SUPREME COURT in the MIRROR of JUSTICES* Felix Frankfurter T
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“THE MOVEMENT of COERCION” Justice David J. Brewer
“THE MOVEMENT OF COERCION” BY Justice David J. Brewer _______ FOREWORD BY DOUGLAS A. HEDIN Editor, MLHP David Josiah Brewer served on the Supreme Court from December 18, 1889 to March 27, 1910. Off the court, he continued to express his views on a wide range of subjects, legal and otherwise, through articles in journals, books and numerous public addresses, including the following to the New York State Bar Association in January 1893. 1 His topic was “The Movement of Coercion” which, he explained, referred to the demands of the “multitudes” to share the wealth earned and accumulated by a few: I wish rather to notice that movement which may be denominated the movement of "coercion," and which by the mere force of numbers seeks to diminish protection to private property. It is a movement which in spirit, if not in letter, violates both the Eighth and Tenth Command- ments; a moment, which, seeing that which a man has, attempts to wrest it from him and transfer it to those who have not. It is the unvarying law, that the wealth of a community will not be in the hands of a few, and the greater the general wealth, the greater the individual accumulations. 1 In his biography of the justice, Michael J. Brodhead devotes an entire chapter to his “off-the- bench activities.” David J. Brewer: The Life of a Supreme Court Justice, 1837-1919 116-138 (Southern Illinois Univ. Press, 1994)(“In fact, he was the most visible and widely known member of the Fuller Court.”). 1 He argued that the “coercion movement” against private property expressed itself through, first, unions and, second, excessive regulation, though neither was evil per se : First, in the improper use of labor organizations to destroy the freedom of the laborer, and control the uses of capital. -
Than Segregation, Racial Identity: the Neglected Question in Plessy V
Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice Volume 10 | Issue 1 Article 3 Spring 4-1-2004 MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON Thomas J. Davis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/crsj Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Thomas J. Davis, MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON, 10 Wash. & Lee Race & Ethnic Anc. L. J. 1 (2004). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/crsj/vol10/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON Thomas J. Davis* I. INTRODUCTION The U.S. Supreme Court's 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson' has long stood as an ignominious marker in U.S. law, symbolizing the nation's highest legal sanction for the physical separation by race of persons in the United States. In ruling against thirty-four-year-old New Orleans shoemaker Homer Adolph Plessy's challenge to Louisiana's Separate Railway Act of 1890,2 the Court majority declared that we think the enforced separation of the races, as applied to the internal commerce of the state, neither abridges the privileges or immunities of the colored man, deprives him of his property without due process of law, nor denies him the equal protection of the laws, within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment.3 One commentator on the Court's treatment of African-American civil rights cast the Plessy decision as "the climactic Supreme Court pronouncement on segregated institutions."4 Historian C. -
Memoir of Henry Billings Brown
MEMOIR OF HENRY BILLINGS BROWN Late Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States Consisting of an Autobiographical Sketch With Additions to His Life By Charles A. Kent of the Detroit Bar New York Duffield & Company 1915 HENRY BILLINGS BROWN Associate Justice, Supreme Court of the United States 1890 - 1906 Copyright, 1915 By CHARLES A. KENT VAIL-BALLOU COMPANY Binghamton and New York The Supreme Court Historical Society | Publications | © Copyright: 2008 2 PREFACE November 1, 1859, I entered the law office of Walker & Russell, of Detroit, Michigan, as a student of law. The next month another student, Henry Billings Brown, came into the same office. The friendship then begun continued without interruption until his death, and the intimacy, though sometimes greater or less, according as we met, was without a break. I did what I could to aid in securing his judicial appointments. While he was District Judge, I argued several cases before him, though the bulk of my practice was in the State courts; after he went to Washington, I saw him several times, and conversed with him freely on almost every topic. I have preserved many letters from him, mainly those written after his retirement. I had few cases before the Supreme Court while Justice Brown while Justice Brown was on the bench. His reputation as Judge depends mainly on his published opinions. What is thought of him as District Judge, I know from talk with other lawyers practising in that court and from my personal knowledge. I ************************************************************************* [p. v] have been especially aided in judging of him in admiralty matters by an able letter from George L. -
Supreme Court Decisions
The Worst Supreme 10Court Decisions By M. Kelly Tillery n April 9, 2010, just 11 days before his 90th birthday, U.S. Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens gave notice of his O retirement which will allow President Obama to appoint a second Supreme Court Justice less than two years into his first term. The nominee, Solicitor General Elena Kagan, will certainly endure lengthy, probing and sometimes inane examination in Senate confirmation hearings. Since nominees are often asked about past Supreme Court decisions and, if confirmed, will be asked to wrestle with monumental legal issues, perhaps an examination of how previous Supreme Court justices sometimes got it so wrong and did so much damage might be valuable for all. Only111humanbeingshaveservedonthenation’shighest U.S.113(1973)[legalizationofabortion]orKelo v. City of courtsinceitscreationonSept.24,1789bythefirstJudiciary New London545U.S.469(2005)[eminentdomaintakingfor Act.One-hundrednine(98percent)ofthoseunelectedjurists privatedeveloper].Afterselectionbaseduponthesecriteria have been white, only twoAfrican-American.All men (97 of my own design, I discovered, somewhat to my surprise, percent),exceptthreewomen. AllChristian(93.6percent), an interesting and disturbing common theme. Each one, as exceptsevenJews. shallbeseen,involvedtheshameful,disdainfultreatmentby From its first case, the uneventful and purely procedural thepowerfulofminoritiesandtheirrights.Andineach,the West v. Barnes,2U.S.401(1791),toitsmostrecentproviding courtsidedwiththepowerful,consigningtheminorityoften FirstAmendmentprotectionfor“crushvideos”(ifyouhave -
The Forging of Judicial Autonomy: Political Entrepreneurship and the Reforms of William Howard Taft
The Forging of Judicial Autonomy: Political Entrepreneurship and the Reforms of William Howard Taft Justin Crowe Princeton University In his first four years as Chief Justice of the United States, William Howard Taft convinced Congress to pass two reform bills that substantially enhanced the power of the federal courts, the Supreme Court, and the Chief Justice. In this article, I explore the causes and the consequences of those reforms. I detail how Taft’s political entrepreneurship— specifically the building of reputations, the cultivation of networks, and the pursuit of change through measured action—was instrumental in forging judicial autonomy and, subsequently, how that autonomy was employed to introduce judicial bureaucracy. By asking both how judicial reform was accomplished and what judicial reform accomplished, I offer an analytically grounded and historically rich account of the politics surrounding two of the most substantively important legislative actions relating to the federal judiciary in American history. In the process, I also draw attention to a largely neglected story of political development: the politics surrounding the building of the federal judiciary as an independent and autonomous institution of governance in American politics. “The spirit of speed and efficiency lurking in the corpulent powerful than they had previously been. Thus, it does form of an ex-President of the United States has entered the not seem an exaggeration to say that, in only nine years Court and broken up its old lethargy.” on the Court, Taft had surpassed even his own wish of —Herbert Little in The American Mercury (1928) “reasonable betterment by practical means” (Taft hen, after an extensive career in politics, 1916–17, 10). -
The Ratings Game: Factors That Influence Judicial Reputation William G
Marquette Law Review Volume 79 Article 2 Issue 2 Winter 1996 The Ratings Game: Factors That Influence Judicial Reputation William G. Ross Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr Part of the Law Commons Repository Citation William G. Ross, The Ratings Game: Factors That Influence Judicial Reputation, 79 Marq. L. Rev. 401 (1996). Available at: http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/mulr/vol79/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marquette Law Review by an authorized administrator of Marquette Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MARQUETTE LAW REVIEW Volume 79 Winter 1996 Number 2 THE RATINGS GAME: FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE JUDICIAL REPUTATION WILLIAM G. ROSS* INTRODUCTION The rating of United States Supreme Court justices is an increasingly favorite pastime among scholars, judges, journalists, students, and practicing attorneys. Once the domain of a few pundits who made personal lists of the all-time "greatest" justices,' surveys are becoming more formal and are embracing more participants. The most extensive * Professor of Law, Cumberland School of Law of Samford University; A.B., Stanford, 1976; J.D., Harvard, 1979. The author was one of the scholars polled in the 1993 Blaustein- Mersky survey that is discussed in this Article. The author thanks Professor Roy M. Mersky of the University of Texas for advice and encouragement in connection with this Article and for his permission to publish the results of that survey as an appendix to this Article. -
Early Supreme Court News Coverage and the Justice- Journalist Divide
PANEL 2 PERSPECTIVES ON SULLIVAN: THE JUSTICES, THE PARTIES, AND THE PUBLIC SCANDAL! EARLY SUPREME COURT NEWS COVERAGE AND THE JUSTICE- JOURNALIST DIVIDE Amy Gajda* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODU CTION ................................................................... 782 II. THREE SENSATIONAL MATTERS: LEAKS, COURT CRITICISM, AND FAMILY COVERAGE ................................... 784 III. THE TROUBLE WITH JUSTICE FIELD ................................... 797 IV. JUSTICE BROWN'S PRIVACY CONCERNS: HEALTH, H OM E, AND HARLAN ........................................................... 800 V. FROM JUSTICE BROWN TO JUSTICE SOTOMAYOR: THE LASTING EFFECTS OF EARLY COVERAGE ............................ 803 V I. C ON CLU SION ....................................................................... 806 * Associate Professor of Law, Tulane University Law School. Thank you to Richard Davis, the editors of the Georgia Law Review, and the symposium participants for very helpful comments. Thanks also to Tulane law students Mia Lindell, Justine Geiger, and Micah Zeno for research assistance. 782 GEORGIA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 48:781 I. INTRODUCTION In January of 1900, United States Supreme Court Associate Justice Henry Brown (author of Plessy v. Ferguson) had apparently just about had it with the press. He gave what was called "[t]he principal address" before members of the New York State Bar Association in Albany and focused not principally on law, but on what he called journalism's sensationalistic methods.' "Ugly stories are told," he told the gathered attorneys, "of spies put upon houses to unearth domestic scandals or upon the steps of public men to ferret out political secrets," including early reports of court decisions. 2 The greatest of the cruelties done by journalists, in Justice Brown's estimation, were their "assaults upon private character." 3 The worst of the publications, he complained, were 4 those newspapers that published Sunday editions. -
The Supreme Court Opinion As Institutional Practice: Dissent, Legal Scholarship, and Decisionmaking in the Taft Court
The Supreme Court Opinion as Institutional Practice: Dissent, Legal Scholarship, and Decisionmaking in the Taft Court Robert Postt In 1921, when William Howard Taft became Chief Justice, the Supreme Court did not occupy the serene and imposing marble building that has since become its contemporary icon.1 Its courtroom was instead located in the old Senate Chamber, whose intimate, elegant surroundings echoed with the debates of Webster, Clay, and Calhoun.2 Its administrative staff and offices were scattered haphazardly and inefficiently throughout the Capitol.3 It was Taft who, with great skill and patience, t I am very grateful for the advice and insight of friends and colleagues. I would particularly like to thank Paul Carrington, Jesse Choper, Meir Dan- Cohen, Mel Eisenberg, Dan Farber, Phil Frickey, Barry Friedman, Howard Gillman, Jim Gordley, Morton Horowitz, Laura Kalman, Robert Kagan, Larry Kramer, David Lieberman, Sandy Levinson, David and Miranda McGowan, Paul Mishkin, William Nelson, Judith Resnik, Dan Rubinfeld, Reva Siegel, and Mark Tushnet. I am especially grateful for the stalwart and heroic efforts of Linda Lye, Cathy Shuck, and Sambhav Nott Sankar. Copyright 2001 by Robert Post. Many of the materials cited and quoted herein are archival and on file with the author. The Minnesota Law Review was thus unable to independ- ently verify this authority. Unless otherwise noted, figures are based on the independent research of the author or annual reports of the Attorney General of the United States. 1. Writing in 1984, Margaret P. Lord noted that to the Justices who first moved into the contemporary Supreme Court building in 1935, "the spaces were too huge, the corridors were too long and cold, the rooms too formal." Margaret P. -
Open Letter to Justice Clarence Thomas from a Federal Judicial Colleague*
AN OPEN LETTER TO JUSTICE CLARENCE THOMAS FROM A FEDERAL JUDICIAL COLLEAGUE* A. LEON HIGGINBOTHAM, JR.t November 29, 1991 Dear Justice Thomas: The President has signed your Commission and you have now become the 106th Justice of the United States Supreme Court. I congratulate you on this high honor! It has been a long time since we talked. I believe it was in 1980 during your first year as a Trustee at Holy Cross College. I was there to receive an-honorary degree. You were thirty-one years old and on the staff of Senator John Danforth. You had not yet started your meteoric climb through the government and federal judicial hierarchy. Much has changed since then. At first I thought that I should write you privately-the way one normally corresponds with a colleague or friend. I still feel ambivalent about making this letter public but I do so because your appointment is profoundly important to this country and the world, and because all Americans need to understand the issues you will face on the Supreme Court. In short, Justice Thomas, I write this letter as a public record so that this generation can understand the challenges you face as an Associate Justice to the Supreme Court, and the next can evaluate the choices you have made or will make. The Supreme Court can be a lonely and insular environment. Eight of the present Justices' lives would not have been very * © Copyright 1991, A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr.. All rights reserved. t Chief judge Emeritus, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, Senior Fellow University of Pennsylvania School of Law. -
Prohibition in the Taft Court Era
William & Mary Law Review Volume 48 (2006-2007) Issue 1 Article 2 October 2006 Federalism, Positive Law, and the Emergence of the American Administrative State: Prohibition in the Taft Court Era Robert Post Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Repository Citation Robert Post, Federalism, Positive Law, and the Emergence of the American Administrative State: Prohibition in the Taft Court Era, 48 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 1 (2006), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol48/iss1/2 Copyright c 2006 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr William and Mary Law Review VOLUME 48 No.1, 2006 FEDERALISM, POSITIVE LAW, AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE AMERICAN ADMINISTRATIVE STATE: PROHIBITION IN THE TAFT COURT ERAt ROBERT POST* ABSTRACT This Article offers a detailed analysis of major Taft Court decisions involving prohibition, including Olmstead v. United States, Carroll v. United States, United States v. Lanza, Lambert v. Yellowley, and Tumey v. Ohio. Prohibition,and the Eighteenth Amendment by which it was constitutionally entrenched, was the result of a social movement that fused progressive beliefs in efficiency with conservative beliefs in individualresponsibility and self-control. During the 1920s the Supreme Court was a strictly "bone-dry" institution that regularly sustained the administrative and law enforcement techniques deployed by the federal government in its t This Article makes extensive use of primary source material, including the papers of members of the Taft Court. All unpublished sources cited herein are on file with the author. -
Building the Federal Judiciary (Literally and Legally): the Monuments of Chief Justices Taft, Warren, and Rehnquist†
The Addison C. Harris Lecture Building the Federal Judiciary (Literally and Legally): The † Monuments of Chief Justices Taft, Warren, and Rehnquist * JUDITH RESNIK ABSTRACT The “federal courts” took on their now familiar contours over the course of the twentieth century. Three chief justices—William Howard Taft, Earl Warren, and William Rehnquist—played pivotal roles in shaping the institutional, jurisprudential, and physical premises. Taft is well known for promoting a building to house the U.S. Supreme Court and for launching the administrative infrastructure that came to govern the federal courts. Earl Warren’s name has become the shorthand for a jurisprudential shift from state toward federal authority; the Warren Court offered an expansive understanding of the role federal courts could play in enabling access for a host of new claimants seeking an array of rights. William Rehnquist is identified with limiting both rights and access in favor of state court and of executive authority. He has been less well appreciated for his role in changing the institutional capacity of the federal courts. During the Rehnquist era, the budget of the federal courts doubled as staff and facilities expanded, in part by way of the largest federal building program since the New Deal. Over the course of the twentieth century and under the leadership of all three chief justices, the judiciary gained an increasingly robust corporate persona. Judges shifted their sights from “court quarters” to custom-designed courthouses † Copyright © 2012 Judith Resnik. * Arthur Liman Professor of Law, Yale Law School. All rights reserved. Judith Resnik. This Lecture built on and is related to the book Representing Justice: Inventions, Controversies, and Rights in City-States and Democratic Courtrooms (2011), co-authored with Dennis Curtis. -
"Why the Supreme Court Lied in Plessy," Villanova Law Review 52:3
VILLANOVA LAW REVIEW WHY THE SUPREME COURT LIED IN PLESSY David S. Bogen Reprinted from VILLANOVA LAW REVIEW VILLANOVA, PENNSYLVANIA VOLUME 52, NUMBER 3, 2007 © Copyright 2007 by Villanova University VOLUME 52 2007 NUMBER 3 VILLANOVA LAW REVIEW VOLUME 52 2007 NUMBER 3 Reuschlein Lecture WHY THE SUPREME COURT LIED IN PLESSY DAVID S. BOGEN* I. INTRODUCTION JTyLESSY v. Ferguson} is high on the list of the most reviled decisions of JL the Supreme Court, mentioned in the same breath as Dred Scott v. Sandford.2 It has a number of unfortunate statements3 and the decision * Harold Gill Reuschlein Visiting Professor, Villanova University School of Law, Professor Emeritus of Law, University of Maryland School of Law. B.A. 1962, LL.B. 1965, Harvard University; LL.M., 1967, New York University. I would like to thank Villanova for the opportunity afforded by the Reuschlein professorship and the University of Maryland for a summer grant. The assistance of the staff at the Villanova University School of Law Library, particularly Amy Spare, and the University of Maryland School of Law Thurgood Marshall Library, particularly Maxine Grosshans, was indispensable, as was my research assistant, Justin Browne, University of Maryland class of 2008. Thanks also to Professor Judith Giesberg of Villanova University for sharing with me her work on Pennsylvania streetcar discrimination and to my Maryland colleague Gordon G. Young for his perceptive comments. 1. 163 U.S. 537 (1896). 2. 60 U.S. 393 (1856); see, e.g., Geri Yonover, Note and Comment: Dead-End Street: Discrimination, The Thirteenth Amendment, and Section 1982, 58, CHI.-KENT.