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Naturally Occurring Cultural Districts and Their Public Vacant Lots in Bedford-Stuyvesant: a Case for Creative Adaptations

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Naturally Occurring Cultural Districts and Their Public Vacant Lots in Bedford-Stuyvesant: a Case for Creative Adaptations Naturally Occurring Cultural Districts and their Public Vacant Lots in Bedford-Stuyvesant: A Case for Creative Adaptations Alexa Fábrega “Hands Holding Soil” by Ruthie More [http://www.fifthonsixth.com/ruthieMore.html] Capstone, Fall 2012 Master of Science Candidate Urban Environmental Systems Management School of Architecture, Pratt Institute Table of Contents Page 1 Background 3 2 Purpose 6 3 Creative City 8 4 Precedence 12 5 Inventory 19 6 Sources 31 Maps Page CB3 NOCD Clusters and Publically Owned Vacant Lots 20 CB3 NOCD Cluster 1 Sites 21 CB3 NOCD Cluster 2 Sites 23 CB3 NOCD Cluster 3 Sites 25 1 “The sustainable city is: a creative city, where open-mindedness and experimentation mobilize the full potential of its human resources and allows a fast response to change.” ~Richard Rogers, Cities For A Small Planet 2 1. Background The pursuit of understanding a city and its interactive systems is a perpetual task; because of this, the planning and management of the urban environment are concerned with effecting the directions and processes of change. Within this wide-ranging field, this research considers the role of culture in community development through the framework of the Naturally Occurring Cultural Districts (NOCD) and how these areas can catalyze to adapt underutilized spaces and advance local sustainability goals through creative means. NOCD are organically formed and integrated into the community, where various cultural entities cluster in a certain geographical area to become creative hubs in the neighborhood, including arts organizations, design industries, small businesses, educational institutions, and community advocacy groups. These hubs function to stimulate a sense of place and strengthen social networks, as they are generated and shaped by its residents and participants. These areas establish an assemblage of cultural assets and spur creative programs that support local activities, shaping and serving community goals (Atlas. 2012). Multiple impacts are made by NOCD in communities, as evidenced in various research on the subject (Stern and Seifert. 2007). For example, the studies conducted by the Social Impact of the Arts Project correlates cultural assets to the local and regional economy through market value analysis, demonstrating how a thriving economy can facilitate cultural assets to converge in a locale. These analyses also measure how the presence of cultural assets impact increases in housing value and reductions of poverty in the community. As culture is rooted in pluralism of the community, it encompasses a broad range of perspectives. These studies reveal how culture can support community engagement in the public realm extending beyond cultural consumption that encourage diverse range of participation, from direct, peripheral, to informal ways. Accordingly, community based cultural development can foster stakeholder collaborations and capacity building through the process of cultural citizenship (Stern and Seifert. 2007). The context of this research is set in the Bedford-Stuyvesant (Bed-Stuy) neighborhood of Brooklyn, in New York City (NYC), defined by the boundaries of Community Board 3 (CD3). Bed-Stuy is a neighborhood with a rich history of African-American emancipation and civil rights movements. According to the Center for the Study of Brooklyn Community District 3 Brooklyn Neighborhood Report (Report), which referenced data on the racial makeup of the community from the American Community Survey of 2007 and 2009, the population remains predominantly Black (63%), followed by Latino (18%), White (14%), Asian (3%), and Other (2%). The neighborhood has experienced a steady population growth in recent years, 10% since 2000, now home to approximately 134,000 residents. Majority of people (93%) in the neighborhood have access to a park within ¼ mile distance of their home, while only a few (9%) people consider their neighborhood to offer 3 opportunities for excellent cultural activities. The majority of people are employed in the private sector, while 17% are employed by government, 10% by non-profits, and 5% are in the arts and culture fields. The median income of the neighborhood residents is $33,500, 33% of people whose earnings position them at or below the poverty line. Correspondingly, 20% of the youth in the community are characterized in the Report as disconnected youth, who are people not enrolled in school or employed (Center for Study of Brooklyn. 2012). Bed-Stuy is primarily residential, which includes a number of commercial corridors and industrial areas. With its growth, there are concerns of displacement posed by gentrification of the neighborhood. However, it is also a well-established community in terms of generations of activism and civic engagement, which continues to the present. The changes of the neighborhood fabric present opportunities for improvements in public services and amenities to serve the growing population. At the same time, there is acknowledgement of the need for the community to set priorities and incorporate ideas that will foster equity in the realms of its economic, social, and cultural development (Public Meeting. 2012). This is highlighted in the CD3 Districts Needs Statement for the Fiscal Year 2013 (Statement), which outlines the community priorities and funding requests for economic development, education, environmental protection, healthcare, housing, land use, open space, landmarks, transportation, public safety, social services, and sanitation. Generally, the goals set forth by CD3 are to improve the quality of life in the community, attract new businesses to stimulate the local economy that is beneficial for the community, and to meet the citywide PlaNYC 2030 goals in the district, meeting population growth demand by developing affordable housing, while reducing CO2 emissions and the associated pollution and health impacts (Butler and Phillips. 2012). In terms of art and culture in the district, the Statement emphasizes the need for financial assistance for cultural organizations and many of the neighborhood cultural programs, such as annual festivals, which are threatened by capital shortage. The CD3 continues to request support for developing an African-American Cultural Center in the community. It also acknowledges the potentials to use public space for cultural purposes, as signaled by the New York City Department of Cultural Affairs’ (DCA) Spaceworks initiative, launched in 2011 to support non-traditional spaces for cultural use through establishing artist studios and residencies for a range of durations. The Statement further highlights the importance of local artists to showcase their talents in the community, as well as to facilitate exposure to art and culture for the youth to maintain their connection to their heritage and inspire creative expression. Environmental improvement requests are also outlined in the Statement, particularly to address the district’s air quality issues that contribute to the asthma problems for its residents. To improve air quality and minimize vehicular CO2 emissions in the neighborhood, the district requests a sanitation garage to be sited within CD3, which currently transports all of its garbage to Community Board 1, pending since 1980 (Butler and Phillips. 2012). New ideas for sustainable 4 projects are welcomed by the community, such as the Bed-Stuy Gateway Streetscape Enhancement Project (NYEDC. 2012) along Fulton Street, by the New York City Economic Development Corporation (EDC) now under development. Such projects have much potential to contribute to rebuilding infrastructure, reutilizing land, and creating new jobs in the neighborhood. In response to the visions of the CD3 197-A Plan as well as to manage neighborhood growth, the New York City Department of City Planning (DCP) introduced rezoning of the district in 2007, comprised of 200 blocks in Bed-Stuy South, and again in 2012, recently approved by NYC City Council in October, which encompasses 140 blocks of Bed-Stuy North. The previous zoning parameters established in 1961 did not include height restrictions, which allowed for development of 12 to 14 story buildings in the neighborhood. With the rezoning, height restrictions are set to maintain the scale and character of the neighborhood fabric, which house many two to four story brownstone buildings. The rezoning in Bed-Stuy South began to address the need for more affordable housing in the district, with two major projects developed through the Inclusionary Housing Program on Fulton Street, an important effort to minimize displacement in the community. Additionally, the rezoning of Bed-Stuy North extends to enhance commercial areas that are located in proximity to transit hubs, such as along Myrtle Avenue and Broadway, with projections to spur employment opportunities in the neighborhood (Moriarity. 2012). In this milieu, there are ample opportunities in Bed-Stuy to cultivate cultural practices, which can be employed to harness community creativity towards activating underutilized spaces to become productive, vibrant spaces for collective purpose. The premise of this research considers culture as a fourth pillar of sustainability, along with environment, economy, and equity, as it asserts the role of NOCD of Bed-Stuy to facilitate and contribute to building community resilience, self-sufficiency, and livability, by inspiring stewardship through creative engagement and proposing programs for creative adaptations of common spaces. To support this case, the research poses to address the following
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