The Female School Dropout, Some Aspects of Her Marriage and Family Management

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The Female School Dropout, Some Aspects of Her Marriage and Family Management REPORT RESUMES ED 013 882 VT 000 608 THE FEMALE SCHOOL DROPOUT, SOME ASPECTS OF HER MARRIAGE AND FAMILY MANAGEMENT. BY- PRIOR, FAITH VERMONT UNIV. AND STATE AGRIC. COLL., BURLINGTON REPORT NUMBER' MSC-PUB-44 PUB DATE JUL G4 EDRS PRICE MF-$0.25 HC-$1.72 43P. DESCRIPTORS - *FEMALES, DRCfOUT RESEARCH, DROPOUT CHARACTERISTIC, DROPOUT PREVENTION, HIGH SCHOOLS, *DROPOUTS, POTENTIAL DROPOUTS, EXTENSION EDUCATION, *HOMEMAKING EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, FAMILY MANAGEMENT, VERMONT, THIS STUDY ATTEMPTED TO FIND OUT WHAT THE FEMALE DROPOUT NEEDS TO LEARN TO IMPROVE HER EFFECTIVENESS AS WIFE AND MOTHER AND Hod WELL HOMEMAKING FR.:IC-RAMS,IN SCI OL OR OUT, SUPPLY THIS NEED. OF THE 167 GIRLS WHO LEFT SCOL IN BURLINGTON, VERMONT, DURING THE JUNIOR C SENICR YEAR FROM JANUARY 1960 TO JUNE 1963, 20 OF THE 40 WHO MARRIED WERE INTERVIEWED. CUESTIONS COVERED PERSONAL DATA, PRESENT MANAGEMENT PRACTICES, PERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS, AND EVALUATION Of EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES. SCWOL RECORDS PROVIDED FACTS ON INTELLIGENCE AND ACHIEVEMENT. THE AVERAGE AGE OF THE WIVES AT MARRIAGE WAS 17.1 YEARS, THAT Cf THE HUSDANDS 19.5 YEARS. FIFTY PERCENT WERE PREMARITALLY PREGNANT. THE MEDIAN GRADE LEVEL ACHIEVED BY BOTH HUSDANDS AND WIVES WAS LESS THAN GRADE. 9. MOST Cf THE COUPLES WERE NOT DOING WELL FINANCIALLY. THE EXTENSION PROGRAM HAD BEEN INEFFECTIVE WITH THIS GROUP. IMPLICATIONS ARE -- (1) THE POTENTIAL DROPOUT CAN F;IE IDENTIFIED AND SHOULD DE PLACED IN A PROGRAM TO FIT HER NEEDS,(2) EXTENSION HOME ECONOMICS PRCGRAMS SHOULD MAKE PROVISIONS FOR THIS GROUP, AND (3) PROFESSIONAL HOME ECONOMICS TRAINING SHOULD PROVIDE UNDERSTANDINGS OF THE LOWER SOCIOECoNOMIC GROUPS. (MS) U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION CO THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE CO PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT.POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS trN STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION POSITION OR POLICY. CD WTHE FEMALE SCHOOL DROPOUT Some Aspects of Her Marriage and Family Management Co 0 VERMONT AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENT STATION UNIVERSITY OF VERMONT BURLINGTON, VERMONT Cu) EIM MISC. PUB. 44 JULY 1964 CONTENTS 11,2. IMPACT CF HOMEMAKIN3 EDUCATION................. 1 METHODOLOGY.esooseoe4tomosess4,eseolleeeeeoesesemo 5 POPULATION STUDIED............ 8 FINDINGS..........49 17 IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY. OOOOOOOOOOO 31 LITERATURE CITED......... .. 38 ACKNOgLEDGMENTS The writer is indebted to Dr. J. Anthony Samenf ink of the Home Economics Department for his advice and help during the fieldwork and preparation of this manuscript. Grateful acknowledgment is also made to Miss Blair Williams, Chairman of the Department of Home Economics; Mrs. Doris Steele, State Home Demonstration Leader; Dean Malcolm Severance; Norbert Charbonneau of the Uni- versity Computing Center; and to the administrative and guidance personnel of the Burlington School Department. THE FEMALESCHOOL DROPOUT Some Aspects of Her Marriage and FamilyManagement BY FAITH PRIOR Impact of HomemakingEducation s a homemaking The present study grows fromthe writer's experience as specialist teacher in junior-seniorhigh schools, and as ahome management Observation of the increasingnumber in the CouperativeExtension Servibe. specula- of girls leaving schoolfor youthful marriagecould only lead to this new tion (based on classroomperformance) that they were entering of wife and mother. phase of life magnificentlyunprepared for the role Almost as disturbing was the factthat the majority ofthese girls leaving a ripple; other simply disappeared from theschool scene'vithout accomplishments, to girls might come back toschool to tell about their school dropouts was never talk about their goals, but thevast majority of records, heard from again. If it were not for thenotations on her school locker, the teacher and the half-completed sewingproject bundled in her might almost delude herselfthat the student had neverexisted. In the two years spent as ahome managementspecialist in the Coopera- nissing girls. The tive Extension Service, theauthor has not found these needs of their Extension home economists who aredevoting their days to the clientele in the counties --they do not see them. Colleague- specialists do not work with them innutrition, in clothing.They do not, according to specialists in publicationsand in the mass media,send for bulletins, or children comment on radio andtelevision programs.They do not bring their school.Where (and surely there arechildren) to the University nursery persistent questions when one they are and haw they aredoing become rather the rAal needs ofpeopae. hopes to plan andimplement a program which meets In the state The problem of the schooldropout is not a fictional one. in 1958-59, only3,315 of Vermont, of the4,810 ninth graders in school 68.9. (22)Nor were graduatedfrom high school in1962 -- a percentage of leaving school at the do these figures take intoaccount the large number 8. first legal moment -- theattainment of age16 or the completion of grade high school marry. In A significant numberof those who do not finish in their teens has the years 1958 through1962, the percentage of brides dropped lower than 49.8 percent. risen as high as52.2 percent and has not 15.4 percent to 18.6 percent for The same years show asteady increase from grooms not yet20. (28) Partial Fulfillment 1/ Fart of a Thesis Submitted tothe Graduate College in ofthe Requirements for theDegree of Master of Science. But how successfully, the conscientious home economics educator is bound to ask, are theseyoung brides functioning as. wives and mothers, and to what extent have in- school homemaking experiences and out-of-school Extension, programs contributed to their success? What We Already Know The two decades following World War II haveseen investigation in the social sciences increasingly focusedon youthfully marrying partners, and on the law-income family in an acknowledgedly affluent society. Sociologists indicate that it ismore than "low income" which sets cer- tain families apart in a discernible pattern of stratification. Warner, in his introductionto Social Class in America, says: All of Is are trained to know and to cherish the ideals of democracy and to believe in the American dream which teaches most Americans that equal opportunity is here for al.'. and that the chances for success for anyone lie mithinhimse12...But we only learn by hard experience...that some of the things we learned early in life exist only in our political ideals and are rarely found in the real world. Wenever learn these things in school, andno teacher teaches us the hard .facts of our social class systeme(31) Yet social class, it wouldappear, is an important determinant of personality development and isa factor in the kinds of skills,. abilities, and intelligence an individualuses to solve his problems.Therefore, if a pattern of stratification can be established for any group, this should represent a large step toward identification of the kinds of help he may be willing to accept in the interest of meeting his problems. Hollingshead suggests that when social phenomenaare to be viewed behaviorally, it is meaningful to break the social hierarchy into distinct social strata rather than to treat it as a continuum. This definition of class position is based on three assump- tions: first, a family's mode of living is mirrored in its home; second, the occupation of the head reflects the skill and power associated with maintenance functions in the society; and third, the amount of formal education the head has re- ceived reflects the tastes of the family. The combination of these factors enables a researcher to determine within ap- proximate limits the position the family occupies in the sta- tus structure.se(14) An analysis of stratification indexes shows that they allmeasure the same underlying dimensions, (17) - 3 - Ir astigators of the characteristicsof partners in youthfulmarriages of bride found a "clear, direct relatiorwhipbetween status levels and ages and groom at marriage"(6) and that "measurement ofsocioeconomic back- that ground such as father's occupation and parenteducation levels showed married girls have lower socioeconomiclevels than a norm group."(3) A study of the relationship ofpersonality to early marriageshowed that there are two types ofmarriage-oriented girls who emergefrom a pre- adolescent group: the type who is emotionallyinsecure and thus feels pro- pelled toward a relationship which holds outthe promise of beinghappier to ma- than is her present unhappy environment,and the type who is early ture and whose aspiration levels forherself as an individual andfor her- self in marriage are relatively low.(23) Another study support:. the hypo- thesis that persons who marrydemonstrate greater feelingsof ego defi- ciency than do pers:ms who remain single. "It may be," it is suggested, "that it is the immature or not sowell adjusted person forwhom marriage has its strongest appeal."(21) In line with the findings concerninginternal adjustment is the con- clusion by Moss and Gingles(23) that girls who marry early haveless satisfactory relationships with theirparents.They show earlier patterns of dating and going steady. Their orientation is towardmarriage as the basic goal of their lives, andthey expect nothing from lifeexcept the opportunity to follow thetraditional roles of wife and mother. Thirty- one percentof the girls in the Moss andGingles study were pregnant/when they were married. Repeatedly appearing in studies ofthe characteristics of youthfully marrying girls are
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