The Dynamism of Liberalism: an Esoteric Interpretation of Adam Smith Dylan Dellisanti1
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The Essential ADAM SMITH ADAM SMITH the Essential
The Essential The Essential ADAM SMITH ADAM SMITH The Essential Udetiort elintrem popteride fac re nostemusa porae tem in te iaes moves- cid nequastil viliu menatiae te pris. Ips, quiusus er que fuidemquon supica; novero etidemusque cae, Cationsus ad Caticatus opultilius et; nes mante nonsulo sultilina comnitem praveriae fore cla nihi, Ti. Em tem inam num, nes SMITH ADAM conte curnit? Mulus. Evitem sis? Opiordica dit. Go es voltum omanunc iam nox maximil conduconiam. Quo voludem iam dientru ntuscru deperfe rcereo, quideme catiam tem potala restra? Quiderniu conem cone cones nonsum optis conorbit. Nem hostiquo elicon ac mored ina, pracia vitra prariciam Romnora torum, me etres hoca in rehenih iliemus rendam quam ret; Cupionf erorunum opublie ndemus erferfex none curem denatanum is cripio conem et, con dem tabenat icerei consilius, untem morit, paturaetrum te periosti publicus praecero ius fecte consis, que iae nos esse consustrunt. James Otteson by James Otteson Copyright © by the Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. Th e author of this publication has worked independently and opinions expressed by him are, therefore, his own, and do not necessarily refl ect the opinions of the Fraser Institute or its supporters, directors, or staff . Th is publication in no way implies that the Fraser Institute, its directors, or staff are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill; or that they support or oppose any particular political party or candidate. -
A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly
Southern Illinois University Carbondale OpenSIUC Honors Theses University Honors Program 5-2002 The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly Follow this and additional works at: http://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/uhp_theses Recommended Citation Daly, Chris, "The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill" (2002). Honors Theses. Paper 131. This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the University Honors Program at OpenSIUC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of OpenSIUC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. r The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly May 8, 2002 r ABSTRACT The following study exanunes three works of John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, Utilitarianism, and Three Essays on Religion, and their subsequent effects on liberalism. Comparing the notion on individual freedom espoused in On Liberty to the notion of the social welfare in Utilitarianism, this analysis posits that it is impossible for a political philosophy to have two ultimate ends. Thus, Mill's liberalism is inherently flawed. As this philosophy was the foundation of Mill's progressive vision for humanity that he discusses in his Three Essays on Religion, this vision becomes paradoxical as well. Contending that the neo-liberalist global economic order is the contemporary parallel for Mill's religion of humanity, this work further demonstrates how these philosophical flaws have spread to infect the core of globalization in the 21 st century as well as their implications for future international relations. -
The Restless Liberalism of Alexis De Tocqueville
FILOZOFIA ___________________________________________________________________________Roč. 72, 2017, č. 9 THE RESTLESS LIBERALISM OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE JAKUB TLOLKA, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK TLOLKA, J.: The Restless Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville FILOZOFIA, 72, No. 9, 2017, pp. 736-747 This essay attempts to contextualise the purported novelty of Alexis de Tocqueville’s particular brand of liberalism. It regards the author not as an heir or precursor to any given political tradition, but rather as a compelled syncretist whose primary philosophical concern was the moral significance of the democratic age. It suggests that Tocqueville devised his ‘new political science’ with a keen view to the existential implications of modernity. In order to support that suggestion, the essay explores the genealogy of Tocqueville’s moral and political thought and draws a relation between his analysis of democracy and his personal experience of modernity. Keywords: A. de Tocqueville – Modernity – Liberalism – Inquiétude – Religion Introduction. Relatively few authors in the history of political thought have produced an intellectual legacy of such overarching resonance as Alexis de Tocqueville. Even fewer, perhaps, have so persistently eluded ordinary analytical and exegetical frameworks, presenting to each astute observer a face so nuanced as to preclude serious interpretive consensus. As writes Lakoff (Lakoff 1998), ‘disagreement over textual interpretation in the study of political thought is not uncommon’. However, ‘it usually arises around those who left writings of a patently divergent character’ (p. 437). When we thus consider the ‘extraordinarily coherent and consistent nature’ of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political philosophy, it appears somewhat odd that the academic consensus surrounding that author relates almost exclusively to the grandeur of his intellectual achievement (Lukacs 1959, 6). -
Adam Smith on Justice, Rights, and Law David Lieberman
Adam Smith on Justice, Rights, and Law David Lieberman Jurisprudence and Social Policy Program University of California, Berkeley [forthcoming in Knud Haakonssen (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Adam Smith (Cambridge University Press)] Preliminary Draft - please do not cite or quote December, 1999 Adam Smith on Justice, Rights and Law 1. The Unexecuted Account of Law and Government “I shall in another discourse,” Adam Smith reported in the final paragraph of The Theory of Moral Sentiments, “endeavour to give an account of the general principles of law and government, and of the different revolutions they have undergone in the different ages and periods of society …” (TMS.VII.iv.37). Smith’s announcement of this future volume on the general principles of law and government - originally presented in the 1759 first edition of his moral treatise - was then reissued over the next three decades in all the subsequent editions of The Theory of Moral Sentiments published in Smith’s own lifetime. Even the heavily-revised sixth edition of 1790, published in the year of Smith’s death, retained the passage; though by this time Smith acknowledged that his “very advanced age” left him “very little expectation” of completing “this great work” which some thirty years earlier he “entertained no doubt of being able to execute” in its entirety (TMS, “Advertisement”, p.3) i. As in the case of Smith’s two most famous publications, the projected work on “the general principles of law and government” took shape as part of Smith’s duties as a professor at Glasgow University. He had, in fact, first lectured on law and jurisprudence even before he received election in 1751 to the first of his two Glasgow chairs. -
The Contradiction of Classical Liberalism and Libertarianism
The contradiction of classical liberalism and libertarianism blogs.lse.ac.uk/businessreview/2017/02/01/the-contradiction-of-classical-liberalism-and-libertarianism/ 2/1/2017 A standard assumption in policy analyses and political debates is that classical liberal or libertarian views represent a radical alternative to a progressive or egalitarian agenda. In the political arena, classical liberalism and libertarianism often inform the policy agenda of centre-right and far- right parties. They underpin laissez-faire policies and reject any redistributive action, including welfare state provisions and progressive taxation. This is motivated by a fundamental belief in the value of personal autonomy and protection from (unjustified) external interference, including from the state. It is difficult to overestimate the philosophical and political relevance of classical liberalism and libertarianism. President Trump’s proposal to repeal the “Affordable Care Act (Obamacare)”, for example, is clearly inspired by a libertarian philosophical outlook whereby “No person should be required to buy insurance unless he or she wants to” (Healthcare Reform to Make America Great Again ). More generally, in the last four decades the political consensus, and the spectrum of policy proposals and outcomes, has significantly moved in a less interventionist, more laissez faire direction. The centrality of classical liberal and libertarian views has been such that the historical period after the end of the 1970s – following the election of Margaret Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the US – has come to be known as the “Neoliberal era”. Yet the very coherence of the classical liberal and libertarian view of society, and its consistency with the fundamental tenets of modern democracies, have been questioned. -
Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change
Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change Justin “Gus” Hurwitz & Geoffrey A. Manne ICLE Innovation & the New Economy Research Program White Paper 2018-1 ICLE | 2117 NE Oregon St. Ste 501 | Portland, OR 97232 | 503.770.0652 [email protected] | @laweconcenter | www.laweconcenter.org 2 13 Classical Liberalism and the Problem of Technological Change Justin (Gus) Hurwitz and Geoffrey A. Manne Introduction The relationship between classical liberalism and technology is surprisingly fraught. The common understanding is that technological advance is complementary to the principles of classical liberalism – especially in the case of contemporary, information-age technology.1 This is most clearly on display in Silicon Valley, with its oft-professed libertarian (classical liberalism’s kissing cousin) affinities. The analytical predicate for this complementarity is that classical liberalism values liberty-enhancing private ordering, and technological advance both is generally facially liberty-enhancing and facilitates private ordering. 1 This chapter focuses on “contemporary technology.” That is, generally, those technologies associated with the information revolution of the past generation: computers, the Internet, and related information communications and processing technologies. A treatment of the relationship between classical liberalism and a more generalized concept of technology is beyond the scope of this chapter. It is, however, the authors’ view that the discussion offered here is relevant to such a broader conceptualization. 3 This analysis, however, is incomplete. Classical liberalism recognizes that certain rules are necessary in a well-functioning polity.2 The classical liberal, for instance, recognizes the centrality of enforceable property rights, and the concomitant ability to seek recourse from a third party (the state) when those rights are compromised. -
The Infidel and the Professor: David Hume, Adam Smith, and The
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. introduction DEAREST FRIENDS s David Hume lay on his deathbed in the summer of 1776, much of the British public, both north and south of the A Tweed, waited expectantly for news of his passing. His writ- ings had challenged their views— philosophical, political, and espe- cially religious— for the better part of four decades. He had experi- enced a lifetime of abuse and reproach from the pious, including a concerted effort to excommunicate him from the Church of Scot- land, but he was now beyond their reach. Everyone wanted to know how the notorious infidel would face his end. Would he show re- morse or perhaps even recant his skepticism? Would he die in a state of distress, having none of the usual consolations afforded by belief in an afterlife? In the event Hume died as he had lived, with remark- able good humor and without religion. The most prominent account of his calm and courageous end was penned by his best friend, a renowned philosopher in his own right who had just published a book that would soon change the world. While The Wealth of Nations was, in Adam Smith’s own words, a “very violent attack . upon the whole commercial system of Great Britain,” it was on the whole quite well received.1 Smith was to suffer far more opprobrium on account of a short public letter that he wrote later that year describing—e ven flaunting— the cheerfulness and equanimity of Hume’s final days. -
In Praise of Liberalism: an Assessment of Liberal Political Thought from the 17Th Century to Today
Review of Contemporary Philosophy Vol. 14, 2015, pp. 11–36, ISSN 1841-5261 IN PRAISE OF LIBERALISM: AN ASSESSMENT OF LIBERAL POLITICAL THOUGHT FROM THE 17TH CENTURY TO TODAY MICHAEL B. FRIEDMAN [email protected] School of Social Work, Columbia University ABSTRACT. The author of this essay maintains that liberalism has been the primary source of progressive change in the United States since its earliest history. To support his claim, he traces the philosophical and political history of liberalism in England and the United States. The specific forms of liberalism have varied in different periods of history; but, he maintains, there is an underlying spirit of liberalism that has persisted throughout the past 350 years and can be the source of dynamic progressive social change in the 21st century. Throughout history, he maintains, liberalism has been committed to social progress and has sought to improve the lives of populations that are economically and politically disadvantaged. This underlying spirit, the author argues, can be the source for an energized liberal agenda for the 21st century. Keywords: liberalism; political philosophy; political history 1. Introduction Conservative – and even centrist – opponents of liberalism reject it because they identify it with cumbersome government; reckless spending; high tax- ation; naiveté about economics, crime, and world power; and lack of moral values. What a mistake! In fact, liberalism has been the source of social and political progress in the Western world since the 17th century. The idea that rights set a limit on the legitimate power of government is a liberal idea. The idea that govern- ment must respect the liberty of individuals is a liberal idea. -
THE NEOLIBERAL THEORY of SOCIETY Simon Clarke
THE NEOLIBERAL THEORY OF SOCIETY Simon Clarke The ideological foundations of neo-liberalism Neoliberalism presents itself as a doctrine based on the inexorable truths of modern economics. However, despite its scientific trappings, modern economics is not a scientific discipline but the rigorous elaboration of a very specific social theory, which has become so deeply embedded in western thought as to have established itself as no more than common sense, despite the fact that its fundamental assumptions are patently absurd. The foundations of modern economics, and of the ideology of neoliberalism, go back to Adam Smith and his great work, The Wealth of Nations. Over the past two centuries Smith’s arguments have been formalised and developed with greater analytical rigour, but the fundamental assumptions underpinning neoliberalism remain those proposed by Adam Smith. Adam Smith wrote The Wealth of Nations as a critique of the corrupt and self-aggrandising mercantilist state, which drew its revenues from taxing trade and licensing monopolies, which it sought to protect by maintaining an expensive military apparatus and waging costly wars. The theories which supported the state conceived of exchange as a ‘zero-sum game’, in which one party’s gain was the other party’s loss, so the maximum benefit from exchange was to be extracted by force and fraud. The fundamental idea of Smith’s critique was that the ‘wealth of the nation’ derived not from the accumulation of wealth by the state, at the expense of its citizens and foreign powers, but from the development of the division of labour. The division of labour developed as a result of the initiative and enterprise of private individuals and would develop the more rapidly the more such individuals were free to apply their enterprise and initiative and to reap the corresponding rewards. -
The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G
chapter 7 The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G. Ruggie In this essay we revisit the principles of “embedded liberalism” and argue for their relevance to the contemporary global economy. The most essential principle is the need for markets to enjoy social legitimacy, because their politi- cal sustainability ultimately depends on it. From this principle we analyze three current sets of practices and institutions in which ongoing crises of legitimacy demonstrate the need for a renewal of embedded liberalism and a revitalization of global governance. They are: the activities of transnational corporations, particularly with regard to core standards in labor and human rights; the orga- nization of the international financial architecture; and the formal rules and informal norms of international organizations. Learning the Lessons of Embedded Liberalism The post-1945 world economy embodied a social bargain. In the aftermath of the political and economic chaos of 1920s, the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the Second World War—all of which together shattered the world order within the span of a single generation—policymakers sought to reorganize and rebuild the world economy by restoring open markets, promising to mitigate their adverse social consequences and thereby preempting societal demands, from both left and right, to replace markets altogether. The failure to strike such a compromise earlier had undermined international cooperation in trade and macroeconomic policy during the 1920s and 1930s, just as it had caused the collapse of the first era of globalization, circa 1870 to 1914. Influential scholars and policymakers began to make sense of how that first era of globalization had lost its way. -
A Qualitative Theory of the Dead Hand William K.S
University of California, Hastings College of the Law UC Hastings Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 1992 A Qualitative Theory of the Dead Hand William K.S. Wang UC Hastings College of the Law, [email protected] Adam J. Hirsch Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Estates and Trusts Commons Recommended Citation William K.S. Wang and Adam J. Hirsch, A Qualitative Theory of the Dead Hand, 68 Ind. L.J. 1 (1992). Available at: http://repository.uchastings.edu/faculty_scholarship/779 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Faculty Publications UC Hastings College of the Law Library Wang William Author: William K.S. Wang Source: Indiana Law Journal Citation: 68 Ind. L.J. 1 (1992). Title: A Qualitative Theory of the Dead Hand Originally published in INDIANA LAW JOURNAL. This article is reprinted with permission from INDIANA LAW JOURNAL and Indiana University Maurer School of Law. A Qualitative Theory of the Dead Handt ADAM J. HIRSCH* AND WILLIAM K.S. WANG** Table of Contents INTRODUCTION ....................................................................... 1 I. TESTAMENTARY JURISPRUDENCE ......................................... 5 A. Present Interests ................................................... 6 B. Future Interests.................................................... -
Chapter 4 the Theory of Laissez-Faire
Page 15 Chapter 4 The Theory of Laissez-Faire It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. — Adam Smith hy do some men succeed in business and others fail? Why are some people rich and others poor? Why does one company develop new products, make huge profits, and remain Wsuccessful while others fail? Why does one athlete become a superstar and another never makes the team? One possible answer to all these questions is that the successful are often better equipped to survive than those who fail. People who get ahead in life are usually those with both ability and the willingness to work hard. Those who fail either don’t have what it takes or just don’t work hard enough to get to the top. Some people believe that life is a jungle, that the rules of the game are to compete as hard as you can, take care of yourself and not to worry about others. If you lose, you have nobody to blame but yourself. Adam Smith and the Invisible Hand If you agree with the ideas in this introduction, then you probably agree with the philosophy of 'laissez-faire' and the social theory of 'survival of the fittest.' Such ideas are also guiding principles of the business people who do not want the government to interfere with their actions. It is the philosophy of those who are against ‘big government,' and who believe that too many rules in the business world prevent healthy, keen competition and stop progress.