The Term Washington Consensus Was Coined by John Williamson (1990

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Term Washington Consensus Was Coined by John Williamson (1990 Copyrighted Material of resources through privatization, trade and capital account liberalization, and domestic market dereg- ulation. The prescription to stabilize, privatize, and liberalize had gained traction among many policy- makers in developing countries since the 1980s as Washington consensus import substitution and interventionist policies had The term Washington consensus was coined by John led to bloated bureaucracies, grossly inefficient state- Williamson (1990) to encapsulate the set of policy owned enterprises, unsustainable public indebted- reforms advocated with a reasonable degree of con- ness, inflation, and slow or even negative growth. sensus by international financial institutions, the The collapse of the Soviet bloc and the success of U.S. government, the Federal Reserve Board, and the countries, such as Chile, that had already experi- leading think tanks based in Washington. Those mented with the new policies, contributed to their policies were deemed necessary to achieve growth, acceptance in the early 1990s. The limited role of low inflation, a viable balance of payments, and eq- government and the expanded role of markets have uitable income distribution in the developing world led some to refer to Washington consensus policies as at large, and especially in Latin America, which was ‘‘neoliberal’’ or based on ‘‘market fundamentalism,’’ still recovering from the debt crisis that erupted in anexpression thatdoes notdo justice tothe scope and 1982. The policies that defined the Washington richness of the policies, especially those originally consensus included (1) fiscal discipline, (2) increased listed by Williamson (1990). This entry adopts the public expenditure on social services and infrastruc- more recent and more widely used meaning of ture, (3) tax reform to broaden tax bases and reduce Washington consensus policies, in spite of its partial marginal tax rates, (4) market-determined interest overlap with Williamson’s list. rates, (5) unified and competitive exchange rates, (6) The Set of Policies For convenience, Washing- import liberalization, (7) openness to foreign direct ton consensus policies can be divided into macroeco- investment, (8) privatization, (9) deregulation, and nomic and microeconomic, or structural, policies. (10) secure property rights. The macroeconomic policies are mostly concerned As the term evolved in the 1990s, it became syn- with achieving price stability (more strictly, low in- onymous with the main policies promoted consen- flation rates) and preventing foreign exchange or sually by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), public debt crises. The cornerstone of macroeco- the World Bank, and the U.S. Treasury, with an nomic stability is fiscal discipline. This need not emphasison macroeconomicstabilitythroughsound imply a balanced budget, but rather a fiscal position fiscal and monetary policies, and a wider role for that does not lead to a rising debt to gross domes- markets in relation to governments in the allocation tic product (GDP) ratio, loss of international 1169 Copyrighted Material Washington consensus currency reserves, or (unacceptably high or rising) terprises and opening to private investment indus- inflation (caused by monetary financing of the defi- tries previously controlled by the public sector, such cit), and therefore is ‘‘sustainable’’ without major as telecommunications, electricity, or mining ( pri- policy adjustments. vatization); reducing bank reserve requirements and Monetary discipline, a second key element of dismantling interest rate controls, subsidized loan macroeconomic stability, is best achieved when programs, and directed credit systems (financial lib- monetary policy instruments (the intervention in- eralization); simplifying the tax code, lowering tax terest rate, open market operations, etc.) are aimed at rates, and widening tax bases (tax reform); facilitating controlling the supply of money and/or the price labor hiring and firing, eliminating wage controls, level and not at reaching other objectives such as simplifyingthe labor code,andreducingpayrolltaxes accelerating growth or reducing unemployment. (labor deregulation); and lifting price controls and Central bank independence from government and license requirements, and easing the procedures for other sources of political interference is additionally entry and exit of firms ( goods markets deregulation). seen as facilitating monetary discipline. The Extent of Policy Reform Little reform had Though no consensus exists in regard to the ex- taken place in the developing world before 1989, but change rate regime most conducive to macroeco- the launch of the Brady Plan by the U.S. government nomic stability, it is well established that fixed or (an initiative to convert the nonperforming bank pegged exchange rate systems make monetary policy debts of the developing countries into long-term instruments ineffective in an environment of inter- bonds to restore access by those countries to inter- national capital mobility. Furthermore, fixed ex- national finance) and the fall of the Berlin Wall that change rates insufficiently backed by international year signaled the beginning of ambitious macroeco- reserves may induce speculative attacks that often nomic and structural reforms in Latin America, lead to abrupt exchange rate corrections. None- Eastern Europe, and the former Soviet Union. theless, fully floating exchange rates are seldom de- The extent of macroeconomic reforms in the sirable, as central banks cannot allow exchange rates following decade and their degree of success were to freely fluctuate when a large portion of govern- remarkable. The incidence of high inflation rates ment or private sector debts are denominated in among developing countries declined sharply, foreign currency and therefore exposed to exchange and median inflation rates among medium-income rate risks, as is the case in most Latin American countries declined from 16 percent in 1990 to 6 countries (an attitude known as ‘‘fear of floating’’). percent a decade later. The overall fiscal deficit of Thus international financial institutions often ad- developing countries, which had reached 7 percent of vocate for strong international reserve positions and GDP in the early 1980s,hasremained approximately limited reliance on external finance as precautionary 2–3 percent of GDP since 1990. By the end of the measures to weather potential external shocks. 1990s, the median developing country posted a Given a sound macroeconomic framework, primary surplus (the fiscal balance excluding inter- structuralpolicies are primarily intended to stimulate est payments). In addition, the volatility of key and sustain growth by facilitating the functioning of macroeconomic variables such as economic growth markets and minimizing government interference in and real exchange rates declined in the 1990s, economic agents’ decisions regarding investment, though partially in response to a more stable external saving, consumption, and work. This entails lifting environment. tariff barriers and other restrictions on international The extent of microeconomic, or structural, re- trade (trade liberalization); eliminating restrictions form since the late 1980s has also been substantial, on foreign direct investment and on the free move- especially in Latin America and the countries of the ment of funds in and out of the country (capital former Soviet bloc, although the effects of this reform account liberalization); privatizing state-owned en- remain a matter of intense debate. Aside from Chile, 1170 Copyrighted Material which slashed import tariffs and lifted other restric- economies offered the former Soviet bloc countries Washington consensus tions on international trade, liberalized the financial ample opportunities for privatization, the reform sector, privatized many state-owned enterprises, and indexes available suggest that only a handful of streamlined the tax and labor codes under the Pi- countries (Armenia, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, nochet dictatorship (1973–90), no other country in Hungary, Macedonia, and Slovakia) have privatized Latin America had fully embraced structural reform the vast majority of their economic activity. As of until the late 1980s, when the Brady Plan created the 2001, the process had barely progressed in Slovenia opportunity of attracting much-needed external and Turkmenistan and had suffered drastic reversals capital by adopting the ‘‘right’’ set of policies in the in Russia and Uzbekistan. view of international financial institutions and in- The processofmicroeconomic reformvaried even vestors. According to reform indexes computed for more across time, country, and area of reform among Latin America, trade and financial liberalization took the African countries. In the area of financial liber- off first and advanced furthest in the majority of alization, Africa went from a completely dirigiste countries. Privatization and tax reforms were more stance in the mid-1980s to freely moving interest uneven in depth and timing, while labor reform was rates and greater flexibility in bank operations in the timid and erratic. Argentina, Bolivia, and Peru were late 1990s. State-owned financial institutions still among the most aggressive reformers, while Costa intermediated a sizable portion of domestic credit, Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Uruguay, and Venezuela however, and restrictions on the allocation of credit undertook more cautious but nonetheless substantial abounded. Trade liberalization also advanced sub- reforms. Reform lost momentum
Recommended publications
  • From Washington Consensus to Inclusive Growth
    Economic & Social Affairs DESA Working Paper No. 100 ST/ESA/2010/DWP/100 November 2010 Growth, Poverty and Inequality: From Washington Consensus to Inclusive Growth Alfredo Saad-Filho Abstract This paper reviews recent economic policy debates about the relationship between growth, poverty and inequality. These debates have tended to focus on whether market-led growth is sufficient to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality, or whether specific policies are necessary because untargeted growth may be insufficient or even perverse. The paper charts the degenerating outcomes of these debates, and the emergence of the inclusive growth (IG) paradigm within the World Bank. A critical examination of IG suggests that its weaknesses are best addressed through a more ambitious restatement of the pro-poor goals of economic policy. JEL Classification: E60 (Macroeconomic Policy), E64 (Incomes Policy, Social Policy), O23 (Fiscal and Monetary Policy in Development) Keywords: Macroeconomic policy, pro-poor policies, inclusive growth, World Bank, Washington Consensus Alfredo Saad-Filho is Professor of Political Economy at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Comments should be addressed by e-mail to the author: [email protected] Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 1 1. Early poverty debates ....................................................................................................... 2 2. The Washington
    [Show full text]
  • The Beijing Consensus Versus the Washington Consensus: the Dilemma of Chinese Engagement in Africa
    Vol. 12(1), pp. 1-9, January 2018 DOI: 10.5897/AJPSIR2016.0920 Article Number: EA2069655609 African Journal of Political Science and ISSN 1996-0832 Copyright © 2018 International Relations Author(s) retain the copyright of this article http://www.academicjournals.org/AJPSIR Full Length Research Paper The Beijing consensus versus the Washington consensus: The dilemma of Chinese engagement in Africa Jarso Galchu Department of Civics and Ethical Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Bule Hora University, Ethiopia. Received 7 July, 2016; Accepted 1 September, 2016 This study discusses the reason behind the Chinese hastened engagement in Africa. The study particularly emphasizes debates surrounding such massive involvements from the African, European and Chinese point of view focusing on the main tenets of Washington and Beijing consensuses. The study shows that Beijing consensus has been perceived cynically by traditional western power contending that Chinese involvement in Africa has been built on china’s narrow, and parochial interest of grabbing African’s resources on one hand, and reversing of democratization and human rights improvements taking shape on the continent. The pro- Chinese narratives, on the other hand, argue that Chinese involvement in Africa has been built on the continent’s historical relations with China when fighting colonial imperialism and apartheid system. In addition, it is their shared experiences of humiliation and subjugation at the hand of western imperialist colonial power that coach China and Africa to free their relationship from western style of involvements in one another’s domestic affairs. Africans view Chinese engagement in Africa optimistically as a relief from century-old “civilizing mission” of the former colonial powers.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconsidering the Washington Consensus
    Edited by FONDAD Age Akkerman Jan Joost Teunissen and Wing Thye Woo, Charles Wyplosz and others Choong Yong Ahn, Amar Bhattacharya, Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, Reconsidering the Diversity in Development Stephany Griffith-Jones, José Antonio Ocampo, Yung Chul Park, Yunjong Wang, Washington Consensus Diversity in Development FONDAD Reconsidering the Washington Consensus explores addresses Asia, Latin America and Africa by following – or not – the recipes of the Diversity in Development: Reconsidering the Washington Consensus have led to widespread criticisms. Diversity in Development: Reconsidering the Washington Consensus institutions are equally important, the results of the Consensus are mixed and from a focus on economic liberalisation and privatisation to the recognition that Even though the reform agenda of the Washington Consensus has evolved “Washington Consensus”. institutions like the IMF and World Bank and has become known as the market economic reforms has been actively promoted by international financial The dramatic shift in the 1980s from state-led development to neo-liberal Edited by Jan Joost Teunissen and Age Akkerman Reconsidering the Washington Consensus Diversity in Development: www.fondad.org The Hague, The Netherlands FONDAD sometimes conflicting – views in a refreshing and in-depth manner. Nations. These leading experts on finance and development discuss their – international levels. bankers, and high-level officials of the World Bank, WTO, IMF and United explores how financial stability could be enhanced at both the
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Growth and Inequality: the New Post-Washington Consensus
    RCCS Annual Review A selection from the Portuguese journal Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais 4 | 2012 Issue no. 4 Economic Growth and Inequality: The New Post- Washington Consensus Carlos Lopes Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/rccsar/426 DOI: 10.4000/rccsar.426 ISSN: 1647-3175 Publisher Centro de Estudos Sociais da Universidade de Coimbra Electronic reference Carlos Lopes, “Economic Growth and Inequality: The New Post-Washington Consensus”, RCCS Annual Review [Online], 4 | 2012, Online since 01 October 2012, connection on 21 September 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rccsar/426 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/rccsar.426 © CES RCCS Annual Review, 4, October 2012: 69-85 Carlos Lopes United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) Economic Growth and Inequality: The New Post-Washington Consensus* The debate on economic policy has developed significantly in the past decade. The so-called Washington Consensus, which dictated most of the solutions proposed by international financial organizations, began to be questioned when a large number of emerging economies reduced their reliance on multilateral debt. The crisis of 2008 and 2009 accelerated the process of reflection on the prescriptive nature of the policy proposals advocated by monetarists, with their insistence on a uniform view as if all situations were alike. This has been termed ideology, and the ideology associated with the Washington Consensus has failed even in its methodological principles, as clearly demonstrated by the internal debate within organizations such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. This article reviews the various internal arguments of the international financial organizations, and provides a critique of preconstructed models involving a return to Keynesian economics.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Hegemony and the Washington Consensus
    UMEÅ UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE U.S. HEGEMONY AND THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS: THE CASE OF ARGENTINA BACHELOR’S THESIS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE SPRING 2014 KRISTOFFER ELIASSON 1 U.S. Hegemony and the Washington Consensus: the Case of Argentina CONTENTS 1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................2 1.1. Background ....................................................................................................................................2 1.2. So what? ....................................................................................................................................... 4 1.3. Purpose of the study .................................................................................................................... 7 1.4. Questions of issue .........................................................................................................................7 2. Limitations and clarifications of the study .........................................................................................8 2.1. The case ........................................................................................................................................ 8 2.2. The theoretical framework ............................................................................................................9 3. Theoretical framework ....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • A Short History of the Washington Consensus
    A Short History of the Washington Consensus John Williamson Senior Fellow, Institute for International Economics Paper commissioned by Fundación CIDOB for a conference “From the Washington Consensus towards a new Global Governance,” Barcelona, September 24–25, 2004. The term “Washington Consensus” was coined in 1989. The first written usage was in my background paper for a conference that the Institute for International Economics convened in order to examine the extent to which the old ideas of development economics that had governed Latin American economic policy since the 1950s were being swept aside by the set of ideas that had long been accepted as appropriate within the OECD. In order to try and ensure that the background papers for that conference dealt with a common set of issues, I made a list of ten policies that I thought more or less everyone in Washington would agree were needed more or less everywhere in Latin America, and labeled this the “Washington Consensus.” Little did it occur to me that fifteen years later I would be asked to write about the history of a term that had become the center of fierce ideological controversy. The first section of this paper describes what I recollect about the background to my background paper for the 1989 conference. The second section retraces much more familiar ground, summarizing the ten points that I included in the Washington Consensus. This is followed by an account of the reception given to the term, and the analysis. The next section tries to account for the fact that the term became used in such different ways in different quarters and thus to be at the center of ideological controversies.
    [Show full text]
  • Dissecting China's Rise: Controversies Over the China Model
    China Perspectives 2014/2 | 2014 Contested Urban Spaces Dissecting China’s Rise: Controversies over the China Model Xiaoshuo Hou Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6484 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.6484 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2014 Number of pages: 61-67 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Xiaoshuo Hou, « Dissecting China’s Rise: Controversies over the China Model », China Perspectives [Online], 2014/2 | 2014, Online since 01 January 2017, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6484 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.6484 © All rights reserved Article China perspectives Dissecting China’s Rise: Controversies over the China Model XIAOSHUO HOU ABSTRACT: The recent discussion of a “Beijing Consensus” and a China model seems to challenge neoliberalism as the dominating dis - course on development. This paper attempts to explain the contradictions in China’s development and discusses whether and how they can be redressed. Specifically, the paper analyses the key issues around the debate over the China model – how distinctive it is and whether it can be replicated elsewhere, and what real lessons can be drawn from China’s rise. It proposes a more nuanced view of the economic, social, and political structures in China with a focus on its mixed economy, the role of the state at both the central and local levels, and the possibility of Chinese-style democracy. It also offers suggestions for improving the China model. KEYWORDS: development, Beijing Consensus, China model, China’s rise, neoliberalism. hina’s increasing rise in the world is often juxtaposed against its bumpy road for many developing countries (e.g., in Latin America and sub- mounting domestic problems.
    [Show full text]
  • Washington Consensus and Latin America Integration: MERCOSUR and the Road to Regional Inconsistencies - to Where Are We Going Exactly
    Law and Business Review of the Americas Volume 15 Number 1 Article 16 2009 Washington Consensus and Latin America Integration: MERCOSUR and the Road to Regional Inconsistencies - To Where are We Going Exactly Marcos Aurelio Pereira Valadao Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra Recommended Citation Marcos Aurelio Pereira Valadao, Washington Consensus and Latin America Integration: MERCOSUR and the Road to Regional Inconsistencies - To Where are We Going Exactly, 15 LAW & BUS. REV. AM. 207 (2009) https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra/vol15/iss1/16 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at SMU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law and Business Review of the Americas by an authorized administrator of SMU Scholar. For more information, please visit http://digitalrepository.smu.edu. WASHINGTON CONSENSUS AND LATIN AMERICA INTEGRATION: MERCOSUR AND THE ROAD TO REGIONAL INCONSISTENCIES-To WHERE ARE WE GOING EXACTLY? Marcos Aurglio Pereira Valaddo* I. INTRODUCTION HIS paper is an attempt to make connections between the Wash- ington Consensus and the current phase of the Latin America (LA) integration process, considering especially the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) region. It will address the origins of the present state of things under a historic, economic, and legal perspec- tive, taking into consideration how the Washington Consensus policies affected Latin American countries, the differences between the countries, and how their societies and governments reacted to it. Additionally, the paper will focus on regional integration, specifically for the countries of the MERCOSUR block. It seeks to demonstrate that the Washington Consensus1 policies, as applied to Latin American countries, had political outcomes and redirected the integration process, which includes MERCOSUR, the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and the Andean Community (CAN).
    [Show full text]
  • Neoliberalism, Development, Neoclassical Economic Theory, Washington Consensus, Post-Washington Consensus, Financialisation, Development Policy, Macroeconomic Policy
    This is the accepted version of a chapter published by Routledge in Weber, H (ed.) The Politics of Development: ​ ​ A Survey. London: Routledge, pp. 154-166. (Europa Politics of ... series), 2014. Published version available from: ​ https://www.routledge.com/The-Politics-of-Development-A-Survey/Weber/p/book/9781857435009 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/19252/ ​ ​ Politics of Neoliberal Development: Washington Consensus and the post-Washington Consensus Ben Fine and Alfredo Saad-Filho, SOAS University of London Keywords: Neoliberalism, development, neoclassical economic theory, Washington consensus, post-Washington consensus, financialisation, development policy, macroeconomic policy. This chapter examines the emergence of neoliberalism in development economics and development studies, and the implications of the neoliberal transition across both scholarship and policy-making. It argues that the meaning and significance of neoliberal theory and its policy implications have shifted over time, place and issue, and that there can be inconsistencies across its component parts. These are, often, due to tensions between the rhetorical and policy worlds built by the advocates of neoliberalism and the realities of social and economic reproduction in the so-called “developing” countries. Examination of these tensions can help to illuminate the weaknesses of the Washington consensus, the reasons for its displacement by the post-Washington consensus led by Joseph Stiglitz, and the ensuing disputes between the post-Washington consensus and its predecessor around the shortcomings of “deregulation”, and the desirability and optimal extent of state intervention in the economy. The chapter concludes that the differences between the Washington consensus and the post- Washington consensus have been overblown and, in particular, that they share much the same conception of development and attachment to neoliberalism, and the same limited commitment to democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Neoliberalism and East Asia: Resisting the Washington
    Neoliberalism and East Asia: Resisting the Washington Consensus Mark Beeson and Iyanatul Islam Abstract This paper explores the way neoliberal ideas have been promoted and resisted in East Asia. The core argument of this paper is that the contest of ideas in economic policy- making can evolve independently of their intellectual merit and empirical credibility. Political interests shape and mediate the process. In the case of post-crisis East Asia, the notion that the political economies of the region need to be fundamentally reformed to re-ignite the ‘economic miracle’ of the pre-crisis era does not stem from a politically neutral, dispassionate and intellectually rigorous analyses of what went wrong in the recession-inducing 1997 financial crisis that engulfed the region. It represents an attempt to re-invent orthodoxy in the domain of economic ideas and ideology by the global policy community that in turn bears the inordinate influence of US-centric institutions. Current debates over the future direction of the reform agenda in post-crisis East Asia have to be set in the broader context of the global debate on the role of ideas and ideology in shaping economic policy-making. Certain ideas gain primacy at one stage and seem to fade at another juncture. The core argument of this paper is that the contest of ideas in economic policy-making can evolve independently of their intellectual merit and empirical credibility. Political interests shape and mediate the process. In the case of post-crisis East Asia, the notion that the political economies of the region need to be fundamentally reformed to re-ignite the ‘economic miracle’ of the pre-crisis era does not stem from a politically neutral, dispassionate and intellectually rigorous analyses of what went wrong in the recession-inducing 1997 financial crisis that engulfed the region.
    [Show full text]
  • How Political Institutions Influence Development Outcomes
    HOW POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS INFLUENCE DEVELOPMENT OUTCOMES STUDENT: MUSTAFE ALI HASHI MRP SUPVERVISOR: DAVID BROWN COURSE: API6999 FALL 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………… Page 2 ASSESSING THE DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT THESIS…………………… Page 5 THE ORIGINS OF THE DEBATE ON AUTHORITARIAN DEVELOPMENTALISM……………………………………………………………. Page 16 THE RETREAT OF THE DEMOCRATIC MODEL................................................... Page 30 AUTHORITARIAN MODEL AS AN ALTERNATIVE: THE CHINA MODEL…... Page 42 CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………... Page 56 ABSTRACT What is the cause of global inequality? Why are some countries poor and why are others rich? Is it because of poor mismanagement, bad economic policies or the lack of capital? In recent years two scholars Daron Acemugolu and James Robinson have come up with new theory to explain the determinants of wealth and poverty that exists between states. In their thesis, they argue that the inequality that exists between states is the result of how institutions are created. Many western countries they explain are rich not due to the luck of chance or abundance of resources. Quite the contrary, wealth they argue is necessitated by inclusive and democratic political institutions which are fundamental to initiating economic growth and development. However, the rise of China, Vietnam, Russia and some of the East Asian states in this century has prompted some reconsideration of the democratic development theory. The rise of China and other authoritarian developmentalist states in the twenty first century raises an important question in development discourse- Can states without inclusive political institutions create free and inclusive economic institutions? In other words, is inclusive political institutions a precondition for economic development? This paper will argue that states with non-inclusive political institution can develop and prosper as evidenced by China and some of the East Asian countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy Optional: China and the Developing World's Challenge to the Washington Consensus
    UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Democracy Optional: China and the Developing World's Challenge to the Washington Consensus Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5g57c5bb Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 22(1) Author Klein, Bradley Publication Date 2004 DOI 10.5070/P8221022417 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California DEMOCRACY OPTIONAL: CHINA AND THE DEVELOPING WORLD'S CHALLENGE TO THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS Bradley Kleinl INTRODUCTION For many years now, and particularly since the end of the Cold War, Western policy makers and academics alike have touted market capitalism, democracy, and the rule of law as the three crucial components of a purportedly universal formula for national development. Scholars have examined this "prevailing and development orthodoxy" from many different angles 2 through many different lenses in the last two decades or so. Some have focused on the mutually reinforcing aspects of capi- talism and democracy, while others have stressed the inherent tensions between them.3 Yet despite all the academic caveats and exposed imperfections, the essential elements of the Western developmental triumvirate - capitalism, democracy, and the rule of law - have remained largely intact. Critics of this so-called "Washington consensus" have been hard pressed to identify real- 1. JD, Yale Law School, 2004. The author would like to extend his thanks to Paul Kahn and Amy Chua, who provided invaluable input and guidance throughout the course of this project. 2. Amy L. Chua, The Paradox of Free Market Democracy: Rethinking Devel- opment Policy, 41 HARV. INT'L L.J. 287,287 (2000).
    [Show full text]