Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Understanding How Gender Norms in MNA

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Understanding How Gender Norms in MNA Report No: ACS25170 . Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan Understanding How Gender Norms in MNA Impact Female Employment Outcomes Public Disclosure Authorized . June 1, 2018 . GSU11 MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA . Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Standard Disclaimer: This volume is a product of the staff of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ The World Bank. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Copyright Statement: The material in this publication is copyrighted. Copying and/or transmitting portions or all of this work without permission may be a violation of applicable law. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/ The World Bank encourages dissemination of its work and will normally grant permission to reproduce portions of the work promptly. For permission to photocopy or reprint any part of this work, please send a request with complete information to the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA, telephone 978-750-8400, fax 978-750-4470, http://www.copyright.com/. All other queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to the Office of the Publisher, The World Bank, 1818 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA, fax 202-522-2422, e-mail [email protected]. MNA GSURR & eMBeD TTLs: Mariana T. Felicio & Varun Gauri Team Members: Iman Kalyan Sen, Tasmia Rahman, Anoud Allouzi, Samantha Constant EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1. Do women in Jordan want to work? How do men feel about working women in their family? To what extent do personal beliefs and societal expectations influence a woman’s decision to work and why should this matter in development interventions? The Jordanian government and development partners have invested heavily in promoting women’s economic inclusion. However, Jordan has the lowest female labor force participation (FLFP) in the world of a country not at war. As development practitioners working on issues related to social and economic inclusion in the Middle East and North Africa (MNA) region, we ask ourselves these questions to help us understand binding constraints that prevent excluded groups, such as women and youth, from having equal opportunity to improve their quality of life. We also ask these questions to distinguish between our own and others’ perceived notion of inclusiveness. Building evidence from the field is key to enable development practitioners design more effective interventions to support female labor force participation. 2. The study’s1 objective was to measure the extent to which social norms and beliefs concerning gender influence women’s access to and participation in the labor market. It aimed at producing insights on what barriers women could be facing, and the extent to which individual beliefs versus social norms play a role. Results of this study contribute measurable evidence to gaps in social norms literature. There are many studies that have looked at structural and institutional barriers as well as identified social norms as a barrier to labor market participation, however many of these do not delve into mechanisms through which norms influence behavior nor do they explore intra-household dynamics in a measurable way. Similarly, others have talked about masculinity, without looking more closely at how it plays out at the household level. In contrast, the Jordan study also examines intra- household dynamics and how expectations of women’s spouse or male relative’s beliefs could be a constraint as well. 3. The study’s sample confirmed that 60% of non-working women actually want to work.2 The large majority of Jordanians are in favor of women working outside the home, and almost two-thirds of non-working women would like to work.3 Women’s preferences and personal beliefs are not a major obstacle to participation, therefore would likely respond favorably to policies that address some of their binding constraints. 4. The study also confirmed some of the most important binding constraints for women. These are: childcare, flexibility, part-time work, hiring and wage discrimination, limited job growth, lack of 1 The study was co-led and co-financed by GSURR MNA and eMBed teams. 2 More than 24% of these had in fact inquired about working within the last six months. Some 17% of non-working women had worked at some point in the past. Among all respondents, only 3% said they were opposed to women working; and only 15% were opposed to women working outside the home. 3 More than 60% of non-working women in our sample expressed a desire to work. More than 24% of these had in fact inquired about working within the last six months. Some 17% of non-working women had worked at some point in the past. Among all respondents, only 3% said they were opposed to women working; and only 15% were opposed to women working outside the home. adequate public transportation, particularly in rural areas, and scarcity of attractive job opportunities, lack of jobs in the public sector. 5. It is increasingly clear that intra-household expectations (i.e. expectations of respondents about their counterpart’s beliefs) matter in female labor force participation (FLFP) decisions. Both men and women agreed that men are the ultimate decision makers in the household; including deciding for women on whether to accept a job offer or not. More than 90% of women respondents said that, in the decision to work, the views of male household members (mostly husbands) are important or extremely important. Women seemed to prefer to seek advice from fathers, because they believed that they are more experienced.4 6. While women’s actions are more aligned with men’s preferences, women tend to underestimate the position of their counterparts on issues related to preference around women’s work. For example, working married women underestimate how disapproving people – particularly men – are of married working women returning home after 5pm. • 35% of women believe their counterparts will disapprove of them working in mixed-gender environments, however 60% of men admit they disapprove. • 42% of women believe their counterparts will disapprove of married women returning after 5pm; in reality 70% of men disapprove. • 42% of men believe that women prefer to stay at home to take care of children and household, versus 37% of women. • One of the most common reasons for not working cited by women is discouragement from the husband (19%); men slightly underestimate this (14%) • Occupational preferences of women are very different from what they actually do and tend to be more closely aligned to occupational preferences that male relatives hold for them.5 For example, a third of all working female respondents are currently employed in the education sector, however only 19% indicate these to be “ideal jobs”. 7. Beliefs and expectations about women working in mixed gender environments pose certain barriers for women. This may be partially attributed to fears about harassment, as 44% respondents believe that working women are exposing themselves to harassment.6 One-third of respondents also believe that working women are risking their reputation by working. Together, these beliefs may not only restrict the types of jobs women can take up (i.e. jobs in mixed-gender workplaces), but also give rise to additional concerns about personal safety and reputation when deciding whether to work. Many working women (58%) believe that it is okay for women to work in environments where most other employees are men; non-working women are slightly more conservative (46%); and men with non- working counterparts are even more conservative (22%). 4 Only 25% agreed that a woman has the right to work if it makes the men in the household uncomfortable. 5 In contrast, 30% of male respondents find jobs in the education sector to be ideal for their female relatives. Similarly, while only 8% of working women are in the sale and service industry, 14% consider jobs in this sector to be ideal, compared to 8% of men. 6 The estimate is slightly lower for working women and their male counterparts (34%-36%), and higher for non- working women and their counterparts (around 47%). 8. Men seem to underestimate the demands placed on women once they are married. For women, getting married is one of the key reasons for exiting the labor market. According to men, child bearing is the key factor for women to leave the labor market. Nevertheless, the main reason expressed during focus group discussions for women not working or disengaging from the work force was due to having children. The long working hours made it difficult for some of the women in the discussion to juggle work, taking care of a newborn, and household responsibilities. Surprisingly, working women returning after 5pm seems to be a binding constraint: only 26% of men and women think it is okay for working women to return after 5pm. Societal expectations are that women should take care of all the household chores (cooking, cleaning, caring for children, taking them to school, etc.). Men’s contribution to household chores is negligible, regardless of women’s work status, (except when it comes to feeding children).7 9. Having younger children can restrict labor force participation for married women as well. According to respondents, a child should be at least 4.5 years old before the mother can leave him or her at daycare (or elsewhere) and go to work.
Recommended publications
  • 'Women's Issues'
    Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 21 Issue 1 Article 21 February 2020 The Time to Question, Rethink and Popularize the Notion of ‘Women’s Issues’: Lessons from Jordan’s Popular and Labor Movements from 2006 to now Sara Ababneh Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Ababneh, Sara (2020). The Time to Question, Rethink and Popularize the Notion of ‘Women’s Issues’: Lessons from Jordan’s Popular and Labor Movements from 2006 to now. Journal of International Women's Studies, 21(1), 271-288. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol21/iss1/21 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2020 Journal of International Women’s Studies. The Time to Question, Rethink and Popularize the Notion of ‘Women’s Issues’: Lessons from Jordan’s Popular and Labor Movements from 2006 to now By Sara Ababneh1 Abstract Jordanian women were an integral part of the Jordanian Popular Movement (al Hirak al Sha’bi al Urduni, Hirak in short) protests in 2011/2012. Yet, despite their large numbers and presence, female protestors did not call for any of the commonly known ‘women’s issues’ (qadaya al mar’a) which include fighting Gender Based Violence (GBV), legal reform, increasing women’s political participation, and women’s economic empowerment.
    [Show full text]
  • Uncertain Livelihoods in Refugee Environments Between Risk and Tradition for Syrian Refugee Women in Jordan Report 15
    Researching livelihoods and services affected by conflict Uncertain livelihoods in refugee environments Between risk and tradition for Syrian refugee women in Jordan Report 15 Holly A Ritchie February 2017 Written by Holly A Ritchie SLRC reports present information, analysis and key policy recommendations on issues relating to livelihoods, basic services and social protection in conflict affected situations. This and other SLRC reports are available from www.securelivelihoods.org. Funded by DFID, Irish Aid and EC. The views presented in this paper are those of the author(s) and not necessarily the views of SLRC, DFID, Irish Aid and EC. ©SLRC 2017. Readers are encouraged to quote or reproduce material from SLRC for their own publications. As copyright holder SLRC, requests due acknowledgement and a copy of the publication. Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium Overseas Development Institute (ODI) 203 Blackfriars Road London SE1 8NJ United Kingdom T +44 (0)20 7922 8249 F +44 (0)20 7922 0399 E [email protected] www.securelivelihoods.org Cover photo: Image discouraging early-marriage in Zaatari camp, Jordan. Credit: UN Women/Christopher Herwig About us The Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium (SLRC) is a six-year project funded by DFID, Irish Aid and EC. SLRC aims to bridge the gaps in knowledge about: ■ When it is appropriate to build secure livelihoods in conflict-affected situations (CAS) in addition to meeting immediate acute needs; ■ What building blocks (e.g. humanitarian assistance, social protection, agriculture and basic services) are required in different contexts; ■ Who can best deliver building blocks to secure livelihoods in different contexts; and ■ How key investments can be better and more predictably supported by effective financing mechanisms.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Gender in Middle East Politics
    POMEPS STUDIES 19 Women and Gender in Middle East Politics May 10, 2016 Contents Reexamining patriarchy, gender, and Islam Conceptualizing and Measuring Patriarchy: The Importance of Feminist Theory . 8 By Lindsay J. Benstead, Portland State University Rethinking Patriarchy and Kinship in the Arab Gulf States . 13 By Scott Weiner, George Washington University Women’s Rise to Political Office on Behalf of Religious Political Movements . 17 By Mona Tajali, Agnes Scott College Women’s Equality: Constitutions and Revolutions in Egypt . 22 By Ellen McLarney, Duke University Activism and identity Changing the Discourse About Public Sexual Violence in Egyptian Satellite TV . 28 By Vickie Langohr, College of the Holy Cross Egypt, Uprising and Gender Politics: Gendering Bodies/Gendering Space . 31 By Sherine Hafez, University of California, Riverside Women and the Right to Land in Morocco: the Sulaliyyates Movement . 35 By Zakia Salime, Rutgers University The Politics of the Truth and Dignity Commission in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia: Gender Justice as a threat to Democratic transition? . 38 By Hind Ahmed Zaki, University of Washington Women’s political participation in authoritarian regimes First Ladies and the (Re) Definition of the Authoritarian State in Egypt . 42 By Mervat F. Hatem, Howard University Women’s Political Representation and Authoritarianism in the Arab World . 45 By Marwa Shalaby, Rice University The Future of Female Mobilization in Lebanon, Morocco, and Yemen after the Arab Spring . 52 By Carla Beth Abdo, University of Maryland
    [Show full text]
  • Family, Islam, and Patriarchal Gender Roles
    Obstacles to Women’s Political Empowerment in Jordan: Family, Islam, and Patriarchal Gender Roles Margaret W. Pettygrove Independent Study Project SIT Jordan 11 May 2006 Margaret Pettygrove Dr. Lamis Nasser, Advisor Lindsey Fauss, Academic Director, SIT Jordan Independent Study Project 11 May 2006 Pettygrove 1 Abstract Recent developments in women’s legislative rights in Jordan, and rising interest in women’s issues throughout the world, have sparked interest in women’s political participation. The purpose of this study is to investigate why, despite numerous advancements for women in Jordanian society, women have not gained greater representation in political processes. This study is based primarily on interviews with 15 Jordanian women between the ages of 18 and 36, as well as interviews with 6 professionals in the field of women’s studies in Jordan. The results of these interviews were analyzed within a theoretical framework provided by literary sources. Research was focused on four independent variables—family, Islam, women’s civil society organizations, and the quota for women in Parliament introduced in 2003—and the ways in which they inhibit or assist women’s political participation. Political participation in this study denotes participation, in roles of decision-making and leadership, in both civil society and political processes. The results of the research indicate that the family structure and the process of socialization within the family serve as obstacles to women’s political empowerment, as does the system of Islamic values in Jordan. The activities of women’s civil society organizations in Jordan hamper women’s abilities to achieve empowerment because they do not facilitate women’s participation in decision-making roles.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq Assessment on Employment and Working Conditions of Conflict- Affected Women Across Key Sectors
    IRAQ ASSESSMENT ON EMPLOYMENT AND WORKING CONDITIONS OF CONFLICT- AFFECTED WOMEN ACROSS KEY SECTORS FINAL REPORT November 2019 Assessment on Employment and Working Conditions of Conflict-Affected Women across Key Sectors – November 2019 This report was produced with the financial support of the European Union. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the REACH Initiative and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. The content of this publication does not necessarily reflect the views of UN Women, its Executive Board or the United Nations Member States. The designations in this publication do not imply an opinion on the legal status of any country or territory, or its authorities, or the delimitation of frontiers. The text has not been edited to official publication standards and UN Women accepts no responsibility for error. Cover photo credit: Jamal Lutfi, UN Women, Baserma Refugee Camp, October 2019 About the European Union (EU) Regional Trust Fund in response to the Syrian crisis: Since its establishment in December 2014, a significant share of the European Union’s non-humanitarian aid for Syria’s neighbouring countries is provided through the EU Regional Trust Fund in Response to the Syrian Crisis. The Trust Fund brings a more coherent and integrated EU aid response to the crisis and primarily addresses longer term economic, educational, protection and social needs of Syrian refugees in neighbouring countries such as Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey and Iraq, and supports overstretched local communities and their administrations. For more information please visit the website: https://ec.europa.eu/tr About REACH REACH facilitates the development of information tools and products that enhance the capacity of aid actors to make evidence-based decisions in emergency, recovery and development contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Violent Radicalization in Jordan
    TECHNICAL REPORT WOMEN AND VIOLENT RADICALIZATION IN JORDAN women and violent radicalization in jordan ii © 2016 UN Women. All rights reserved. Manufactured in Jordan The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of UN Women, the United Nations or any of its affiliated organizations. This research is generously funded by The Government of Japan The publication of this report is generously funded by The Government of Finland Produced by UN Women Jordan Editor: Margo Alderton Text: Search for Common Ground and Al-Hayat Center for Civil Society Development Design: Melanie Doherty Design TECHNICAL REPORT WOMEN AND VIOLENT RADICALIZATION IN JORDAN UN WOMEN AND THE JORDANIAN NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR WOMEN March 2016 Al-Hayat Center for Civil Society Development - RASED & Search for Common Ground women and violent radicalization in jordan 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 5 1.2 Causes and impacts of radicalization 22 1.2.1 Methodology 6 Radicalization as a threat to the community 22 Challenges and limitations 7 1.2.1 Factors driving radicalization 22 1.2.1 Radicalization: A risk to women 23 KEY FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 8 1.3 Feeding radicalization 23 1.3.1 23 Key findings 8 Trusted sources of information Recommendations 10 1.3.2 Women as a tool for radicalization 24 1.3.3 Community education 25 1.3.4 Mothers’ child-rearing 25 LITERATURE REVIEW 12 1.3.5 Hard choices by parents to protect 1.1 Definition of radicalization and violent extremism 12 their children 26 1.2 Women’s roles
    [Show full text]
  • Meta-Analysis on Women's Participation in the Labour
    META-ANALYSIS ON WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN THE LABOUR FORCE IN JORDAN 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 6 KEY FINDINGS 6 Research methodology and questions 7 Analysis 8 WHAT DOES SUCCESS LOOK LIKE 21 Knowledge management 24 CONCLUSION 26 REFERENCES 28 The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the United Nations or any of its affiliated organizations. This analysis was conducted in 2019 by the United Nations Country Team in Jordan Flagship initiative - the Women's Economic Empowerment Platform. Editors: Ms. Hazar Asfoura (Programme Analyst, UN Women Jordan) and Ms. Isadora De Moura (Project Officer, UN Women Jordan) Cover Photo: UN Women/ Lauren Rooney 3 INTRODUCTIONFOREWORD The Government of Jordan and its international partners are clear on the importance of the country’s longer-term stability, not only for Jordan but also for the region as a whole. Jordan’s economic growth has remained stagnant over the past decade and has been characterized by a persistently low level of labour force participation coupled, especially among youth and women with a highly segmented labour market according to gender, nationality, formal/informal work and public/private sector employment. Macro-level indicators related to GDP growth rate, government debt to GDP, employment indicators and trade balance, as well as demographic growth all demonstrate that Jordan is a small economy vulnerable to external shocks. Meanwhile, labour supply is alarmingly mismatched with current and anticipated labour demand. Number of factors prove this fact whether in terms of the increasing number of highly educated unemployed or underemployed Jordanian women and men, who suffer to find a job, or the increasing number of Jordanians, Syrian refugees and migrant workers who are pushed towards the informal economy as the available alterative.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and the Kuwaiti National Assembly Muhamad S
    Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 12 Issue 3 Arab Women and Their Struggles for Socio- Article 6 economic and Political Rights Mar-2011 Women and the Kuwaiti National Assembly Muhamad S. Olimat Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Olimat, Muhamad S. (2011). Women and the Kuwaiti National Assembly. Journal of International Women's Studies, 12(3), 76-95. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol12/iss3/6 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2011 Journal of International Women’s Studies. Women and the Kuwaiti National Assembly By Muhamad S. Olimat1 Abstract Kuwaiti women’s long struggle for a seat in the National Assembly culminated with remarkable success on May 16, 2009. For the very first time in Kuwait’s political history, the women’s movement managed to send four female representatives to the National Assembly. Their electoral success ushers a new phase in Kuwait’s political process in which women finally become active participants. The goal of this article is to examine women’s struggle for political rights, their electoral success, their role in current Kuwaiti politics, their accomplishments, and their future in politics in Kuwait. Keywords: Kuwait, Women’s National Assembly, Sunni, Shi’i Islam, Electoral Impediments, Electoral Success.
    [Show full text]
  • Intrafamily Femicide in Defence of Honour: the Case of Jordan
    Third WorldQuarterly, Vol22, No 1, pp 65 – 82, 2001 Intrafamilyf emicidein de fenceo f honour:the case o fJordan FADIA FAQIR ABSTRACT This article deals with the issue of honourkillings, aparticular type of intrafamily femicide in defenceof honourin Jordan.The legal, social, religious, nationalist andtribal dimensionsand arguments on such killings are presented.Drawing on Arabic and English source material the role ofrumour, social values andother dynamicsin normalisingthis practice in Jordantoday is analysed.Honour killings, whichcontradict manyinternational andnational laws andcovenants, are clearly connectedto the subordinationof womenin Jordanand to the ‘criming down’of domestic violence.The prevailing discrim- inatory culture cannotchange without implementing a comprehensivepro- grammefor socio-legal andpolitical reform. The debateon harm Scholarlyconcentration on harm to womenhas beencriticised recently bymany feminists, whoargue that the debatefocuses solely onviolence, victimisation andoppression of women. 1 TheArab world, however, has notreached the stage wherea similar debateis possible becausedocumentation of and discussion aboutviolence against womenare still in the infancystage. Suchdebates within the Anglo-Saxoncontext, theref ore,do not seem relevant in their entirety to Arabwomen’ s experiences,since most suchwomen are still occupantsof the domestic, private space.Other Western theories, models andanalysis, however, canbe transferred andapplied (with caution)to the Arabexperience of gender violence,which is still largely undocumented. Whatis violence againstwomen? Violenceis the use ofphysical forceto inict injuryon others,but this denition couldbe widened to includeimproper treatment orverbal abuse. It takes place atmacrolevels, amongnation states andwithin communities, andat micro levels within intimate relationships. Theuse ofviolence to maintain privilege turned graduallyinto ‘the systematic andglobal destruction ofwomen’ , 2 orfemicide, 3 with the institutionalisation ofpatriarchy over the centuries.
    [Show full text]
  • Jordan 2017-18 Population and Family Health Survey
    Jordan 2017-18 Population and Family Health Survey Key Findings The 2017-18 Jordan Population and Family Health Survey (2017-18 JPFHS) was implemented by the Department of Statistics (DOS) from October 2017 to January 2018. The funding for the JPFHS was provided by the Government of Jordan, United States Agency for International Development (USAID), UNFPA, and UNICEF. ICF provided technical assistance through The DHS Program, a USAID-funded project providing support and technical assistance in the implementation of population and health surveys in countries worldwide. Additional information about the 2017-18 JPFHS may be obtained from the Department of Statistics, P.O. Box 2015, Amman 11181, Jordan (Telephone: (962) 6-5-300-700; Fax (962) 6-5-300-710; E-mail [email protected]). Additional information about The DHS program may be obtained from ICF, 530 Gaither Road, Suite 500, Rockville, MD 20850, U.S.A. (Telephone: 1-301-572-0200; Fax: 1-301-572-0999; E-mail: [email protected], www.dhsprogram.com). Recommended citation: Department of Statistics [Jordan], and ICF. 2019. Jordan Population and Family Health Survey 2017-18: Key Findings. Amman, Jordan, and Rockville, Maryland, USA: DOS and ICF. ABOUT THE 2017-18 JPFHS The 2017-18 Jordan Population and Family Health Survey (JPFHS) is designed to provide data for monitoring the population and health situation in Jordan. The 2017-18 JPFHS is the seventh Demographic and Health Survey conducted in Jordan since 1990. The objective of the survey was to provide up-to-date information on fertility levels, marriage, fertility preferences, awareness and use of family planning methods, breastfeeding practices, nutrition, childhood mortality, maternal and child health, awareness and behaviour regarding HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs), household health expenditures, and women’s experience of violence.
    [Show full text]
  • The State of Jordanian Women's Organizations—Five Years Beyond
    www.ssoar.info The State of Jordanian Women's Organizations - Five Years Beyond the Arab Spring Ferguson, Peter A. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Ferguson, P. A. (2017). The State of Jordanian Women's Organizations - Five Years Beyond the Arab Spring. Politics and Governance, 5(2), 59-68. https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.762 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-55113-9 Politics and Governance (ISSN: 2183–2463) 2017, Volume 5, Issue 2, Pages 59–68 DOI: 10.17645/pag.v5i2.762 Article The State of Jordanian Women’s Organizations—Five Years Beyond the Arab Spring Peter A. Ferguson Department of Political Science, Western University, London, N6A 5C2, Canada; E-Mail: [email protected] Submitted: 9 September 2016 | Accepted: 25 October 2016 | Published: 28 April 2017 Abstract This paper explores the failure of women’s organizations to effect the improvement of the status of Jordanian women during the Arab Spring. Through an examination of the regime’s political liberalization strategy, leadership failures within women’s organizations, and international donor influence on programmatic focus, the underlying explanation for this fail- ure is found to be rooted in the historical depoliticization of women in Jordan.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Rights in Jordan: CEDAW and National Laws Haya Zaidan
    Women’s Rights in Jordan: CEDAW and National Laws Haya Zaidan Abstract One of the most prominent human rights issues in the Middle East is the issue of women’s rights. There are many social, political and legal obstacles to improving women’s rights and achieving equality for women. Jordan’s ratification of the CEDAW has created a contested space for debate on policy setting. It has also brought about some achievements, albeit slowly and minimally. This paper will demonstrate how Jordan’s middle positioning in terms of political system is the key feature in creating a contested yet successful CEDAW ratification and application process. The contested nature of the process stems from the interaction between the various key players in this arena, each seeking legitimacy as the norm setters of women’s rights in Jordan. The same conditions that made room for contestation also made way for impact. Using Simmons’ analysis of ratification impact, I argue that Jordan’s middle political system, being neither a stable democracy nor a stable autocracy, has rendered CEDAW ratification effective because political mobilization in this system is receptive to the increased value and probability of success brought by treaties. INTRODUCTION The question of women’s rights is as simple and straightforward as it is contentious. It is simple because of the premise that all human are equal. The issue of women’s rights is also contentious because of the debatable universality about the definition of rights and how to apply international standards to local settings. The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region performs relatively poorly in respecting human rights and women’s rights by international standards1.
    [Show full text]