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Untitled Sermon, “June 1, 1800,” Abiel Holmes Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society

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Untitled Sermon, “June 1, 1800,” Abiel Holmes Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society ABSTRACT Gospel of Liberty: Antislavery and American Salvation by Ben Wright Americans understood and sought to solve the problem of slavery in terms strongly colored by understandings of religious conversion. In the early-eighteenth century, Great Awakening revivals fueled a new belief in the transformative nature of religious conversion. By the antebellum era, theological changes – coupled with democratization and sectionalism – prompted greater direct confrontation with social reform. Historians have chronicled the role of religion in motivating antislavery thought, but by privileging political action over religious sentiment, earlier work misses non-political manifestations of early antislavery. If we take religious belief seriously and seek to understand antislavery motivations, the question is not whether reformers were gradualist or immediatist in political action, but whether or not they ascribed to the expectations of conversionist or purificationist causation. While conversionists sought to destroy slavery through the millennial expansion of salvation, other Christians looked within, laboring to purify their own communities through coercive action. Imperatives of conversion drove ministers to consolidate religious authority in new national denominational bodies. Forming these bodies had the unintended side effect of pushing denominationalists toward social reform. This process added organized social reform as an additional religious solution, alongside that of conversionist millennialism, to the era’s social problems. In the early 1830s, the conversionist consensus cracked, and a new coercive, sectionalist antislavery took its iii" place. Conversionist appeals continued, but the antislavery of men and, increasingly, women challenged the causation of conversion and began to look to political agitation as a means of reform. Each stage of this progression shaped the worlds of American antislavery. By foregrounding conceptions of religious conversion, we can begin to understand the problem of human bondage and its potential solutions as did the men and women whose lives entangled daily with the reality of a slaveholding republic. Acknowledgments Completing this project conjures many emotions, but I feel gratitude most of all. Many thanks are in order. This project could not have been completed without considerable help from colleagues, friends, family, and a number of generous institutions. Research for the project was made possible through grants from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, Virginia Historical Society, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Library Company of Philadelphia, Massachusetts Historical Society, Quaker Collection at Haverford College, Filson Library, and Rice University. Rice has been an exceptionally nurturing environment, and I owe a great number of debts to the administrative staff of the history department including Lisa Tate, Paula Platt, Rachel Zapeda, Chris Tennison, and Beverly Konzem. I have been fortunate to receive critical feedback from several outstanding scholars. Rebecca Goetz has pushed me to consider the way in which religious discourse articulates and amplifies ideologies of racial inequality. Caleb McDaniel’s masterful command of abolitionism continues to humble me, and if not for his singular kindness, likely would have left me paralyzed with intimidation. Generous input from Richard Newman, James Sidbury, and Randall Hall proved essential as well. John B. Boles has been an ideal advisor. I have benefitted extensively from his enthusiasm for the past and expectation of rigorous scholarly excellence. I look forward to spending my career struggling to live up to his example. Portions of this work have been presented at a number of conferences, symposia, and seminars including the American Society for Church History (2014), Society of Historians of the Early American Republic (2013), McNeil Center for Early American Studies at the University of Pennsylvania (2012), Conference on Faith and History (2013), American Historical Association v" (2012), Houston Area Southern Historians (2011), and the Columbia University Seminar on Religion in America (2011). I am grateful for all of these audiences, each of which offered thoughtful comments. While I was just a prospective graduate student, my future advisor John Boles suggested that I would learn more from my graduate cohort than I would from the faculty. This proved true, and I am deeply grateful for the generous spirit of many colleagues including Zach Dresser, Joe Locke, Andy Lang, Luke Harlow, and many others. My partner Whitney Stewart, a remarkable scholar in her own right, has influenced the writing of this dissertation more than anyone else. Many of the best ideas and cleverest passages in the following pages resulted from her incisive analysis. More importantly, her uplifting encouragement kept me afloat through the challenges of writing. The constant support of my family and friends similarly proved essential, as I reckoned with a few crises both professional and personal. I am unendingly grateful for a support system I do not deserve, but could not live without. " TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 1 Conversionist Causation and American Antislavery……………………..17 2 Purificationist Antislavery and the Era of the American Revolution…….53 3 Conversionism and American Denominational Formation……………..102 4 Denominationalism and American Reform……………………………..152 5 Conversion, Redemption, and African Colonization……………………194 6 The Conversionist Consensus Shatters………………………………….234 Epilogue……………………………………………………………………277 Sources Consulted………………………………………………….………287 Bibliography…….………………………………………………………….304 ! INTRODUCTION Never go to the southern states of America! they are polluted with slavery, and slavery is the most demoralizing thing under the sun. It is the parent of oppression, the nurse of sloth and guilty passions. It is the bane of man, the abomination of God. Where slavery reigns the human being is made a beast of burthen, or the slave of lust. The poor half-famished negro, trembles at a tyrant’s nod, and loses every good quality in the servility of a drudge, or the wickedness of a prostitute. O that this scandal of humanity were annihilated! - Joshua Marsden, 18141 Joshua Marsden never penned a petition against slavery, wrote a representative in favor of abolition, nor joined an antislavery society. Despite describing slavery as “the bane of man, and the abomination of God” and earnestly yearning “that this scandal of humanity were annihilated,” this Methodist itinerant did nothing. Yet, he was not alone is his seeming hypocrisy. The list of religious Americans who condemned slavery in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries runs long; however, the expressions of antislavery in the era were nearly always limited to occasional sermons, speeches, or editorials. It would take several decades before more than a few Americans joined antislavery organizations and even longer before genuine political pressure was deployed for the cause of abolition. Why did Americans like Joshua Marsden fail to act on their antislavery convictions? !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Joshua Marsden, Grace Displayed: An Interesting Narrative of the Life, Conversion, Christian Experience, Ministry, and Missionary Labors of Joshua Marsden (New York: 1814), 190. INTRODUCTION 2 ! Countless Americans in the late eighteenth century sought to wash away the great sins of slavery through concerted campaigns for religious conversion. Other Americans worked to purify their religious communities of slavery’s stain. Differences in understandings of religious conversion informed the antislavery agendas of men and women in the era in ways previously unacknowledged by historians. Beginning with the revivals of the Great Awakening in the early eighteenth century, Americans came to understand religious conversion as an immediately transformative experience with implications for the coming of the millennium. By the antebellum era, theological changes, coupled with democratization and sectionalism, allowed greater direct confrontation with social reform. In narrating the shift from antislavery to abolitionism, historians have emphasized status anxieties, market changes, and, most recently, biracial cooperation.2 Yet few have heeded Robert Abzug’s caution against “the modern trend toward psychological or materialist reduction” and acknowledged the centrality of genuine religious conviction in the transformation of antislavery.3 Historians have chronicled the role of religion in motivating antislavery thought, but by privileging political action over religious sentiment, earlier work misses the non-political ways that religion directed the understandings and actions of early antislavery Americans. Americans fretted over the social welfare of the new nation, and they worked to fight slavery through campaigns for conversion. For most antislavery Christians the only sound more harrowing than the moans of a shackled slave were the wails of a damned soul, but the solution for the soul was also understood to be the surest means of unshackling the slave. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 2 Paul E. Johnson’s, A Shopkeeper’s Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York: 1979) argues that market changes and status anxieties fueled reform. Examples of the more recent emphasis on biracial cooperation include Richard S. Newman, The Transformation of American Abolitionism: Fighting Slavery in the
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