Creating a Leader
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Creating a Leader The Visual Representation of Leadership in Civil Rights Protests Diplomarbeit zur Erlangung des akademischen Grades einer Magistra der Philosophie an der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz vorgelegt von Lisa KARNER am Institut für Amerikanistik Begutachter: Ao.Univ.-Prof. Mag. Dr.phil. Klaus Rieser Graz, 2019 Declaration on Plagiarism I hereby confirm that this thesis is the result of my own independent academic work. All sources (books, articles, essays, dissertations, the internet, etc.) are cited correctly in this paper; quotations and paraphrases are acknowledged. No material other than that listed has been used. I also certify that this paper or parts thereof have not been used previously as eXamination material (by myself or anyone else) in another course at this or any other university. I understand that any violation of this declaration will result in legal consequences possibly leading to my eXpulsion from the University of Graz. Graz, Date Signature Acknowledgements I would like to eXpress my sincere gratitude to all of the people who have supported me during the time of writing this diploma thesis and during the length of my entire studies. First, I would like to thank my supervisor Klaus Rieser whose advice, input, and academic supervision made it possible for me to transform my vague idea into this diploma thesis. I would also like to thank my family and my friends for their support, their encouraging words, and for the many hours they helped me get my mind off of things. To my mum and dad, thank you for believing in me, for making it possible for me to study, and for always being there for me. Thank you! Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1 2. The Civil Rights Movement 2 2.1. Segregation Now, Segregation Tomorrow, Segregation Forever 2 2.2. We Shall Overcome: Protest in the Civil Rights Movement 5 2.3. Leadership and Gender in the Civil Rights Movement 13 3. Autobiography: A Critical Overview 16 3.1. The Autobiographical "I" 18 3.2. Autographics 19 4. Analysis 21 4.1. Analysed Works 21 4.2. Methodology 23 4.2.1. Semiology 23 4.3. Sit-ins 25 4.4. Marches 32 4.5. Speeches 39 4.6. Gender 48 4.7. Police 51 5. Conclusion 59 6. Works Cited 62 7. List of Figures 66 1. Introduction What is the first thing that comes to your mind when you hear "Civil Rights Movement"? It is probably names such as Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King, or Malcolm X. These are, without any doubt, notable and clearly important figures of the movement, however, they were not the only driving forces in the 1950s and 1960s. In fact, a great number of people, regardless of age, ethnicity, or social status participated in the protests of the Civil Rights Movement and contributed their part to the social change of the time. Take, for instance, a march or a sit-in protest – if five people participated, would it be as powerful as a mass protest? How would an organization work if there were only a few members in it? Are a few single voices heard as loud as a crowd of people? All these questions lead up to the fact that a movement such as the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s needs the power of a crowd, or rather a mass of people who speak up, act, and fight for equal rights. Yet, in many instances, the movement is depicted as if there were only a few single leading figures that were responsible for the progress and the many changes that were made as a result of the protests. In this thesis, I will eXamine graphic novels according to their visual representation of said protests with a specific focus on the portrayal of leadership. The aim is to find out whether there are any individual leading figures overshadowing the masses of the movement and, if so, in which way the depiction of these central figures in visual media makes the audience perceive them as leaders. Furthermore, the key features and recurring qualities in the representation as well as the relation of the leading figures to the masses of people will be taken into account. The analysis will be based on three graphic novels, namely March I (2013) and March II (2015) by John Lewis, Andrew Aydin and Nate Powell and Stuck Rubber Baby (1995) by Howard Cruse. The main focus will lie on the graphic novels by Lewis et al., which, despite being a coproduction of three people, have a strong autobiographic character. Stuck Rubber Baby, which deals with a fictional story that also springs from autobiographical eXperiences, will only be used as a point of reference and comparison in order to illustrate the various possibilities of perspectives with regard to this topic. Hence, taking into account the 1 autobiographical aspects of these graphic novels and the issues that may come up thereby will be of significant importance in my analysis. Before analysing selected passages and images of the graphic novels, I will provide an overview of the historical context in which they are embedded. This overview will only concentrate on the protests and their underlying causes as well as on the question of leadership and community within the Civil Rights Movement. However, it will not get into detail regarding political circumstances and the consequences of the movement, as this is of no relevance to my analysis. With regard to the analysis, I have come up with five different categories or aspects through which I will look at the images. These categories include: sit-ins, marches, speeches, police, and gender. Throughout the thesis a combination of semiological approaches and certain aspects of film analysis will be applied in order to come to a conclusion about the impact and effects of the different kinds of representation of leadership, key figures and protests. 2. The Civil Rights Movement 2.1. Segregation Now, Segregation Tomorrow, Segregation Forever 1 "The goal of [the] Movement is total freedom". (Ansbro 2004: 115) Since the era of slavery, the life of African Americans in the United States has been marked by frustration regarding the lack of power, rights, and equality. Not only were they denied the same political rights as white citizens, but they also had to deal with an inferior position in society. While it is not debatable that there is still a certain degree of 1 "Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever" is a quote from George Wallace's inaugural speech from 1963, after he was elected Governor of Alabama. 2 injustice and racial tensions existing in the United States, particularly with regard to police violence and unjustifiable court decisions, the focus of this paper will lie on the time period between 1955 and 1965, which represents some of the most famous and most progressive years in African Americans' fight for equality and the climax of the Civil Rights Movement's nonviolent protests. During the 1950s, American society was characterised by inequality. Especially in the South, blacks often worked for white families in jobs that were considered to be of a lower socio-economic standing, such as nannies or farm workers. They had to endure a life as "second-class citizens" (Bureau of International Programs 2008: 40), with less education, less rights, and less opportunities. White Southerners saw African Americans as inferior to themselves and less capable in terms of intellect and cognitive abilities. They enjoyed their high status in society and the respect their African American fellow citizens had to treat them with. While the Northern states of the U.S. seemingly experienced an increase in comparatively liberal and progressive beliefs, stereotypes and the idea of white supremacy were still visibly present in the Southern states. However, the inferior status of African Americans was not only upheld in society – the legal situation held only few opportunities for them as well. So-called Jim Crow laws regulated segregation and restricted black peoples' lives in all public places. Miller et al. define Jim Crow laws as follows: Jim Crow is a term for officially sanctioned segregation that affects every aspect of American life, including schools, restaurants, trains, and all forms of transportation, theaters, drinking fountains, as well as public and private facilities. (2001: 197) According to the Collins Dictionary, the name derives from a black minstrel song from the nineteenth century. Because of Jim Crow laws, black citizens in the South were not only degraded on a regular basis, but actually had to fear for their lives, especially in more rural areas, where they had to face violence, insults, and threats. On the one hand, there was the legal injustice, which Wilson sums up in the following way: Not following social customs and encroaching into white spaces often led to arrests and fines, public ridicule, physical altercations with law enforcement officials or nonofficial protectors of white supremacy, or death. Jim Crow signs were a constant reminder to African Americans that they were not full citizens and were unwanted in the land of their birth and could live only as a docile, subjugated people. For many who found Jim Crow intolerable, leaving the South was seen as the only way out. (2013: 14) 3 African Americans living in segregationist states were not allowed to use the same diners, parks, buses, schools. or restaurants (to name only a few eXamples) as white Southerners. Public facilities were clearly marked with "WHITES ONLY" or "BLACKS ONLY" signs. Most of the time, those places or amenities reserved for blacks were much worse in quality and service. On the other hand, there was the resistance of white citizens, who were mostly opposed to a change in legislation.