Woodrow Wilson Asks “What Is Progress?”
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The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series
AP PHOTO/FILE AP This January 1935 photo shows a mural depicting phases of the New Deal The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series Ruy Teixeira and John Halpin March 2011 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series Ruy Teixeira and John Halpin March 2011 With the rise of the contemporary progressive movement and the election of President Barack Obama in 2008, there is extensive public interest in better understanding the ori- gins, values, and intellectual strands of progressivism. Who were the original progressive thinkers and activists? Where did their ideas come from and what motivated their beliefs and actions? What were their main goals for society and government? How did their ideas influence or diverge from alternative social doctrines? How do their ideas and beliefs relate to contemporary progressivism? The Progressive Tradition Series from the Center for American Progress traces the devel- opment of progressivism as a social and political tradition stretching from the late 19th century reform efforts to the current day. The series is designed primarily for educational and leadership development purposes to help students and activists better understand the foundations of progressive thought and its relationship to politics and social movements. Although the Progressive Studies Program has its own views about the relative merit of the various values, ideas, and actors discussed within the progressive tradition, the essays included in the series are descriptive and analytical rather than opinion based. We envision the essays serving as primers for exploring progressivism and liberalism in more depth through core texts—and in contrast to the conservative intellectual tradition and canon. -
More Than a Municipal Campaign: Speech in Haverhill, Massachusetts (November 27, 1899)
More Than a Municipal Campaign: Speech in Haverhill, Massachusetts (November 27, 1899) Ladies and Gentlemen, Citizens of Haverhill:— A year ago the name of Haverhill was flashed around the world. On Wednesday next [Dec. 6, 1899] the magnificent victory achieved then will have ben ratified by an increased majority. This is something more than a municipal campaign. There are issues involved that are of vital and commanding interest to every man, woman, and child in Haverhill, in Massachusetts, throughout the length and breadth of the land. The competitive system, with its extreme wealth upon the one hand, its abject and widespread poverty upon the other, its political corruption, its economic servitude, its social demoralization is on trial. What pen or tongue, from primeval man to the dullest intellect, can describe the effect of this struggle upon the great mass of the working people? Multiplied millions of them answer to the description of the embruted peasant in the poem of Edwin Markham, a poem fraught with such significance that it blazed the immortality of the author on wings of lightning around the world: Bowed by the weight of centuries he leans Upon his hoe and gazes on the ground, The emptiness of ages in his face, And on his back the burden of the world. Who made him dead to rapture and despair, A thing that grieves not and that never hopes. Stolid and stunned, a brother to the ox? Who loosened and let down this brutal jaw? Whose was the hand that slanted back this brow? Whose breath blew out the light within this brain? 1 The capitalist system must answer for this appalling indictment at the bar of humanity. -
Progressivism, Individualism, and the Public Intellectual
DRAFT NOT FOR ATTRIBUTION, REVIEW ONLY +++ Health Care Policy Alternatives An Analysis of CostsP fromROGRESSIVISM the Perspective of Outcomes , Abstract INDIVIDUALISM, AND The current focus on Health Care cost control has been from the perspectives of the inputs to the system; namely physician charges, hospital chargesT andHE drug costs. P ThisUBLIC paper attempts to present an outcome driven analysis of HealthCare costs to show that focusing in the outcomes and then on the Microstructure of procedures allows for the development of significantlyI NTELLECTUALdifferent policy alternatives. We first develop a model for the demand side of health care and demonstrate that demand can be controlled by pricing, namely exogenous factors, as well as by endogenous factors relating to the management of the Health Care process in the United States. We then address several issues on the supply side, starting first at the qualityTerrence issue and then P. in termsMcGarty of short and long term productivity issues. Health Care is a highly distributed process that is an ideal candidate for the distributed information infrastructures that will be available in theCopyright twenty ©first 201 century.2 The Telmarc It is Group, all rights reserved The Telmarc Group, LLC, January 15, 2009, Copyright ©2009 all rights reserved www.telmarc.com . This document is solely the opinion of the author and Telmarc and in no way reflects a legal or financial opinion or otherwise. The material contained herein, as opinion, should not be relied upon for any financial investment, -
A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly
Southern Illinois University Carbondale OpenSIUC Honors Theses University Honors Program 5-2002 The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly Follow this and additional works at: http://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/uhp_theses Recommended Citation Daly, Chris, "The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill" (2002). Honors Theses. Paper 131. This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the University Honors Program at OpenSIUC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of OpenSIUC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. r The Boundaries of Liberalism in a Global Era: A Critique of John Stuart Mill Chris Daly May 8, 2002 r ABSTRACT The following study exanunes three works of John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, Utilitarianism, and Three Essays on Religion, and their subsequent effects on liberalism. Comparing the notion on individual freedom espoused in On Liberty to the notion of the social welfare in Utilitarianism, this analysis posits that it is impossible for a political philosophy to have two ultimate ends. Thus, Mill's liberalism is inherently flawed. As this philosophy was the foundation of Mill's progressive vision for humanity that he discusses in his Three Essays on Religion, this vision becomes paradoxical as well. Contending that the neo-liberalist global economic order is the contemporary parallel for Mill's religion of humanity, this work further demonstrates how these philosophical flaws have spread to infect the core of globalization in the 21 st century as well as their implications for future international relations. -
How Campaign Songs Sold the Image of Presidential Candidates
University of Central Florida STARS Honors Undergraduate Theses UCF Theses and Dissertations 2019 Music and the Presidency: How Campaign Songs Sold the Image of Presidential Candidates Gary M. Bogers University of Central Florida Part of the Music Commons, and the United States History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/honorstheses University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the UCF Theses and Dissertations at STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Undergraduate Theses by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Bogers, Gary M., "Music and the Presidency: How Campaign Songs Sold the Image of Presidential Candidates" (2019). Honors Undergraduate Theses. 511. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/honorstheses/511 MUSIC AND THE PRESIDENCY: HOW CAMPAIGN SONGS SOLD THE IMAGE OF PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES by GARY MICHAEL BOGERS JR. A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Honors in the Major Program in Music Performance in the College of Arts and Humanities and in The Burnett Honors College at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Spring Term, 2019 Thesis Chair: Dr. Scott Warfield Co-chairs: Dr. Alexander Burtzos & Dr. Joe Gennaro ©2019 Gary Michael Bogers Jr. ii ABSTRACT In this thesis, I will discuss the importance of campaign songs and how they were used throughout three distinctly different U.S. presidential elections: the 1960 campaign of Senator John Fitzgerald Kennedy against Vice President Richard Milhouse Nixon, the 1984 reelection campaign of President Ronald Wilson Reagan against Vice President Walter Frederick Mondale, and the 2008 campaign of Senator Barack Hussein Obama against Senator John Sidney McCain. -
American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: an Appraisal of Alexis De Tocqueville’S Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2017 American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and the Post-World War II Welfare State John P. Varacalli The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1828 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] AMERICAN CIVIL ASSOCIATIONS AND THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT: AN APPRAISAL OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE’S DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA (1835- 1840) APPLIED TO FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT’S NEW DEAL AND THE POST-WORLD WAR II WELFARE STATE by JOHN P. VARACALLI A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2017 © 2017 JOHN P. VARACALLI All Rights Reserved ii American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal and the Post World War II Welfare State by John P. Varacalli The manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts ______________________ __________________________________________ Date David Gordon Thesis Advisor ______________________ __________________________________________ Date Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Acting Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. -
Pragmatism and Progressivism in the Educational Thought and Practices of Booker T
PRAGMATISM AND PROGRESSIVISM IN THE EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT AND PRACTICES OF BOOKER T. WASHINGTON Ronald E. Chennault DePaul University Few men, particularly Black men, have wielded the power and influence of Booker T. Washington during his lifetime. A good deal of his colorful life is recounted in his autobiography, Up from Slavery.1 Here Washington details the most notable events of his life, from the time he spent in slavery as a youth, to his exploits and education during his adolescence, and well into his career as head of the then-Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute in Alabama. Washington tells of his experiences at present-day Hampton University and the extraordinary influence the lessons he learned and the people he met there had on his life philosophy. He also reserves a large part of his story to describe numerous occasions during which he spread his institution’s seeds of success and offered his advice on improving America’s race relations. Yet as revealing as his account is, both by reading its lines and between its lines, Washington’s autobiography represents only a piece of his life’s puzzle. If Washington is the “trickster” that Harlan imagines and McElroy argues,2 a fairer and fuller understanding of Washington’s wizardry necessitates moving beyond his autobiography. Restricting our understanding of Washington to his self-representation in Up from Slavery (even extending to his photographic self-representation)3 and allowing his account to epitomize his worldview does more than “oversimplify Washington . it further contributes to the uncritical acceptance of Washington’s propagandistic portrayal of Tuskegee’s goals, programs, and accomplishments.”4 Many gaps in his life story can be filled by consulting primary sources such as Washington’s writings and speeches as well as by looking to extensive biographical and numerous scholarly works on Washington. -
The Third Way and the Governance of the Social in Britain Jérôme Tournadre
The Third Way and the governance of the social in Britain Jérôme Tournadre To cite this version: Jérôme Tournadre. The Third Way and the governance of the social in Britain. A city of one’s own, Ashgate, pp.201-212, 2008. halshs-00649541 HAL Id: halshs-00649541 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00649541 Submitted on 9 Dec 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. CHAPTER TWELVE The ‘Third Way’ and the Governance of the Social in Britain Jérôme Tournadre-Plancq Regardless of the ‘world of Welfare’ in which it functions - to use the term coined by Gøsta Esping-Andersen (Esping-Andersen 1990) - the State has, during a large part of the twentieth century, come to play an essential role in the handling of welfare in liberal democracies. This does not mean that its role amounts to exercising a monopoly. Providing a counterweight to the market in the social-democratic ‘compromise’, the Welfare State often emerges, in the political reflection of the majority of the post-war centre-left, as the most reliable guarantor for the common good. The Social (Donzelot 1984) is then considered as the best way to reinforce this idea. -
Partisan Federal Election Commission (FEC)
Analysis of H.R. 1 (Part Two) Establishing a Campaign Speech Czar and Enabling Partisan Enforcement: An Altered FEC Structure Poses Risks to First Amendment Speech Rights Bradley A. Smith, Chairman January 2019 Introduction While most of the attention on H.R. 1 has focused on “hot” issues, such as earmarking government subsidies for political campaigns, gerrymandering, and new restrictions on grassroots organizations that engage in public affairs,1 twenty pages of the bill are devoted to the unsexy, yet vitally important, issue of the Federal Election Commission’s (FEC) composition and operating procedures.2 If you’re a Democrat, do you think Donald Trump should be able to appoint a campaign speech czar to determine and en- force the rules on political campaigns? And if you’re a Republican, would you have wanted those rules enforced by a partisan selected by Barack Obama? Of course not. That’s why for over 40 years, Republicans and Democrats have agreed that campaign regulations should be enforced by an independent, bipartisan agency. The Watergate scandal that forced Richard Nixon to resign the presidency showed the dangers of allowing one party to use the power of government against the other.3 As the late Sen. Alan Cranston (D-Ca.) warned during debate on legislation creating the agency, “We must not allow the FEC to become a tool for harassment by future imperial Presidents who may seek to repeat the abuses of Watergate. I un- derstand and share the great concern expressed by some of our colleagues that the FEC has such a potential for abuse in our democratic society that the President should not be given power over the Commission.”4 That concern led to Congressional adoption of the present method of selecting Commission members. -
Alexis De Tocqueville: the Traditionalist Roots of Democracy
Alexis de Tocqueville: The Traditionalist Roots of Democracy Isidre MOLAS Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Working Paper n. 9 Barcelona 1990 Both the American and French Revolutions went beyond national borders and shook the world. This was the beginning of a new age. As BALLANCHE said in the middle of the Restoration: "Nous sommes arrivés à un âge critique de l'esprit humain, à une époque de fin et de renouvellement. La société ne repose plus sur les mêmes bases, et les peuples ont besoin d'institutions qui soient en rapport avec leurs destinées futures. Nous sommes semblables aux Israélites dans le désert”1, he work of Alexis de TOCQUEVILLE (1808-1859) comes into this context of profound change. He had been born into a family of Norman aristocracy, related to MALESHERBES and CHATEAUBRIAND. The July Monarchy removed his stock from power and placed it in the ranks of legitimism. After his trip to the United States, he began his political thought, encouraged by the implicit desire to offer his world a prospect for the future in the face of the new liberal regime of bourgeoisie and officials. In 1835, when he was thirty, he published the first volume of La Démocratie en Amérique (D), which was a great success, unlike the second, which was more ambitious and detailed, published five years later. In short, it led him to political action, that was not very spectacular, and that left him with a certain feeling of disappointment. A Member of Parliament from 1839 until 1851 for Valognes, where he lived, he was not particularly enthusiastic about the Republic and was relieved when CAVAINGAC defeated the people of Paris. -
Imperialism, Racism, and Fear of Democracy in Richard Ely's Progressivism
The Rot at the Heart of American Progressivism: Imperialism, Racism, and Fear of Democracy in Richard Ely's Progressivism Gerald Friedman Department of Economics University of Massachusetts at Amherst November 8, 2015 This is a sketch of my long overdue intellectual biography of Richard Ely. It has been way too long in the making and I have accumulated many more debts than I can acknowledge here. In particular, I am grateful to Katherine Auspitz, James Boyce, Bruce Laurie, Tami Ohler, and Jean-Christian Vinel, and seminar participants at Bard, Paris IV, Paris VII, and the Five College Social History Workshop. I am grateful for research assistance from Daniel McDonald. James Boyce suggested that if I really wanted to write this book then I would have done it already. And Debbie Jacobson encouraged me to prioritize so that I could get it done. 1 The Ely problem and the problem of American progressivism The problem of American Exceptionalism arose in the puzzle of the American progressive movement.1 In the wake of the Revolution, Civil War, Emancipation, and radical Reconstruction, no one would have characterized the United States as a conservative polity. The new Republican party took the United States through bloody war to establish a national government that distributed property to settlers, established a national fiat currency and banking system, a progressive income tax, extensive program of internal improvements and nationally- funded education, and enacted constitutional amendments establishing national citizenship and voting rights for all men, and the uncompensated emancipation of the slave with the abolition of a social system that had dominated a large part of the country.2 Nor were they done. -
Review Essay
Journal of Markets & Morality Volume 19, Number 2 (Fall 2016): 353–366 Copyright © 2016 Review Essay D. Eric Schansberg Exposing the Paradoxes Professor of Economics of Progressivism* Indiana University Southeast In Illiberal Reformers, Princeton professor Thomas Leonard tells the story of the Progressive intellectuals and activists who “led the Progressive Era crusade to dismantle laissez-faire, remaking American economic life with a newly created instrument of reform, the administrative state” (ix). In sum, Leonard argues that their policies were illiberal (opposing individual rights) and deeply troubling (trampling the civil and political rights of those viewed as deficient by the ruling elites). Leonard’s book is built around four of his journal articles in the History of Political Economy.1 He provides a fascinating tour of history, philosophy, econom- ics, political science, and science in the Progressive Era. He describes the role of ideology and idealism in public policy—as applied to the most notable time in American history when elites held sway. His work is a sobering remembrance of a time when social progress was king (defined a certain way and despite stag- gering costs for certain individuals) and science was respected or even deified (even when it was being done poorly). Leonard describes the historical context that led into the Progressive Era. In a nutshell, economic issues predominated: financial crises, growing evidence of income and wealth inequality, domestic migration from rural to urban, concerns about immigration, the ebbs and flows of early unionization, government’s * Thomas Leonard, Illiberal Reformers: Race, Eugenics, and American Economics in the Progressive Era (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2016).