washington Post and is the author or co-author of six books. Glasser is a staff writer for The New Yorker and author of the weekly “Letter from Biden’s Washington” as well as a global affairs analyst for CNN. She previously was the editor of POLITICO, founder of POLITICO Magazine, and editor-in- chief of Foreign Policy magazine following a long stint at The Post. Baker and Glasser live in Washington with their son and are currently at work on a book on the Trump presidency. George W. Bush George W. Bush served as the forty-third President of the United States, from 2001 to 2009. He had previously served as Governor of Texas. He and his wife, Laura, live in Dallas, where they founded the George W. Bush Presidential Center at Southern Methodist University. President Bush is the author of three #1 bestsellers: Decision Points, his presidential memoir; 41, a biography of his father, President George H. W. Bush; and Portraits of Courage, a collection of oil paintings and stories honoring the sacrifice of America’s military veterans. -
MEMORANDUM FROM: Victoria Bassetti, Fellow, Brennan Center for Justice TO: Interested Parties DATE: April 11, 2018 RE
Brennan Center for Justice At New York University School of Law Washington, D.C. Office 1140 Connecticut Ave. NW, Suite 1150 Washington, D.C. 20036 Phone 202.249.7190 Fax 202.223.2683 MEMORANDUM FROM: Victoria Bassetti, Fellow, Brennan Center for Justice TO: Interested Parties DATE: April 11, 2018 RE: DOJ ORDER OF SUCCESSION If President Donald Trump wanted to fire Special Counsel Robert Mueller he would have to get the Attorney General to do so. By law, only the Attorney General can fire Mueller. The President himself cannot do so. In the wake of Attorney General Jeff Sessions’ recusal from the matter, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein has been the Acting Attorney General regarding Russian interference with the 2016 election and related matters. Rosenstein appointed Mueller as Special Counsel on May 17, 2017.1 He did so under his statutory authority to “specially appoint[]” an attorney to “conduct any kind of legal proceeding.” In addition, he indicated that Mueller would be bound by regulations governing Special Counsels. 2 Those regulations provide that only the Attorney General can only fire the Special Counsel for cause and must do so in writing. They provide: The Special Counsel may be disciplined or removed from office only by the personal action of the Attorney General. The Attorney General may remove a Special Counsel for misconduct, dereliction of duty, incapacity, conflict of interest, or for other good cause, including violation of Departmental policies. The Attorney General shall inform the Special Counsel in writing of the specific reason for his or her removal.3 In addition, since Mueller was appointed pursuant to a statutory provision, Supreme Court precedent holds that he can only be removed by the department head (i.e. -
Document Requests
Annie Donaldson DOCUMENT REQUESTS Please produce the documents set forth in Schedule A, provided, however, that in order to facilitate production of documents on an expedited basis, you may limit your production at this time to documents you furnished at any time after November 8, 2016 to: (a) the Special Counsel’s Office established by Department of Justice Order No. 3915-2017 (May 17, 2017); (b) the United States Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York (“SDNY”); (c) any other federal or state regulatory and/or law enforcement agency; (d) any congressional committee; or (e) in civil or other litigation. This includes but is not limited to documents that were voluntarily provided, produced under compulsion, or seized. Instructions for producing documents appear in Schedule B, and definitions appear in Schedule C. SCHEDULE A 1) All documents relating to the following: a) Communications between Donald McGahn and President Donald Trump on or about January 26-27, 2017, relating to Michael Flynn’s statements to the FBI about his contacts with Sergey Kislyak. b) The resignation or termination of Michael Flynn, including but not limited to the discussion of Sean Spicer’s February 14, 2017 public statements about Flynn’s resignation. c) President Trump’s contacts with James Comey on or about January 27, 2017, February 14, 2017, March 30, 2017, and April 11, 2017. d) Communications involving one or more of the following individuals on or about May 8- 9, 2017 relating to the possible termination of James Comey: President Trump, Vice President Pence, Reince Priebus, Stephen Bannon, Don McGahn, Jared Kushner, Stephen Miller, Jeff Sessions, and/or Rod Rosenstein. -
Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, and FUTURE by Andrew Watkins
PEACEWORKS Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, AND FUTURE By Andrew Watkins NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 Making Peace Possible NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines the phenomenon of insurgent fragmentation within Afghanistan’s Tali- ban and implications for the Afghan peace process. This study, which the author undertook PEACE PROCESSES as an independent researcher supported by the Asia Center at the US Institute of Peace, is based on a survey of the academic literature on insurgency, civil war, and negotiated peace, as well as on interviews the author conducted in Afghanistan in 2019 and 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Andrew Watkins has worked in more than ten provinces of Afghanistan, most recently as a political affairs officer with the United Nations. He has also worked as an indepen- dent researcher, a conflict analyst and adviser to the humanitarian community, and a liaison based with Afghan security forces. Cover photo: A soldier walks among a group of alleged Taliban fighters at a National Directorate of Security facility in Faizabad in September 2019. The status of prisoners will be a critical issue in future negotiations with the Taliban. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
In the United States District Court for the District of Columbia
Case 1:17-cv-01370-ESH Document 12 Filed 09/05/17 Page 1 of 51 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ROY COCKRUM, ET AL., Plaintiffs, v. Case No. 1:17-cv-1370-ESH DONALD J. TRUMP FOR PRESIDENT, INC., 725 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10022, ET AL., Defendants. DEFENDANT DONALD J. TRUMP FOR PRESIDENT, INC.’S MOTION TO DISMISS Jeffrey Baltruzak Michael A. Carvin JONES DAY Counsel of Record 500 Grant Street, Suite 4500 Vivek Suri Pittsburgh, PA 15219 JONES DAY (412) 391-3939 51 Louisiana Avenue, NW [email protected] Washington, DC 20001 (202) 879-3939 [email protected] [email protected] Counsel for Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. Case 1:17-cv-01370-ESH Document 12 Filed 09/05/17 Page 2 of 51 Defendant Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. (the Campaign) respectfully moves that the Court: 1. Dismiss the D.C.-law claims for lack of subject-matter jurisdiction under Fed- eral Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(1); 2. Dismiss all claims for lack of personal jurisdiction under Rule 12(b)(2); 3. Dismiss all claims for improper venue under Rule 12(b)(3); and 4. Dismiss all claims for failure to state a claim upon which relief can be granted under Rule 12(b)(6). Dated: September 5, 2017 Respectfully submitted, /s/ Michael A. Carvin Jeffrey Baltruzak (PA Bar No. 318156) Michael A. Carvin (DC Bar No. 366784) JONES DAY Counsel of Record 500 Grant Street, Suite 4500 Vivek Suri (DC Bar No. 1033613)* Pittsburgh, PA 15219 JONES DAY (412) 391-3939 51 Louisiana Avenue, NW [email protected] Washington, DC 20001 (202) 879-3939 [email protected] [email protected] Counsel for Donald J. -
Picking the Vice President
Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B. -